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The Social Science Journal

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Shades of Blue: A review of the hiring, recruitment, and selection of female and minority police officers*

Richard H. Donohue Jr.

To cite this article: Richard H. Donohue Jr. (2020): Shades of Blue: A review of the hiring, recruitment, and selection of female and minority police officers*, The Social Science Journal, DOI: 10.1016/j.soscij.2019.05.011

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2019.05.011

Published online: 19 Feb 2020.

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Shades of Blue: A review of the hiring, recruitment, and selection of female and minority police officers* Richard H. Donohue Jr.

School of Criminology and Justice Studies, University of Massachusetts Lowell, 113 Wilder Street, Health and Social Sciences Building #421, Lowell, MA 01854, USA

ABSTRACT Diversity of police personnel, especially regarding representation of female and racial/ethnic minority officers, is an important step in improving posi- tive police-community relations. Historically, both female and minority applicants have faced challenges in recruitment, hiring, and selection. By systematically reviewing literature available from 2000 to present, this paper identifies persistent challenges and programs aimed at overcoming such deficits in the United States. The studies use samples ranging from potential applicants in college settings to large police agencies, and use primarily quantitative approaches. This review identified four areas that affect hiring of minority and female officers: (1) organizational and external predictors, (2) motivations and attitudes, (3) effective recruitment strategies, and (4) screening process barriers. Recent research has only topically addressed these concerns, while simultaneously revealing significant limita- tions regarding sample sizes, research design, and implementation in the field. Directions for future research and implications for policy are discussed.

ARTICLE HISTORY Received 6 September 2018 Revised 13 May 2019 Accepted 14 May 2019

KEYWORDS Police recruiting; Police hiring; Diversity; Females; Minorities

1. Introduction

Historically, police work has been dominated by white males. Recent trends demonstrate an increase in female representation among sworn officers in local and state departments throughout most of the period between 1987–2007, though sheriffs’ offices experienced declines in females serving (Langton, 2010). Today, female officers comprise approximately 12% of sworn officers, a figure that has remained relatively flat since 2007 (Reaves, 2015). Racial and ethnic minorities have also faced discrimination and obstacles in hiring irrespective of gender. Currently, minority officers comprise 27% of total officers nationwide compared to 15% in 1987, though the figure varies by department (Reaves, 2015). Smaller agencies, such as those serving a population of 2,499 or fewer, tended to have a smaller share of minority officers (15.6%), while agencies serving populations of 1,000,000 or more had a higher share of minority officers (46.6%). Barriers and challenges remain for both females and racial and ethnic minorities that particularly affect an applicant’s desire to pursue a career in policing and progress through the hiring process.

There are several positive benefits that come from a representative police force. Recent literature and reports identify primary benefits centering around community trust (Fridell, Lunney, Diamond, & Kubu, 2001; International Association of Chiefs of Police, 2007; McDevitt, Farrell, & Wolf, 2008; Rowe & Ross, 2015), increasing community partnerships (Lasley, Larson, Kelso, & Brown, 2011), enhancing problem solving and mutual understanding (COPS, 2009), increasing cultural under- standing (White & Escobar, 2008), as well as bringing various other competencies to the profession (Sklansky, 2006).

CONTACT Richard H. Donohue [email protected] *This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. © 2020 Western Social Science Association

THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL https://doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2019.05.011

Government and police organizations’ reports have highlighted the importance of having a representative police force, expanding the discussion beyond academic audiences. The Final Report of the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing (2015) identified issues in recruitment and selection of police officers, including a recommendation that agencies create a workforce that has a broad range of diversity. The Department of Justice (2016) identified several areas in the recruiting and hiring processes that could negatively impact minority candidates. Pertaining to recruitment, these include: strained agency-community relationships, agency reputations, and awareness of career opportunities. In hiring, the rigid exam and screening process as well as restrictions on residency and modification of hiring criteria were also cited as impediments. Other reports and summaries of meetings support these findings and add to the body of knowledge from practitioner standpoints (Harrington, 2000), including those that evaluate attracting and recruiting different groups of applicants (Castaneda & Ridgeway, 2010; Wilson, Dalton, Scheer, & Grammich, 2010). Additional challenges were identified by Lum et al. (2016), especially regarding diverse workforces, finding that much of the existing literature is based on mere opinion and anecdote, lacking critical evaluation.

In light of these limitations, the purpose of the current article is to systematically review studies that collected and analyzed empirical evidence on recruiting, hiring, and selection of female and minority police officers. This study specifically reviews peer-reviewed literature from 2000 onwards. This time period is important as the United States has become more diverse, and new age groups consider entering the profession. In addition to identifying current trends and gaps in current knowledge, this review provides suggestions for policy that could provide impetus for change at the agency level.

2. Search strategy

This article reviews academic literature regarding the recruitment, selection, and hiring of female and minority police officers. Peer-reviewed journal articles from 2000 to 2018 are considered for inclusion to represent the current state of recruiting and hiring. Criminal Justice Abstracts was first searched for the keywords police or law enforcement and hiring, candidates, recruiting, recruitment, selection, combined with keywords female, women, minorities, and diversity. Results were also filtered to include articles in English. To ensure inclusion of articles across disciplines, a secondary search was performed in Ebsco Abstracts. The abstracts of the results were reviewed further for inclusion. International articles not focusing on policing in the US were excluded unless they had a direct comparison or analysis of police departments in the US. In addition, works cited in articles included from the initial search were cross-referenced for inclusion.

The initial search strategy yielded a total of 156 unique results. Once deemed relevant following review of abstracts, studies were reviewed to determine if they used empirical research. A total of 22 articles were found to meet the inclusion criteria for this analysis. Cross-referencing works cited in these articles brought the number of articles to 28. These additions were mainly attributed to the abstracts not including particular search terms, but the focus of the studies were clearly pertinent to this topic. Out of the articles that were not included in the study, 41 were applicable only to countries or regions outside the United States. The search also uncovered 81 articles that were clearly not applicable to the focus of this study, with topics ranging from false rape allegations to cannabis cultivation. Additionally, some studies that were reviewed were theoretical pieces that did not add to the body of empirical research in the field. To account for articles in other disciplines, abstracts were searched using Ebsco Discovery Search, yielding a total of 215 results. Of these, 125 were located in the search but clearly unrelated to the topic, and 57 were police-related articles but focused on countries or regions outside the United States. Six new, unique articles were identified following this secondary search, bringing the total number of articles in this review to 34.

The articles reviewed are included in Table 1. The majority of studies (n = 29) used quantitative methods; 3 employed mixed methods, and 3 used qualitative methods to assess their research questions. The studies were further divided into those that assessed females (n = 10), minorities

2 R.H. DONOHUE JR.

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THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 3

(n = 12) and a mix of females and minorities (n = 13). While females and minorities are distinct categories of individuals, there are several areas identified in the literature that overlap in terms of their recruitment, selection, and hiring. The overarching themes include: organizational factors/ predictors (highlighted in 12 articles), motivation to become a police officer (12 articles), screening process barriers (13 articles), and effective recruitment design (13 articles).

2.1. Organizational factors and other predictors

Several bodies of work examine the internal and external factors that predict the hiring, selection, and retention of minority and female police officers. These studies analyze features of a police agency or community that affect the hiring and recruitment of women and minority police officers. These factors do not include specific hiring practices, which are detailed in subsequent sections.

Internal predictors reflect how the department itself affects the attraction and, ultimately, hiring of female and minority officers. Several key areas have been identified in how an agency by itself could affect the hiring of these potential candidates, with mixed results. On the aggregate, Zhao, He, and Lovrich, (2006) measured institutional factors and employment of female officers from 1993 to 2000 for police departments serving populations of 25,000+ residents. This study used the same sample as Zhao, Herbst, and Lovrich, (2001), which also measured the effects of internal and external variables on the proportion of female officers hired who were white, African American, or Hispanic. Zhao et al.’s (2006) findings indicated that internal factors including higher numbers of police per 1,000 population and informal affirmative action programs predict increased hiring of females.

Community policing has also been identified as an internal factor that may promote diversity. Schuck (2014) found that organizations with a community policing emphasis likely had higher female representation because of the aspect of the program that reinforces equality for all residents. However, including a measure of community policing is challenging as its operationalization may have many different conceptions. Using a measure of community policing is further complicated when it is constructed from the limited measurement available from Law Enforcement Management and Administration Statistics (LEMAS) reports that were used in the study (United States Department of Justice, 2011).

Other studies have analyzed the size of the agency as a variable of interest, hypothesizing that larger agencies have a better ability to hire more female and minority officers (Jordan, Fridell, Faggiani, & Kubu, 2009; Morabito & Shelley, 2015). Interestingly, while some agencies can hire more females and minorities as they increase in size, the downsizing of the New York Police Department resulted in higher levels of diversity (Guajardo, 2014). Caution should be taken in over-generalizing such results, however, as the agency is far-and-away the largest police department in the US. Jordan et al. (2009) unsurprisingly found that a higher budget for recruiting had a strong influence on the numbers of females and minorities hired. However, as a general predictor of female representation, Morabito and Shelley found no effect of budget (2015). Gustafson (2013) also indicated a concern for using overall budget figures as a determinant for recruiting. A closer inspection of dollars and efforts actually expended on recruiting efforts and marketing in general and geared toward females and minorities is necessary to gauge an increased budget’s effectiveness.

The theory of representative bureaucracy, an element within organizations, is introduced byMorabito and Shelley (2015) in an empirical study to predict female and non-white representation in policing. Representative bureaucracy, in this sense, is akin to Mosher’s (1982) theory, whereby a bureaucracy mirrors the community it serves. Using a sample of 1,655 police agencies, several key areas that measure passive and active representation, elements of representative bureaucracy, were identified that could predict differing department demographics. At the organizational level, aspects such as agency size, unionization, and education requirements above a high school diploma predicted higher female repre- sentation. Gustafson (2013) also included measures of minority representation in higher-level positions (police managerial and political office) and their predictors of line officer diversity. In a sample of 180 police departments, important indicators for African-American and Latino line representation were

4 R.H. DONOHUE JR.

minority political power andminorities in departmental managerial positions. The representation in line officer positions, the level at which police officers enter the field, is a potential indicator of a draw toward a career in policing. Further, representation in a department in public roles could also have an effect on officers being drawn toward an agency. This is also supported by Zhao, He, and Lovrich (2005), where minority police chiefs (African American or Hispanic) predicted greater line officer diversity. This is a key second step in determining a potential reason for being attracted to policing.

The issue of agency accreditation has also been found to be a predictor of female and, to a lesser extent of analysis, minority police officers. Specifically, the Commission on Accreditation for Law Enforcement Agencies (CALEA) accreditation level has been studied for its effects on agencies. Burlingame and Baro (2005) found significant differences between the percentages of women in CALEA-accredited vs. non-accredited departments for the female officers (12% compared to 10%), as well as women of color (four percent compared to two percent). However, there remained a disconnect between the available workforce and number of females in the community. Morabito and Shelley (2015) and Schuck (2014) also support that CALEA accreditation predicts higher levels of female representation. Several authors discuss the affirmative action recruiting plan set forth by CALEA to assist in building a representative police department (Burlingame & Baro, 2005; Raganella & White, 2004). Schuck (2014) also argues that organizations do not seek accreditation to increase gender diversity, but it is most likely stems from the planning processes advocated by CALEA. While CALEA accreditation is not sought by many agencies, it could certainly provide an avenue for increased female representation and enhanced recruiting strategies.

There are several factors that exist in the outside community that have also shown to affect representation amongst police ranks. These external predictors of the representation of women, but predominantly related to minority police officers have been discussed in the literature. Gustafson (2013) found that minority political power, constructed by variables measuring minority presence in political office predicted higher minority line-level representation. This is also supported by Sass and Mehay’s (2003) study of 142 municipalities, where increases in minority city councilors increase the number of minority police hires. Meanwhile, O’Brien’s (2003) sample of 162 cities found mixed results in terms of having a minority mayor. A Hispanic mayor had a large, positive effect on Hispanic police employment, but no significant effect was found for African American mayors on African American police employment. These effects were further supported by Zhao et al.’s (2005) analysis of 281 police departments from 1993 to 2000. O’Brien found support for the hypothesis that having a larger minority population in part predicts minority (African American and Latino) employment in police agencies. The analysis by Zhao et al. (2005) analysis also found larger African American populations in their communities predicted higher numbers of African American police officers, with similar findings for Hispanic officers. The mixed results may indicate additional factors over and above minority representation in government affect recruiting, but the potential impacts should not be overlooked.

From the existing research in the field, organizations and the external environment have a relationship with the number of female and minority officers working in their agencies. Police agencies must be cognizant of this condition if they desire to change their current situations. The nature of the studies referenced in this section is primarily cross-sectional, thereby necessitating research that examines changes over time at and across the agency-level. Research has also focused thus far on African American and female police officers, with some inclusion of Latinos. This is a recurring trend throughout the literature reviewed in this study. With the increase in diverse communities as a whole, additional research could be helpful in determining what affects potential candidates from other demographic groups. The relationship of the organizations with the local communities is also neglected as a focal point and may thus provide more information on how departments can not only improve their recruiting efforts, but also community relations. Given the fragmentation and wide variety of police agencies in terms of size and location, little is known about problems facing large in contrast to small police departments.

THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 5

2.2. Motivation and attitudes

The decision to pursue a career in policing varies at the individual and group levels. Historically, research has revealed several motivations—including both practical and altruistic reasons—that have been relatively consistent over time (White & Escobar, 2008). In order to understand how to effectively recruit and select applicants of diverse backgrounds, an understanding of the differences in motivation, if any, is required. Recent research has evaluated attitudes of police officers and those considering a career in policing, as well as including measures of variables that act as a proxy for such attitudes (such as the effect of higher pay on numbers of minority applicants).

Women may have motivations that differ from those of men when it comes to choosing a career in law enforcement. Qualitative studies have examined female motivations to pursue a career in policing, some of which center around proving their worth. Foley, Guarneri, and Kelly (2008) found that women placed greater value on opportunities for advancement and were less likely to report an influence of relatives who were employed as police officers. Raganella and White (2004) examined both male and female motivations for entering the New York Police Department (NYPD). The study allowed for the sampling of a large number of recruits (n = 238) due to the size of the department, which also includes sizable numbers of female and minority officers. Both male and female recruits ranked having an opportunity to help people in the community as the top motivating factor, although females ranked this as more important than males. Females also rate opportunities for advancement as more important than did males, while males cared more about lack of career alternatives and good companionship with co-workers However, there was substantial overlap and lack of difference in many of the items ranked, suggested that, as a whole, motivation for becoming a police officer was not much different between males and females. This is further supported by Lord and Friday (2003), where there was little difference between males and females regarding factors influencing a career in policing, other than the role of parents. Seklecki and Paynich (2007) surveyed veteran female officers (n = 531), about their experiences in policing, further lending support to previous studies. In answering questions regarding entry into the profession, the primary motivation was helping people. They add that this supports the “nurturing or helping” approach of women in the profession.

Gender differences for career selection and motivation were also evident at the undergraduate level. Yim (2009) found that among criminal justice undergraduate students, men were more likely to indicate a desire for a law enforcement career than women. It should be noted that Yim acknowledged the sample is from a university where the majority of students are “nontraditional,” and tend to be older with jobs and families. Yim’s results also indicate that men from the sample were more likely to believe in their capability to become police officers. Cambareri and Kuhns (2018) also conducted a study using 387 criminal justice undergraduate students, showing differences in interest in a law enforcement career, lower perceived success, and potentially lower personal fulfilment in a career in the field. These differences, the authors contend, may need to be overcome from an agency’s perspective in considering future applicants. Similarly, Lord and Friday (2003) found that males had stronger self-efficacy expectations for police roles, albeit among their sample of high school students. Todak (2017) also conducted interviews with a sample of university students who wanted to become police officers in order to understand motivations. The theme of “proving self-worth” (or capability of females) emerged, as interviewees showed a willingness to prove to society that females are capable of being police officers. Additionally, other interviewees indicated exposure to women in policing was a motivating factor. While many studies in this review utilize data from police departments and officers who are already serving in agencies, the studies by Todak (2017) and Yim (2009) are useful as they include data from potential applicants. Todak, Huff, and James (2018), also using a sample of undergraduates, elicited several themes from minority inter- viewees. These focused on particular strengths that potential minority officers could bring to police departments and communities, especially in the areas of cultural competency, ties to the community, and language skills.

6 R.H. DONOHUE JR.

Motivations for choosing a career for minorities have also shown to differ than white applicants. Foley et al. (2008) found that minority applicants valued working with autonomy and having opportunities for advancement to a larger extent than did white applicants. Other studies have found that potential minority candidates have negative images associated with police departments. Prior to the current legitimacy and hiring crisis facing many police departments today, Ryan, Sacco, McFarland, and Kriska (2000) found several differences between African Americans and whites. Notably, the findings indicated that African Americans believed the organization was less attractive, had a poorer image, and had less identification with the profession of policing. These specific findings do not speak directly to motivation, but are hindrances to motivation that may have to be overcome in promoting a diverse workforce. To specifically test motivations and attraction to a police career, Linos (2018) evaluated the effect of messaging used on recruitment postcards. In doing so, some evidence was found to support increased willingness of females to apply to a police officer position if they received correspondence with a message asking if they were “up to the challenge.” Minority candidates also demonstrated strong effects when receiving a similar “chal- lenge” message postcard, as well as one that suggested a long-term career opportunity. It should also be noted that the postcard featured an African American police officer, which Linos (2018) notes as context for the study.

The reasons for the apparent leveling off of female recruits and the under-representation of minority police officers in some areas may also be explained in the disconnect between the attitudes, opinions, and perceptions of those already involved in the agency (typically leadership-level) and recruits. Cordner and Cordner (2011) attempt to explain some of the difference in attitudes and perceptions. Their results indicate a large disconnect between police chiefs and female officers, especially when both groups were asked to select the primary reason for low level of female employment in law enforcement. When comparing reasons why there are a low number of females in police in the region, there was a statistically significant difference in the opinions of female police officers and police chiefs on the “friendliness” of departments toward women (7%, compared to 45%, respectively), as well as the perception that agencies do not hire women proactively (48%–69%) (Cordner & Cordner, 2011). This study on its own highlights a major issue in perception from a leadership-to-applicant level that should not be overlooked at the policy level.

A disconnect between potential applicants (or those joining a police force) and officers may also exist, especially in the area of affirmative action. For example, Pogrebin, Dodge, and Chatman (2000) studied the experience of African American women in policing. Several of the respondents felt that there was a belief on the part of white officers that minorities were hired under affirmative action, quotas, or lowered standards. Lee (2005) also examined attitudes of affirmative action with mixed results. Female superior officers were divided in their opinions on the need for an affirmative action plan for recruitment, while line/staff officers were supportive of such a plan (88.2% agreeing or strongly agreeing). Lee (2005) found similar results amongst males, with line officers more suppor- tive of a plan than supervisory staff. Rather than a male/female divide, these results show a difference of opinions between ranks.

Studies of motivation for potential officers tend to focus on females, with little research examining the motivators for minority groups. This is a clear gap in the literature that should be addressed in future studies. Further, there is a lack of detail into specific minority groups and potential differences (e.g. African American vs. Hispanic). The research to date also relies on specific responses and choices from surveys, rather than qualitative research and response. A qualitative approach guided toward specific topics may unveil motivation that is not included in past research. This approach, whether on its own or coupled with quantitative research may be able to provide a greater level of detail than closed questions. This is evident from the general lack of qualitative studies identified in the search strategy. Disconnects between agency leadership and the wants and needs of recruits in general and those from historically under-represented groups also deserve attention in the field. Studies focusing on affirmative action also exhibit a similar disconnect in attitudes between demo- graphic groups and leadership. To overcome recruitment challenges, these attitudes must be re-

THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 7

examined. Lastly, research has focused on samples that are already in the field, and not potential applicants or persons interested in a police career. The exceptions tend to be in studies utilizing criminal justice students. However, accounting for motivation of specific under-represented groups in policing can help agencies and those directly involved in recruitment and selection reach their potential applicants.

2.3. Screening process barriers

Once a person is motivated to seek a career in policing, there are several steps an individual must take before being offered the job. The hiring process for police officers is not standardized across the country but shares certain aspects and milestones. Typically, police hiring includes a written test, background check, medical screening, physical fitness test, and oral board (Kringen & Kringen, 2014; Riccucci & Riccardelli, 2014). The most common features nationwide are personal interviews, psychological evaluations, and written aptitude tests, with a higher percentage of police departments serving large populations using more methods. Additionally, nearly all departments require some sort of criminal record, background investigations, and/or driving record check (Reaves, 2012). The hiring process can alternatively be viewed as a two-stage process: the first consisting of screening through tests and interviews, and the second is the background check (Jensen & Graves, 2013). This “multiple hurdle” process is expected to screen out undesirable candidates and select the best (Jordan et al., 2009; Scrivner, 2006). The specific, traditional, and somewhat rigid hiring process has had and continues to affect female and minority applicants, thus presenting a major barrier in representation.

The process by which all applicants become police officers has aspects of it that may impede the ultimate selection of minority candidates. Kringen and Kringen (2014) specifically studied barriers to African American applicants in the screening process for police employment. Through the lens of a barrier analysis, they determined which obstacles resulted in lower levels of success for African American applicants in the hiring process in a major metropolitan police department in the southwest. Significant findings indicated African American applicants were more likely to get disqualified during the application than non-African American applicants (for failing to complete or provide information). The examination aspect found a significant difference with African Americans being more likely to be disqualified for failure to show up for the exam, but not for failing to schedule or pass the exam itself once undertaken. African American applicants were also more likely to be disqualified in the background screening portion, which tends to support the notion that background checks and criminal convictions have a disparate impact on minority candidates. On the other hand, Ho (2005) examined specific portions of the hiring process, specifically drug use, fitness, and psychometric assessment, finding that race does not affect these aspects of the hiring process. It should be noted, however, that the study analyzed hiring at only one police department in North Carolina.

While generally few in nature, studies that focus on candidate attrition yield important informa- tion to improve the hiring process. For the overall selection experience, Ryan et al. (2000) found that African Americans viewed the police hiring process more negatively than whites. In terms of self- selection in the hiring process, follow-up interviews also expressed differences between races and gender. African Americans, for example, were more likely to withdraw for family emergencies or work, while women were more likely to self-select out of the process due to perceived “poor fit” with the profession (Ryan et al., 2000). Ployhart, Mcfarland, and Ryan (2002) focused on attrition from the hiring process, also conducting interviews to solicit information from former candidates. They noted that, surprisingly, reasons for withdrawal from female and minority candidates did not come as a result of discriminatory hiring practices. Rather, for females and minorities the differences related to withdrawal were stronger for personal reasons and desirability of the job.

Physical fitness exams are a traditional part of the hiring process for police officers. Aside from the concern that the exams do not accurately portray the on-the-job necessities, the exams them- selves present a significant barrier to female applicants. The removal or modification of fitness screening as a tool to increase female representation has been discussed in non-empirical research

8 R.H. DONOHUE JR.

(Prenzler & Sinclair, 2013), but rarely examined in empirical studies. Lonsway (2003) found that 89% of police agencies surveyed (n = 62) use some sort of physical fitness testing as part of the hiring process. The actual testing varied between agencies, but typically includes events measuring agility, upper-body strength, and running. The study found an overall negative effect of testing on the percentage of female officers by approximately 5 points. However, the small number of agencies in the sample (and low response rate) leaves room for further research. Cordner and Cordner (2011) found that a slight majority of police chiefs (57%) and female officers (52%) surveyed also believed a physical fitness test affects the number of females in policing in a three-county region in Pennsylvania. Schuck’s (2014) study also indicated that departments with a fitness test predicted less gender diversity. Jordan et al. (2009) examined the effect of lower fitness standards for females. They found that the lowered standards did not have an effect on the number of applications or hires for female applicants. It should be noted, however, that this study also indicated a very small number of agencies using a modified fitness exam.

The general concept of raising entry requirements may disproportionately affect the hiring of female and minority applicants. At present, a requirement of a bachelor’s degree is rare in police hiring, while an associate’s degree is somewhat more common (Reaves, 2015). College education levels, while potentially contributing to the professionality and strength of police officers, may have disparate impacts on minority applicants (White & Escobar, 2008). Decker and Huckabee (2002) specifically measured how changes in entry requirements impact all applicant pools. In the sample of successful police applicants (those who were hired), 65.3% of applicants would be excluded if a four- year degree was required. The effect on African American applicants would be more profound, with 76.9% excluded. White females, on the other hand, would be the least impacted. Additional research has also found that an education requirement predicts increased levels of female officers (Gardiner, 2015; Morabito & Shelley, 2015; Schuck, 2014). Further, Gardiner (2015) noted that some agencies voiced concerns about how having an educational requirement could adversely affect hiring of female or minority officers. Jordan et al. (2009) examined the effects of an associate’s degree (or 60 college credit) requirement on both applications and hiring of women and minority applicants. An education requirement of either “some college” or “college degree” did not affect applications from females or minorities, but the requirement of some college did have a negative effect on the hiring of minority candidates. Their findings did not affect the applications from both groups, but the requirement of some college did have a negative effect on minority hiring. At the same time, Todak et al. (2018) found that minorities were skeptical of lowered standards as it could open them up for criticism from other officers. Therefore, agencies may need to exercise caution in raising education requirements and balancing the need to recruit a diverse workforce.

The current trends in police hiring processes are an extension of historical precedent. Steps in the process are intended to protect police departments from potentially problem officers in the future. However, agencies should re-evaluate parts of their hiring processes where they present unfair barriers to specific groups of individuals compared to others. The studies identified several of these areas including the background check phase, fitness, and education requirements. Critical examination of how these intertwine with the skills necessary with policing, and with fairness toward all groups of job candidates. This is not limited to the agency-level, especially when bound to civil service commissions and other governmental bodies. Self-selection also poses a problem due to the time and money invested by both applicants and organizations and is in need of further research and attention from organizations. The clear reasons for self-selection and attrition should be understood to evaluate the fairness and effectiveness of the overall hiring process.

2.4. Recruitment strategies

Effective recruitment strategies for traditionally marginalized recruiting bases may require a change in organizational approach. Recent literature has analyzed how specific measures have fared in increasing the numbers female and minority officers hired. Cordner and Cordner (2011) reveal

THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 9

a specific attitude from police chiefs that could be partially attributable to the lower numbers of female and minorities. Several examples of hiring show a neutral attitude in marketing and recruit- ment approaches, where advertisement and selection are for police officers, not minority police officers, or female police officers. While this demonstrates objectivity on the part of the agencies, it may signal that they fail to capitalize on attracting certain people to the profession.

At the state police level, female sworn officer numbers have traditionally been low. Comparing state police agencies to the national average, the percentage of females was 6% in 2010, compared to approximately 11–12% at the same time (Cordner, Seifert, & Ursino, 2014). Whetstone, Reed, and Turner (2005) analyzed recruiting methods across state police agencies, including those that employ women/minority recruiters and specific advertising methods. However, this study asked police agencies what they saw were the most effective recruiting tools; not necessarily what the applicant pool felt was most effective. While agencies felt their website was a successful recruiting tool, there was no evidence suggesting that it could (or did) produce an increase in women or minority applicants (Whetstone et al., 2006). This issue in its own requires additional research for these specific agencies, as well as a potential shift in recruiting priorities. Wilson, Wilson, Luthar, and Bridges, (2013) also found that agencies relied on passive marketing such as flyers and agency websites, although word of mouth was a popular method of dissemination. The location of information dissemination is another concept that may not reach target communities, as also evidenced in Wilson et al. (2013). While some agencies make inroads to neighborhood places and institutions such as colleges, universities, barber shops, and fitness centers, others may not tailor their marketing strategies in that manner or have the funding to do so.

Disconnect between agencies and applicants is not limited to state agencies. Wilson, Wilson, and Gwann (2016) also found that just under 90% of agencies surveyed in a sample of 36 agencies in Rhode Island used their department website as a recruiting tool, while advertising and outreach to communities of color was underutilized. For example, notices to majority African American schools were used in only two agencies. This represents a failure to reach out to places where potential minority police applicants would learn about an agency. Wilson et al. (2013) surveyed agencies across the country serving municipalities over 125,000 people finding similar results. While urban league, African American law enforcement groups, and social organizations had contact with the agencies, contacts with neighborhood groups, the local NAACP, and faith-based groups were lower. Wilson et al. (2016) also indicated that several agencies in their sample already have connections with various community groups in diverse communities, many of which could be leveraged in recruiting from minority populations.

Recruitment strategies targeting women and minority candidates vary based on size of police department (Jordan et al., 2009). As previously discussed, “advantages” for female applicants (typically fitness-related) had no effect on the applications or hires. Current advantages for minority applicants (such as preferential position on waiting lists) also do not seem to be effective. Affirmative action plans were included in several studies. However, the plans as a strategy for hiring minority police officers did not have an effect on line-officer representation (Gustafson, 2013; O’Brien, 2003; Zhao et al., 2005). This is in contrast to what conventional thinking dictates regarding affirmative action policies. Results were also mixed in Zhao et al.’s 2001 study for the effects of having formal or informal programs on white, African American, and Hispanic female police officers. However, McCrary’s (2006) longitudinal analysis of cities that had court-ordered affirmative action programs showed an increase in African American police representation over time in cities subject to litigation and mandates. However, the litigation tended to impact large cities that had low levels of African American police employment and may not be generalizable to communities that are not similar.

Recent literature gives suggestions for where and how to recruit, but it does not specify what exactly is the ideal solution for this situation. Strategies are typically passive in nature, perhaps limited because of personnel and budget concerns. A concrete gap in the literature needs to address what has been the most effective strategy for people who have joined the police ranks, as well as those who have not, but may have given a different recruiting effort. However, it should be clear that

10 R.H. DONOHUE JR.

some agencies who desire to reach levels of certain groups of officers in proportion to the commu- nities they serve may have to re-evaluate their strategies. Further evaluation of the effectiveness of recruitment efforts ranging from the people in the agency directly involved in recruiting to the marketing methods employed is a positive first step in evaluating hiring efforts. Another gap lies in the examination of the end-result, and not identifying people in the communities who may be interested in a police career, but were generally unaware of opportunities and hiring schemes.

3. Discussion

The purpose of this review was to examine recent studies in order to understand the challenges and successes surrounding racial/ethnic diversity and female employment in police agencies. The articles reviewed take different approaches as to their samples (college students, applicants, police officers, police executives, and police agencies in general), and to their questions of interest. Although they utilize different variables and, in some cases, operationalizations thereof, consistent themes emerged. These focus on the external and organizational environments that predict (and perhaps affect) employment, different elements of motivation, barriers in the hiring process, and overall recruitment effort. In some cases, results were mixed in these key areas, while in others stronger evidence was unveiled. A summary of the themes and key issues identified is located in Table 2. This section also details suggestions for future research and consideration for police agencies in improving their recruitment and hiring process.

Stronger evidence was shown in some internal external predictors of department diversity. These range from department efforts in becoming CALEA accredited (Burlingame & Baro, 2005; Morabito & Shelley, 2015; Schuck, 2014) to the demographics of the communities in which the agencies operate (O’Brien, 2003;Zhao et al., 2005). Mixed evidence was found throughout the key concepts identified in this analysis. This included the effects of affirmative action programs, some of which had positive effects on minority hiring, while others had no significant differences (Gustafson, 2013; McCrary, 2006; Zhao et al., 2005). The perception of what is effective and in place for recruiting efforts also varied by agency and population surveyed (Whetstone et al., 2006; Wilson et al., 2016). Further, the various barriers to entry that must be overcome for successful hiring also showed mixed results, with some having negative effects on either females or minority candidates (Kringen &Kringen, 2014; Ryan et al., 2000), while other resulted showed no significant differences (Ho, 2005; Jordan et al., 2009).

Table 2. Themes identified.

Primary theme Sub-themes identified Areas for future research and agency

consideration

Organizational factors and other predictors

Government representation Understand location-based strengths and weaknesses

Community demographics Identify additional predictors of representation Agency-level predictors Accreditation

Motivation and attitudes Career-choice differences Reconcile applicant and police executive

opinions Disconnect between agency/leadership and applicants

Broaden pool of potential applicants in conducting research

Screening process barriers Disparate impacts on women/minorities Conduct in-depth analysis of attrition Applicant self-selection Identify best practices in determining hiring

process hurdles Recruitment strategies

Neutral, passive recruiting strategies Compare passive vs. active recruiting policies Targeted recruiting programs Tailor recruiting strategies to populations of

interest Evaluate strategies based on agency size

THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 11

Although the focus of this review was limited to the American experience, there are lessons that can be learned from other countries facing similar challenges. Van Ewijk’s (2011) analysis of police diversity in Europe in terms of recruitment, retention, and promotion shows clear research gaps, as well as areas in recruiting that deserve attention for academics and the field. Broadly, these are: publicity, preparation selection process, and profiles of new recruits. Other international examples include more drastic measures such as the 50:50 initiative in Northern Ireland’s transition from the Royal Ulster Constabulary to the Police Service of Northern Ireland. In this case, a recruiting effort (now lapsed) was designed to bolster the number of applicants from Catholic backgrounds, who historically made up a small percentage of officers (Bayley, 2008). Following the Fitzgerald Inquiry in Australia, there was an initiative to increase the percentage of sworn female officers through the removal of barriers in the Queensland Police Service (Prenzler & Drew, 2013). This cultural shift was met with resistance until other changes led to improvements in recruiting levels. While policing is different within US agencies, lessons learned from foreign counterpoints could prove worthwhile in solving the diversity dilemma.

The studies reviewed have limitations that provide guidance for future studies. Much of the previous research utilized small, local or regional samples, with varying degrees of response. While this may be a weakness in the literature, it presents an opportunity for further research that can be generalizable across agencies and geographic locations. Additionally, the lack of qualitative research into attitudes, experiences, and opinions of female and minority applicants and potential applicants represents an area that should be explored in the future. There is a critical need for more studies in this area, especially as police agencies struggle to recruit and attract high-quality candidates.

The academic studies reviewed have direct implications for agencies seeking to recruit, hire, and select police officers. Starting from external and internal aspects, agencies should be able to survey their environment and operational climate for strengths and weaknesses, synthesizing the ideas and challenges identified in recent research. For example, recognizing the effects of CALEA certification may provide support for increased hiring of female and minority candidates as supported by the literature (Burlingame & Baro, 2005; Morabito & Shelley, 2015; Schuck, 2014). Since agencies do not have control over the demographics or politics of their communities, this is an organizational strategy that could have success.

Understanding what motivates different recruits is also an important aspect not to be overlooked, especially when formulating the best plan to recruit not only diverse candidates, but all groups of applicants. This may necessitate personal introspection by police leadership based on Cordner and Cordner’s (2011) findings, and certainly a need to review the and similarities between all groups of applicants. The findings from students (Todak et al., 2018; Todak, 2017; Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018) provide guidance as to attitudes from potential recruits, that can be helpful to agencies, and extended to future research. As these studies are typically limited to undergraduates, a broader pool of interested recruits from diverse backgrounds may be able to provide more perspectives and helpful information.

Further, the overall process barriers may pose specific threats to hiring a diverse group of applicants and should be re-examined in the future. These barriers, whether in the form of screen- ings or literal walls, should be continuously assessed. A clear weakness in the literature was the lack of understanding of why recruits dropped out from the process. Understanding the reasons for failure to attain employment is an important part of the process, and should examine why recruits do so, similar to the approach used by Ryan et al. (2000).

Overall, research and findings thereafter must be shared with police organizations and leadership in order to understand the climate of recruiting and hiring quality police recruits from a diverse pool of applicants. Without that collaboration, informed change will be a challenge in the future. Although outside the direct scope of this study, research and evaluation of best practices in other areas of employment and police organizations in other countries may also provide valuable informa- tion to improve police hiring in the United States. Research, comparison, and collaboration could be the key to improving representation of females and minorities in the police ranks.

12 R.H. DONOHUE JR.

In conclusion, this study consolidates empirical studies regarding the challenges of a recruiting and selecting a diverse police workforce. While it provides guidance for further study, the implica- tions on the field of police practice are immediate. Police and community leaders should evaluate their hiring programs, attitudes, and assess what measures they can take to reach potential female and minority applicants.

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THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 15

  • Abstract
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Search strategy
    • 2.1. Organizational factors and other predictors
    • 2.2. Motivation and attitudes
    • 2.3. Screening process barriers
    • 2.4. Recruitment strategies
  • 3. Discussion
  • References