Sexism/Sex Discrimination Paper

Sexism/Sex Discrimination

( COPYRIGHT 2009 Macmillan Reference USA, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning WCN 02-200-210 )

SEXISM/SEX

DISCRIMINATION

Sexism and sexual discrimination are two of the primary reasons that gender inequality persists in the United States. The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Com- mission (EEOC) received almost 25,000 ‘‘charges of sex- based discrimination’’ in the 2007 fiscal year alone (EEOC, 2008). Sexism refers to attitudes and beliefs about people based on their sex. Often these prejudices are negative, such as the idea that women are incompe- tent, but these opinions may also be positive, such as the belief that women are nurturing. Sexual discrimination, in contrast, involves treating people differently based on their sex. For example, this may be the preference to hire men instead of women or to allow more women than men to enter a dance club.

These terms are frequently used to refer to the neg- ative treatment or position of women relative to men. This approach makes sense. Because women are subordi- nate to men in most parts of the world, they are more likely to be the targets of sexism and sexual discrimina- tion. However, men may be the targets as well. Because members of subordinate groups (e.g., women, gay men, and so forth) tend to be victims of gender bias and members of the dominant group tend to be perpetrators, sexism and sexual discrimination help preserve the system of male privilege and the subordination of women and nondominant masculinities.

If someone discriminates based on another person’s gender, does that mean that he or she is sexist? The answer is not necessarily. Sexism and sexual discrimina- tion often go together, but not always. Consider a male employer at an electronics store seeking a new salesper- son. This employer may know that there are many women knowledgeable about electronics, but if he fears that his clientele will only buy from a man, then he will be hesitant to hire a woman, regardless of her credentials. His behavior, then, is discriminatory, even though he does not consciously hold sexist beliefs. It is possible that a person can have subconscious attitudes (implicit beliefs), which can influence behavior, even without the person being consciously aware of it (Quillian, 2006).

It is worth noting that sexism and sexual discrimi- nation are actually misnomers. The two concepts techni- cally focus on attitudes and behavior based on someone’s sex, but what this concept really refers to is a person’s gender rather than his or her sex. Sex is biology; gender relates to the meaning and behavior associated with being a man or a woman (Kimmel, 2008). Some of the most frequently measured forms of sexism are beliefs about how women are supposed to behave. For instance, should a mother work outside the home? Is it a woman’s respon- sibility to care for the home? Can a woman be assertive

and still be feminine? These beliefs have nothing to do with a woman’s biological sex and everything to do with what it means to be a woman.

But why are some people sexist and why do some people discriminate? The simplest explanation is socialization— that is, the idea that people have been taught that certain behaviors are appropriate for one gender and other behaviors are appropriate for the other gender. (This assumes only two genders, a point that is contested by many gender scholars and intersex advocates; see Kim- mel, 2008.) The extent to which one holds sexist atti- tudes is partly based on age, with people from older generations being more likely to hold ‘‘old fashioned’’ views about women (what is now called sexist) and younger people being likely to hold more egalitarian views. There is evidence for this argument, but the explanation is incomplete.

A related perspective is that people hold views about what is appropriate gendered behavior (i.e., their gender ideology) that agree with how they perceive their own gender (i.e., their gender role identity). This is because disagreement between someone’s gender role identity and his or her gender ideology can cause confusion. For instance, if a man believes that masculine men are big and burly but he is small and delicate, does that mean he is not a ‘‘real man’’? In contrast, agreement between someone’s gender role identity and his or her gender ideology is validating. The result is that a masculine man is likely to support behavior that agrees with his ideas of masculinity (such as the male breadwinner role) and is likely to resist behavior that opposes it (such as married women earning an income).

A different set of arguments contend that sexism and sexual discrimination stem from some men’s need to protect their position of privilege (Goldin, 2002). This practice may include men protecting their personal status or that of males as a group. Men are in the dominant social position, but not all men are as dominant as others. Masculinity, or manliness, helps determine which men are atop the hierarchy. Because of the privileges that come with appropriate displays of masculinity, some men are concerned that if their masculinity is questioned then they are somehow less of a man. In order to prove their masculinity to themselves and to others, they may denigrate and harass women or less masculine men.

Men as a group are in power; women are not. Sexism and sexual discrimination have been and continue to be used to prevent women from gaining power. From the perspective of those in power, it therefore makes sense to perpetuate gender stereotypes, even when there is over- whelming evidence invalidating those stereotypes. For instance, the common but erroneous stereotype that women are irrational implies that a woman should not

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Sexism/Sex Discrimination

Sexism in Advertising. Pedestrians walk past large outdoor clothing advertisements. SPENCER PLATT/GETTY IMAGES.

be a boss, a chief executive officer, or the president. If this stereotype is believed, then these positions are preserved for a man. This logic makes women less attractive as employees and keeps men ‘‘first in line’’ for the most desirable jobs (Reskin, 2001).

The consequences of sexism and sexual discrimina- tion are felt by everyone, if for no other reason than that everyone has women in their lives. More specifically, the effects are seen in labor market inequality, such as the devaluation of the jobs predominantly held by women and the work women do, discriminatory hiring practices and job allocation, and different expectations; discrimi- nation against mothers in hiring and promotion; the disproportionate amount of home, child, and elderly care done by women, along with the failure to either com- pensate workers for their labor or provide affordable alternatives; the medical field’s disregard for women, as evidenced by women’s exclusion from medical studies and absence from medical texts; and the disproportionate level of violence suffered by women at the hands of their partners. Biased treatment can also impact women’s health, causing them to suffer from such ailments as depression, nausea, and headaches (Welsh, 1999, p. 183).

Although sexism and sexual discrimination impact women in all walks of life, the ramifications may be more severe for women of color and of lower socioeconomic status. These women not only face stigma and discrim- ination because of their gender but also because of their race and class. Oppression based on these statuses is multiplicative, not additive. This means that a Black woman does not face the same gender oppression as a White woman or the same racial oppression as a Black man. Instead, she faces unique experiences because she is Black and a woman. For instance, lower-class women of color, particularly immigrants, often work as domestics (lower-class men tend to hold other jobs), positioning

them for exploitation, whereas upper-class women can use their wealth to reallocate their domestic responsibil- ities to women of lower classes (Amott & Matthaei 1996,

p. 15). Young, lower-class Black women have the added stigma of being stereotyped as single mothers. Middle- and upper-class Black workers, in contrast, risk being ‘‘isolated’’ in a ‘‘corporate environment . . . that [is] inhospitable and alien’’ (Browne & Misra 2003, p. 501). Moreover, Black workers, regardless of age and class, must cope with the consequences of a long history of racial bias in the United States. Class and racial status also influence medical care, with lower-class and non- White patients receiving a lower quality of treatment than their wealthy White counterparts.

Sexism and sexual discrimination primarily impact women, but men can be victims too. For instance, cur- rent ideals of masculinity reward acts of risk-taking, aggression, and heterosexual sexual prowess while punish- ing behavior deemed to conflict with them. As a result, some men feel pressured into pursuing dangerous or even criminal behavior in order to prove their manhood. Men may also be harmed by the sexist belief that women and children deserve to be protected from danger first, lead- ing men to be the last saved and the first to die.

A large proportion of the research on sexism and sexual discrimination considered in the United States focuses on what is going on here. It is therefore tempting to want to know how the situation in the United States compares to that in other countries. However, direct com- parisons should be undertaken only with the utmost care. Cross-cultural comparisons are complicated by different definitions, data collection standards, and ethnocentrism.

Varying definitions and data collection standards are problematic because they make it difficult to ensure that measures of sexism and sexual discrimination are consis- tent and comparable across countries. For example, if country A defines discrimination as anything that creates a negative working environment, whereas country B says that the only thing that qualifies as discrimination is pressure from a superior to have sexual relations (Saguy, 2000, p. 1092), then it is meaningless to compare rates of discrimination across the two countries.

A second issue is how to apply one’s own perceptions of sexism to other cultures without being too ‘‘ethno- centric.’’ A single example should suffice to illustrate this problem. In 2004 France passed a law banning the wear- ing of conspicuous religious symbols in state schools. Although the law applied to all religious groups, there was a clear understanding that it was enacted to stop Muslim women from wearing headscarves. Two main justifications were given for the law. The first explanation was that headscarves were emblematic of Muslims’ refusal to assimilate to secular French society. The second

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Sexual Activity, Adulthood

contention was that headscarves were symbols of Islam’s oppression of women. Some Muslim women agreed with this latter assessment, but many did not.

If the headscarf is considered only from a Euro- pean/North American perspective, one could legiti- mately argue that it represents Muslim women’s subordinate place in Muslim society (if for no other reason than that they are not granted the same freedom in attire as men). But if the decision is considered from the standpoint of many Muslim women, one could possibly see that maybe these women are not oppressed by the tradition. In fact, when asked, some women said that, for them, wearing a headscarf was a personal choice to follow cultural traditions and beliefs about what ‘‘was modest and right.’’ This example demon- strates that before attempting to determine if certain cultural behaviors are sexist, it is necessary to have some understanding of that culture.

Even with the caveat that it may be ill-advised to compare sexism and sexual discrimination across cul- tures, it is clear that the treatment of women varies regionally. Norway, for instance, is known for its pro- gressive policies promoting gender equality, whereas in Saudi Arabia women are forbidden from voting, driving cars, or being in public without a male relation. In many parts of the developing world the situation for women is even worse and is characterized by high rates of female infanticide and sex-selective abortion, poor nutrition, little or no medical care, and low life expectancies for those who survive childhood.

Because sexism and sexual discrimination persists almost everywhere in the world, further research on the subject must continue. Two likely areas of ongoing research are sexual harassment and the intersection of gender, race, and class. The trend of applying paradigms developed outside of gender of research is also likely to continue. Another area that deserves more attention is sexism and sexual discrimination against men. Although men are not the prime targets, to ignore them in favor of women would be both sexist and discriminatory.

SEE ALSO Volume 1: Socialization, Gender; Volume 2: Gender in the Workplace; Policy, Employment; Racism/ Race Discrimination; Volume 3: Ageism/Age Discrimination.

BIB L IOG R APHY

Acker, J. (1999). Rewriting class, race, and gender: Problems in feminist rethinking. In M. M. Ferree, J. Lorber, & B. B. Hess (Eds.), Revisioning gender. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Amott, T. L., & Matthaei, J. (Eds.). (1996). Race, class, gender, and women’s work. In Race, gender, and work: A multicultural economic history of women in the United States. (rev. ed.).

Boston: South End Press.

Browne, I., & Misra, J. (2003). The intersection of gender and race in the labor market. Annual Review of Sociology, 29, 487–513.

Goldin, C. (2002). A pollution theory of discrimination: Male and female differences in occupations and earnings. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved May 21, 2008, from http://ssrn.com/abstract=315335

Kimmel, M. S., & Aronson, A. (Eds.). (2008). The gendered society. New York: Oxford University Press.

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Miedzian, M. (2002). Boys will be boys: Breaking the link between masculinity and violence. New York: Lantern Books.

Quillian, L. (2006). New approaches to understanding racial prejudice and discrimination. Annual Review of Sociology, 32, 299–328.

Reskin, B. F. (2001). Labor markets as queues: A structural approach to changing occupational sex composition. In D. B. Grusky (Ed.), Social stratification: Class, race, and gender in sociological perspective. (2nd ed.). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Saguy, A. C. (2000). Employment discrimination or sexual violence? Defining sexual harassment in American and French law. Law & Society Review, 34(4), 1091–1128.

Toller, P. W., Suter, E. A., & Trautman, T. C. (2004). Gender role identity and attitudes toward feminism. Sex Roles, 51, 85–90.

U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2008). Sex- based discrimination. Retrieved April 27, 2008, from http:www. eeoc.gov/types

Welsh, S. (1999). Gender and sexual harassment. Annual Review of Sociology, 25, 169–190.

Wyatt, C. (2003). Liberty, equality, and the headscarf. Retrieved May 21, 2008, from http://news.bbc.co.uk

Judith E. Rosenstein

SEXUAL ACTIVITY, ADULTHOOD

People are born sexual and have the capacity for sexual activity throughout the life course. Sexual activity involves the behavioral expression of erotic feelings, typically for pleasurable or reproductive purposes but in some contexts for power and control. Sexuality is influenced by biolog- ical, psychological, sociological, and spiritual factors, within historical, cultural, and developmental contexts. Virtually all societies attempt to regulate sexual activity, with varying degrees of success. Individuals are presumed to be most capable of both fulfilling their sexual potential and conforming to social norms in their sexual behaviors when they are adults; thus, sexual activity is viewed as most acceptable for adults of legal age but before they become too old. This does not mean that children and older adults

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