Topic: The League of Iroquois Constitution and Government

The Structure of the Iroquois League: Lewis H. Morgan's Research and Observations Author(s): Lewis H. Morgan and Elisabeth Tooker Source: Ethnohistory, Vol. 30, No. 3 (Summer, 1983), pp. 141-154 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/481022 Accessed: 06-12-2018 15:06 UTC

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Ethnohistory 30(3): 141-154 (1983) Tooker)

THE STRUCTURE OF THE IROQUOIS LEAGUE: LEWIS H. MORGAN'S RESEARCH AND OBSERVATIONS1

by ELISABETH TOOKER

Temple University

ABSTRACT

One of the ethnographic accounts that has proved to be of some considerable significance in anthropology is Lewis H. Morgan's description of Iroquois sociopolitical organization contained in several chapters of Book I: Structore of the League in his League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois first published in 1851. How Morgan came to write these chapters and collect the ethnographic data in them - the subject of this article - can be traced in his papers now at the University of Rochester.

Late in September of 1845, Lewis H. Morgan and several of his friends journeyed to the Tonawanda Reservation to witness the installation of chiefs, an event important enough to receive this brief notice in the Saturday, September 27th issue of the Rochester Daily American:

Grand Council of the Six Nations.-An interesting ceremony will take place on Monday next, the 29th inst., at the village of the Tuscarora [sic] tribe of Indians at Tonnewanda. Within the last three years, two Sachems and several Chiefs of the Seneca Nation have died. Application was consequently made soon after their demise in the manner authorized by the laws and customs of the Six Nations, to the Great Civil Chief of the Confederacy at Onondaga for a Grand Council to fill the vacancies, and his consent obtain- ed. But owing to a variety of circumstances, the assembling of the Council has been hitherto delayed. It will occur at the time and place above mentioned.

It is about fourteen days since the sacred wampum was transmitted by the Tuscaroras [sic] to the other nations. Within a few days, several of the chiefs and warriors have passed this place on their way to the Council. The ceremonies, which are long and impressive, will continue several days. The Grand Sachem of the Confederacy will be present and will preside. Governor Blacksnake, from the Allegany reserva- tion, was expected, but his great age - ninety six - it is understood will prevent. No grand council of the Six Nations has been held for the last thirteen years. All the Nations of that renowned confederacy, ex- cept the Mohawks, will be represented.

That Morgan and his friends should have taken advantage of this opportunity is not unexpected. For several years previously Morgan had been a member of a fraternity whose members sought to model its organization after that of the Iroquois League and at the time held its highest office, the position of "Supreme Chieftain of the Iroquois." By attending the council, Morgan and the others - all of whom had been or then were "Sachems" in this society - could see how the Iroquois themselves installed their chiefs.

The trip was Morgan's first field trip - at least the first field trip of which there is any record, and this fact alone makes it of some interest. But beyond this, the opportunities it provided proved crucial to Morgan's knowledge of what he termed "the structure and principles of the ancient League" (Morgan 1851: x-xi). His observation of the proceedings of this council and his interviews with Iroquois leaders there provided him with informa-

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142 ELISABETH TOOKER

tion basic to his understanding of the organization of the League, the structure of which had hitherto eluded him.

The accounts left by Morgan and by two of his three friends who attended the council at Tonawanda with him also serve as a partial corrective to the frequently held notion that Morgan was describing memory culture in the League of the Iroquois. It was not quite yet a memory; as Morgan (1851: 56) later commented, "The League of the Iroquois, dismembered and in fragments, still clings together in the twilight of its existence." But, as this remark also indicates, Morgan did believe that although not yet dead, the League was dying, and apparently also that this council might well be the last such meeting the Iroquois would hold. With the well-known optimism of youth, Morgan and his friends felt that their organization, the "New Confederacy of the Iroquois" as they called it, would so grow in size and importance that within a few years it would replace the Old. Their prediction prov- ed false. Within a few years, the "New Confederacy" was dead, while the "Old Con- federacy" still continues, "the twilight of its existence" now having lasted longer than its bright day.

The presumption that Morgan was describing "memory culture" probably derives from the absence of any first person narrative of what he heard and saw or for that matter any account of his field work in the League of the Iroquois. This lack has led many erroneously to conclude that Morgan did not observe certain features of Iroquois life that he in fact did and paradoxically some to conclude he spent far more time in the field than he actually did. But although Morgan published no such personal accounts - it probably seemed to him at the time inappropriate to do so (and he was a man not given to effusiveness), he apparently nonetheless believed that such descriptions were of some scientific value. This conclusion is indicated by the particular nature of the papers he bequeathed to the University of Rochester. There are virtually no documents in this collection that pertain to his personal or business life. Most relate to his anthropological studies, and many of them are field notes or like documents that preserve primary data of ethnographic interest, data Morgan obviously thought would be of value to other scholars at some future time.

Morgan's Early Study of the League Morgan's study of the Iroquois properly began after he had graduated from Union Col-

lege and returned to Aurora where he had attended Cayuga Academy and had grown up. There he joined a secret society known as the Gordian Knot, whose members - all local young men, many of whom had been students at Cayuga Academy - not long after decid- ed to reorganize it into one with an Indian motif. Consequently, after a chapter was organized at Waterloo, members of this chapter were styled Senecas and those at Aurora, Cayugas. (Aurora was located in what had been Cayuga territory and Waterloo in Seneca territory.) And when the two groups met together in August of 1843 at Aurora for what was to become the first of a series of annual August meetings, an Indian organization for the society was discussed further.

Having decided to model their society more fully after that of the League of the Iro- quois, Morgan and the others made some search of the available literature. From Stone's Life of Joseph Brant they learned that Tekarihogea was the title given the principal chief of the Confederacy (1838 (2): 500), but a perusal of this study as well as others such as Stone's Life of Red Jacket (1841) and Thatcher's Indian Biography (1832) produced little other in- formation on the organization of the League. It was evident that to learn its structure members of the society would have to consult the Iroquois themselves, and probably with this thought in mind they initiated the noted Onondaga, Abram La Fort into the order in January, 1844, along with Joshua V.H. Clark, then collecting material for his history of Onondaga County (Clark 1849).

However, it was Morgan's chance meeting with the young Tonawanda Seneca, Ely S. Parker, in Albany that was to lead Morgan to the information they sought. Just why Morgan had gone to Albany is not recorded, although it seems likely he was there on

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The Structure of the Iroquois League 143

business. In any case, Morgan had taken advantage of the opportunity to look at the Cayuga treaties in the office of the Secretary of State and a few days later to visit a bookstore. It was there he met and talked with Parker, then a student at Yates Academy, who was in Albany acting as interpreter for a delegation of three Tonawanda chiefs. As Morgan later reported, his first sight of the "young Indian of genuine extraction" to a meeting of the Cayugas at Aurora, "To sound the war whoop, and seize the youth might have been dangerous, and to let him pass without a parley would have been inexcusible; ac- cordingly your humble Prophet assumed a civil attitude, and accosted the young warrior in a friendly manner" (Morgan 1844a).

That evening Morgan called on the chiefs, and met the head of the delegation, Jimmy Johnson, a nephew of the famous orator Red Jacket, grandson of the prophet Handsome Lake, and himself the religious leader of the Tonawanda Senecas. None of the three chiefs spoke English, and so Parker acted as interpreter. He continued to serve in this capacity during Morgan's frequent visits with Johnson on the following days.

In his interviews with Johnson and Parker, Morgan sought two kinds of data: Seneca words that could be used in communications of the Iroquois Order and information on the organization of the League. Among the words he obtained were the names of the months, those for the offices of "prophet" and "secretary or cadi," and the Seneca terms for themselves, the Cayuga, and the League. He also learned or surmised there were forty- eight chiefs2 (or "sachems" as Morgan termed them), that the Senecas had eight such chiefs and two war chiefs, and that they had eight clans ("tribes" or "families" as they were termed in English). He obtained the names of these clans in Seneca and English as well as the information that the offices of the two war chiefs were hereditary in the female line and that one was always of the Snipe clan, the other of the Wolf.

However, as is so often the case when first beginning field work, Morgan misconstrued some of the information he was given. It seems likely, for example, that on being told that the Seneca had two war chiefs (these are actually two special positions within the League organization), Morgan assumed that each of the other tribes must have two such chiefs also. It also seems likely that on being told that each of the eight Seneca chieftainships was held by a clan, Morgan understood this to mean that each of the eight Seneca clans had one such chief and on being told the other Iroquois tribes had clans similar to those of the Seneca (meaning only that the other Iroquois tribes had a clan system) took this to mean each had eight clans. These conclusions, all false, may have received some confirmation in Morgan's mind by the Indians' statement that there were approximately fifty chiefs in the League: if there were six tribes in the Confederacy (Mohawks, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and Tuscarora) and if there were eight clans in each tribe and each clan had a League chief, then indeed there would be forty-eight chiefs in the League council.

Some months later, on August 9th, the annual council of the New Confederacy again was held at Aurora. At this meeting a new Constitution was adopted that incorporated some of the information Morgan had obtained from Ely Parker and Jimmy Johnson in Albany. Not only was the New Confederacy to consist of six nations, but each nation when "fully organized" would consist of eight tribes or families (i.e., clans). Under this arrange- ment, the Cayugas at Aurora became the Wolf Tribe of the Cayuga Nation; the Senecas at Waterloo, the Wolf Tribe of the Seneca Nation; etc. When another group of Cayugas was organized at a different place, they were to be called the Turtle Tribe of the Cayuga Nation and so on until all eight tribes were organized. The same was to hold for the other nations. Each tribe of each nation was to have as officers a Sachem, a Head Warrior, a Prophet (who took charge of the initiates - initiation was a most important activity of the society, much enjoyed and looked forward to - and who helped in what was called their "Inin- dianation," i.e., their initiation), a Secretary, a Treasurer, and a Librarian - each being called by the Seneca word for the office Morgan had obtained from Parker and Johnson. But, only the Wolf and Snipe tribes were to have Head Warriors, "there being but two recognized in the original Confederacy of the Iroquois" - another fact Morgan had learn-

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144 ELISABETH TOOKER

ed from Parker and Johnson. The forty-eight sachems, eight from each nation were to serve as "Grand Counsellors of the Tekarihogea" (New Confederacy of the Iroquois 1844).

What the New Confederacy should become was also discussed by Morgan in an address entitled "Vision of Kar-is-ta-gi-a, A Sachem of the Cayuga," probably delivered two mon- ths before at a meeting in Aurora. In this essay, Morgan imagines that about ninty years before the noted Cayuga chief, Steeltrap had a vision in which he saw Aurora as it had become, witnessing too the initiation of captives (that is, initiation of new members into the Cayuga Nation of the New Confederacy). Going to his fellow tribesman, Copperhead, for an interpretation of what he had seen, Steeltrap was told that "this vision foretells that the pale-faces will ere long people the land, and the Indian [will] be compelled to wander from the home of his fathers" (Morgan 1844b: 241), but that the confederacy would be reinstituted along the plan of the original:

The Tek-a-ri-ho-ge-a, or war-chieftain of the confederate nations, represented the dome, and was upheld and supported by forty-eight sachems; eight from each of the Six Nations. The sachems, in their turn, were sustained by twelve head-warriors, or generals, two from each nation; and surrounding and suppor- ting the whole structure, were ranged the warriors of the whole confederacy [Morgan 1844b: 241].

This literary piece was published in the September, 1844 issue of The Knickerbocker, and to it Morgan appended a few paragraphs summarizing the information he had obtained in Albany that he had reported earlier that year to the Cayugas at their April monthly meeting, information on the organization of the League and on the Cayuga treaties.

Later that same year Morgan moved to Rochester, hoping that in this growing city he might achieve some success. Not unexpectedly, within a short time he began organizing a Turtle Tribe of the Seneca Nation, and on January 3, 1845, the first members were in- itiated. The new chapter had eight charter members, including Morgan (New Confederacy of the Iroquois 1845b).

At the time, Morgan was also Grand Tekarihogea of the Iroquois and so responsible for organizing the annual meeting held that year at Aurora on August 14th. William H.C. Hosmer was invited to give the poem and Henry R. Schoolcraft, who was engaged that summer in taking an Indian census for the State, the address.3 Both attended the meeting whose sessions included a discussion of the organization of the society and the adoption of a revised Constitution. To the officers of each tribe were added those of a Leader of the War Songs and a Keeper of the Wardrobe (each member of the Order was expected to have an Indian costume and to wear Indian costume at the initiations). Some changes in wording also were introduced. For example, the dues paid by each tribe at the annual meeting was changed from "five dimes" to "four shillings" and the Seneca term for the Confederacy given to Morgan by Parker in Albany was replaced by Ac-qui-nush-i-o-nee - a change probably suggested by Schoolcraft.

Late that month Morgan began a manuscript titled "Notes and Observations upon the Iroquois" (Morgan 1845f). It bears Morgan's cover notation, "Observations upon the In- stitutions of the Iroquois, August, 1845, many of which are erroneous as subsequent study has proved" and contains a number of corrections in Morgan's hand and occasionally sim- ple comments on the validity of statements - "doubtful" or "not true." The principal subsequent study that proved many of these observations erroneous was that undertaken by Morgan on his trip to Tonawanda in the fall of 1845.

Trip to Tonawanda, September 29 to October 4, 1845 The nature of the information Morgan obtained during his trip to Tonawanda in 1845 is

noticed in a letter (Morgan 1845b) he wrote Schoolcraft shortly after he returned to Rochester, a substantial part of which Schoolcraft published in his Notes on the Iroquois (Schoolcraft 1846: 284-285). This letter (which Morgan signs with the Indian name he had adopted, Schenandoah - the name of a noted Oneida chief - and in which Morgan ad- dresses Schoolcraft by the Indian name he adopted, Alhalla) reads as follows:

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The Structure of the Iroquois League 145

General Council Fire of the Confederacy At the Falls of the Genesee

Gya-ong-na 7, 1845 Sir:

Unto Alhalla, a wise-man of the Confederacy, the Tha-do-da-hoh of the Iroquois sends this message, that the chain of friendship may be kept bright.

Brother listen:- You have doubtless seen a notice of the Great Council of the Six Nations recently held at Tonawanda. We call it great, because we never saw anything of the kind before and perhaps never will again. Three of us started in season and spent the whole of last week in attendance, and were also joined by Mr. Hurd, a delegate from Cayuga. We were there before the council opened, and left after the fire was raked up. Our budget of information is large, and overthrows some of our past knowledge, and on the whole enlarges our ideas of the vastness and complexity of this Indian fabric. We are a great way from the bottom yet; we may never reach it, but what we do bring up to the surface remunerates richly for the search.

We learn that at the establishment of the Confederacy, 50 Sachemships were founded and a name assigned to each which they are still known by; and which names every sachem of the several sachemdoms from the beginning to the present time has borne. There were also 50 sub-sachems or aids, that is to every sachem was given a sub-sachem to stand behind him - in a word to do his bidding. These sachemships are still confined to the five nations. The Tuscaroras were never permitted to have any. They are unequal- ly divided among the five nations, the Onondagas having as many as 14. The eight original tribes or families still hold to be correct as we had it but each tribe did not have a sachem. In some of the tribes

were two or three, in others none. As the English would say the Howard family had a peerage in it, so would the Indians say that a certain tribe or clan had one or two or no sachemships running in it. The idea seems to be that the sachem did not preside over a tribe, as that would leave some tribes destitute, but the 9 Oneida sachems, for instance, ruled the Oneida nation conjointly; and when the nations met in council would represent it. The 50 sachems were the only official characters known at the councils of the confederacy. The sub-sachems and chiefs had nothing to say, and unanimity as in the Polish diet was always necessary. Over this council, the Tha-do-da-hoh, or Great Sachem of the Confederacy presided. He was always taken from the Onondagas, as we heretofore supposed, but what is very important it is denied that there was any such officer as a Tekarihogea, or military chieftain over the Confederacy. They recognize no such office, and deny that Brant was any thing but a chief, or an officer of the third and lowest class. I sifted this matter thoroughly in conversations with Blacksmith, La Fort, Capt. Frost, and Dr. Wilson, a Cayuga, and am satisfied that the Tha-do-da-hoh was the chief ruler of the Iroquois, and that they had no other. We fell into this error by following Stone, who in the life of Brant pretends to establish in him the title of war chieftain or Tekarihogea of the Confederacy.4 In relation to the head warriors or military leaders of the nations there is still some obscurity. The Seneca nation has two, but the other nations none. The truth is the learning if we may so call it, of the Iroquois is in the hands of a few, and it is very difficult to reach it, as those who are the most learned are the most inveterate Indians, and the least communicative.

Their laws of descent are quite intricate. They follow the female line, and as the children always follow the tribe of the mother, and the man never is allowed to marry in his own tribe, it follows that father and son are never of the same tribe and hence the son can never succeed the father, because the sachemship runs in the tribe of the father [sic]. It really is quite surprising to find such permanent original institutions among the Iroquois, and still more surprising that these institutions have never seen the light. If I can construct a table of descents with any approach to accuracy, I will send it down to the [New - York] Historical Society. The idea at the foundation of their law of descent is quite a comment upon human nature. The child must be the son of the mother though he may not be of his mother's husband - quite and absolutely an original code.

The object of this council was to "raise up sachems" in the place of those who had died. It would re- quire more room than 20 letters would furnish to explain what we saw and heard, the mode of election and deposition, the lament for the dead, the wampum, the two sides of the council fire, etc. etc. and the other ceremonies connected with raising up sachems; also the dances, the preaching, and the feast. The fact is my head is so crammed with matters pertaining to the Iroquois that I intend for my own relief to set down immediately and write a series of essays upon the government and institutions of the Iroquois for publication. Perhaps I shall send them to [George H.] Colton. My only fear is their want to receipt. I should greatly prefer his magazine. There is another reason for publishing, it is the best way to put the other tribes in possession of the information which-has. been gathered up to this time.

Enclosed I send Mr. Colton's election. Will you do us the favor to present it with such an explanation of our organization as you may think necessary.

We were well received by the Indians. We told them of our Confederacy and its objects and they seem- ed disposed to give us whatever information we desired. Our great point has been garnered. I think the Old Confederacy or the mere shadow of it which is left, is opened to the New.

I have sent out to the several Tribes a variety of subjects of inquiry requesting them to select such as they can most readily investigate, and our Tribe for itself has sent out several invitations to different in- dividuals to furnish articles upon specified subjects. To J.V. Clark for an article on the cemetaries of the

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146 ELISABETH TOOKER

Onondaga country. To Utica for a paper on the Religious System of the Iroquois. To Avon for the mar- riage and burial sites, etc., etc. We hope to commence an exchange soon by this means with each of the Tribes. Mr. Parker also has been invited [to] furnish an essay upon their old religious system, etc.

Excuse the rapidity with which this letter has been written I am much employed. Faithfully

Schenandoah

G[rand] Tha-do-da-hoh of the Iroquois L.H. Morgan

Under the same date, another member of the party who went to Tonawanda for the council meetings, George S. Riley wrote a description of what they had seen for the Rochester Daily American (reprinted in Schoolcraft 1846: 227-232 and A.C. Parker 1916: 126-132). It is from this account, the manuscript Isaac Hurd (1845) wrote after he returned from the trip, and Morgan's own field notes (Morgan 1845a, 1845d) what the members of the group saw, did, and heard each day while at Tonawanda is known.

A couple of days before going to Tonawanda, Morgan talked with Ely S. Parker on various matters concerning the League. Included in the discussions were the methods by which councils of the League were called and issues brought before and decided in these councils, the territorial boundaries of the several Iroquois tribes, and various practices relating to marriage - the grouping of the eight Seneca clans into exogamous moieties, in- heritance of property on the death of a spouse, and arrangement of marriage by the mothers (Morgan 1845c).

Anticipating that the council would begin on Tuesday, September 30th, Morgan and two other members of the Turtle Tribe of the Seneca Nation - Riley and James S. Bush - left Rochester in order to arrive the late afternoon or evening before. As Morgan reported it, they landed at Shelby's Basin about 10/? miles from the reservation, walked from there to a tavern near the Great Swamp (this swamp north of the reservation was subsequently drained), and rode through the swamp with an Indian. They found lodgings with a Mrs. Herrington, a white woman who lived nearby.

That evening Morgan (and presumably the others) visited John Blacksmith. Blacksmith was one of the leaders of the Tonawanda Seneca and the only League chief living on the Tonawanda reservation; he held the chiefly name title, Do-ne-ho-gah-weh (in Morgan's spelling) belonging to the Wolf clan. From him, Morgan learned that the opening of the council had been postponed until Wednesday. But the visit with Blacksmith was not long. Blacksmith was busy and suggested that they meet the following evening.

On Tuesday morning Morgan went over the creek near the council house. There he saw about twenty Indians playing ninepins, two Indian women pounding corn in a mortar, and at mid-morning two runners going out on some business for the council. The well-educated Onondaga leader, Abram La Fort, who a year and a half earlier had been made a member of the New Confederacy had also arrived, and Morgan spent some time talking with him about the organization of the League. He obtained from him a list of the names of the fifty chiefs of the League - which to judge from the orthography La Fort wrote out for Morgan.5 Morgan also obtained other information as he had on the previous day presumably from Ely Parker who served Morgan and the others as interpreter during their stay at Tonawanda. But they did not keep the appointment with Blacksmith that evening; a heavy rain postponed the visit.

The council began on Wednesday, October 1 about noon. As is usual in the Condolence ceremony,6 the proceedings began at a little distance from the council house with what Morgan described as "the reception . . . preceded . . . by the lament for the dead whose places they were about to fill by raising up sachems to fill their place" (i.e., by the Roll Call of the Chiefs - a rite here also called "Journeying on the Trail" - and by the preliminary rite known as "At the Wood's Edge"). In the Condolence ceremony, it is the responsibility of the "clear-minded" tribes to condole the bereaved side and for this purpose the tribes are grouped into two sides: the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas constituting one side and the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Tuscaroras the other side. In the Condolence ceremony

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The Structure of the Iroquois League 147

Morgan witnessed the Senecas were judged to have lost a chief (although chiefs of other tribes were also raised up) and so the ceremony held at a Seneca council house. Thus, the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas were the bereaved side and the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Tuscaroras the clear-minded side, responsible for conducting the Condolence ceremony. However, if no one on the clear-minded side knows the ritual, a man from the other side may be "borrowed" for that purpose, and this was the case at Tonawanda in 1845. Capt. Frost, an Onondaga and probably the most learned Iroquois ritualist of the time, con- ducted the ceremony for the clear-minded side. He chanted the lament as the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Tuscaroras approached the fire at the reception site single file and after this part of the ceremony, took it up again on the way to the council house.

Once there, the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas took seats on the south side of the council house and the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Tuscaroras on the other. (Isaac Hurd, who had not come with the others from Rochester on Monday, arrived while the Indians were seating themselves.) Blankets were then stretched across the room on ropes, separating the two sides. A lament (i.e., the Condoling Song) was then sung, Capt. Frost being the leader. Then the blankets were taken down, and Capt. Frost, walking up and down between the two sides repeated the laws of the Confederacy. As Morgan (1845 d) reported it,

Among other things he said that the wise man of the Onondagas, Da-gar-no-en-dah [Deganawida] with whom the Confederacy originated, predicted that an animal with white eyes would come under the ground from the east, at some future time, and secretly would undermine their foundation and finally scatter them, unless they should plant a great tree with four roots, one to each cardinal point, and around this tree, their sachems should always live, that is, they should establish a strong central government.

There followed a speech in which Capt. Frost took ten strings of wampum from the bench of the sachems on the north end of the council house, and declaring what each string indicated, carried it to the Onondaga chiefs, a procedure repeated with each string. (Morgan and Hurd did not obtain a translation of what Capt. Frost said; it obviously was the Requickening Address.) Then the blankets were put up again, and a song (the Condol- ing Song) was sung by those on the south bench. The song completed, the blankets were taken down and each of the ten strings of wampum were matched. Then each of these new strings was carried by Capt. Frost in the same manner as previously to the opposite side, that of the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Tuscaroras. This completed, Capt. Frost said that he wished to see those who were to fill the vacant positions that he might know them. Each Seneca chief to be installed stood up, and Capt. Frost said that this man had previously been known by such a name, which was now laid aside and that he took this name, one of those of the fifty chiefs. After Frost had in this manner raised up the Seneca chiefs, a Cayuga chief and Jimmy Johnson raised up in a similar fashion the other chiefs.7 At about 6 o'clock, after several speeches including one by Blacksmith, Frost made a concluding, humorous speech. Then the food was brought in; there were several kettles of boiled meat and a quantity of bread. This meat and then the bread were passed around in large trays, and then those present helped themselves out of a kettle of succotash (probably meaning a soup of corn and beans). The feast finished, there were dances - the Trotting Dance and Fish Dance - which continued until midnight, when the gathering broke up.

At about 11 o'clock the next morning, the Indians began to assemble to hear Jimmy Johnson begin his annual speech, an account of the life and teachings of his grandfather, the prophet Handsome Lake. Jimmy Johnson usually spoke for three half days, but at this council only two. He began at noon and spoke for two and a half or three hours - a discourse lost on Morgan who remarked, "Was wonderfully enlightened, not understand- ing a word." After Johnson finished speaking, about a dozen men danced the Feather Dance. It lasted over an hour.

At the end of the meeting, Blacksmith and La Fort asked Morgan and his friends to in- duce a White man selling whiskey to leave the reservation. They went down, bought the jug, and poured it out. But not long after, they were again called as the whiskey seller had begun on another jug. This time they drew up a warrant authorizing Bush to arrest the of-

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148 ELISABETH TOOKER

fender, pour his whiskey into the creek, and bring him before the council, and with it and four Indians, they chased the whiskey seller across the fields, caught him and broke the jug.

At about six o'clock, a feast similar to that the night before was held in the council house. However, no dances were held that evening; they had been planned, but something prevented it. It was perhaps on this evening that Morgan and Hurd obtained from the White-educated chief and physician, Dr. Peter Wilson a list of the fifty sachem chiefs in Seneca (Tooker 1980: 365).

Friday morning, Jimmy Johnson again preached in the council house for about the same length of time as on the previous day, followed by another performance of the Feather Dance and a Women's Dance. At dusk, there was a foot race between two runners, one from Tonawanda and the other from Buffalo Creek and in the evening dances were again held in the council house: the Trotting Dance, Fish Dance, and Women's Dance.

Saturday morning, the Indians left for their homes, and Morgan and the others had some opportunity to talk with Blacksmith. It seems to have been the last interview of their stay at Tonawanda. When time and opportunity had permitted, Morgan and the others in- terviewed Indians with Parker serving as interpreter when necessary, and learned more about various matters. These included the method of calling a council, the information that the Tuscaroras had no sachem chiefs (i.e., chiefs equal to the fifty League chiefs), that the sachemships were transmitted in the female line, and consequently that the son of a sachem could not succeed his father, that the clan held the personal names which were given to children of the clan and that on becoming a sachem chief, a man's old name was set aside and that of one of the original chiefs assumed in its place, that each sachem chief had a sub-chief raised up with the same ceremony as a sachem chief, that there was another class of chiefs, elected for life, and that such men as Red Jacket and Joseph Brant belonged to this class of chiefs and were not sachem chiefs.

Writing the "Structure of the League" As he had written Schoolcraft on October 7th he would do, Morgan began to write

"upon the government and institutions of the Iroquois," and on November 7th, exactly a month later, gave a paper on the subject at the monthly meeting of the Turtle Tribe of the Senecas in Rochester. Six months later, on April 6, 1846, he gave much the same discourse to a meeting of the New York Historical Society.8 Parker, who was then in Washington lobbying to get the Senate to set aside that portion of the Treaty of 1842 that had sold the Tonawanda Reservation, had written Morgan on March 21st asking him "if you could come down and help us" (E.S. Parker 1846b). Carrying a memorial from a mass meeting at Batavia, Morgan went to Washington, stopping in New York to deliver the paper to the New York Historical Society (Morgan 1846f).

The plight of the Tonawanda Senecas had been much on Morgan's mind. On December 27, 1845, he had written a letter to the Tonawanda chiefs offering the assistance of the New Confederacy in their fight to retain their reservation (E.S. Parker 1846a) and the following month traveled to the Buffalo Creek and Tonawanda Reservations, apparently for the pur- pose of drawing up for the Senecas a memorial to be sent to the United States Senate and New York State Legislature. During this trip, January 27 to February 8, 1846, Morgan made various inquiries respecting Iroquois customs, but virtually no data in his field notes taken while on this trip pertain to the organization of the League (Morgan 1846d). He again visited Tonawanda and Buffalo Creek early in March, apparently primarily in con- nection with the Tonawanda issue, but only a few data in his field notes of this trip relate to Iroquois sociopolitical organization (Morgan 1846c).

Morgan still was "Grand Tekanihogea and Supreme Chieftain of the Iroquois" in the New Confederacy and in this capacity sent out on June 10th, the announcement of the for- thcoming August meeting, including the information that the oration would be given by Giles F. Yates and the poem by Alfred B. Street. At this meeting, held August 13th, yet

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The Structure of the Iroquois League 149

another new Constitution was adopted (New Confederacy of the Iroquois 1846). A few of the changes seem to have been suggested by the information Morgan and the others had obtained at Tonawanda in the fall of the previous year: the Tuscarora were dropped as a tribe, as was mention of Tekarigea, of forty-eight sachems, and of there being only two head warriors in each tribe. But most of the changes introduced into this Constitution are quite unrelated to the purpose of making the New Confederacy more like the Old. They were apparently introduced in response to various problems and pressures within the organization itself. The Constitution remained that of an organization modeled on usual White practice.

As he had indicated in his letter to Schoolcraft, Morgan had hoped that George H. Col- ton would publish a series of essays on Iroquois government and institutions in his magazine, The American Review, and late that summer he wrote Colton regarding this possibility. Apparently he sent Colton a copy of his paper on the government and institu- tions of the Iroquois for in his reply Colton (1846) commented on Morgan's style, as well as his own interest in Indians, a poem he had written (Colton 1842), and a series of four lec- tures on North American Indians he had given in various places in 1843 (Colton 1843):

New York

Sept. 14th, 1846 L.H. Morgan Esq. Dear Sir

To your very frank and friendly letter I return the earliest answer in my power, You are entirely right in supposing that I am partial to Indian Literature. It has been some four years now since I had the temerity (really greater than I had at the time any idea of) to put forth a book of metrical Indian History in several cantos. The investigations necessary to the completion of that attempt made me somewhat acquainted with the modern and primitive condition and nature of nearly the whole Race of the Continent; and I became more intensely interested in them than I ever was in any subject except the genius and achievements of the Greeks - two fields of study how widely different! As a kind of consequence, as you may know, I afterwards delivered in various places a course of lectures over the whole field of Indian character, life, and history. But since I began the American Review I have not paid an hour's attention to the subject. My friends probably think I have quite forgotten it. It is, however, far otherwise. I shall make it sometime the ground of extended labors. My interest in the whole theme, the Indian, his mind, his heart, his whole strange nature and existence, is as intense as ever. Unable to pay any attention to it at present, and more desirous that stores of information should be increased than to gain any particular reputation by labors of my own, I am therefore very glad to hear from you, and quite willing to make some arrangement for the publication of your series. I have looked at your style - it would, perhaps, be advantageous to yourself, as well as to the Journal, if it were a little more illuminated, but after all the in- formation is the main thing. Of one thing you may be assured, I shall not tamper with your style.

As to renumeration, I hardly know what to say. I have an immense quantity of M.S. on hand, enough to fill four nos. of the Review. So that if it were not for the interest I take in your subject I should feel compelled to decline engaging so long a series. As it is, I must do the best I can, and you must do the same. I hope in the course of two years to be quite liberal. At present, I must somewhat husband resources. As a particular consideration it is of course to be remembered that you can make a handsome volume afterwards, and I think the Review can largely aid in its sale, as it has done in the case of other works. I therefore offer you for a series of eight articles, (with something like ten pages in each) a dollar and a half a page. This is nearly my average price for single articles. For a series, I hope you will find it satisfactory. I think the publication of them had better commence with the new volume - in January.

Let me hear from you soon, and believe me

Yours truly G.H. Colton

P.S. How flourishes the Iroquois Society? I regretted I could not attend its meeting at Aurora.

Having received Colton's encouraging reply, Morgan set about writing an expanded ver- sion of his Government and Institutions paper in the form of a series of letters, and on Oc- tober 27th went to Tonawanda in the company of Thomas Darling and Charles T. Porter (his future brother-in-law) for a ten-day visit, one purpose of which was to check the first six letters (Morgan 1846e). Ely Parker served as interpreter.

The letters themselves began appearing in the February 1847 issue of the American Review. The first three were published in that issue, five more in the March issue of the Review, and three additional ones in the May issue - the last of which was a letter on language drawn from material Morgan had collected at Tonawanda the previous fall. With

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150 ELISABETH TOOKER

the exception of Letter VIII - a discussion of Iroquois religion, all the others are concern- ed with the social and political organization of the Iroquois (Morgan 1847a). For some time, Morgan had been collecting Indian place names and material on tribal locations and trails and had given an address on the subject at the annual meeting of the New Confederacy in August of 1846 (Morgan 1846a, 1846b), so when George H. Moore, Assistant Librarian of the New York Historical Society wrote Morgan not long after the first set of letters had appeared in The American Review requesting a copy of the paper he had read the previous spring before the Society in order to print it in their Annual Bulletin for 1846 (Moore 1847), Morgan replied he could not do so as the "Letters on the Iroquois" were already being published. He offered instead an article he was preparing on Indian trails and geography, suggesting that he might read this paper before the Society and not publish the "map" in The American Review as he had planned (Morgan 1847b). The Society was agreeable, and on May 4th, Morgan read a paper titled "On the Territorial Limits, Geographical Names and Trails of the Iroquois, in Three Parts" (Morgan 1847c) at a stated meeting of the Society. But the New York Historical Society published only an abstract of it in its Proceedings for the year 1847 (New York Historical Society 1847: 64-65), and Morgan published a slight condensation of the paper as the last three "Letters on the Iroquois" in the November and December issues of The American Review.

Writing League of the Iroquois That same year (1847), Governor John Young of New York State visited the Historical and Antiquarian Museum in Hartford, Connecticut, and was so impressed with its Indian collection he decided that New York State should have a similar one, and got the Regents of the University of the State of New York to appropriate money for it (Resek 1960: 39). Morgan went on three collecting trips for the Regents. The first was to Tonawanda in the late fall of 1849 (Morgan 1849b), the results of which were published in the Third Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the State of New York (Morgan 1850c). The next year he made two more trips, one in fall of 1850 to the Grand River Reserve in Canada (Morgan 1850a) and another late in December that year to Tonawanda (Morgan 1850d). The results of these two collecting trips were published in the Fifth Annual Report of the Regents (Morgan 1852).

When Colton had written Morgan in September, 1846, agreeing to publish the Letters on the Iroquois, he had mentioned by way of apologizing for the low fee that they could later be made into "a handsome volume." But it was several years before Morgan published such a volume. Following the publication of the "Letters on the Iroquois," Morgan began to collect more materials on religion. After the 1847 council meeting at Tonawanda early in October, Parker had written a letter to Morgan describing some of what had occurred and enclosed a clipping of the description he had written for the Batavia newspaper, Spirit of the Times (E.S. Parker 1847). On September 16, the next year, Morgan wrote to Parker asking him to make a full record of the proceedings of the council meeting that he thought was to begin on the 30th of the month as he could not attend, being obligated to attend a term of the Supreme Court at Fonda (Morgan 1848). Parker earlier had provided Morgan with a translation of Jimmy Johnson's speech at the fall 1845 council,10 but Morgan ap- parently wanted more on the subject. Morgan also talked with John Blacksmith and Jim- my Johnson in Rochester on June 1, 1849, getting from Johnson a brief explanation of the religious system of the Iroquois (Morgan 1849a) and later that year while collecting articles at Tonawanda for the State talked with Jimmy Johnson again, getting from him a version of his annual speech (Morgan 1849b). Then, on January 29, 1850, he wrote Ely Parker a letter stating he was "now writing an article upon the Religious System of the Iroquois" and asked Parker to write him the answers to a number of questions, a letter to which Parker replied on February 12th (Fenton 1941: 151-158). But Parker still had not sent Morgan his report11 on the council of 1848 and did not until much later that year (Morgan 1850b).

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The Structure of the Iroquois League 151

Morgan was then assembling his materials for publication in book form. As he later wrote, he wanted to devote his time to his profession (he married his cousin, Mary Elizabeth Steele the following year) and finished the book "which exhibits abundant evidence of hasty execution . . . to free myself of the subject" (White 1957: 262). The volume contained three parts. The first, on the structure of the League reprinted the nine "Letters on the Iroquois" that described Iroquois social and political organization, pre- faced by a chapter on the history of the Iroquois and the first of the three "Letters" on In- dian geography. For the second part, Book II, Morgan wrote three chapters on religion the last of which consisted largely of Ely Parker's translation of Jimmy Johnson's speech in 1848 slightly edited. Three more chapters, in part rewritten from the Third Regents Report completed this section. The third part, Book III consisted of four chapters: most of the first chapter was rewritten from the Third Regents Report; the second reprinted the "Let- ters" on language; the third, the final two "Letters" on Indian geography. A concluding chapter discussed the future of the Indian.

Morgan did not return to "the Indian subject" for a half dozen years, and when he did, he did so from a different perspective. Nonetheless, this new work rested on and derived from that he had done earlier on Iroquois sociopolitical organization and on the understan- dings gained while visiting Tonawanda in the fall of 1845 to witness the raising up of chiefs.

The same year Morgan published the League of the Iroquois, his contemporary, Francis Parkman, published the first volume (Parman 1851) of his life-long study of the conflict between France and England in North America that was to establish his reputation as the foremost American historian of the century. Six years previously Parkman also had inter- viewed Iroquois Indians; he had visited the Onondaga Reservation a month before Morgan had gone to Tonawanda for the council there in 1845. But Parkman's experience was quite different. As he recorded it in his journal:

I got the Inds. [at Onondaga] into excellent humor by presents of cigars and pipes. They are to hold a general council of the Six Nations at Tonawanda in the Fall.

They were the worst people in the world to extract information from: the external grunted "yas" of ac- quiescence follows every question you may ask, without distinction [Wade 1947: 3151.

It is perhaps some measure of Morgan's ability as an ethnographer that his field work that year led to the production of a volume that has proved as lasting a contribution in an- thropology as Parkman's has in history.

NOTES

1This article is part of a continuing study of the Lewis H. Morgan papers in the University of Rochester Library, in part supported by a Summer Research Fellowship from Temple University in 1977. I am indebted to the staff of this library's Department of Rare Books, Manuscripts and Archives, especially Karl Kabelac for help in this research and many courtesies. The University of Rochester Library has also kindly granted permission to quote from these manuscripts.

2Iroquois themselves variously report the number of League chiefs as 48, 49, or 50 depending on whether the un- filled second Mohawk name is counted in the total or not and on whether two Onondaga names are regarded as belonging to one or two individuals.

3Schoolcraft's address and Hosmer's poem delivered at this meeting were published the following year by the New Confederacy (Schoolcraft and Hosmer 1846). Schoolcraft also published that year the results of his census in his Notes on the Iroquois (1846).

4Actually, this is not quite what Stone said, but Stone's (1838(2): 500) description is rather confusing: Catherine Brant, the widow of Thayendanegea [Joseph Brant], was forty-eight years old at the time of

his decease. According to the constitution of the Mohawks, which, like that of Great Britain, is unwrit- ten, the inheritance descends through the female line exclusively. Consequently the superior chieftainship does not descend to the eldest male; but the eldest female, in what may be called the royal line, nominates one of her sons or other descendants, and he thereby becomes the chief. If her choice does not fall upon her own son, the grandson whom she invests with the office must be the child of her daughter. The widow of Thayendanegea was the eldest daughter of the head chief of the Turtle tribe - first in rank of the Mohawk nation. In her own right, therefore, on the decease of her husband, she stood at the head of the Iroquois Confederacy, alone clothed with power to designate a successor to the chieftaincy. The of-

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152 ELISABETH TOOKER

ficial title of the principal chief of the Six Nations, is TEKARIHOGEA; to which station JOHN, the fourth and youngest son, whose Indian name was AHYOUWAIGHS, was appointed.

As William N. Fenton has pointed out to me, the name "Tekarihogea" is the first Mohawk name on the Roll Call of the Chiefs, and hence the first name on the Roll Call. It belongs to the Turtle clan. But Morgan obviously did not recognize the name on the two lists of League chiefs he received on this trip: La Fort gave the name as "Di-o-geh" (omitting a syllable) and Wilson as "De-gai-o-ga." Ives Goddard (in Tooker 1978: 424) gives the Mohawk form of this name as tekariho-ke.

5The inference that La Fort wrote out for Morgan the list of League chiefs rests on the presence of "r" in the spell- ings of these names. The "r" has been lost in Onondaga and so might not be expected to appear in a list of the League chiefs in Onondaga. However, La Fort seems to have used the "r" either alone or with "a" to give that vowel the sound of "a" as in "far": Hale (1883: 46-47) notes this usage in a manuscript by Abram La Fort copied by his son, Daniel La Fort.

6For an outline description of the Condolence ceremony see Tooker 1978: 437-440 and for further description the references cited on p. 441 of this article.

7The sources are not in agreement as to the number of chiefs raised up. Morgan recorded in his notes that three Seneca sachems and one sub-sachem were raised up, two Onondagas - one to replace a chief deposed immediately before this council and one to replace a deceased chief, one Oneida sachem, and two Tuscarora chiefs. Hurd reported the Senecas had three principal sachems and one sub-sachem installed, the Onondagas one principal sachem in place of one deposed and one sub-sachem, the Oneidas two sachems, and the Tuscaroras two chiefs. A newspaper report reprinted by Schoolcraft (1846: 226-227) says three Seneca sachems were appointed, two Onondagas - a sachem in place of one deposed with a chief (i.e., sub-sachem) in place of one deceased, and two Tuscarora chiefs. Riley in his report to the Daily American said one of the objects of the council was to fill two vacancies due to the death of two Seneca sachems, and that three other sachems (tribe unspecified) were installed to replace three who had been de- posed.

8One version is in the Morgan Papers at the University of Rochester (Morgan 1845f). It has the title "Notes on the Iroquois, their Government and Institutions, Rochester, Nov. 7, 1845" and is apparently the version read at the monthly meeting of the Turtle Tribe in Rochester. Another version has the title "Address by Schenandoah on the Government and Institutions of the Iroquois delivered before the Turtle Tribe of the Nundawaronoh at the Falls of the Genesee River. Before the Monthly Council, Nov. 7, 1845. Before the New York Historical Society, April 6, 1846." This version, apparently that given at the New York Historical Society, was published by Arthur C. Parker in 1928 under the title "Government and Institutions of the Iroquois" (Morgan 1928). Although Parker states that the manuscript of this paper is the property of the University of Rochester, it is not now in this collection.

9A handwritten version of this account, perhaps a draft, is in the Parker Papers in the American Philosophical Society Library. The date is misidentified as 1848 (Freeman 1966: 189).

10One copy of this manuscript is in the Morgan Papers at the University of Rochester (E.S. Parker 1845), another in the Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois, and a third in the Huntington Library, San Marino, California. The latter lacks the final page or so of the other two copies and the sheets that do exist are bound in a slightly different order - the order that Arthur C. Parker used in publishing the manuscript (A.C. Parker 1919: 251-261).

1 E.S. Parker 1848. Parker's rough notes, now in the American Philosophical Society Library have been published (Fenton 1951: 306-309).

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