ANTH 110 Response

5. The Impoverishment of the Environment: Women and Children Last* Vandana Shiva

R u t h Sidel's book, Women and Children Last1, opens w i t h an ac­ count of the s i n k i n g of the unsinkable Titanic. W o m e n a n d c h i l ­ dren were, indeed, the first to be saved o n that dreadful night — that is, those i n the first a n d second class. But the majority of w o m e n a n d children d i d not s u r v i v e — they were i n the t h i r d class.

The state of the global economy is i n m a n y w a y s comparable to the Titanic: glittering a n d affluent a n d considered unsinkable. But as R u t h S i d e l observed, despite o u r s i d e - w a l k cafes, o u r saunas, our l u x u r y boutiques, we, too, lack lifeboats for everyone w h e n disaster strikes. L i k e the Titanic, the global economy has too m a n y l o c k e d gates, segregated decks a n d policies ensuring that w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n w i l l be first — not to be saved, but to f a l l into the abyss of poverty.

E n v i r o n m e n t a l degradation a n d p o v e r t y creation Development was to have created w e l l - b e i n g a n d affluence for a l l i n the T h i r d W o r l d . For some regions, a n d some people, it has delivered that promise, but for most regions a n d people, it has instead brought environmental degradation a n d poverty. Where d i d the development p a r a d i g m go wrong?

Firstly, it focused exclusively o n a m o d e l of progress d e r i v e d f r o m Western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d economies, o n the assumption that Western style progress was possible for a l l . Development, as the i m p r o v e d w e l l - b e i n g of a l l , w a s thus equated w i t h the Westerniza­ tion of economic categories — of h u m a n needs, productivity, a n d g r o w t h . Concepts a n d categories relating to economic develop­ ment a n d natural resource u t i l i z a t i o n that h a d emerged i n the specific context of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a n d capitalist g r o w t h i n a

* This is an extensively revised version of a background paper presented for the U N C E D Workshop 'Women and Children First', Geneva, May 1991

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centre of c o l o n i a l power, were raised to the level of universal assumptions a n d thought to be successfully applicable i n the en­ tirely different context of basic-needs satisfaction for the people of the erstwhile colonies — n e w l y independent T h i r d W o r l d cou n ­ tries. Yet, as Rosa L u x e m b u r g 2 has p o i n t e d out, early i n d u s t r i a l development i n Western Europe necessitated permanent occupa­ t i o n of the colonies b y the c o l o n i a l powers, a n d the destruction of the local 'natural economy'. A c c o r d i n g to L u x e m b u r g , colonialism is a constant, necessary c o n d i t i o n for capitalist g r o w t h : w i t h o u t c o l o n i e s , c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n w o u l d g r i n d t o a h a l t . 'Development' as capital accumulation a n d the commercialization of the economy for the generation of ' s u r p l u s ' a n d profits thus i n v o l v e d the reproduction of not o n l y a particular form of wealth creation, but also of the associated creation of poverty a n d dispos­ session. A replication of economic development based o n c o m ­ mercialization of resource-us e for c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n i n the n e w l y independent countries created internal colonies a n d per­ petuated o l d c o l o n i a l linkages. Development thus became a con­ ti nuation of the colonization process; it became a n extension of the project of w e a l t h creation i n m o d e r n , Western patriarchy's eco­ n o m i c v i s i o n .

Secondly, development focused exclusively o n such financial indicators as G N P (gross national product). W h a t these indicators c o u l d not demonstrate w a s the environmental destruction a n d the creation of poverty associated w i t h the development process. The p r o b l e m w i t h measuring economic g r o w t h i n G N P is that it mea­ sures some costs as benefits (for example, p o l l u t i o n control) but fails to f u l l y measure other costs. In G N P calculations clear-felling a natural forest adds to economic g r o w t h , even though it leaves b e h i n d i m p o v e r i s h e d ecosystems w h i c h can no longer produce biomass or water, a n d thus also leaves i m p o v e r i s h e d forest a n d f a r m i n g communities.

T h i r d l y , such indicators as G N P can measure o n l y those activi­ ties that take place through the market mechanism, regardless of whether or not such activities are productive, u n p r o d u c t i v e or destructive.

In the market economy, the o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e for natural resource use is m a x i m i z a t i o n of profits a n d capital accumulation. Nature a n d h u m a n needs are managed through market mecha­ nisms. N a t u r a l resources d e m a n d s are restricted to those regis­ t e r i n g o n the market; the i d e o l o g y of d e v e l o p m e n t is l a r g e l y based o n a n o t i o n of b r i n g i n g a l l n a t u r a l resources i n t o the

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market e c o n o m y for c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n . W h e n these re­ sources are already b e i n g used b y nature to maintain p r o d u c t i o n of renewable resources, a n d b y w o m e n for sustenance a n d l i v e l i ­ h o o d , their d i v e r s i o n to the market economy generates a scarcity c o n d i t i o n for ecological stability a n d creates n e w forms of poverty for a l l , especially w o m e n a n d children.

Finally,the conventional p a r a d i g m of development perceives poverty o n l y i n terms of an absence of Western consumption patterns, or i n terms of cash incomes a n d therefore is unable to grapple w i t h self-provisioning economies, or to include the p o v ­ erty created b y their destruction through development. In a book entitled Poverty: the Wealth of the People,3 an A f r i c a n writer d r a w s a distinction between poverty as subsistence, a n d poverty as d e p r i ­ vation. It is useful to separate a cultural conception of subsistence l i v i n g as poverty f r o m the material experience of poverty result­ i n g f r o m dispossession a n d d e p r i v a t i o n . C u l t u r a l l y perceived poverty is not necessarily real material poverty: subsistence econ­ omies that satisfy basic needs through self-provisioning are not p o o r i n the sense of d e p r i v a t i o n . Yet the ideology of development declares them to be so because they neither participate over­ w h e l m i n g l y i n the market economy nor consume commodities p r o d u c e d for a n d distributed through the market, even though they m i g h t be satisfying those basic needs through self-provision­ i n g mechanisms. People are perceived as poor if they eat millets (grown b y w o m e n ) rather than commercially p r o d u c e d a n d dis­ tributed processed foods s o l d b y global agribusiness. They are seen as poor if they live i n houses self-built w i t h natural materials like bamboo a n d m u d rather than concrete. They are seen as p o o r if they wear home-made garments of natural fibre rather than synthetics. Subsistence, as c u l t u r a l l y perceived poverty, does not necessarily i m p l y a l o w material quality of life. O n the contrary, millets, for example, are n u t r i t i o n a l l y superior to processed foods, houses b u i l t w i t h local materials rather than concrete are better adapted to the local climate a n d ecology, natural fibres are gener­ ally preferable to synthetic ones — a n d often more affordable. The cultural perception of prudent subsistence l i v i n g as poverty has p r o v i d e d legitimization for the development process as a ' p o v ­ erty-removal' project. 'Development', as a culturally biased p r o ­ cess destroys wholesome a n d sustainable lifestyles a n d instead creates real material poverty, or misery, b y d e n y i n g the means of s u r v i v a l through the d i v e r s i o n of resources to resource-intensive c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n . C a s h crop p r o d u c t i o n a n d food process-

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i n g , b y d i v e r t i n g l a n d a n d water resources a w a y from sustenance needs d e p r i v e increasingly large numbers of people f r o m the means of satisfying their entitlements to food.

The resource base for s u r v i v a l is b e i n g increasingly eroded b y the d e m a n d for resources b y the market economy, dominated b y global forces. The creation of inequality through ecologically dis­ ruptive economic activity arises i n t w o w a y s : first, inequalities i n the distribution of privileges a n d p o w e r make for u n e q u a l access to natural resources — these i n c l u d e privileges of both a political a n d e c o n o m i c n a t u r e . S e c o n d , g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y enables resource intensive p r o d u c t i o n processes to gain access to the r a w material that m a n y people, especially from the less p r i v i l e g e d economic groups, depend u p o n for their s u r v i v a l . C o n s u m p t i o n of this r a w material is determined solely b y market forces, u n i m ­ peded b y any consideration of the social or ecological impact. The costs of resource destruction are externalized a n d d i v i d e d u n ­ equally a m o n g various economic groups i n society, but these costs are borne largely b y w o m e n a n d those w h o , l a c k i n g the purchas­ i n g p o w e r to register their demands o n the m o d e r n p r o d u c t i o n system's goods a n d services, p r o v i d e for their basic material needs directly from nature.

The paradox a n d crisis of development results f r o m mistakenly i d e n t i f y i n g c u l t u r a l l y perceived poverty w i t h real material p o v ­ erty, a n d of m i s t a k i n g the g r o w t h of c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n as better satisfying basic needs. In fact, however water, soil fertility, a n d genetic w e a l t h are considerably d i m i n i s h e d as a result of the development process. The scarcity of these natural resources, w h i c h f o r m the basis of nature's economy a n d especially w o m e n ' s s u r v i v a l economy, is i m p o v e r i s h i n g w o m e n , a n d a l l marginalized peoples to a n u n p r e c e d e n t e d extent. Th e source of this i m ­ poverishment is the market economy, w h i c h has absorbed these resources i n the pursuit of c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n .

I m p o v e r i s h m e n t of w o m e n , c h i l d r e n a n d the e n v i r o n m e n t The U N Decade for W o m e n was based o n the assumption that the improvement of w o m e n ' s economic position w o u l d automatically flow f r o m an expansion a n d d i f f u s i o n of the development process. B y the end of the Decade, however, it w a s becoming clear that development itself w a s the p r o b l e m . Women's increasing under­ d e v e l o p m e n t w a s n o t d u e to i n s u f f i c i e n t a n d i n a d e q u a t e 'participation' i n 'development' rather, it was due to their en­ forced but asymmetric participation whereby they bore the costs

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but were excluded f r o m the benefits. Development a n d disposses­ sion augmented the c o l o n i a l processes of ecological degradation a n d the loss of p o l i t i c a l control over nature's sustenance base. E c o n o m i c g r o w t h w a s a n e w c o l o n i a l i s m , d r a i n i n g resources a w a y f r o m those w h o most needed them. But now, it was not the o l d c o l o n i a l powers but the n e w national elites that masterminded the exploitation o n grounds of 'national interest' a n d g r o w i n g G N P s , a n d it was accomplished b y more p o w e r f u l technologies of appropriation a n d destruction.

Ester B o s e r u p 4 has documented h o w w o m e n ' s i m p o v e r i s h ­ ment increased d u r i n g c o l o n i a l rule; those rulers w h o h a d for centuries subjugated a n d reduced their o w n w o m e n to the status of d e - s k i l l e d , d e - i n t e l l e c t u a l i z e d a p p e n d a g e s , d i s c r i m i n a t e d against the w o m e n of the colonies o n access to l a n d , technology a n d employment. The economic a n d political processes of colonial underdevelopment were clear manifestations of m o d e r n Western patriarchy, a n d w h i l e large numbers of m e n as w e l l as w o m e n were i m p o v e r i s h e d b y these processes, w o m e n tended to be the greater losers. The p r i v a t i z a t i o n of l a n d for revenue generation affected w o m e n more seriously, eroding their traditional land-use rights. The expansion of cash crops u n d e r m i n e d f o o d p r o d u c t i o n , a n d w h e n m e n migrated or were conscripted into forced labour by the colonizers w o m e n were often left w i t h meagre resources to feed a n d care for their families. A s a collective document b y w o m e n activists, organizers a n d researchers stated at the end of the U N Decade for W o m e n :

The almost u n i f o r m conclusion of the Decade's research is that w i t h a few exceptions, women's relative access to e c o n o m i c resources, i n c o m e s a n d e m p l o y m e n t has worsened, their b u r d e n of w o r k has increased, a n d their relative a n d even absolute health, nutritional a n d educa­ tional status has d e c l i n e d . 5

Women's role i n the regeneration of h u m a n life a n d the p r o v i ­ s i o n i n g of sustenance has meant that the destructive impact o n w o m e n a n d the environment extends into a negative impact o n the status of children.

The exclusive focus o n incomes a n d cash-flows as measured i n G N P has meant that the w e b of life a r o u n d w o m e n , children a n d the environment is excluded f r o m central concern. The status of w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n a n d the state of the environment have never f u n c t i o n e d as ' i n d i c a t o r s ' of d e v e l o p m e n t . T h i s e x c l u s i o n is

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achieved b y rendering invisible t w o k i n d s of processes. Firstly, nature's, women's a n d children's contribution to the g r o w t h of the market economy is neglected a n d denied. D o m i n a n t economic theories assign no value to tasks carried out at subsistence and domestic levels. These theories are unable to encompas s the ma­ jority i n the w o r l d — w o m e n a n d children — w h o are statistically ' i n v i s i b l e ' . Secondly the negative impact of economic develop­ ment a n d g r o w t h on w o m e n , children a n d environment goes largely unrecognized a n d unrecorded. Both these factors lead to impoverishment.

A m o n g the h i d d e n costs generated b y destructive develop­ ment are the new burdens created b y ecological devastation, costs that are i n v a r i a b l y heavier for w o m e n , i n both the N o r t h and South. It is hardly s u r p r i s i n g , therefore, that a r i s i n g G N P does not necessarily mean that either wealth or welfare increase propor­ tionately. I w o u l d argue that G N P is becoming increasingly a measure of h o w real wealth — the wealth of nature a n d the life sustaining wealth p r o d u c e d b y w o m e n — is r a p i d l y decreasing. W h e n c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n as the p r i m e economic activity is introduced as development, it destroys the potential of nature a n d w o m e n to produce life a n d goods a n d services for basic needs. M o r e commodities and more cash mean less life — i n nature through ecological destruction a n d i n society through denial of basic needs. W o m e n are devalued, first, because their w o r k co-op­ erates w i t h nature's processes, a n d second, because w o r k that satisfies needs a n d ensures sustenance is devalued i n general. M o r e g r o w t h i n what is maldevelopment has meant less n u r t u r i n g of life and life support systems.

Nature's economy — through w h i c h environmental regenera­ tion takes place — a n d the people's subsistence economy — w i t h i n w h i c h w o m e n produce the sustenance for society through ' i n v i s i b l e ' u n p a i d w o r k called n o n - w o r k — are being systemati­ cally destroyed to create g r o w t h i n the market economy. Closely reflecting what I have called the three economies, of nature, peo­ ple a n d the market i n the T h i r d W o r l d context, is H i l k k a Pietila's 6 categorization of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d economies as: the free economy; the protected sector; a n d the fettered economy.

The free economy: the non-monetary core of the economy a n d society, u n p a i d w o r k for one's o w n and f a m i l y needs, c o m m u n i t y a c t i v i t i e s , m u t u a l h e l p a n d c o - o p e r a t i o n w i t h i n the neighbourhood a n d so o n .

The protected sector: p r o d u c t i o n , protected a n d g u i d e d b y official

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means for domestic markets; food, constructions, services, a d m i n ­ istration, health, schools a n d culture, a n d so o n .

The fettered economy: large-scale p r o d u c t i o n for export a n d to compete w i t h imports. The terms dictated b y the w o r l d market, dependency, vulnerability, c o m p u l s i v e competitiveness a n d so forth.

For example, i n 1980, the proportions of time a n d money value that went i n t o r u n n i n g each category of the F i n n i s h economy were as f o l l o w s !

Table 5.1

Time Money

A . T h e free economy, 54% 35% i n f o r m a l economy

B. Protected sector 36% 46% C . T h e fettered e c o n o m y 10% 19%

In patriarchal economics, Β a n d C are perceived as the p r i m a r y economy, a n d A as the secondary economy. In fact as M a r i l y n W a r i n g 7 has documented, national accounts a n d G N P actually exclude the free economy as l y i n g outside the p r o d u c t i o n b o u n d ­ ary. W h a t most economists a n d politicians call the 'free' or ' o p e n ' economy is seen b y w o m e n as the 'fettered' economy. W h e n the fettered economy becomes ' p o o r ' — that is, runs into deficit — it is the free economy that pays to restore it to health. In times of structural adjustment a n d austerity programmes, cuts i n p u b l i c expenditure generally f a l l most h e a v i l y o n the poor. In many cases reduction of the fiscal deficit has been effected b y m a k i n g substan­ tial cuts i n social a n d economic development expenditure, a n d real wages a n d c o n s u m p t i o n decrease considerably.

T h e p o v e r t y t r a p , c r e a t e d t h r o u g h the v i c i o u s c y c l e of 'development', debt, environmental destruction a n d structural adjustment is most significantly experienced b y w o m e n a n d c h i l ­ dren. C a p i t a l f l o w s N o r t h to South have been reversed. Ten years ago, a net $40 b i l l i o n f l o w e d f r o m the N o r t h e r n hemisphere to the countries of the South. Today i n terms of loans, a i d , repayment of interest a n d capital, the South transfers $20 b i l l i o n a year to the N o r t h . If the effective transfer of resources i m p l i e d i n the reduced prices i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations pay for the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d ' s r a w materials is taken into account, the a n n u a l f l o w f r o m the poor to

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the rich countries c o u l d amount to $60 b i l l i o n annually. This eco­ n o m i c d r a i n implies a deepening of the crisis of impoverishment of w o m e n , children a n d the environment.

A c c o r d i n g to U N I C E F estimates, i n 19888 h a l f - a - m i l l i o n c h i l ­ dren d i e d as a direct result of debt-related adjustment policies that sustain the N o r t h ' s economic g r o w t h . Poverty, of course, needs to be redefined i n the emerging context of the feminization of p o v ­ erty o n the one h a n d , a n d the l i n k to environmental i m p o v e r i s h ­ ment o n the other.

Poverty is not confined to the so-called poor countries; it exists i n the w o r l d ' s wealthiest society. Today, the vast majority of poor people i n the U S are w o m e n a n d children. A c c o r d i n g to the C e n ­ sus Bureau, i n 1984, 14.4 per cent of a l l Americans (33.7 million) l i v e d below the poverty line. F r o m 1980 to 1984 the number of poor people increased b y four-and-a-half m i l l i o n . For female- headed households i n 1984, the poverty rate was 34.5 per cent — five times that for m a r r i e d couples. The poverty rate for white, female-headed families was 27.1 per cent; for black, w o m a n - headed families, 51.7 per cent; a n d for w o m a n - h e a d e d H i s p a n i c families, 53.4 per cent. The impact of w o m e n ' s poverty o n the economic status of children is even more shocking: i n 1984, the poverty rate for children under six was 24 per cent, a n d i n the same year, for c h i l d r e n l i v i n g i n women-headed households it w a s 53.9 per cent. A m o n g black children the poverty rate was 46.3 per cent; a n d for those l i v i n g i n female-headed families, 66.6 per cent. A m o n g H i s p a n i c c h i l d r e n 39 per cent were poor, a n d for those l i v i n g i n female-headed families, the poverty rate was 70.5 per cent.9

Theresa Funiciello, a welfare rights organizer i n the U S , writes that ' B y almost any honest measure, poverty is the number one k i l l e r of children i n the U . S . ' (Waring, 1988).

In N e w Y o r k City, 40 per cent of the children (700,000) are l i v i n g i n families that the government classifies d e p r i v e d as 7,000 c h i l ­ dren are b o r n addicted to d r u g s each year, a n d 12,000 removed to foster homes because of abuse or neglect (Waring 1988).

The first right mentioned i n the C o n v e n t i o n of the Rights of the C h i l d is the inherent right to life. D e n i a l of this right s h o u l d be the point of departure for e v o l v i n g a definition of poverty. It s h o u l d be based o n denial of access to food, water a n d shelter i n the quality a n d quantity that makes a healthy life possible.

Pure income indicators often do not capture the poverty of life to w h i c h the future generations are b e i n g c o n d e m n e d , w i t h

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threats to s u r v i v a l f r o m environmental hazards even i n conditions otherwise characterized b y 'affluence'. Poverty has so far been culturally perceived i n terms of life styles that d o not fit into the categories of Western i n d u s t r i a l society. We need to move a w a y f r o m these restricted a n d biased perceptions to grapple w i t h p o v ­ erty i n terms of threats to a safe a n d healthy life either due to denial of access to food, water a n d shelter, or due to lack of protection f r o m hazards i n the f o r m of toxic a n d nuclear threats.

H u m a n scale development can be a b e g i n n i n g of an opera­ tional definition of poverty as a denial of v i t a l h u m a n needs. A t the highest level, the basic needs have been identified as subsis­ tence, protection, affection, understanding, participation, leisure, creation, identity, freedom. These needs are most clearly manifest i n a c h i l d , a n d the c h i l d can thus become o u r guide to a humane, just a n d sustainable social organization, a n d to a shift a w a y f r o m t h e d e s t r u c t i v e n e s s o f w h a t h a s b e e n c o n s t r u e d as ' d e v e l o p m e n t ' . 1 0

W h i l e p r o d u c i n g higher cash f l o w s , patriarchal development has l e d to d e p r i v a t i o n at the level of real h u m a n needs. For the c h i l d , these deprivations can become life threatening, as the f o l ­ l o w i n g illustrates.

T h e food and nutrition crisis B o t h traditionally, a n d i n the context of the n e w poverty, w o m e n a n d children have been treated as m a r g i n a l to f o o d systems. In terms of n u t r i t i o n the g i r l - c h i l d is d o u b l y discriminated against i n such countries as India (see Table 5.2)1 1.

The effects of inadequate nourishment of y o u n g girls continue into their a d u l t h o o d a n d are passed o n to the next generation. C o m p l i c a t i o n s d u r i n g pregnancy, premature births a n d l o w b i r t h weight babies w i t h little chance of s u r v i v a l result w h e n a mother is u n d e r n o u r i s h e d ; a n d a h i g h percentage of deaths d u r i n g preg­ nancy a n d c h i l d b i r t h are directly d u e to anaemia, a n d c h i l d h o o d undernourishment is probably a n u n d e r l y i n g cause. 1 2 D e n i a l of nutritional rights to w o m e n a n d children is the biggest threat to their lives.

Programmes of agricultural 'development' often become pro­ grammes of hunger generation because fertile l a n d is diverted to g r o w export crops, s m a l l peasants are displaced, a n d the b i o l o g i ­ cal diversity, w h i c h p r o v i d e d m u c h of the p o o r ' s food entitle­ ments, is eliminated a n d replaced b y cash crop monocultures, or land-use systems i l l - s u i t e d to the ecology or to the p r o v i s i o n of

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people's food entitlements. A permanent food crisis affects more than a 100 m i l l i o n people i n A f r i c a ; famine is just the tip of a m u c h bigger u n d e r l y i n g crisis. E v e n w h e n Ethiopia is not suffering from famine, 1,000 c h i l d r e n are thought to die each day of m a l n u t r i t i o n and related illnesses. 1 3

E v e r y w h e r e i n the S o u t h , the e c o n o m i c c r i s i s r o o t e d i n maldevelopment is leadin g to an impoverishment of the environ­ ment a n d a threat to the s u r v i v a l of children. It is even possible to quantify the debt mortality effect: over the decade of 1970 to 1980, each a d d i t i o n a l $10 a year interest payments per capita reflected 0.39 of a year less i n life expectancy improvement. T h i s is an average of 387 days of life foregone b y every inhabitant of the 73 countries studied i n L a t i n A m e r i c a . 1 4 N u t r i t i o n a l studies carried out i n Peru show that i n the poorest neighbourhoods of Ijma a n d s u r r o u n d i n g shanty towns, the percentage of undernourished children increased from 24 per cent i n 1972 to 28 per cent i n 1978 a n d to 36 per cent i n 1983.

Table 5.2

Foods received b y m a l e a n d female c h i l d r e n 3-4 a n d 7-9 years (India)

Food items in grams Age in years

RDA

3 - 4

Male Female RDA

7 - 9

Male Female

Cereals 173 118 90 250 252 240 Pulses 55 22 18 70 49 25 Green leafy

vegetables 62 3 0 75 0 0 Roots a n d

tubers 40 15 13 50 42 0 Fruits 50 30 17 50 17 6 M i l k 225 188 173 250 122 10 Sugar a n d

jaggery 22 13 16 30 30 12 Fats a n d oils 30 5 2 50 23 8

Source: Devadas, R. and G. Kamalanathan, Ά Women's First Decade', Paper presented at the Women's N G O Consultation on Equality, Development and Peace, New Delhi, 1985.

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In Argentina, according to official sources, i n 1986 685,000 c h i l ­ dren i n greater Buenos A i r e s a n d a further 385,000 i n the province of Buenos A i r e s d i d not eat enough to stay alive; together consti­ tuting one-third of a l l children u n d e r 14.1 5

Starvation is endemic i n the ultra-poor north-east of B r a z i l , where it is p r o d u c i n g w h a t I B A S E (a p u b l i c interest research group i n Brazil) calls a 'sub-race' a n d nutritionists call an epi­ demic of d w a r f i s m . The c h i l d r e n i n this area are 16 per cent shorter a n d w e i g h 20 per cent less than those of the same age elsewhere i n B r a z i l — w h o , themselves, are not exactly w e l l - n o u r ­ ished.

In Jamaica, too, f o o d c o n s u m p t i o n has decreased as is s h o w n :

Table 5.3

Item No.of No.of Change calories calories % August November

1984 1985

F l o u r 2,232 1,443 -35 C o r n m e a l 3,669 2,013 -45 Rice 1,646 905 -45 C h i c k e n 220 174 -20 Condensed m i l k 1,037 508 -51 O i l 1,003 823 -18 D a r k sugar 1,727 1,253 -27

Source: Susan George, A Fate Worse than Debt, 1988, p.188.

A s the p r i c e of f o o d rose b e y o n d people's a b i l i t y to pay, children's health demonstratively declined. In 1978, fewer than t w o per cent of c h i l d r e n admitted to the Bustament e C h i l d r e n ' s H o s p i t a l were suffering f r o m m a l n u t r i t i o n , a n d 1.6 per cent f r o m malnutrition-related gastro-enteritis. B y 1986, w h e n the f u l l ef­ fects of the adjustment policies were b e i n g felt, the figures for malnutrition-related admissions h a d d o u b l e d , to almost four per cent; gastro-enteritis admissions were almost five per cent. 16

N u m e r i c a l m a l n u t r i t i o n is the most serious health h a z a r d for c h i l d r e n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the d e v e l o p i n g countries. Surveys i n different regions of the w o r l d indicate that at a n y m o m e n t an estimated ten m i l l i o n c h i l d r e n are suffering f r o m severe m a l n u ­ t r i t i o n a n d a further 200 m i l l i o n are i n a d e q u a t e l y n o u r i s h e d . 1 7

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The Impoverishment of the Environment 81

The increase i n n u t r i t i o n a l d e p r i v a t i o n of children is one result of the same policies that lead to the nutritional deprivation of soils. A g r i c u l t u r e policies w h i c h extract surplus to meet export targets a n d enhance foreign exchange earnings generate that sur­ p l u s b y creating n e w levels of nutritional impoverishment for w o m e n , children a n d the environment. A s M a r i a M i e s has pointed o u t , 1 8 this concept of s u r p l u s has a patriarchal bias because, f r o m the p o i n t of v i e w of nature, w o m e n a n d children, it is based not o n material surplus p r o d u c e d over and above the requirements of the environment or of the community, it is violently stolen a n d appro­ priated f r o m nature ( w h i c h needs a share of her produce to repro­ duce herself) a n d f r o m w o m e n (who need a share of nature's produce to sustain a n d to ensure the s u r v i v a l of themselves a n d their c h i l d r e n ) . M a l n u t r i t i o n a n d deficiency diseases are also caused b y the destruction of biodiversity w h i c h forms the n u t r i ­ tional base i n subsistence communities. For example, batkua is an important green leafy vegetable w i t h very h i g h nutritive value w h i c h grows i n association w i t h wheat, a n d w h e n w o m e n w e e d the wheat f i e l d they not o n l y contribute to the p r o d u c t i v i t y of wheat b u t also harvest a rich n u t r i t i o n a l source for their families. W i t h the intensive use of chemical fertilizer, however, bathua be­ comes a major competitor of wheat a n d has been declared a ' w e e d ' to be eliminated b y herbicides. Thus, the food cycle is broken; w o m e n are d e p r i v e d of w o r k ; children are d e p r i v e d of a free source of n u t r i t i o n .

The water crisis The water crisis contributes to 34.6 per cent of all c h i l d deaths i n the T h i r d W o r l d . Each year, 5,000,000 children die of diarrhoeal dis­ eases.1 9 The declining availability of water resources, due to their diversion for industry a n d industrial agriculture and to complex factors related to deforestation, desertification a n d drought, is a se­ vere threat to children's health a n d survival. A s access to water decreases, polluted water sources a n d related health hazards, i n ­ crease. 'Development' i n the conventional paradigm implies a more intensive a n d wasteful use of water — dams and intensive irrigation for green revolution agriculture, water for air-conditioning mush­ r o o m i n g hotels and urban-industrial complexes, water for coolants, as w e l l as pollution due to the d u m p i n g of industrial wastes. A n d as development creates more water demands, the survival needs of children — a n d adults — for pure and safe water are sacrificed.

A n t o n i a Alcantara, a v e n d o r f r o m a s l u m outside M e x i c o C i t y ,

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complains that her tap water is ' y e l l o w a n d f u l l of w o r m s ' . E v e n d i r t y water is i n short supply. The demands of M e x i c o C i t y ' s 20 m i l l i o n people have caused the level of the m a i n aquifer to d r o p as m u c h as 3.4 metres a n n u a l l y . 2 0 Those w i t h access to M e x i c o C i t y ' s water system are u s u a l l y the wealthy a n d m i d d l e classes. They are, i n fact, almost encouraged to be wasteful b y subsidies that a l l o w consumers to p a y as little as one-tenth the actual cost of water. The poor, o n the other h a n d , are often forced to b u y from piperas, entrepreneurs, w h o fix prices according to d e m a n d .

In D e l h i , i n 1988,2,000 people (mainly children) d i e d as a result of a cholera epidemic i n s l u m colonies. These colonies h a d been 'resettled' w h e n slums were r e m o v e d f r o m D e l h i to beautify India's capital. This dispensable p o p u l a t i o n was p r o v i d e d w i t h neither safe d r i n k i n g water, n o r adequate sewage facilities; it w a s o n l y the children of the poor communities w h o d i e d of cholera. Across the Y a m u n a river, the s w i m m i n g pools h a d enough chlori­ nated water to protect the tourists, the diplomats, the elite. 2 1

Toxic hazards In the late twentieth century it is becoming clear that o u r scientific systems are totally inadequate to counteract or eliminate the haz­ ards — actual a n d potential — to w h i c h children, i n particular, are subjected. Each disaster seems like an experiment, w i t h children as guinea pigs, to teach us more about the effects of deadly sub­ stances that are brought into d a i l y p r o d u c t i o n a n d use. The patri­ a r c h a l systems w o u l d l i k e to m a i n t a i n silence about these poisonous substances, but as mothers w o m e n cannot ignore the threats posed to their c h i l d r e n . C h i l d r e n are the most h i g h l y sensi­ tive to chemical contamination, the chemical p o l l u t i o n of the e n v i ­ ronment is therefore most clearly manifested i n their ill-health.

In the L o v e C a n a l a n d the B h o p a l disasters, children were the worst affected v i c t i m s . A n d i n b o t h places it is the w o m e n w h o have continued to resist a n d have refused to be silenced as corpo­ rations a n d state agencies w o u l d w i s h .

L o v e C a n a l was a site where, for decades, H o o k e r C h e m i c a l C o m p a n y h a d d u m p e d their chemical wastes, over w h i c h houses were later built. B y the 1970s it was a peaceful middle-class resi­ dential area but its residents were unaware of the toxic d u m p s beneath their houses. Headaches, dizziness, nausea a n d epilepsy were o n l y a few of the problems afflicting those near the C a n a l . Liver, kidney, or recurrent u r i n a r y strictures abounded. There was also an a l a r m i n g l y h i g h rate of 56 per cent risk of b i r t h defects,

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The Impoverishment of the Environment 83

i n c l u d i n g c h i l d h o o d deafness, a n d children suffered an u n u s u a l l y h i g h rate of leukemia a n d other cancers. 2 2 There was a 75 per cent above n o r m a l rate of miscarriage, a n d a m o n g 15 pregnancies of L o v e C a n a l w o m e n , o n l y t w o resulted i n healthy babies.

It w a s the mothers of c h i l d r e n threatened b y death a n d disease w h o first raised the alarm a n d w h o kept the issue alive.

In Japan, the dependence of M i n a m a t a Bay's fishermen a n d their families o n a fish diet h a d disastrous results as the fish were heavily contaminated w i t h methylmercury, w h i c h h a d been dis­ charged into the Bay over a p e r i o d of 30 years b y the Chissio chemical factory.

In B h o p a l , i n 1984, the leak f r o m U n i o n Carbide's pesticide plant l e d to instant death for thousands. A host of ailments still afflicts m a n y more thousands of those w h o escaped death. In a d d i t i o n w o m e n also suffer f r o m gynaecological complications a n d menstrual disorders. Damage to the respiratory, reproductive, nervous, musculo-skeletal a n d i m m u n e systems of the gas victims has been documented i n epidemiological studies carried out so far. The 1990 report of the Indian C o u n c i l of M e d i c a l Research 2 3 states that the death rate a m o n g the affected p o p u l a t i o n is more t h a n d o u b l e that of the u n e x p o s e d p o p u l a t i o n . S i g n i f i c a n t l y higher incidences of spontaneous abortions, still-births a n d infant mortality a m o n g the gas victims have also been documented.

A few months after the gas disaster, I h a d a son. H e w a s alright. A f t e r that I h a d another c h i l d i n the hospital. But it was not f u l l y formed. It h a d no legs a n d no eyes a n d w a s b o r n dead. T h e n another c h i l d was b o r n but it d i e d soon after. I h a d another c h i l d just one a n d a half months back. Its s k i n l o o k e d scalded a n d o n l y half its head w a s formed. The other half was f i l l e d w i t h water. It was b o r n dead a n d was white a l l over. I h a d a lot of p a i n t w o months before I delivered. M y legs hurt so m u c h that I couldn't sit or w a l k a r o u n d . I got rashes a l l over m y body. The doctors said that I w i l l be okay after the c h i l d b i r t h , but I still have these p r o b l e m s . 2 4

N u c l e a r hazards

H i r o s h i m a , Three M i l e Island, the Pacific Islands, C h e r n o b y l — each of these nuclear disasters reminds us that the nuclear threat is greater for future generations than for us.

L i j o n E k n i l a n g w a s seven years o l d at the time of the B r a v o test

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o n B i k i n i Island. She remembers her eyes itching, nausea a n d b e i n g covered b y burns. T w o days after the test, L i j o n a n d her people were evacuated to the U S base o n K w a j a l e i n A t o l l . For three years they were kept away because Rongelap was too d a n ­ gerous for life. Lijon's grandmother d i e d i n the 1960s due to thy­ r o i d a n d stomach cancer. H e r father d i e d d u r i n g the nuclear test. L i j o n reports that:

I have h a d seven miscarriages a n d still-births. Altogether there are eight other w o m e n o n the i s l a n d w h o have g i v e n b i r t h to babies that l o o k like blobs of jelly. Some of these things w e carry for eight months, nine months, there are no legs, no arms, no head, no nothing. Other children are b o r n w h o w i l l never recognise this w o r l d or their o w n parents. They just lie there w i t h crooked arms a n d legs a n d never speak. 2 5

E v e r y aspect of environmental destruction translates into a severe threat to the life of future generations. M u c h has been written o n the issue of sustainability, as 'intergenerational equity', but what is often overlooked is that the issue of justice between generations can o n l y be realized through justice between sexes. C h i l d r e n cannot be put at the centre for concern if their mothers are meantime p u s h e d b e y o n d the margins of care a n d concern.

O v e r the past decades, women's coalitions have been develop­ i n g s u r v i v a l strategies a n d fighting against the threat to their children that results f r o m threats to the environment.

S u r v i v a l strategies o f w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n A s s u r v i v a l is more a n d more threatened b y negative develop­ ment trends, environmental degradation a n d poverty, w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n develop n e w w a y s to cope w i t h the threat.

Today, more than one-third of the households i n A f r i c a , L a t i n A m e r i c a a n d the developed w o r l d an? female headed; i n N o r w a y the figure is 38 per cent, a n d i n A s i a 14 per cent. 2 6 E v e n where w o m e n are not the sole f a m i l y supporters they are p r i m a r y sup­ porters i n terms of w o r k a n d energy spent o n p r o v i d i n g suste­ nance to the family. For example, i n r u r a l areas w o m e n a n d children must w a l k further to collect the d i m i n i s h i n g supplies of f i r e w o o d and water, i n urban areas they must take o n more p a i d outside w o r k . U s u a l l y , more time thus spent o n w o r k i n g to sus­ tain the f a m i l y conflicts w i t h the time a n d energy needed for c h i l d care. A t times g i r l c h i l d r e n take o n part of the mother's b u r d e n : i n

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India, the percentage of female workers b e l o w 14 years increased from four to eight per cent. In the 15-19 year age group, the labour force participation rate increased b y 17 per cent for females, but declined b y eight per cent for m a l e s . 2 7 T h i s suggests that more girls are b e i n g d r a w n into the labour force, a n d more boys are sent to school. This sizeable p r o p o r t i o n perhaps explains h i g h female school dropout rates, a conclusion that is supported b y the higher levels of illiteracy a m o n g female workers , compared w i t h 50 per cent for males. It has been projected that b y the year 2001 w o r k participation a m o n g 0-14 year o l d girls w i l l increase b y a further 20 per cent a n d a m o n g 15-19 year olds b y 30 per cent. 2 8

The International L a b o u r O r g a n i z a t i o n (ILO) has estimated that at the b e g i n n i n g of the 1980s the overall n u m b e r of children under 15 w h o were 'economically active' was a r o u n d 50 m i l l i o n ; the W o r l d H e a l t h O r g a n i z a t i o n ( W H O ) estimates put it at 100 m i l l i o n . There are another 100 m i l l i o n 'street' c h i l d r e n , w i t h o u t families o r homes. These are victims of poverty, underdevelop­ ment, a n d poor environmental conditions — society's disposable people — s u r v i v i n g entirely o n their o w n , w i t h o u t any rights, w i t h o u t any voice.

C h i p k o w o m e n of H i m a l a y a have organized to resist the e n v i ­ ronmental destruction caused b y l o g g i n g .

The L o v e C a n a l home o w n e r ' s association is another w e l l - k n o w n example of y o u n g housewives' persistent action to ensure health security for their families; this has n o w resulted i n the C i t i z e n s ' Clearinghouse for H a z a r d o u s Waste.

The B h o p a l Gas Peedit M a h i l a U d y o g Sangathan, a g r o u p of w o m e n v i c t i m s of the B h o p a l disaster, has continued to struggle for seven years to obtain justice f r o m U n i o n Carbide C o r p o r a t i o n .

Across different contexts, i n the N o r t h a n d i n the South, i n ecologically eroded zones a n d p o l l u t e d places, w o m e n identify w i t h the interest of the earth a n d their c h i l d r e n i n f i n d i n g s o l u ­ tions to the crisis of s u r v i v a l . Against a l l o d d s they attempt to reweave the web w h i c h connects their life to the life of their children a n d the life of the planet. F r o m w o m e n ' s perspective, sustainability w i t h o u t environmental justice is impossible, a n d environmental justice is impossible w i t h o u t justice between sexes a n d generations.

To w h o m w i l l the future belong? to the w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n w h o struggle for s u r v i v a l a n d for environmental security? or to those w h o treat w o m e n , c h i l d r e n a n d the environment as dispens­ able a n d disposable? G a n d h i proposed a simple test for m a k i n g

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decisions i n a moment of doubt. 'Recall the face of the least p r i v i ­ leged person y o u k n o w ' , he sa i d , ' a n d ask if y o u r action w i l l h a r m or benefit h i m / h e r . ' 2 9 This criterion of the l a s t person' must be extended to the 'last c h i l d ' if w e are serious about e v o l v i n g a code of environmental justice w h i c h protects future generations.

Dispensability of the last child: the dominant paradigm F r o m the v i e w p o i n t of governments, intergovernmental agencies, a n d p o w e r elites, the 'last c h i l d ' needs no lifeboat. T h i s v i e w has been e x p l i c i t l y d e v e l o p e d b y Garrett H a r d i n i n his 'life-boat ethics' 3 0 : the poor, the w e a k are a ' s u r p l u s ' p o p u l a t i o n , p u t t i n g an unnecessary b u r d e n o n the planet's resources. This v i e w , a n d the responses a n d strategies that emerge f r o m it totally ignore the fact that the greatest pressure o n the earth's resources is not f r o m large numbers of p o o r people but f r o m a s m a l l number of the w o r l d ' s ever-consuming elite.

Ignoring these resource pressures of c o n s u m p t i o n a n d destruc­ tive technologies, 'conservation' plans increasingly p u s h the last c h i l d further to the margins of existence. O f f i c i a l strategies, reflect­ i n g elite interests, strongly i m p l y that the w o r l d w o u l d be better off if it c o u l d shed its ' n o n - p r o d u c t i v e ' poor through the life-boat strategy. E n v i r o n m e n t a l i s m is increasingly used i n the rhetoric of manager-technocrats, w h o see the ecological crises as a n o p p o r t u ­ n i t y for n e w investments a n d profits. The W o r l d Bank's Tropical A c t i o n Plan,the C l i m a t e C o n v e n t i o n , the M o n t r e a l Protocol are often v i e w e d as n e w means of dispossessing the poor to 'save' the forests a n d atmosphere a n d b i o l o g i c a l commons for exploitation b y the rich a n d p o w e r f u l . The victims are transformed into v i l l a i n s i n these ecological plans — a n d w o m e n , w h o have struggled most to protect their children i n the face of ecological threats, become the elements w h o have to be p o l i c e d to protect the planet. 3 1

' P o p u l a t i o n e x p l o s i o n s ' have a l w a y s emerged as images cre­ ated b y m o d e r n p a t r i a r c h y i n p e r i o d s of i n c r e a s i n g s o c i a l a n d economic p o l a r i z a t i o n s . M a l t h u s 3 2 s a w p o p u l a t i o n s e x p l o d i n g at the d a w n of the i n d u s t r i a l era; b e t w e e n W o r l d W a r I a n d II certain g r o u p s were seen as threatening d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the h u m a n genetic stock; post W o r l d W a r II, countries where unrest threatened U S access to resources a n d markets, became k n o w n as the ' p o p u l a t i o n p o w d e r k e g s ' . Today, c o n c e r n for the s u r v i v a l of the planet has m a d e p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l appear acceptable a n d even i m p e r a t i v e , i n the face of the p o p u l a r i z e d pictures of the w o r l d ' s h u n g r y hordes.

Shiva, Vandana, and Maria Mies. Ecofeminism, Zed Books, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=1644031. Created from ucsc on 2017-08-02 22:04:34.

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W h a t this focus o n numbers hides is people's u n e q u a l access to resources a n d the unequal environmental b u r d e n they put o n the earth. In global terms, the impact of a drastic decrease of p o p u l a ­ tion i n the poorest areas of A s i a , A f r i c a a n d L a t i n A m e r i c a w o u l d be immeasurably smaller than a decrease of o n l y five per cent i n the ten richest countries at present c o n s u m p t i o n l e v e l s . 3 3

T h r o u g h p o p u l a t i o n control programmes, w o m e n ' s bodies are b r u t a l l y i n v a d e d to protect the earth f r o m the threat of over­ p o p u l a t i o n . Where w o m e n ' s fertility itself is threatened due to i n d u s t r i a l p o l l u t i o n , their interest is put i n o p p o s i t i o n to the inter­ ests of their c h i l d r e n . This d i v i d e a n d rule p o l i c y seems essential for managing the eco-crisis to the advantage of those w h o control p o w e r a n d privilege.

T h e e m e r g i n g language of manager-technocrats describes w o m e n either as the passive 'environment' of the c h i l d , or the dangerous ' b o m b ' threatening a ' p o p u l a t i o n explosion'. In either case, w o m e n whose lives are inextricably a part of children's lives have to be managed to protect c h i l d r e n a n d the environment.

The mother's w o m b has been called the c h i l d ' s 'environment'. E v e n i n the relatively sheltered environment of the mother's uterus the d e v e l o p i n g baby is far f r o m completely protected. The mother's health, so intimately l i n k e d to the c h i l d ' s w e l l - b e i n g is reduced to a 'factor w i t h i n the foetus's environment'.

Similar decontextualized v i e w s of the w o m n - c h i l d relationship are presented as solutions to m a n a g i n g environmental hazards i n the workplace. 'Foetal protection policies' are the means b y w h i c h employers take the focus off their o w n hazardous p r o d u c t i o n b y offering to 'protect the u n b o r n ' b y r e m o v i n g pregnant (or want- ing-to-be pregnant) w o m e n f r o m hazardous z o n e s . 3 4 In extreme cases, w o m e n have consented to sterilization i n order to keep their jobs a n d keep f o o d o n the table. M o r e typically, practices i n c l u d e surveillance of w o m e n ' s menstrual cycles, of w a i t i n g for a w o m a n to abort her pregnancy before e m p l o y i n g her. A s L i n N e l s o n has stated: 'It is a l l too easy to "assume p o l l u t i o n " a n d accept i n d u s ­ trial relocation a n d obstetrical intervention, but they are responses to the symptoms, not the disease.' 3 5

Grassroots response C o m m u n i t y groups, N G O s , ecology movements a n d w o m e n ' s movements b e g i n the reversal of environmental degradation b y reversing the trends that p u s h w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n b e y o n d the edge of s u r v i v a l . A s mentioned earlier, the C h i p k o movement i n

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India has been one such response. In K e n y a , the Green Belt move­ ment has fostered 1,000 C o m m u n i t y Green Belts. In M a l a y s i a , the Sahabal A l a i n M a l a y s i a ( S A M ) a n d C o n s u m e r Association of Pe- nang have w o r k e d w i t h tribal, peasant, a n d f i s h i n g communities to reverse environmental decline. Tribals' blockades against log­ g i n g i n Sarawak are another important action i n w h i c h these organizations have been i n v o l v e d . In B r a z i l the A c a o Democratica F e m i n i n a G a u c h a ( A D F G ) has been w o r k i n g o n sustainable agri­ culture, indigenous rights, debt a n d structural adjustment.

W h a t is distinctive about these p o p u l a r responses is that they put the last c h i l d at the centre of concern, a n d w o r k out strategies that simultaneously e m p o w e r w o m e n a n d protect nature. Emerg­ i n g w o r k o n w o m e n , health a n d ecology, such as the dialogue organized b y the Research F o u n d a t i o n of India a n d the D a g H a m - m a r s k j o l d F o u n d a t i o n of S w e d e n , 3 6 the Planeta Femea at the G l o b a l F o r u m i n R i o 19923 7 are p o i n t i n g to new directions i n w h i c h children's, w o m e n ' s a n d nature's integrity are perceived i n wholeness, not fragmentation.

P u t t i n g w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n f i r s t In 1987, at the Wilderness Congress, O r e n L y o n s of the O n o n d a g a N a t i o n said: 'Take care h o w y o u place y o u r moccasins u p o n the earth, step w i t h care, for the faces of the future generations are l o o k i n g u p f r o m the earth w a i t i n g for their t u r n for l i f e . ' 3 8

In the achievements of g r o w i n g G N P s , increasing capital accu­ m u l a t i o n , it was the faces of c h i l d r e n a n d future generations that receded f r o m the m i n d s of p o l i c y makers i n centres of interna­ tional power. The c h i l d h a d been excluded f r o m concern, a n d cultures w h i c h w e r e c h i l d - c e n t r e d h a v e been d e s t r o y e d a n d m a r g i n a l i z e d . The challenge to the w o r l d ' s p o l i c y makers is to learn f r o m mothers, f r o m tribals a n d other communities, h o w to focus decisions on the w e l l - b e i n g of children.

P u t t i n g w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n first needs above a l l , a reversal of the logic w h i c h has treated w o m e n as subordinate because they create life, a n d m e n as superior because they destroy it. A l l past achievements of patriarchy have been based o n alienation f r o m life, a n d have l e d to the impoverishment of w o m e n , c h i l d r e n a n d the environment. If w e want to reverse that decline, the creation, not the destruction of life must be seen as the t r u l y h u m a n task, a n d the essence of b e i n g h u m a n has to be seen i n o u r capacity to recognize, respect a n d protect the right to life of a l l the w o r l d ' s m u l t i f a r i o u s species.

Shiva, Vandana, and Maria Mies. Ecofeminism, Zed Books, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsc/detail.action?docID=1644031. Created from ucsc on 2017-08-02 22:04:34.

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Notes

1. Sidel, Ruth, Women and Children Last. Penguin, New York, 1987. 2. Luxemburg, Rosa, The Accumulation of Capital. Routledge and Kegan Paul,

London, 1951. 3. Quoted in R. Bahro, From Red to Green. Verso, London, 1984, p. 211. 4. Boserup, Ester, Women's Role in Economic Development. Allen and Unwin,

London, 1960. 5. D A W N , 1985, Development Cnsis and Alternative Visions: Third World Women's

Perspectives. Christian Michelsen Institute, Bergen. 6. Pietila, Hilkka, Tomorrow Begins Today. ICDA/ISIS Workshop, Nairobi, 1985. 7. Waring, Marilyn // Women Counted. Harper & Row, San Francisco, 1988. 8. UNICEF, State of the World's Children, 1988. 9. Quoted in Marilyn Waring, op. cit. p. 180; and Ruth Sidel, op. cit.

10. Max-Neef, Manfred, Human Scale Development, Development Dialogue. Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, 1989.

11. Chatterjee, Meera, A Report on Indian Women from Birth to Twenty. National Institute of Public Cooperation and Child Development, New Delhi, 1990.

12. Tïmberlake, Lloyd, Africa in Crisis, Earthscan, London, 1987. 13. Susan George, A Fate Worse than Debt. Food First, San Francisco, 1988. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. UNICEF, Children and the Environment, 1990. 18. Maria Mies, Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale. Zed Books, Lon­

don, 1987. 19. UNICEF, op. cit., 1990. 20. Moser, Caroline, Contribution on O E C D Workshop on Women and Develop­

ment. Paris, 1989. 21. Shiva, Mira 'Environmental Degradation and Subversion of Health' in Vand­

ana Shiva (ed.) Minding Our Lives: Women from the South and North Reconnect Ecology and Health , Kali for Women, Delhi, 1993.

22. Gibbs, Lois, Love Canal, My Story. State University of New York, Albany, 1982.

23. Bhopal Information and Action Group, Voices of Bhopal. Bhopal, 1990. 24. Ibid. 25. Pacific Women Speak, Women Working for a Nuclear Free and Independent

Pacific, 1987. 26. United Nations, World's Women, 1970-1990. 27. Chatterjee, Meera op. cit. 28. U N I C E F , op. cit., 1990. 29. Kothari, Rajni, Vandana Shiva, 'The Last C h i l d ' , Manuscript for United

Nations University Programme on Peace and Global Transformation. 30. Hardin, Garrett, in Bioscience, Vol. 24, (1974) p. 561. 31. Shiva, Vandana 'Forestry Crisis and Forestry Myths: A Critical Review of

Tropical Forests: A Call for Action/ World Rainforest Movement, Penang, 1987.

32. Malthus, in Barbara Duden, 'Population', in Wolfgang Sachs (ed) Develop­ ment Dictionary. Z e d Books, London, 1990.

33. U N I C E F , op. cit., 1990.

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34. Nelson, Lin, 'The Place of Women in Polluted Places' in Reweaving the World: The Emergence of Ecofeminism, Irene Diamond and Gloria Orenstein (eds). Sierra Club Books, 1990.

35. Ibid. 36. 'Women, Health and Ecology/ proceedings of a Seminar organized by Research

Foundation for Science, Technology and Natural Resource Policy, and Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, in Development Dialogue 1992.

37. 'Planeta Femea' was the women's tent in the Global Forum during the U N Conference on Environment and Development, 1992.

38. Lyons, Oren 4th World Wilderness Conference, 11 September 1987, Eugene, Oregon.

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