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Volume 29.3 September 2005 485–500 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research
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Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2005. Published by Blackwell Publishing. 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main St, Malden, MA 02148, USA
The Transnational Capitalist Class and Contemporary Architecture in Globalizing Cities
LESLIE SKLAIR
Introduction
In a companion article (Sklair, 2006) I argue that one of the consequences of capitalist globalization is a transformation in the production, marketing and reception of iconic architecture. In that article the focus is on iconicity and the impact of capitalist globalization. Iconic architecture is defined as buildings and spaces that are (1) famous for professional architects and/or the public at large and (2) have special symbolic/ aesthetic significance attached to them. Architects can also be iconic in these senses. Also introduced in that article are distinctions between professional and public icons; local, national and global icons; and historical as contrasted with contemporary icons. The argument is located within a diachronic thesis suggesting that in the pre-global era (roughly the period before the 1950s) most iconic architecture was driven by the interests of the state and/or religion, while in the era of capitalist globalization the dominant force driving iconic architecture is the transnational capitalist class.
The focus of this article is on the specific role of each of the four fractions of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) in and around architecture in globalizing or world cities (see Taylor, 2004). The TCC consists of people who typically have globalizing as well as (rather than in opposition to) localizing agendas. These are people from many countries who operate transnationally as a normal part of their working lives and who more often than not have more than one place that they can call home. This reflects their relationships to transnational social spaces and the new forms of cosmopolitanism of what I have conceptualized as generic globalization (Sklair, 2005). These forms encourage both local rootedness and transnational (globalizing) vision. New modes of rapid and comfortable long-distance transportation and electronic communications make this possible in a historically unprecedented fashion. It is for this reason that the new concept of globalization is most appropriately reserved for the new economic, political and cultural conditions that began to develop in the middle of the twentieth century and have rapidly accelerated since then.
I have conceptualized the transnational capitalist class in terms of the following four fractions (Sklair, 2001):
1
1 Those who own and/or control the major transnational corporations and their local affiliates (corporate fraction). In architecture these are the major architectural, architecture–engineering and architecture–developer–real estate firms, listed in the magazine
World Architecture
. In comparison with the major global consumer goods, energy and financial corporations, the revenues of the biggest firms in the architecture
I am very grateful to the anonymous IJURR readers for some useful suggestions and to Conor Moloney for his invaluable research assistance.
1 For useful critical reviews of the literature on this new concept, see Embong (2000) and Carroll and Carson (2003).
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industry are quite small. However, their importance for the built environment and their cultural importance, especially in cities, far outweigh their relative lack of financial and corporate muscle.
2 Globalizing politicians and bureaucrats (state fraction). These are the politicians and bureaucrats at all levels of administrative power and responsibility who actually decide what gets built where, and how changes to the built environment are regulated.
3 Globalizing professionals (technical fraction). The members of this fraction range from the leading technicians centrally involved in the structural features and services (including financial services) of new buildings to those responsible for the education of students and the public in architecture. (There is obviously some overlap between the technical and corporate fractions.)
4 Merchants and media (consumerist fraction). These are the people who are responsible for the marketing and consumption of architecture in all its manifestations.
Those who lead the TCC see its mission as organizing the conditions under which its interests and the interests of the capitalist system can be furthered in the global and local context. The concept implies that there is one central TCC that makes system-wide decisions, whose members also connect with transnational capitalist class fractions in each locality, region and country, as well as globally. While the four fractions are distinguishable analytic categories with different functions for the global capitalist system, the people in them often move from one category to another. A common form of this intra-class mobility is the ‘revolving door’ between business, education and government, and vice versa. Many leading architects are simultaneously practitioners, professors and agents of the state at various levels.
The transnational capitalist class is transnational in the following respects, in architecture as in any other sphere:
1 The economic interests of its members are increasingly globally linked rather than exclusively local and national in origin.
2 The TCC seeks to exert economic control in the workplace, political control in domestic and international politics, and culture-ideology control in everyday life through specific forms of global competitive and consumerist rhetoric and practice.
3 Members of the TCC have outward-oriented globalizing rather than inward-oriented localizing perspectives on various issues.
4 Members of the TCC tend to share similar life-styles, particularly patterns of higher education and consumption of luxury goods and services.
5 Finally, members of the TCC seek to project images of themselves as citizens of the world as well as of their places of birth.
In his pioneering study of the sociology of architecture, Gutman (1988) elaborates on three types of contemporary architectural firms, an analysis that is of relevance for the relationship between the transnational capitalist class and architecture. The first type consists of the ‘strong-idea firms’ (his examples are those led by Frank Gehry, Michael Graves, Richard Meier and Robert Venturi). These tend to be practice-centred businesses. Second are ‘strong-service firms’ (notably Skidmore, Owings & Merrill, hereafter SOM), and they tend to be business-centred practices. Third are ‘strong- delivery firms’, commercial firms that rarely win awards but build a great deal. Gutman argued that personal inspiration was being replaced by more conventional marketing for architectural services and that it was getting more difficult to ascertain how much and exactly what the architect contributed to big projects (see also Kieran, 1987). Michael Graves, for example, was careful to ensure that he was not held responsible for the aspects of his Portland municipal building that he did not personally design, and the architect of the Getty Center overlooking Los Angeles makes it clear that not everything that appeared on the site was to his liking (Meier, 1999). Gutman (1988: 59) makes the point that except for a few special cases, ‘the trade press, but even more so magazines
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such as
Architectural Digest
or the
New York Times
— whose editors regard architecture as if it were furniture, fashionable clothing, or gourmet cooking — ignore the complex relations among the cast of characters who now participate in a major building project’. By the late 1980s, 25–30 museums in the US had important architectural collections, major publishers like MIT Press, Rizzoli and Princeton had expanding architectural programmes, and there were other manifestations of the commodification of architecture and architects. Gutman reprints the advertisement for the expensive Dexter shoe, featuring the aforementioned postmodernist architect Michael Graves, whose Public Services Building in Portland, Oregon, had created such a stir in the early 1980s, as a sign of the growing celebrity status of architects (see also Ewen, 1988, especially Part 4). As Gutman concludes: ‘There has been a tremendous expansion in opportunities to consume architectural culture over the last few decades’ (1988: 93). This trend has intensified since the 1980s and the production and marketing of architectural icons and architects as icons (the so-called signature architects or starchitects) have been at the centre of it, and I shall discuss this in more detail below in the context of the impact of the culture-ideology of consumerism on architecture.
However, it should be noted that few celebrity iconic architects are with the biggest architectural firms. When we attempt a transnational capitalist class analysis of iconic architecture it is important not to assume that the biggest firms (the major transnational corporations in the architecture industry) are necessarily the most celebrated firms (those led by the major signature architects). While the firms of the latter tend to grow very quickly once the iconic status of the creative leader has been established, few of them are among the very biggest firms in the industry.
Corporate fraction of the TCC in architecture
The four fractions of the transnational capitalist class are all represented, both directly and indirectly, within the dominant groups in contemporary architecture.
2
My own substantive research on the leading members of the TCC and the institutions from which they derive their power is focused on the
Fortune
Global 500, the largest transnational corporations identified by
Fortune
magazine, based on annual revenues denominated in US dollars — the entry level these days is over ten billion (Sklair, 2001). No architectural firm (or developer)
3
has ever been big enough to break into this group so we have to look outside the Global 500 to find those who own and control the major TNCs and their local affiliates in architecture.
4
The corporate fraction of the TCC in architecture
2 Olds, in his stimulating book on mega-projects in the Pacific Rim, uses the term Global Intelligence Corps (GIC), defined as ‘the very small number of elite architectural and planning firms that aspire for prestigious commissions in cities around the world. These firms tend to be synonymous with high-profile charismatic men’ (2001: 142). He names Le Corbusier, Gropius and Mies as historical exemplars, and Piano, Rogers, Foster, Nouvel and Koolhaas as modern exemplars. The GIC formulation, however, obscures the extent to which these architects connect with capitalist globalization as analysed here.
3 The pre-eminent architect–developer of the global era so far is John Portman, whose Peachtree Center in Atlanta and Westin Bonaventure in Los Angeles have made the atrium hotel iconic, at least for postmodernists (notably Jameson, 1991). For his ‘strong ideas’ see Portman and Barnett (1976). Portman has also built in China. Haila (1997), in an incisive critique of the concept of global cities, argues for the centrality of the real estate developer in what she terms ‘the politics of the global city’, close to what I term ‘globalizing cities’.
4 Rimmer (1988) usefully discussed globalizing engineering consultancies, some of which are parts of FG500 firms. These are mainly engaged in infrastructure projects and for reasons of space I can only indicate their existence here. The firm of Ove Arup occupies a special place among these firms and I hope to deal more explicitly with its connections to some major iconic architectural projects in a forthcoming article on ‘Celebrity Infrastructure’.
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consists of the major globalizing architectural, architect–engineering and architect– developer–real estate (mixed) practices, in terms of fees and fee-earning architects employed. These are the ‘strong-delivery firms’ who build many buildings but do not produce much contemporary iconic architecture. In addition, a few large ‘strong-service firms’ compete with these majors and are distinguished by the fact that they are responsible for a few buildings that have achieved some measure of iconicity. Most iconic buildings in the global era, however, have not been built by the biggest firms but by a relatively small number of firms identified with individual architects, often with substantial reputations based more on publication than on actual buildings. These are the ‘strong ideas firms’ and to understand them we have to understand the central role of celebrity in the culture industries and how it operates in the specific culture-ideology of consumerism for iconic architecture.
Table 1 lists the top 30 transnational architectural and mixed practices by fees earned in 2003 along with numbers of fee-earning architects employed. As can be seen, these two measures match fairly closely. These are, in Gutman’s terms, the leading strong delivery firms.
Of the biggest 30 firms, only two could be said to have definitely produced iconic architecture, defined as buildings that are both famous and have symbolic/aesthetic significance for those in and around architecture and/or some sections of the general public.
5
Some SOM buildings — Jin Mao Tower in Shanghai, Canary Wharf in London, National Commercial Bank in Jeddah, among others,
6
— and Foster and Partners buildings — HSBC and Chek Lap Kok Airport Hong Kong, the new Reichstag in Berlin, Swiss Re (the erotic gherkin!) in London, among others,
7
— are well known beyond the field of professional architects and beyond their immediate locales. In addition, a good number of the top 30 architecture and mixed firms have produced buildings that have attracted attention from specialized and mass media outside the cities where their buildings are located. Each of these would make a fruitful case study in the creation of architectural iconicity based on their fame and the ascription of symbolic/aesthetic qualities to them (measured by appearance in the media, and the nature and persistence of this media attention). Table 2 lists some of what might be termed the candidate iconic buildings of the top 30 firms.
Most contemporary professional icons that have also attracted a measure of public icon status, however, have been produced by architects whose practices are relatively small in terms of revenues but whose symbolic capital in the industry is high. A good proxy for such architects of iconic buildings is the list of winners of the Pritzker Prize (widely regarded as the equivalent of the Nobel Prize for architects).
Most of them have also won major competitions and the prizes (like the Stirling Prize or the RIBA Gold Medal in the UK or equivalent awards in other countries) that often
5 This article is partly based on a series of interviews with people in and around architecture carried out in the USA and Europe in 2004 (ongoing). The term ‘in and around architecture’ refers to architects and the developers, urban planners, teachers, critics and others who come into direct contact with them in an architectural context. The issue of iconicity is discussed more fully in Sklair (2006).
6 SOM is something of an anomaly in contemporary architecture. Founded in the 1930s and having built notable buildings regularly since the Lever House in New York (1952), a global professional icon of the International Movement designed by Gordon Bunshaft, SOM’s leading architect (see Krinsky, 1988). Frank LloydWright, forced to withdraw from the Air Force Academy competition in 1945 won by SOM, famously referred to them as ‘Skiddings, Own-More and Sterile’ (quoted in Secrest, 1998: 542–8). David Childs, Bunshaft’s heir to the mantle of ‘iconic architect’ at SOM and Daniel Libeskind, ‘genius starchitect’, have been locked in controversy over the World Trade Center site in New York.
7 Commenting, rather negatively, on Foster’s nine new buildings in London between 2000 and 2003, Pimlott (2003: 12) observes, ‘in a remarkably short period, the practice has transformed the City [of London] and its immediate surroundings to an extent unmatched by any architect since Sir Christopher Wren’. For a similar, though rather more positive, survey of SOM in New York, see Kubany (2000: 68–9). Both articles are well illustrated with maps useful for self-guided walking tours.
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follow competition victories, even if the buildings never get built.
8
It is significant that there are only two overlaps between the top 30 firms and the Pritzker Prize winners (Gordon Bunshaft of SOM and Norman Foster).
The Pritzker was introduced in 1979. Of the twentieth century architects who were dead by then, Wright, Le Corbusier and Mies certainly have both professional and public
8 See Larson (1994). The magazine
Building Design
reveals that according to architecture student prize winners in Britain in 2003 and 2004, the most popular of the ‘non-celebrity architects’ is Peter Zumthor (whose Spa at Vals in Switzerland is a widely published professional icon). There are many
Table 1
Architecture industry firms ranked by fee-income in 2003
Rank Name of firm Country of origin
Core activity: A
=
architect, M
=
mixed
Fee income (US$ million)
Fee-earning architects
1 URS Corporation USA M 323 600
2 Nikken Sekkei Japan M 283.1 1,054
3 HOK USA A 215.5 845
4 Ellerbe Becket USA A 162 274
5 Gensler USA A 161 622
6 NBBJ USA A 153 634
7 Skidmore, Owings & Merrill USA M 143 502
8 RTKL Associates USA A 134 498
9 Leo A Daly USA A 119.9 274
10 Nihon Sekkei Japan M 110–119 282
11 SmithGroup USA M 100 385
12 HBO
+
EMTB Australia M 95 166
13 HNTB Corporation USA M 92.6 189
14 Kling USA A 87.8 213
15
=
Perkins & Will USA A 85 468
15
=
Hillier USA A 85 288
17 Kume Sekkei Japan A 83.5 323
18 DLR Group USA A 80–89 300
19 Cannon Design USA A 78.4 268
20 Corgan Associates USA A 70–79 150
21
=
Kohn Pedersen Fox USA A 68 229
21
=
KMD USA A 68 150
23 Perkins Eastman Architects USA A 66.5 295
24
=
BDP UK M 63 526
24
=
Callison Architecture USA A 63 263
26 Aedas UK A 60.1 400
27
=
Foster and Partners UK A 60–69 358
27
=
HLM Design USA A 60–69 312
29 HLW USA M 50.5 156
30 Yasui Architects Japan A 50–59 180
Source:
www.world-architecture.com
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iconicity in the senses used here (and most enthusiasts will wish to add to this list — my own additions would include Gaudi, Aalto and Louis Kahn). It is noteworthy that while the first three are still influential for architects and historians today, none has left an enduring corporate presence, in comparison with SOM, founded in 1936–9 and still going strong — though this is possibly the only example (see Dobney, 1995). Wright, Corbusier and Mies all have institutional legacies and plenty of enthusiasts, but with the partial exception of the Mies-related firms of Lohan Associates (Dirk Lohan is the grandson of Mies) and Murphy/Jahn (see Schulze, 1985; Zukowsky and Thorne, 2000: 135–6), there are no firms to carry on their names and work.
9
Furthermore, while new buildings are now on postcards and trinkets everywhere, until recently, with few exceptions — notably Wright’s Guggenheim Museum in New York — buildings were not iconized in this way (see Grigor, in Covert, 1993: xxviii).
10
State fraction, globalizing state bureaucrats and politicians and/or their nominees
The historical thesis that underlies this research project suggests that while iconic architecture in the pre-global era (up to the 1950s) was largely driven by those who controlled the state or religion (often together), in the global era iconic architecture tends to be driven by the transnational capitalist class in the corporate interest and much more in the context of the culture-ideology of consumerism than was previously the case. This makes the role of the state fraction of the TCC (in contrast to the state
per
se) pivotal in the production of iconic architecture in capitalist globalization.
The state fraction of the TCC in architecture neatly divides into two groups and two sets of institutions. First, there are globalizing state bureaucrats and politicians and/or
more unsung heroes and heroines of contemporary architecture waiting for major competition victories to bring mass media attention and corporate largesse, though interviews suggest that there are also many excellent architects who profess disinterest in or hostility to such celebrity.
9 I analyse the significance of Taliesen Associates of Scottsdale, Arizona in a forthcoming article on the Frank Lloyd Wright Industry.
10 I can find no systematic comparison of mass pictorial representations of icons of the ancient world with those of the global era. The effects of the novel and film of ‘The Fountainhead’ (1949) on the reputation of Wright (see Saint, 1983: chapter 1) will be compared with the effects of the documentary film ‘My Architect’ (2004) on the reputation of Louis Kahn in my forthcoming Wright Industry article.
Table 2
Selected top 30 transnational architectural practices ranked by fee income (2003) with candidate iconic buildings
Nikken Sekkei [2] (Shanghai Information Center
+
Pudong International Finance Building; Tu Liem District, Hanoi North)
Ellerbe Becket [4] (Kingdom Center Riyadh [with Omrania])
SOM [6] (Lever House, New York; National Commercial Bank, Jedda; Canary Wharf, London; Jin Mao Tower, Shanghai)
RTKL [8] (Warsaw Daewoo Center)
Kohn Pederson Fox [21
=
] (Goldman Sachs UK HQ; 20 Cabot Square; Heron Tower; Parkhaven Rotterdam; WFC Shanghai)
Foster and Partners [27
=
] (HSBC, and Chek Lap Kok airport, Hong Kong; Reichstag, Berlin; Commerzbank, Frankfurt; Jiushi HQ Shanghai)
Source:
Author’s research based on citations and reproductions of images in media outside the city in which building is located
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their nominees in official agencies who promote, award, permit or refuse contracts for important national or subnational (usually urban) projects in global competition. In some cases, national governments or local authorities restrict entry to or specifically invite entries from architects who are co-nationals, but where competition juries have foreign members this is taken as evidence of a globalizing tendency. Second, there are interstate and transnational bureaucrats and politicians who do the same for projects that are marketed as sites and buildings with genuinely global significance, notably the World Heritage Site system of UNESCO (see website, and Edensor, 1998: 184–7). I focus on the first group in this article.
Consideration of the state raises an issue that is fundamental for the understanding of icons of all types, namely their location in terms of public and private space. It must be said that this much-used but monolithic distinction is not as useful as it sounds, because much public space has been effectively privatized and some private space has
Table 3
Pritzker Prize winners
Architect Main office Selected iconic building*
1979 Philip Johnson USA AT&T Building, New York
1980 Luis Barragán Mexico Las Arboledas Estate, Mexico City
1981 James Stirling UK Staatsgalerie Stuttgart
1982 Kevin Roche USA Ford Foundation, New York
1983 Ioeh Ming Pei USA Louvre Pyramid, Paris
1984 Richard Meier USA Getty Center, Los Angeles
1985 Hans Hollein Austria Museum of Modern Art, Frankfurt
1986 Gottfried Boehm Germany Pilgrimage Church, Neviges, Germany
1987 Kenzo Tange Japan Tokyo City Hall
1988 Gordon Bunshaft (SOM) USA Lever House, New York
Oscar Niemeyer Brazil Cathedral, Brasilia
1989 Frank O. Gehry USA Guggenheim Bilbao, Spain
1990 Aldo Rossi Italy Cemetery of San Calaldo, Modena, Italy
1991 Robert Venturi USA National Gallery extension, London
1992 Alvaro Siza Portugal Portugal Pavilion, Expo ’92, Seville
1993 Fumihiko Maki Japan Tokyo Metropolitan Gymnasium
1994 Christian de Portzamparc France Cité de la Musique, Paris
1995 Tadao Ando Japan Japan Pavilion, Expo ’92, Seville
1996 Rafael Moneo Spain Cathedral, Los Angeles
1997 Sverre Fehn Norway Nordic Pavilion, Arsenale, Venice
1998 Renzo Piano Italy Kansai airport, Tokyo
1999 Norman Foster UK The ‘Gherkin’, London
2000 Rem Koolhaas Netherlands Euralille, Lille
2001 Herzog & de Meuron Switzerland Tate Modern, London
2002 Glenn Murcutt Australia Boyd Education Centre, NSW, Australia
2003 Jorn Utzon Denmark Sydney Opera House
2004 Zaha Hadid UK Rosenthal Center for Contemporary Art, Cincinnati
* The Pritzker Prize is awarded for an architect’s entire oeuvre.
Source:
www.pritzkerprize.com
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been made public (see Kayden, 2000). The fact that a space is legally private or public does not necessarily mean that it is effectively private or public. For example, the recently developed London Bridge City riverside walk is legally private, as is announced by a relatively small notice attached by the developers, morelondon, to the river wall by the public right of way. This reads:
This space is, thus, legally private but effectively public and, no doubt, few skateboarders, roller-bladers and cyclists are aware of the restrictions.
11
On the other hand, many iconic buildings that are in the public realm of architecture are entirely privatized. Prime examples of this are the houses of the great architects, notably those by Frank Lloyd Wright. It is as well to bear this in mind as we analyse the role of the state fraction of the transnational capitalist class in creating iconic architecture.
The state fraction of the TCC in architecture comprises globalizing bureaucrats and politicians who promote and award contracts for important subnational (usually urban), national and sometimes transnational projects in global competitions. Where the sites of these projects are in or near the most notable globalizing cities (New York, London, Tokyo, Paris and perhaps a few others) they may achieve global significance. Some cities that would not normally be considered global cities clearly set out deliberately to establish global credentials through promotion of iconic architecture. The best current example is Barcelona (McNeill, 1999), to which we can add Bilbao (del Cerro, forthcoming) and Glasgow (Gomez, 1998), Los Angeles (Soja, 1996; Ouroussoff, 2001), Berlin (Wise, 1998; Huyssen, 2003), and many others. And in China, as a recent report explains, ‘Cities are competing against each other for icons and are using international architects to drum up that “something different”. In Chongqing [not usually considered a global city] . . . city authorities are racing to create the necessary public buildings. Rather in the manner of a shopping spree, they say they want 10 and have decided half should go to foreign architects’ (
Building Design
, 7 November 2003: 10). Many of the buildings intended by urban boosters to be global icons that will put
their city ‘on the map’ start off with high-profile competitions, often open only to a restricted group of already famous architects who are invited to submit entries, and are often paid to do so. The topic of architectural competitions has attracted a great deal of attention within the industry (see Haan and Haagsma, 1988) and, indeed, has its own journal —
Competitions
. The topic occasionally spills over into the mass media, most notably in the case of the rebuilding of the Twin Towers site in New York post 9/11.
12
The competition system varies from country to country, but cases where national governments or local authorities restrict entry to or specifically invite entries from
11 Interestingly, the nearby new City Hall for GLA (Greater London Authority), completed by Foster and Partners in 2004, has a curvy amphitheatre for such urban athletes.
12 Some competitions have attained legendary status in the profession, notably the Chicago Tribune building in 1922 (see Curtis, 1996: 219ff); the League of Nations in 1927–8 (Giedion) and the UN headquarters in New York (see Dudley, 1994), with Le Corbusier being thwarted in both (Haan and Haagsma, 1988, especially the essays by Frampton and Sharp); Pudong in Shanghai in the 1980s (see Olds, 2001: chapter 5); and, of course, the ongoing saga of the WTC site.
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architects who are co-nationals are much less common now than in the past. Where competition juries for ‘public’ buildings have foreign members this may be taken as evidence of a globalizing tendency among state bureaucrats and politicians. For example, the juror from Britain for the Brasilia competition in 1956, William Holford, is credited with having had the imagination and independence to pick the rather schematic design by Lucio Costa (Holston, 1989). Some projects are marketed as sites and buildings with genuinely transnational (globalizing) significance. Notable examples of these are the original building and subsequent rebuilding of the United Nations HQ in New York, new buildings associated with major sporting events like the Olympics and the football World Cup, repositories of world heritage like the proposed Cairo Museum of Antiquities and the Acropolis Museum in Athens, and perhaps major theme parks of the Disney type. These and similar sites are examples of the transnational social spaces from above that capitalist globalization has brought.
There has been a substantial research interest in the political economy of iconic architecture in globalizing cities in recent decades. In all of these cases foreign capital and/or foreign architects have played key roles. Similar those patterns can be discerned if we compare changes in these cities in the first half with those in the second half of the twentieth century, particularly in terms of the growing importance of foreign capital. Despite many differences of detail, such a thesis can be maintained for both New York (compare Koolhaas, 1994; Goldberger, 2003) and Los Angeles (see Davis, 1992; Longstreth, 1997). In Paris, the ‘
grands projets
’ of the late twentieth century started with the celebrated Pompidou Centre (1977) designed to the consternation of the French architecture establishment by Richard Rogers and Renzo Piano, engineered by Arup, with a German-based main contractor (see Appleyard, 1986). The trend inaugurated by the Pompidou Centre continued with a series of iconic structures driven by a state– business coalition created by President Mitterand and continued by his successors (see Fierro, 2003). For London in the 1980s, the impetus for new iconic architecture originated with a coalition for the regeneration of Docklands driven by prime minister Thatcher and the developer Olympia & York (see Bianco, 1997: Part V) and latterly a number of millennium projects (Papadakis, 2000) and the bid for the 2012 Olympics. In Berlin, it was the redevelopment of Potsdamer Platz (Caygill, 1997) and then the return of the capital of Germany to the city (Wise, 1998) that promoted new urban icons. In China, Shanghai has attracted a remarkable amount of aspirant iconic architecture (Olds, 2001; Marshall, 2003: chapter 6) as have the 2008 Olympic city, Beijing (Marshall, 2003: chapter 7) and Shenzhen (Chung
et al.
, 2001), another project of the ubiquitous Rem Koolhaas. Finally, Tokyo, despite the Japanese recession, is attempting to recreate parts of its urban fabric through both large- and small-scale iconic projects (Mulligan and Gruyaert, 2001; Marshall, 2003: chapters 3–4). In all these cases local and national politicians and bureaucrats combine with indigenous and transnational commercial interests and architects to create urban coalitions with a preference for tall, spectacular iconic buildings to attract foreign investment and visitors with money to spend.
The role of iconic architecture in the strategies of globalizing cities provides strong support for the argument connecting the state fraction of the transnational capitalist class and capitalist globalization. The context for most of these cities is the attempt to recover from deindustrialization and urban blight.
13
The paradigm case in recent years is Barcelona, where the Urban Regeneration plan of the 1980s and the opportunity of the 1992 Olympics stimulated substantial waterfront redevelopment and the construction of iconic buildings all over the city (McNeill, 1999). A ‘culture industry’ around the works of the most celebrated local architect, Gaudi, provided a link to an extraordinary past and the tourists flocked in. The 150th anniversary of Gaudi’s birth in 2002 kept up the momentum. Celebrity foreign architects, notably Richard Meier (whose Museum of Contemporary Art near the Rambla was sandwiched into his schedule as he was building
13 Such projects often focus on gentrification of derelict waterfronts, on which see Meyer (1999).
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the Getty Center in Los Angeles), Herzog & de Meuron, Zaha Hadid and Norman Foster all contributed to reinforce Barcelona’s reputation as one of the great architectural destinations. In 1999, for the first time in its history, RIBA awarded its Gold Medal to a city, Barcelona, in recognition of the political, architectural and commercial coalition that made this happen. As the jury citation proclaims, ‘the character of Barcelona, though changed, is more distinct than ever and ready for the global age in which cities as much as nations are in direct competition for jobs and investment’ (cited in Kelly, 1999: 9).
Burdett (2000) argues that a similar coalition in Salerno, a small city south of Naples, followed the same strategy, and recruited the leading lights from the Barcelona team to provide a ‘Programmatic Document’ to reinvent the city. A Ferry Terminal by Zaha Hadid (Burdett calls this ‘iconic’), an urban park by Sejima and Nishizawa, and an imaginative scheme by David Chipperfield for the regeneration of the historic centre, among many other projects, have, according to Burdett, transformed Salerno from an industrial backwater to a city of culture and tourism. As in Barcelona, a charismatic mayor, pragmatic architects and commercial interests used iconic architecture to boost the city and a ‘significant indicator of the success of the operation is that property values in the city center have increased sevenfold’ (Burdett, 2000: 100).
In Glasgow, the regeneration of the city was directly connected with the work of a native son, Charles Rennie Mackintosh (see Kaplan, 1996) and another ‘culture industry’ was built around him. Glasgow was designated European City of Culture in 1990 and awarded the prestigious British City of Architecture and Design designation in 1999.
14
As Gomez (1998) points out in his instructive comparison, one of the models for Bilbao’s regeneration was Glasgow’s discourse of boosterism and business-led redevelopment. Bilbao’s special feature, of course, is Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim franchise museum, an iconic building that is said to be responsible for turning Bilbao into one of the leading weekend tourist destinations in Europe, added to which are the airport and bridges by Calatrava, the metro system designed by Foster, and a transport interchange by Stirling and Wilford. In his analysis of what he terms ‘McGuggenisation’, McNeill (2000) shows how iconic architecture played a fundamental role in the relations between the Basque political elite and the commercial interests of the Guggenheim Foundation as expressed by its director Thomas Krens, the ‘professional seductor’ who persuaded the Basque authorities to pay $100 million plus for use of the brand name. This was a central element in what del Cerro (forthcoming) characterizes as ‘Basque pathways to globalization’. Despite the hype, the jury is still out on the multidimensional commercial impacts of the Guggenheim in Bilbao. As Morgado (2004) shows in her analysis of starchitecture in Latin America, icons do not always succeed, even if they are Guggenheims.
These are not isolated cases, indeed it could be argued that large and small cities all over the world are all trying to replicate these ‘successes’, however it must be said that they produce winners as well as losers as capitalist globalization intensifies class, social, cultural and residential polarization. I have done little more than scratch the surface here, as substantial case studies for each of these cities would be necessary to establish the extent to which there is a globalizing state fraction at work to boost the city, and the extent to which it is connected with or can be considered a part of a transnational capitalist class. However, there is sufficient evidence available to suggest that these would make good case studies and, indeed, as the citations illustrate, work roughly along these lines is well under way.
15
14 In ‘The Mackintosh Phenomenon’ (in Kaplan, 1996: 321–46), Alan Crawford explains how between 1980 and 1995 ‘control of Mackintosh’s reputation has passed out of the hands of the enthusiasts and into those of advertising agencies, journalists, giftware manufacturers, and tour operators’ (
ibid
.: 342) and he indicates the parallel with Wright. See also Laurier (1993) on ‘Tackintosh’.
15 Space limitations preclude extended discussion of Graz, Lille, Lisbon, Singapore, Bangkok, Hanoi, Kuala Lumpur, Melbourne, and many others that fit this pattern of iconic architecture, capitalist globalization and class polarization.
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Technical fraction of the TCC in architecture
The globalizing professionals of the transnational capitalist class in architecture are a very mixed bunch, ranging from those who work with (or for) those who own and control the major architectural firms (some of which overlap with the corporate fraction) to those engaged in the education of architects, from designers in general to professional architectural historians and critics. What unites them all is their globalizing agenda within, more or less, the confines of capitalist globalization. However, there are frequent debates between them and other professionals who oppose their agenda of capitalist globalization while pursuing their own, sometimes more generic alternative globalization agendas as, for example, engineers and consultants working with cheap and sustainable local materials and building methods,
16
and teachers, historians and critics who give them theoretical and practical support. A little speculatively, I suggest that radical developments of movements like Critical Regionalism (see, for example, Amourgis, 1991) and New Urbanism could provide some hints about what alternative globalizations in architecture could look like (see Harris and Berke, 1997). The long tradition of architecture without architects (see Rudofsky, 1996) connects with these more recent theories and practices in ways that entirely undermine the pretensions of much iconic architecture and the more general issue of the role of celebrity in the culture-ideology of consumerism.
The most important engineering firm for the production of iconic architecture is Arup, having worked with Foster on the Barcelona Telecom Tower, Rogers and Piano on the Pompidou Centre, Utzon on the Sydney Opera House and many others (Pearman, 1992). The ways in which engineering connects directly with consumerism is brilliantly illustrated by Fierro in her analysis of how a new system of glazing developed by the engineers RFR made possible the Paris of the
grands projets
: ‘As a patented system, RFR’s structural glazing became a commodity available for purchase and installation in any type of space. It was immediately appropriated by developer culture as a means of endowing commercial space with a fashionable technological flourish’ (Fierro, 2003: 217). Thus, iconic architecture introduced in the global city becomes easily, if expensively, available for globalizing cities everywhere seeking new shopping malls and entertainment spaces where iconic architecture is an incitement to spend money.
Real estate is also globalizing rapidly (see Haila, 1997). For example, those who own and control Cushman and Wakefield describe themselves as a ‘global real estate services firm’. These are important members of the technical fraction of the TCC in architecture. The firm is domiciled in the USA with offices in Canada, Mexico, Europe, South America, Asia and China. Recent annual reports profile relations with Boeing in Chicago, Con Edison in New York, Lucent Technologies in New Jersey, the Brussels- based developer Codic (a subsidiary of the major UK-based electronics retailer Dixon’s), WPP in Singapore, Sonae in Lisbon, Unibanco in Sao Paolo, and others. Selling property to major corporations is frequently linked to the production of iconic architecture — special companies want special buildings. Also notable in this respect are the leading professional organizations of real estate and building managers, IFMA, BOMA, and their equivalents around other ‘building boom’ sites. A key event providing opportunities to monitor the relationships between architecture firms and private and public developers is the annual property fair in Cannes of Marche International des Professionels de l’Immobiliers (MIPIM), and this is regularly written up in the March/April issues of construction and architecture magazines.
The technical fraction of the transnational capitalist class in architecture also contains what can be called ‘ideological entrepreneurs’, critics of various types who operate in the practical, scholarly and business spheres. The role model for this genre is Philip
16 What I have analysed as ‘the corporate capture of sustainable development’ (Sklair, 2001: chapter 7) appears also to be happening in the architecture industry, with some of the most corporate firms (notably Foster and Partners) claiming green leadership. It would be fair to say that the profession as a whole is not convinced.
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Johnson (1906–2005), an architect with some iconic buildings to his name, largely responsible not only as a curator for the sponsorship by the Museum of Modern Art in New York of the so-called International Style in the 1930s, and later with Mies as a designer of the iconic Seagram Building in Manhattan, but also as a designer in his own right and competition juror for the successor to the International Style, postmodernism and, latterly, in all capacities as a proponent of deconstructivism. Up to his death in his nineties, his influence on architecture and the commerce of style seemed undiminished, meriting a double-page spread in a
Vanity Fair
feature on ‘the rediscovery of modernism’ (Tyrnauer, 2004). Few could match Johnson’s versatility, though admirers of Rem Koolhaas may argue that he has done all this and also built more in China (Patteeuw, 2003). Commentators and scholars who have few or even no buildings to their names are much more numerous and have the luxury of being radical critics of architectural practice while at the same time joining in the celebrity starchitecture system and taking full advantage of market opportunities. This conception of architectural practice is well summed up by the head of DRL at the Architectural Association in London: ‘questions concerning design product and process can only be addressed within an academic framework that understands architecture as a research based business rather than a medium of artistic expression’ (quoted in Speaks, 2002: 73).
Consumerist fraction of the TCC in architecture
The consumerist fraction of the TCC in architecture consists of those who use their control of and/or access to the commercial sector and the media to promote the idea of contemporary architecture as a transnational practice in the realm of culture-ideology. In this fraction we find retailers with an interest in architecture and signature architects as a means of globalizing the appeal of their own businesses as well as those who control those parts of the media who see commercial opportunities in the promotion of signature architects and the use of iconic buildings. The consumerist fraction of the TCC in architecture is to some extent continuous with the ideological entrepreneurs.
This operates in a variety of spheres. The connection between architecture and shopping is well illustrated by the relationship between the boutique Prada and its architects of choice, notably Koolhaas, Herzog & de Meuron, and Kazua Sejima, all of whom have deliberately designed iconic stores for them in globalizing cities. As Speaks (2002) reports, there are many other retailers who see the advantages of such connections. In England, a long-established central London store, Selfridges, had a new store designed for them in Birmingham by Future Systems. This was instantly dubbed iconic and the architects were asked if some of their visuals could be used on the store credit card. Recognition of the outline of a building or a skyline (see Attoe, 1981) is one of the great signifiers of iconicity.
The extent to which and the ways in which buildings, spaces and architects are represented as iconic in the mass media are, obviously, crucial for my thesis. The use of iconic buildings in movies and television is there for all to see, but representatives of the architecture industry regularly complain that, generally speaking, architecture, like most serious culture, is virtually ignored by mainstream TV. In the UK, it is the minority channels, the commercial Channel 4 and BBC2, where most of the few architecture programmes that get airtime appear. However, at the RIBA Annual lecture for 2003, enticingly entitled ‘Public Space and Private Pleasure’, Tim Gardam claimed that ‘design is at the heart of Channel 4’. This large claim was to some extent vindicated when screening of the Booker Literature Prize was replaced by the screening of the Stirling Prize, and a competition to get your town centre redesigned by Channel 4 was announced. BBC2 also ran a three-part series originally screened on the cable channel BBC4 and narrated by Robert Hughes on Gaudi, Albert Speer and Mies, plus a reasonably successful series on restoration in 2003, in which viewers were invited to
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vote on a building to be restored with funds from the BBC (this was repeated with a new set of buildings in 2004). In 2003, BBC’s Radio 3 and 4 and Radio London announced a year of programmes on architecture. In the UK at least, the broadcasting media have increased their coverage. Further, on the main terrestrial channels of BBC1 and ITV so-called ‘makeover’ programmes, where people are invited to have their homes made over, are very popular and have also raised the profile of design, if not architecture.
In the USA, a search of the archive in the Museum of Television and Radio in Los Angeles (designed by Richard Meier and very user friendly) turned up dozens of TV shows on and around architecture, mostly from A&E (for example a two-part series on Frank Lloyd Wright in the 1980s), PBS (notably the 1986 Mobil-sponsored eight-part series ‘Pride of Place’ presented by Robert Stern) and a Museum of TV and Radio Seminar Series in the 1990s (on the Getty Center, Steven Holl, Louis Kahn, IM Pei, Philip Johnson, Peter Eisenman and Wright), plus, in the mid-1990s, a three-part series on Philip Johnson moderated by Ada Louise Huxtable, the venerable former architecture critic of the
New York Times
. Some TV imports were also shown, for example from Germany (on Mies), and an outstanding co-production from SDR in Germany and Channel 4 in the UK, ‘Beyond Utopia, Changing Attitudes in American Architecture’ (1984), on the postmodernist turn. And, of course, in the aftermath of 9/11, skyscrapers and the egos of architects have come under a good deal of media scrutiny. So, is the cup half full or half empty? There is little research on architecture in the broadcast media from other countries and it would be surprising if these modest levels of exposure were exceeded.
From ‘Metropolis’ of 1927 (set in a city of the future based on Fritz Lang’s first sight of Manhattan in 1924)
17
through ‘The Fountainhead’ (whose hero, Howard Roark, was said to have been modelled on Frank Lloyd Wright, though Ayn Rand was vague on the question) to ‘Blade Runner’ (shot in the Bradbury Building in LA) and ‘Men in Black’ (whose opening sequences take place on and in Wright’s Guggenheim Museum in New York), iconic architecture has been a regular presence in twentieth century film. This is especially true of the Manhattan skyline, as Sanders (2001) exhaustively documents, though the skylines of many more cities, not all in the USA, are now becoming more familiar through films and TV. Throughout the Depression of the 1930s a strong part of Hollywood’s escapist attraction was the architectural environment within which the stars were performing. From the 1950s Las Vegas was widely seen as a movie-made city, and now images from the USA of dream houses in suburbia not only play all round the world but are being built all over the world (see Bergdoll, in Covert, 1993; also Lamster, 2000). The conclusion of one notable architectural film-maker is: ‘At their most basic level, architecture and cinema have natural inbuilt affinities. Plan, construction; script, production’ (Grigor, in Covert, 1993: xxviii).
18
Finally, a few words about the significance of new museums for the relationship between iconic architecture and capitalist consumerism are in order (see Lampugnani and Sachs, 1999). Reference has already been made to the almost instant iconicity of Frank Lloyd Wright’s Guggenheim Museum in New York, and 40 years later Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim Bilbao repeated the feat. Three reasons are commonly given to explain why some museums become iconic. First, the two Guggenheims and many other successful museums have unusual sculptural qualities and people visit them to see the
17 Krieger, discussing the impact of Modernist architecture from the USA on post-war Germany, argues that ‘the modern illuminated skyline of the Metropolis seems like a logical continuation of gothic feelings watching the moonlighted mountains . . . A brief flashback to the classical collective image of the metropolis . . . explains the contradictions between the iconic power of dense skyscraper accumulation in New York and the continuing German myth of the isolated tower’ (1999: 3–4).
18 In my interviews in Los Angeles two architects specifically made the comparison between making a film and making a building. Covert (1993) lists around 1,000 films on architectural subjects and the 400 plus production companies that made them. Obviously, most architecture films never get broadcast in the mass media.
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buildings as much as — if not more than — for the art inside. Second, museums like all cultural institutions have become much more commercialized in the global era. I have no precise data on the topic but it seems undeniable that most museums today have larger shops and a greater variety of art and architecture-related merchandise and spaces for refreshment than was the case 50 years ago (Zukin, 1995). In one famous case, this led to the jibe, or maybe it was an advertising slogan, that the refurbished Victoria and Albert in London ‘was a nice café with a museum attached’. Third, museums often become iconic when they can be seen to successfully regenerate rundown areas. This is certainly true for the Guggenheim in Bilbao, and in London, the ‘Tate Modern effect’ helps to explain how a converted disused power station has transformed a grimy area south of the Thames and, by connecting it via the new Millennium Bridge with St Paul’s Cathedral on the north side of the river, has created a new urban pole of attraction. There is, therefore, a good deal of evidence to suggest that architecture has a higher public profile than ever before and that this is connected to the culture-ideology of consumerism and the agency of the consumerist fraction of the TCC in architecture.
Conclusion
The clear conclusion of this study of the role of the transnational capitalist class in architecture is that most globalizing cities have looked to iconic architecture as a prime strategy of urban intervention, often in the context of rehabilitation of depressed areas. In a recent analytic review of the literature on competition between cities in Europe and the new uses of urban design, Gospodini argues convincingly that:
in the era of globalization, the relationship between urban economy and urban design, as established throughout the history of urban forms, seems to be reversed. While for centuries the quality of the urban environment has been an outcome of economic growth of cities, nowadays the quality of urban space has become a prerequisite for the economic development of cities; and urban design has undertaken an enhanced new role as a means of economic development (2002: 60).
While urban design is by no means coterminous with iconic architecture, indeed some appear to believe that they are deadly enemies, it is certainly the search for architectural icons that drives the process in globalizing cities.
This article has attempted to probe the agents most responsible for this transformation, namely the transnational capitalist class, and to suggest that it is becoming a global phenomenon, specifically a central urban manifestation of the culture-ideology of consumerism. While this article has concentrated on the four fractions of the TCC and their specific functions for the class as a whole in promoting the project of capitalist globalization, further research might usefully focus on how members in each fraction work together in the production, marketing and consumption of iconic architecture, which clearly is the case for contemporary globalizing cities. The study of the production of architectural icons might prove to be not only a fruitful site for research on these issues but may also suggest alternative modes of iconicity beyond capitalism. It is now also appropriate to think about how some new iconic architecture in neighbourhoods and cities might meet the needs of all those who live there without simply pandering to the culture-ideology of consumerism. But this would imply the end of capitalist globalization as we know it.
Leslie Sklair
([email protected]), London School of Economics and Political Science, London WC2A 2AE, UK.
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