MLA Format Essay 4-5 pages

10.1177/0042085904270416URBAN EDUCATION / JANUARY 2005Monkman et al. / SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL

SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL IN AN URBAN LATINO SCHOOL

COMMUNITY

KAREN MONKMAN DePaul University

MARGARET RONALD Florida State University

FLORENCE DÉLIMON THÉRAMÈNE Fondation Hatienne de l’Enseignement Privé

The concepts of social and cultural capital explain how inequality is reproduced in schools. High-status cultural practices and knowledge, and access to these through elite social networks, become the indications through which success is recognized and rewarded. However, it is in the dynamics of negotiating social and cultural capital that processes of social reproduction can potentially be upset and derailed. This study analyzes those dynamics of negotiation in a low-income, Spanish speaking, urban school community. This process of reproduction can be derailed in ways that benefit children who are nonelite.

Keywords: cultural capital; social capital; Latinos; Hispanics; education; schooling

Urban schooling and language minority students have been the focus of an impressive amount of research, some of which is informed by theoretical paradigms that recognize processes of social reproduction. At the same time, others look at processes of

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AUTHORS’ NOTE: We gratefully acknowledge support from Florida State University (FSU) through an First Year Assistant Professor (FYAP) grant and graduate assistantships; and from the Center for the Improvement of Early Reading Achievement (CIERA) project at the University of Southern California (USC), under the Educational Research and Develop- ment Centers Program (PR/Award No. 305R70004), as administered by the Office of Educa- tional Research and Improvement (OERI), U.S. Department of Education (USDOE). The

URBAN EDUCATION, Vol. 40 No. 1, January 2005 4-33 DOI: 10.1177/0042085904270416 © 2005 Corwin Press, Inc.

social change or cultural production as attempts to acknowledge agency and recognize possibilities for increased equity (see Levinson & Holland, 1996, for a review of these and other para- digms). A recent resurgence of interest in social and cultural capital acknowledges the reproductive tendencies of schools but also looks to processes of change and equity (Lamont & Lareau, 1988; Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Olneck, 2000; Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Teachman, Paasch, & Carver, 1997).

Social reproduction is a jagged and uneven process that is con- tinually negotiated by the social actors involved (Lareau & Horvat, 1999). Because of this jagged, uneven process there remain possi- bilities for upsetting the reproduction processes to some degree, making it possible for some changing definitions of what counts (Olneck, 2000) as capital and for enabling more inclusiveness. The focus on social actors and the ambiguities of their actions and understandings point to possibilities of how agency can limit or transform social reproduction processes. Olneck (2000) showed us how multicultural education, for example, can (but may not) change what counts as cultural capital due to (a) the close relation- ship of school-based cultural capital and other types of capital (which are not necessarily influenced by multicultural education), (b) the ways that dominant classes limit possibilities for the redefinitions of cultural capital, and (c) the contradictory ways in which multiculturalism works at redistributing cultural capital. We are guided by a desire to explore how these can potentially alter pat- terns of inequity by broadening access and inclusiveness and changing what counts instead of perpetuating the stratification that we know too well.

Teachers are particularly well situated to “produce . . . moments of contestation, challenge, and social change” (Lareau & Horvat, 1999, p. 38); therefore we examine the forms cultural and social capital take in diverse classrooms so we can better understand how teachers could or should be expected to create or locate moments of

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opinions and comments herein do not necessarily represent the positions or policies of these entities; likewise, their endorsement should not be assumed. An earlier version of this article was presented at the 2001 annual meeting of the American Educational Research Associa- tion in Seattle.

social inclusion (Lamont & Lareau, 1988). Because school success is so important for social mobility (including access to opportuni- ties to make an adequate living, among other quality-of-life dynamics), examination of social and cultural capital in school settings is important.

The current study contributes to the small but growing literature on the contextualized processes involving social and cultural capi- tal in minority population school settings. Unlike ours, many of the studies on social and cultural capital examine class dimensions within dominant segments of society. In addition, many studies document who has what types of capital as represented by a limited number of elite cultural practices (N. D. De Graaf, De Graaf, & Kraaykamp, 2000; P. M. De Graaf, 1986; DiMaggio, 1982; DiMaggio & Mohr, 1985; McNeal, 1999; Teachman, 1987; Wong, 1998); although these are relevant constructs in elite strata of soci- ety, capital depends on setting (Lareau & Horvat, 1999), so it is important to examine particular settings. Some researchers are looking at how social capital and cultural capital operate outside a Euro-American middle-class setting (see Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1986; Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999; the work of Stanton-Salazar, 2001, and Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995, is with Latinos). Similar to ours, a few studies also seek a more contextualized, qualitatively informed under- standing of social and cultural capital (Farkas, 1996; Lareau, 2000; Lareau & Horvat, 1999), recognizing a need to understand pro- cesses of the development, acquisition, transfer, and negotiation of these types of capital. We also extend the work on the relationship between social and cultural capital (Fernández Kelly, 1995) into an educational context.

In this article, we (a) define and discuss these two forms of capital—social and cultural; (b) describe the research from which this article is drawn; (c) present a particular series of interrelated events in a first-grade, urban, primarily Spanish-speaking class- room; and (d) use this vignette and additional examples from the school and classroom data to analyze what social and cultural capi- tal are in this setting, how they function, and how social and cultural capital interact.

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SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL: REPRODUCING AND UPSETTING SOCIAL INEQUITIES

Social and cultural capital, along with other forms of capital such as economic, physical, technological, informational, and human operate in schools and other settings to mediate the social reproduction of inequality (Bourdieu, 1977a, 1977b; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Coleman, 1988; Edwards & Foley, 1998; Fernández Kelly, 1995; Granovetter, 1982, 1985; Lamont & Lareau, 1988; Lareau, 1987, 2000; Portes, 1998, 2000; Reay, 1999; Stanton-Salazar, 1997, 2001; Teachman et al., 1997; White & Glick, 2000). The various forms of capital tend to reflect and reproduce stratification patterns in a class-based society such as the United States; as such they are implicated in the processes that enable or prevent acquisition of economic resources and determine one’s position in the socioeconomic structure of society. Social and cultural capital reflect social relationships, cul- tural practices, and knowledge that are used to gain social and eco- nomic benefit. Social and cultural capital are recognized and defined differently depending on context (Astone, Nathanson, Schoen, & Kim, 1999; Lareau, 2000; Portes, 1998).

SOCIAL CAPITAL: NETWORKS AND INTERACTIONS AS AVENUES TO BENEFITS

Social capital relates to the resources developed through partici- pation in social networks and the activation or magnification of those resources for social benefit (Bourdieu, 1977a, 1977b, 1986; Portes & Landolt, 1996). Bourdieu (1986) regarded social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to . . . membership in a group” (p. 248). Coleman (1988) explained that social capital inheres in the structure of relations of authority, trust, and norms between and among persons; that it can be accumulated and decreased; and that it is somewhat fungible—it can be exchanged for other forms of capital on a limited basis. Three basic functions of social capital are evident in the literature: “(a) as a source of social control; (b) as a source of family support;

Monkman et al. / SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL 7

(c) as a source of benefits through extrafamilial networks” (Portes, 1998, p. 9).

Most theorists agree that social capital is composed of three dis- tinct elements: form, norms of obligation and reciprocity, and resources (McNeal, 1999). Form refers to the nature of and struc- tural aspects of social ties and relations, the breadth of the network, the depth or intensity of the relations, and the existence of structural holes. Shared norms and values can result in feelings of trust, obli- gation, and actions of reciprocity. Resources include access to additional social networks, relationships, information, language, money, physical goods, and the like.

Relationships within social networks can be characterized in two dimensions: the strength of ties (strong or weak) and the shape or direction of the relationships (horizontal or vertical). Weak or strong ties relate to the degree of intimacy among individuals (Granovetter, 1973, 1982, 1985; Portes, 1998). Granovetter (1973) suggested that weak ties can increase the likelihood of access to institutional resources and opportunities. However, other research- ers feel that strong ties function as a better conduit for the sharing of cultural and economic resources (see Portes’ [1998, pp. 12-13] dis- cussion of this opposite perspective, the strength of strong ties).

Horizontal ties are those among social equals, and vertical ties link people to others differently situated. Through these ties, indi- viduals and groups have (potential) access to other social entities and, therefore (potentially), to the resources of those social entities (Granovetter, 1973, 1982, 1985; Shields, Flora, Thomas-Slayter, & Buenavista, 1996).

Because vertical ties are between differently situated individuals and groups, they are often relatively weak. However, because the resources that are available through these ties are more diverse than those in one’s own network (through stronger horizontal ties) where everyone tends to have access to similar resources, they are frequently more valuable. Gaining increased access (usually through vertical ties) to differentiated, more highly valued cultural and social capital is how social reproduction processes can be weakened.

Social norms of obligation and reciprocity are what guide the relations and interactions whereby resources are acquired and

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transferred and capital is negotiated. These norms refer to the unspoken rules and ways of behaving. Ties within Latino immi- grant groups in the United States are frequently stronger than ties within other groups, particularly among the non-Latino White pop- ulation. Neighborhood identification for some families is meaning- ful as a source of tapping into resources and accessing capital. These relations among the families in inner-city and suburban areas demonstrate strong horizontal ties with other immigrants sharing similar class and ethnic status. Some families associate based on the country of origin, with those from Mexico, El Salvador, and Guatemala at times forming separate groups. Groups of families from common pueblos or towns of origin also sustain their ties based on these commonalities. In our study, those who work, or have worked, in the garment industry also have formed informal networks. People draw on these groups, through their membership in these groups, for particular purposes at particular times.

Parent-teacher relations differ in that they are vertical ties. They are also context specific and socially constructed around norms of reciprocity and obligation defined by the culture of the school. In much of the world, for example, parent involvement in children’s schools is not encouraged or tolerated to the degree it is in the United States. However, even here, teachers and parents who share little in common find it difficult to develop even weak vertical ties.

Formal institutions—schools included—“are important build- ers (or destroyers) of social capital” (Warner, 1999, p. 384). Fur- thermore, schools’ links with their broader communities are often weak, and their efforts to develop social capital are usually “designed to enhance their clients’ involvement within their estab- lished systems” (Warner, 1999, p. 384). As our public schools change from homogenous settings where strong horizontal ties pre- vail, to heterogeneous environments where even vertical ties are difficult to establish, the relationships that students and families have with teachers is ever more important. The dynamic of building (or destroying) social capital has important implications, espe- cially in schools that serve immigrant families (Bankston & Zhou, 1995; McClelland & Chen, 1997; Portes & MacLeod, 1996).

When parents or students do not understand what is expected by teachers or schools, or lack the ability to bridge communication

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gaps with teachers or other parents, levels of social capital within the school community may decline. In situations like these, “some groups of parents are substantially less likely to comply with edu- cational policies” (Lareau & Shumar, 1996, p. 24), not deliberately, but because they do not share the same sets of social norms, or cul- tural practices and knowledge. Relationships between a parent and a teacher can “generate a weak tie to other teachers due to profes- sional associations, relations between teachers, and so forth” (McNeal, 1999, p. 2). The ties between the teacher and students (and/or between teachers and parents), however, must be of a type that will generate interaction that is meaningful and that can elicit the participation of the teacher in opening up access to other resources. Other studies have noted that although social capital plays a role in the motivation of students to learn and acquire skills and know-how, it also treats learning “as a function of identifiable social relationships” (Field & Schuller, 1997, p. 17). If, as some conclude, increased social capital can ameliorate the effect of lower incomes and reduce the likelihood of dropping out of high school (Teachman et al., 1997), then teacher knowledge about and interest in building social capital may play an important role in the creation of social unity and the enhancement of cultural capital development.

CULTURAL CAPITAL: KNOWLEDGE AND ACTIONS AS SYMBOLS OF BELONGING

The concept of cultural capital has been important in helping us to understand why social class influences school success (Bourdieu, 1974, 1977a, 1977b, 1984; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; P. M. De Graaf, 1986, 1988; DiMaggio, 1979, 1982; DiMaggio & Mohr, 1985; Lamont & Lareau, 1988; Lareau, 1987, 2000; Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Teachman, 1987). Bourdieu (1986) argued that the cultural experiences in one’s home facilitate the interactions children have with schools and influence their achievement. This process reflects the transformation of cultural resources into cul- tural capital that is then used for social advantage. Because cultural resources (knowledge, practices, and artifacts) are differentially valued by society, they can lead to different quantities and types of

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advantage, or none at all. The standards and expectations of schools are not neutral or equitably distributed.

Bourdieu (1986) outlined three types of cultural capital. Embod- ied cultural capital refers to styles, manners, cultural preferences and affinities, and valued types of cultural knowledge. Cultural capital is objectified in artifacts and goods we generally think of as cultural, such as literature, music, dance forms, art, historical sites, museums, and the like. School syllabi and texts are also cultural artifacts of this type (Olneck, 2000). Institutionalized cultural capi- tal refers to academic credentials and educational qualifications— those institutionalized things that signify one’s cultural distinction.

Much of the research on cultural capital focuses on relationships between the possession of cultural capital and educational achieve- ment and attainment. In existing studies, cultural capital is often conceptualized as activities that are engaged in by upper-middle- class families. These typically include activities such as attending live theater and classical music performances, visiting museums, having fluency in foreign languages, participating in social activi- ties that are organization based and in self-directed education (e.g., attending lectures), reading certain highly regarded types of litera- ture (e.g., nonfiction or classic fiction as opposed to magazines), possessing large numbers of books, and the like. These studies of cultural capital use reductionist measures of participation in high- brow culture and of exposure to reading material that are inter- preted as an indication of possession of cultural resources that are valued and can be invested for social benefit (see e.g., N. D. De Graaf et al., 2000; P. M. De Graaf, 1986; DiMaggio, 1982; DiMaggio & Mohr, 1985; McNeal, 1999; Teachman, 1987; Wong, 1998). Although these are relevant constructs in the elite strata of society, most people live in contexts that rely on additional or alter- native cultural symbols. It is interesting to note, N. D. De Graaf et al. (2000) found that parental reading behavior, more than partic- ipation in beaux arts, predicts success in school, especially for chil- dren whose parents have low levels of education. With few excep- tions, the role of cultural capital in the schooling process is found to be significant, although relatively modest—generally no more than 15% (Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996).

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Many of the earlier studies focused on dominant racial and eth- nic (i.e., White) middle- and working-class groups in Europe and the United States. A few studies have begun to examine how other racial and ethnic groups are situated with regard to symbolic capi- tal. Several studies focus on African Americans (Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996; Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999). Latinos are the focus of the work by Stanton-Salazar (2001; Stanton Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995), who found that the students of higher socioeconomic status (SES) rela- tive to the students of lower SES (all of Mexican origin) reported greater access to school-based social capital through having more weak ties in school (e.g., with teachers) and to higher status indi- viduals and institutions outside of school. Many students of lower SES and Mexican origin, who are less acculturated, are denied opportunities to access vertical ties, thereby limiting the possibility of acquiring valued institutional support through ties in the school setting.

Lareau (2000) and Farkas (1996) are characteristic of another stream of research that examines processes involving cultural capi- tal. These qualitative studies examined processes of cultural capi- tal; they used data that were contextualized and situated in a school context. Lareau (2000), for example, identified and analyzed the particular types of cultural capital that parents invoke in their involvement with schools, as well as how teachers accept or reject parents’ attempts to activate cultural capital (Lareau & Horvat, 1999).

RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL

Social and cultural capital are affected by each other and by the resources of economic, physical, technological or informational, and human capital (Bourdieu & Coleman, 1991; Flora, 1998; Granovetter, 1985; Portes, 1998). To explain how social capital is related to other forms of capital, Granovetter (1985) introduced the concept of embeddedness, explaining that social relationships and networks underlie the transfer, accumulation, or diminishment of other capitals (also see Portes & Sensenbrenner, 1993). Cultural capital is acquired through social networks when one invests his or

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her social capital. At the same time, investment of cultural capital is needed to acquire social capital (Portes, 1998); that is, one must demonstrate membership through appropriate use of cultural resources and knowledge to gain entry. However, the possession of cultural or social resources does not automatically result in activa- tion of social and cultural capital, or in the ability to use that capital to gain benefits. Capital must be activated, and one must choose to invest; the process is not a given (Lareau & Horvat, 1999).

RESEARCHING CULTURAL AND SOCIAL CAPITAL AT FRANKLIN SCHOOL

The current study helped us to understand what counts as social and cultural capital and how these forms of capital function. It relies on rich, contextualized data (as called for by Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999; and as such is characteristic of the work of Farkas, 1996; Fernández Kelly, 1995; Lareau, 2000) so that we can understand these types of capital in a particular community, an urban Spanish-speaking school community.

Lareau and colleagues (Lamont & Lareau, 1988; Lareau & Horvat, 1999, p. 39) suggested that a focus on “moments of social inclusion and social exclusion” is important in examining how peo- ple activate cultural capital. We agree and feel that the actions of the dominant parties—teachers and administrators in school set- tings—are important for understanding how and where spaces are created for the strengthening (or undermining) of cultural and social capital for students from dominated segments of society.

This article is part of a larger study on literacy and sociocultural contexts of learning of first, second, and third graders in an urban public elementary (K-5) school serving about 250 children who are mostly low-income, Spanish-speaking immigrants or children of immigrants from Mexico, El Salvador, and Guatemala. We call the school Franklin School (a pseudonym, as are all personal and place names herein). The 2-year study began in 1997 and has used mul- tiple modes of inquiry in the school setting, in the after-school program, and with families outside the school. Data collection included between 10 and 20 hours of participant observation in

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these three settings per week for most of two school years; numer- ous unstructured and semistructured interviews; focus groups with more than 30 teachers, parents, and paraprofessionals; student and teacher questionnaires on literacy motivation; and examination of writing samples and cumulative files of the 22 children who were the focus of the study. The current study began with the identifica- tion of 22 first- and second-grade students selected based on high and low academic performance (especially in reading); these chil- dren were followed into their second- and third-grade classrooms in the 2nd year of the study. Data were collected and analyzed by a research team comprising professors, a postdoctoral researcher, graduate and undergraduate students of Mexican, Central and South American, Central Asian, Haitian and Cuban, European American, and mixed descent (including Americans and other nationalities). All researchers have extensive experience interna- tionally and/or interculturally and are at least conversant in Span- ish; most are fluent, and some speak Spanish as a first language. In this article, we examine a particular incident and present additional data that demonstrate the processes and dynamics involving the negotiation of social and cultural capital. Although there are many other instances that were observed that reveal the processes of how social and cultural capital are constructed and negotiated, this arti- cle focuses on only a few to reveal, in detail, the dynamics inherent in these social processes, including the involvement of teachers, parents, and children.

THE STUDY: SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL IN CONTEXT

The following excerpt from our field notes describes a lesson in a first-grade bilingual class that was interrupted and then brought back into focus. The actions of the children and the teacher demon- strate clearly what is valued in this classroom setting, how chil- dren’s cultural knowledge and resources—behaviors, language use, and so on—come into play and are responded to, and how the characteristics of the relationship between the teacher and the chil- dren are critical in helping the children successfully activate and

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develop their social and cultural capital; that is, children are able to negotiate, activate, enhance, and invest their cultural and social capital, and sometimes, when successful, reap educational or social benefit.

PRESENTATIONS, GRADUATION, AND DEMOCRACY

One June day, late in the school year, we find ourselves in Mrs. Lopez’s (la maestra, as teachers are called in Mexico and Central America) first-grade bilingual classroom where the children are organizing themselves for individual student presentations on books they have been reading. Students have chosen from a wide variety of books available in the classroom—picture books, begin- ning readers, magazines, and resource books, among others. Some of the children are emergent readers; some read the pictures and other cues. Three students—Jessica, Javier, and Jorge—are stand- ing in front of the board while the rest of the class is seated on the floor facing them.

As the students settle down and face the presentations table, Linda and Beatriz call out, “Las damas primero.” [Ladies first.] They think Jessica should go first. There’s no response from the rest of the class so Jessica begins. [Using a model of presentation that is common in this class] Jessica says, “Presento a mi colega Javier.” [Let me pres- ent my colleague Javier.] Janet then adds, “Presento a mi colega Jorge.” [Let me present my colleague Jorge.]

Javier and Jorge argue over who is to present first. Javier wants Jorge to go first. Jessica suggests: “Hay que votar.” [We have to vote.] Carolina takes her suggestion and begins the process. Carolina asks, “Quien quiere a Javier?” [Who wants Javier?] A few hands go up. “Quien quiere a Jorge?” [Who wants Jorge?] The rest of the hands go up. La maestra has been following [these occurrences] and tells Jorge that he has to go first as that was the result of the vote.

Jorge starts flipping through the pages of the National Geo- graphic. He does this for a couple of minutes. He’s not talking or looking at the audience. The students are all quiet and patiently waiting for Jorge to begin. He finds the article he wants to present that is about astronauts in space. He shares the pictures with the class. When Jorge has finished, Javier opens up the big world atlas and begins to talk about the illustrations. The students are very inter- ested in the book, and la maestra explains to the class that it is a new

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book that she [personally] bought on Friday. La maestra interrupts Javier by telling him that she is going to interrupt him and brings an easel over so that he can place the book on the easel and more easily talk about the illustrations.

The first page he shares is a map of the world that shows the natu- ral resources and crops by state, country, etc. Javier begins his state- ments with, “Yo miré” [I looked at], as I [the researcher] have previ- ously heard the other students do during presentations.

As Javier “reads” we hear a song from the Titanic soundtrack coming from outside. The fifth graders are practicing for their cul- mination. The first-grade students, except for three boys, run to the door to see what is happening and begin to sing along. La maestra is not in the least bothered nor does she try to stop them. Instead, she joins them [at the door]. In a few seconds they are all back in their seats, quietly ready for Javier to continue. La maestra explains that the fifth graders are ensayando [rehearsing] and will be [doing this] all week. She [says] that after lunch the class can go see what they are doing. Then she tells the students that what they did to Javier was muy rudo [very rude].1 Javier tells la maestra that not all the stu- dents left and he thanks Guillermo, Samuel, and Eduardo for staying.

While Javier presents, Janet and Jorge are whispering about the World Cup Championship. They are talking about Mexico, the Gal- axy,2 and who they think is going to win. Javier is upset about this side conversation and others that have begun during his presenta- tion. (I notice that he is losing his audience because he is standing in front of the atlas and talking in a low voice.) La maestra said that the students are talking because they are tired of sitting for so long. In response, Javier tells the students, “Okay. Get up.” He uses the pointer to motion for them to stand. La maestra starts laughing be- cause she expected Javier to stop. Instead he wants them to stretch or take a break so that he can continue his presentation. Javier and la maestra have a discussion about Javier perhaps continuing his pre- sentation later. Javier agrees to continue after recess. [I.A.’s field notes, Monday, June 15, 1998]

This rather lengthy vignette includes several examples of children’s actions that have been modeled (and therefore val- ued and intentionally taught) previously by Mrs. Lopez in this class. The children vote when decisions are to be made. They position themselves without teacher directives for individ- ual presentations. The audience, for the most part, responds in a polite manner. The teacher allows them to act on their curiosity

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(watching the commotion outside) and treats this action as having some positive value, while still informing them that this action was disrespectful. Stretching is an accepted and viable remedy for fidgetiness in this classroom. The modeling that Mrs. Lopez has done during the school year has resulted in these children’s acquiring knowledge about these particular group-oriented social conventions—these are examples of cultural practices expected in this classroom and rewarded, that is, educational and/or social ben- efit is gained.3 Engaging in these cultural practices elicits positive responses from classmates and the teacher and results in rewards, that is, educational and/or social benefit is gained. These children are perceived by others in the school as being extremely well behaved, inquisitive, capable of leading a group, and worth listen- ing to. Their actions are demonstrations of a significant store of cul- tural capital that is actively developed, traded, and negotiated within this classroom. The social interactions through which this is done build social capital among the children and with the teacher. In addition, this classroom provides a space where they can express their creative ideas, practice and use their two languages, and be recognized for their abilities in both. Linguistic abilities are a cul- tural resource and, when used in a form that is socially valued, become a form of cultural capital. These abilities allow children to build social capital biculturally.

Mrs. Lopez is particularly cognizant and skilled at recognizing the attempts children make at exhibiting their cultural resources and eliciting help, attention, or responses from their peers. When they need help, Mrs. Lopez steps in to facilitate success. This help reflects the children’s social and cultural capital in formation. Mrs. Lopez then steps in to support and guide that formation and negoti- ation process so that students achieve success.

In this example, and as is analyzed in further detail in the next section, we see a variety of types of cultural resources and knowl- edge that reflect the three types of cultural capital: embodied, objectified, and institutionalized. We also see how the relations— ties—between the teacher and the students facilitate access to cul- tural resources (knowledge, practices, and artifacts) from each other. The particular characteristics of these relations—weak or strong ties, vertical or horizontal ties—align with the types of cul-

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tural resources that are available to students through social net- works where social capital is traded.

CULTURAL CAPITAL AT FRANKLIN SCHOOL

Embodied cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) refers to prefer- ences one’s culture has for style in behavior, communication, rela- tionships, and the like. In this school environment, several types of cultural practices are evident; each reflects cultural knowledge that is valued in this setting (see Table 1). Students are viewed as leaders in educational activities, along with the teacher. This reflects beliefs and values that children are capable leaders; that they can take initiative, have something worth saying, and know what is worth learning and can organize ways to teach others about it. The learned phrase, “Let me present my colleague,” reflects a cultural belief that children in this classroom are colleagues, they can learn from and teach each other, treat each other with respect, and listen to each other. Democratic practices such as voting and students dis- cussing ways of making decisions reflect beliefs about respect for others’ opinions, putting one’s own desires aside if they are not the majority view, and acknowledgment that children are competent decision makers. Other examples are indicated in Table 1. Overall, the vignette demonstrates a belief that success in first grade can involve children’s leading, teaching, discussing, participating in democratic processes, showing interest spontaneously, addressing children’s physical needs (e.g., stretching), and even determining what is worth doing (as valued and appropriate activity) in a class- room. These cultural values are consciously and deliberately culti- vated by Mrs. Lopez because she understands that the ability to be proactive, to confidently express one’s ideas, and to know how to solve problems are cultural practices that will be recognized and valued by others (teachers and society more generally) as indica- tions of intelligence, creativity, and a sense of justice. She under- stands that these practices will reap more positive social and educational benefits than passivity, nonexpression of creativity, and overreliance on others for guidance and problem solving.

Particular languages, and how language is used, are another form of embodied cultural capital. In this classroom, in most of the

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TABLE 1 Presentations, Graduation, and Democracy:

Cultural Practices and Knowledge

Types of Cultural Practices: Cultural Knowledge: Cultural Capital Value Attributed Value Attributed

Embodied (style, preferences, etc.)

Student leadership in educational activities

Leadership: children are capable

“Ladies first” Gender norms “Let me present my colleague” Children as colleagues Voting as a preferred

decision-making strategy Democratic process—

voting Students as legitimate leaders

of academic activities Children can lead

They were “very rude” Disrespectful behavior Stretch to relieve fidgetiness 1st graders cannot sit still

for long Success in first grade includes

children leading, teaching, discussing, participating in democratic processes, showing interest spontane- ously, addressing children’s needs (e.g., stretching), etc.

Children are capable of these activities, and the classroom is a pertinent place for the practice of these activities

Objectified (artifacts: literature, syllabi, etc.)

National Geographic as legiti- mate first-grade literature

Children choose pertinent sources and topics: astronauts

New atlas, bought by teacher Books are worth buying; teacher buys things for children

Students choose topics worth exploring and sharing

Student interests are important, and they can drive the curriculum; chil- dren can choose topics that are educational

Titanic generates response by the children

Titanic is a valued part of our historical and popu- lar culture

World Cup discussion Knowledge worth knowing: World Cup, soccer, local teams

Institutionalized (educational qualifications, credentials)

Graduate is a high-status institutionalized practice as reflected in its interruption being valid

Educational attainment is worth striving for, fifth graders as models

school, and in the neighborhoods where the children live, Spanish is the commonly used language. In contrast, English is the higher status language in the broader society. These first graders’ choice to use Spanish is, in part, related to limited English fluency. It is prob- ably also related to Spanish being the primary language of commu- nication in their communities.

Objectified cultural capital evident in our example includes the National Geographic magazine and the atlas as sources of valuable knowledge accessible to first graders. They contain information that is not only interesting but also appropriate for teaching to other children. The value of the atlas, as an object that the teacher would buy for the children derives from its form—a book, which is a highly valued cultural artifact in schools—and the manner in which it was acquired. Many of the children realize that Mrs. Lopez spent her own money on this book and other materials for them.

This classroom has many books from which to choose: chil- dren’s and adults’ books, fiction and nonfiction, and English and Spanish language books. Jorge and Javier chose English language nonfiction. Their choices, although only two choices among many during the school year, resonate with the survey-based research that shows a higher status cultural capital reflected in reading nonfic- tion. Syllabi are another form of objectified cultural capital. Although the children were not aware of a written syllabus for this class, the course content and processes were clear to them. They realized that the teacher guided them in studying a variety of topics and skills and also that their own choices of topics were worthy of teaching and learning. The World Cup discussion was one exam- ple. This conversation was inappropriate because of its timing and lack of congruence with Javier’s presentation topic. No one criti- cized the content, however. The World Cup was a popular topic of conversation during these weeks, and many children showed their extensive cultural knowledge of the sport, this particular competi- tion, the teams, and particular players. Within this community, knowledge of the World Cup and local teams is transmitted as locally valued cultural capital. (Beyond this localized Latino com- munity, this may hold less value in comparison to, for example, dis- cussion of an American football game). Cultural capital among the children was evident in many of these conversations. At the same

20 URBAN EDUCATION / JANUARY 2005

time, as evident in the field note excerpt, Javier is unable to use the objectified cultural capital—the atlas—successfully because of the interference of his lack of embodied cultural capital—his style of presentation (standing in front of the easel blocking the views of his classmates), which was ineffective.

Institutionalized cultural capital relates to qualifications, cre- dentials, and the like. These children had only just begun their school careers. The teacher accepted the interruption to watch the fifth graders practice for graduation because it validated the impor- tance of educational achievement. The first graders watched in awe as their elders readied themselves to complete a milestone in school- ing and progress to the next level—middle school; the fifth graders had successfully become primary school graduates. Mrs. Lopez is very aware of the high dropout rate in middle and high school of these children’s siblings, cousins, neighbors, and acquaintances (interview of Mrs. Lopez; also see Garcia, 2001; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001). This teacher not only validated this inter- ruption as worthy of a few moments but also further validated school completion as a valued cultural practice by indicating that the older children’s activities are worth watching, albeit later.

Furthermore, and more abstractly, teachers are teachers, in part, because of their training and educational achievement. Mrs. Lopez holds a bachelor’s degree and a teaching certificate. She has nearly completed a master’s degree in education with an emphasis on criti- cal pedagogy and is in the process of applying for National Board Certification. She is a published writer and was previously a social worker. Although these details are probably not known to the chil- dren, her role as teacher was acknowledged by the parents, and her colleagues were aware of her accomplishments and status. Many teachers sought her out for advice. Her principal gave her more lee- way in making decisions than she did to some less accomplished teachers. The researchers’ interactions with her were influenced by her demonstrated understanding of children, the community, teach- ing, and critical pedagogy, as well as how ethnicity, class, national- ity, and gender play themselves out in the school and with the wider community. Her credentials—institutionalized cultural capital— and her actions—embodied cultural capital—elicited many types of benefits from the research team (e.g., she was invited to become

Monkman et al. / SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL 21

a member of the research team), her supervisors (who lifted some of the bureaucratic constraints on how she did her job), her peers (who looked to her for help, validating her expertise), and the par- ents and children (who cooperated with her, communicated openly, and asked her advice on many matters pertaining to her classroom, the school, and the future). In addition, many teachers of the higher grades at the school whose students were previously in her classes made reference to Mrs. Lopez’s students as very well prepared and bright. They associated these characteristics, at least in part, to Mrs. Lopez’s effective teaching abilities.

Cultural capital is defined contextually. What counts as cultural capital in this classroom was not exactly the same as in other class- rooms. Reading included gleaning meaning from pictures in maga- zines not specifically designed for young children. (We also wit- nessed more conventional forms of reading by the children in this first-grade class, in Spanish and in English.) The use of Spanish and English to communicate ideas was valued, as were the ideas themselves regardless of the language in which they were expressed. Children were encouraged to and praised for being active, central actors in this classroom in the organization and implementation of learning activities, not passive recipients of knowledge doled out by an authoritative teacher. Educational benefits such as good grades, high test scores, and student reputation (in the eyes of the other teachers) were more often enjoyed by Mrs. Lopez’s students than by students in some other classes.

SOCIAL CAPITAL: ACCESSING CULTURAL CAPITAL

Social capital was negotiated among students and between the students and the teachers in this classroom (see Table 2). In school settings, teacher-student ties are typically weaker than student- student ties as students tend to know each other better than they do their teachers and have more frequent and more varied interactions with each other. There was variety within this general pattern, how- ever. Not all students knew each other well. Because teachers occupy a higher social position because of their age and occupa- tion, their ties to the students tended to be more circumscribed by what fit within the defined role of a teacher. Because it was almost

22 URBAN EDUCATION / JANUARY 2005

the end of the semester, these children were not strangers to each other, some knew others quite well in and out of school, while some relationships existed only within the school boundaries. Because the students were social equals, however, their ties were stronger or had the potential of being stronger. These ties were horizontal, as the students all occupied similar social positions in and out of the school. These ties reflected social interactions that were collabora- tive and collegial. They drew on each other for many purposes and in different situations. For example, classmates could be an audience, could be sought out for help, could be told what to do, could be asked to participate in an activity, and so on. In short, the student-student ties were typically strong and horizontal.

Teacher-student and teacher-parent ties began in the autumn as weak vertical ties that strengthened during the course of the school year. This particular teacher became known on a fairly personal level to some students and families. Some students had older sib- lings who had had Mrs. Lopez in previous years. Mrs. Lopez had helped out a few families in times of difficulty and so had visited them at home, had given children rides home, and otherwise had interacted in ways that are not typical when relationships are lim-

Monkman et al. / SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL 23

TABLE 2 Presentations, Graduation, and Democracy: Social Capital

Form: Structure, Ties Norms Resources (Access to)

Children’s social network in class is collaborative and collegial. They draw on each other in many roles (for help, as an audience, etc.). Horizontal, strong.

They are expected to rely on—and help— each other in this particular classroom to solve problems, address issues, get help, etc.

Vertical ties (among children) limit the types of resources they have access to.

Teacher acts as support for a scaffolded experience but also strategically introduces new material, ideas, and resources. Strong, horizontal ties.

Teacher acts as supporter, facilitator when needed, to help children be successful in activities.

Teacher represents one horizontal tie, and many more resources become available, if the teacher chooses to make them available.

ited to classroom interactions. During the final week of classes each year Mrs. Lopez invites a few families to her home for a party. By opening her own home to students and families she enables ties to strengthen.

The current study provided us some understanding of the quali- ties of the social ties between this particular teacher, her students, and their parents. Because Mrs. Lopez crosses the boundary between the school and community by also knowing children and families outside of school, her social (vertical) ties with them became stronger than one would have expected of most teachers. On the other hand, the ideology of teaching includes a caring atti- tude of teachers toward their students, which goes beyond many professional relationships these students and their families have with other social institutions.

Although many relations that cross socioeconomic boundaries are thought to be weak (Granovetter, 1982), we suggest that some teachers—Mrs. Lopez, for example—may develop relatively stronger ties because of (a) the ideological expectations that they know about and care for students, including in areas seemingly unrelated to academic activities in the classroom, (b) the cultural norms and/or ethnic practices they share or are sufficiently aware of, and/or (c) a conscious commitment to the promotion of social justice through dismantling barriers that restrict the acquisition of social and cultural capital. It appears that these ties are often not truly weak or strong, but in-between, and through them people can potentially reap the benefits of both types.

Norms of obligation and reciprocity are built on trust and are culturally defined, in this case through the school’s, the teachers’, and the families’ cultures. Our data demonstrate school and teacher expectations for norms of interaction among the children that caused them to rely on each other, help each other to solve prob- lems, address issues, and acquire help from other people or resources available in the classroom. By supporting and facilitating children, this teacher helped children to be successful in the activi- ties in which they are involved. The foundation provided by the teacher reflects her respect for Latino cultural norms—that chil- dren are competent strategizers and problem solvers (Delgado-

24 URBAN EDUCATION / JANUARY 2005

Gaitan, 1987)—and allows new knowledge to come from a variety of sources, including other children. In addition, Mrs. Lopez has altered the expectations that many parents have of their interactions with their child’s teacher. Parents regularly came unannounced to Mrs. Lopez’s classroom seeking information, clarification, or help, which was generously given. By reinforcing existing norms and providing access to new norms, this teacher provided students and their parents access to social and cultural capital.

Social ties are the avenue though which cultural resources and knowledge can (potentially) be transmitted. Granovetter (1973, 1982, 1985) told us that more institutional resources are accessible through weak ties, in that it is these weak ties that link individuals to people different from themselves who have access to a different set of resources (also see Bourdieu & Coleman, 1991). School, as a social institution, makes available, or restricts access to, particular types of resources associated with schooling and mainstream soci- ety. In our example, we see that students have access to new cultural resources and knowledge through various avenues: the teacher, other students, and books, to name a few. Because the children in this class are similarly situated socioeconomically and culturally, they would be expected to have access to similar types of resources, so the links among the children—strong links—would be expected to enable access to the same types of resources the children already have. The teacher is the primary vertical tie for her students, and through this tie they can (potentially) access resources that are more commonly shared by other subcultural realms such as those more linked to the English-speaking majority, to the Mexican American (nonimmigrant) community, and to the institution of schooling, thus reflecting a more varied source of resources.

This particular teacher’s ideological leanings and bicultural background encouraged her to make available a wide variety of embodied and objectified cultural resources (e.g., the atlas, National Geographic, collegial student-led activities, voting, etc.). The children also shared resources (e.g., knowledge about soccer, recognition of the Titanic soundtrack, and ways of doing things in the classroom) and were seen as valued contributors to the educa- tional dynamics in this classroom.

Monkman et al. / SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL 25

SOCIAL CAPITAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL: WORKING TOGETHER

Here we return to Granovetter’s (1985) notion of embeddedness. Cultural resources, activated and transformed into cultural capital, are transmitted via social networks when social capital is activated. Denying access to vertical ties, and the resources available through these ties, perpetuates the stratified nature of social relations and social benefits.

Cultural capital can be thought of as the substance that is trans- mitted via the social ties that are enacted as social capital. When Mrs. Lopez allowed the students to watch the fifth-grade culmina- tion practice and interrupt a colleague’s presentation, her status as a weak vertical tie transmitted the message that graduation from school is important. When the children argued about who should present first, they were acting out (practicing), through their inter- actions with each other, certain cultural beliefs about putting oth- ers first. Jessica’s suggestion to vote drew on her knowledge (a resource) of this as a strategy to solve the impasse. When she stated her suggestion to her classmates, this social interaction enabled those who may not have been aware of this as a strategy to learn about it for such purposes. Of course, chances are that her class- mates already knew about this as an option. The strong ties among them reflect their access to similar resources. When the children overheard the music and commotion outside, many were not aware of its significance. The teacher, with whom they shared a weaker tie, enabled them to access knowledge she had that they did not— that the older children were practicing for graduation. This is an example of knowledge that resides and can be accessed through weak vertical ties.

When children acted on their cultural knowledge that was val- ued by teachers, they strengthened their vertical ties and enabled future withdrawals of additional cultural capital. Their actions paid off, so to speak. The children’s discussion about who will present first ended with a decision to vote. This was a good strategy, an action through which they situated themselves to gain benefit. The teacher allowed them to proceed, undoubtedly recognizing that these children were capable and creative in their abilities to solve problems, plan, and find appropriate ways to teach each other. The

26 URBAN EDUCATION / JANUARY 2005

teacher valued Jorge’s use of the National Geographic, which is not a typical resource in most first-grade classrooms. Mrs. Lopez saw the value in the children’s finding knowledge in this magazine, even though they could not read the actual printed words.

Beyond classrooms, families participate in a variety of networks where social capital can be derived. These include groups related to kinship, neighborhoods, ethnicity, nation of origin, state and town of origin, immigration experience, work, and the school that their children attend. Kinship networks included extended families in the same geographical area and beyond, including those who remain in other countries. Highly educated older siblings in a few families in the current study provided access for their younger sib- lings’ (and parents’) acquisition of cultural capital. One girl’s brother was at the local state college and had been lobbying his par- ents for the purchase of a personal computer for his use at home. This issue stimulated new thinking about the role of technology in family life, and rethinking of the definitions of and strategies toward educational success. Another boy’s older sister was an instructional aide in one of the classrooms at Franklin School under the supervision of a highly competent teacher who was able to enhance the aide’s understanding of and engagement in learning processes expected of teachers.

A variety of other types of network connections existed for Franklin School families. Neighborhood identification for some families was meaningful as a source of tapping into resources and accessing capital. Some families lived in apartment buildings in the inner city that were interspersed with industrial buildings and shared the immediate environment with skid row and an active drug-dealing area. Because of the surroundings, families within particular buildings had developed long-term relationships in which they helped each other out with babysitting, transportation, help- ing with homework, and addressing immigration problems. Par- ents who were home in the afternoons often cared for other children whose parents were at work. Other families in the school lived in several suburban communities that were a 90-minute bus ride away from the inner city. Although these families were more dispersed, they shared an affinity with each other because of their community experiences and shared locale of residence.

Monkman et al. / SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL 27

The relations among the families in the inner-city locale and the suburban areas revealed horizontal ties with most participants shar- ing similar class, ethnic, and immigrant status dimensions. Some families associated with each other based on country of origin, with those from Mexico, El Salvador, and Guatemala at times forming separate groups. Groups of families from common pueblos or towns of origin also sustain their ties based on these commonali- ties. Those who worked, or had worked, in the garment industry also had formed informal networks. People drew on these groups, through their membership in these groups, for particular purposes at particular times.

Many of the families included undocumented members and had developed affinities and relied on each other in times of difficulty. Periodic raids by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) on factories left unattended children, which other families cared for. In one situation during our period of research, neighbor fami- lies organized a campaign to raise cash for a parent detained by INS. This is an example of social capital being drawn on for economic purposes.

Because social capital is so closely associated with social class, participation in these networks (horizontal linking) is not likely to make available higher status social capital that is more common in nonimmigrant, middle-class groups in American society. Schools, then, are the critical vertical link. It is here that children and their parents are in ongoing contact with other social classes and social networks. Teachers and administrators come from more heteroge- neous backgrounds often with higher SES than families at Franklin School. Nationally teachers are overwhelmingly White, female, and middle class (Garcia, 2001). At Franklin School, they are from working-, middle-, and upper-middle classes, and immigrant and nonimmigrant backgrounds; they are Mexican Americans, immi- grants of Mexican and Spanish origin, and European Americans; and they are adults with university education. Therefore, if parents’ and students’ relations with teachers become strong enough to establish a sense of obligation and reciprocity, there is potential for accessing more diverse varieties of social and cultural capital. When power is not equitably distributed, each actor has somewhat

28 URBAN EDUCATION / JANUARY 2005

different abilities and perspectives relating to his or her participa- tion, responsibilities, and obligations.

CONCLUSION

Cultural and social resources are differentially and arbitrarily valued—arbitrarily in that there is no underlying rationale for why one accent, a certain vocabulary, a way of acting, or a particular type of reading material should have higher social value than oth- ers. Value is determined by those who hold power in a society or social context. This value does not necessarily have any effect, however, in and of itself. The resources must be converted to capi- tal, then activated, to gain benefit. The value in the resource must be recognized by others—by those who are situated in a social posi- tion where value is determined, by an agent in a position of power. Teachers, as potential agents, determine the value just as the domi- nant segments of society determine the value of, or what counts in, the resources and actions of others. Schools and teachers determine the value through their expectations. Often these expectations are low for low-income, non-English-speaking, immigrant students (Garcia, 2001); however, sometimes teachers critically analyze their assumptions, beliefs, and practices and expand what counts in their own classrooms in ways that will enrich children’s experi- ences, enable them to learn complex knowledge, to value their own experiences, and to interact successfully in the broader society. Teachers become the gatekeepers of whether the resources that par- ents and students have and exhibit can be activated in ways that will bring benefit to them. They can close or open those gates.

In the current study, we tried to show how a teacher assigned more social and educational value to social and cultural knowledge and practices that are sometimes not recognized and acknowledged by teachers. She also helped students develop their abilities to actively engage in learning processes in ways that are more typical of more elite schools than the rote learning one often finds in lower income schools.

Monkman et al. / SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL 29

In the current study, we saw children who were learning a second language and culture successfully negotiating social capital and cultural capital; however, it is neither immediately redeemable nor exchangeable many times in the foreign (U.S.) culture. A teacher’s first task is to become aware of the deeper cultural and social dynamics in schools and how these relate to society’s inequalities. Second, recognition is needed of how his or her own practices and choices perpetuate or challenge the norms that relegate nonmain- stream populations to a lesser social position. It is then possible to realize that children learning a second language and culture have a great deal of social and cultural capital to add not only to the class- room and the school but also to the community and dominant cul- ture at large. Third, teachers should actively, consciously, and criti- cally develop philosophies that will guide practices that are more likely to upset the status quo and begin to see their roles as includ- ing social processes such as increasing children’s access to and development of social and cultural capital and actively redefining what counts. By helping children build social networks and acquire access to social and cultural capital as well as to revalue existing resources, teachers make it possible for these children to benefit from their successes in schools and in society.

NOTES

1. The field notes indicate that the teacher said muy rudo, which is an Americanization of the term very rude. Rudo has a stronger meaning in Spanish than rude does in English, how- ever. The intention was to express that the children were acting without respect. A more proper Spanish term would be maleducado. A variety of forms of Spanish is typically used in southwestern U.S. schools and communities, ranging from so-called proper Spanish as would be judged in highly educated segments of Spanish-speaking countries, to versions where the influence of English is evident. This teacher is fluent in a variety of Spanish that has roots in West Texas, her third-generation U.S. family, and extensive oral interactions with immigrant populations in Texas and California during a period of several decades. Because families in Franklin School also range from recent immigrants (of various socioeconomic backgrounds) to second-generation U.S. citizens, the children also use several varieties of Spanish.

2. Los Angeles’s Galaxy is a pro soccer team. Some of their players are on the U.S. team that plays for the World Cup. This cultural knowledge was familiar to many of the children, but not to some of the teachers and researchers.

3. Other, more traditionally run classrooms might define such group dynamics differ- ently, expecting more attention to teacher-led activities, and less leadership exhibited by the children.

30 URBAN EDUCATION / JANUARY 2005

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Karen Monkman is an associate professor at DePaul University with research inter- ests in sociocultural contexts of education, transnationalism and learning, gender and education, and comparative-international development education. She is co- editor with Nelly P. Stromquist of Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation Across Cultures and has published articles and essays in Bilingual Research Journal, International Journal of Educational Development, and Compara- tive Education Review, among others.

Margaret Ronald is a recent doctoral graduate in international-intercultural development education at Florida State University and works with poorly perform- ing Florida public schools on school improvement. Her research interests are cul- tural change and learning in an era of globalization and gender and sustainable de- velopment.

Florence Délimon Théramène works with the Fondation Hatienne de l’Enseignement Privé (FONHEP) and is interested in language policy in teacher education programs in Haiti. She has done graduate work at Florida State University and formerly worked with UNESCO in Thailand.

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