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Why Some Students Leave College During Their Senior Year

Patricia F. Hunt Vivian S. Boyd Linda K. Gast Alice Mitchell

Journal of College Student Development, Volume 53, Number 5, September/October 2012, pp. 737-742 (Article)

Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/csd.2012.0068

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Vasti Torres, associate editorResearch in Brief

Why Some Students Leave College During Their Senior Year Patricia F. Hunt Vivian S. Boyd Linda K. Gast Alice Mitchell Wendy Wilson

Although many studies have examined college student attrition, no extant literature examines the phenomenon of undergraduates who discon tinue their enrollment in college during a semester of their senior year. This study used both institutional and self-reported survey data to examine the rationale behind seniors’ decision to leave college during a semester and before degree completion. Further, because there is a significant gap in graduation rates between first-generation and non- first-generation students, we examined statistically significant differences between first generation and non-first-generation college seniors on this issue.   There are a myriad of articles under the rubric of college student persistence/attrition; see, for example, the references listed in Pascarella and Terenzini (2005). However, students who officially withdraw from an institution of higher education during a semester of their senior year are a phenomenon that has not received published attention. This raises questions about what contributes to seniors’ decision to withdraw during a semester when they are so close to earning their bachelor’s degree. At the institution under study, seniors have completed at least 90 of the 120 credits needed to earn their undergraduate degree.

They have demonstrated the competence, commitment, and motivation needed to reach their senior year—qualities typically associated with persistence in higher education, not withdrawal. Because senior-level withdrawal during a semester does not appear in the attrition literature, there is no empirical insight into the degree and extent of this phenomenon, nor of issues related to it. From a student affairs’ point of view, it may be helpful to understand the phenomenon more fully, to be able to design interventions that might curb this disturbing trend. Despite the gap in the attrition literature concerning students who withdraw during a semester of their senior year, some research has identified significant differences in the graduation rates of first generation college students as compared to those of non-first- generation college students (Ishitani, 2006; Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak, & Terenzini, 2004). In this study, first-generation college students are defined as individuals who are the first in their immediate family to pursue a 4-year degree. Although an appreciable effort has been made to improve access to higher education for first-generation college students, persistence/attrition studies have found that

Patricia F. Hunt is a research analyst at the Counseling Center at the University of Maryland. Vivian S. Boyd is Counseling Center Director Emerita, and Associate Professor Emerita in the College of Education, at the University of Maryland. Linda K. Gast is a staff counselor at the Counseling Center and Affiliate Professor of Counseling and Personnel Services at the University of Maryland. Alice Mitchell is a psychometrist in the Testing Office at the Counseling Center at the University of Maryland. Wendy Wilson is Assistant Director of Academic Support at the University of North Texas.

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both a lack of involvement and certain back- ground characteristics are associated with attrition. For example, demographic profile studies of first-generation college students have shown that such students tend to be of a racial minority group and/or from a low- income family, often headed by a single parent (Orbe, 2004; Perna & Titus, 2005). Research findings further suggest that once such students are enrolled in college they are less likely than non-first-generation college students to live on campus, more likely to work off campus, and generally have lower levels of extracurricular involvement and interactions with campus peers (Pascarella et al., 2004). Likewise, studies have underscored the importance for first- generation college students of social networking within the campus community (Perna & Titus, 2005) and of having campus mentors who can provide access to critical academic information and resources (Smith, 2007). The present study had two purposes. First, it employs both institutional and self-reported survey data to examine the issues which lead to senior level respondents’ decision officially to withdraw from college before degree completion. Second, it isolates significant differences between first-generation college students and non-first-generation college seniors on this issue.

MetHodoLoGy

When undergraduate students at a large, mid-Atlantic, research, public university officially withdraw during a semester, they are asked as part of the withdrawal process to complete the Withdrawal Survey, a locally crafted instrument whose questions are based on common themes identified in the literature as being related to student departure (Allen, Robbins, Casillas, & Oh, 2008; Berger & Braxton, 1998; Bettinger, 2004; Brackney & Karabenick, 1995; Gladieux & Perna, 2005;

Kitzrow, 2003; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). These themes include institutional factors, issues related to their academic major, financial issues, degree of social integration into the campus community, family issues, anticipated or received grades, and perceived barriers to academic success. The Withdrawal Survey represents a collaborative effort between the university’s Office of the Registrar and the Counseling Center, and has been administered by the Office of the Registrar since the fall of 2003 to undergraduates who opt to withdraw during a semester. For this study, 10 semesters of data (Fall 2003 through Spring 2008) were collected, yielding a pool of 2,175 survey respondents. Included in that pool were 464 respondents (21%) whose class level at the beginning of the semester of withdrawal was senior, according to institutional records. A subset of these senior respondents (n = 103, 22%) reported that they were the first in their immediate family to pursue a 4-year college degree. The present study limits its analyses to the 464 respondents who officially withdrew from the university during a semester of their senior year. There were no meaningful differences between first-generation and non-first-gener- ation withdrawing seniors in terms of entry status (i.e., direct admit or transfer in) or gender. Overall, 60% had transferred in, and 59% were men. However, there were significant differences between the two groups by race– citizenship: χ2(5,460) = 18.8, p = .002. African American / Black and Hispanic withdrawing seniors were overrepresented among the respondents who were first-generation college students.

deScriPtiVe FindinGS

Students who withdraw from college typically do so after the end of a semester. Often, the

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withdrawal of these students is not known until the subsequent semester has begun. In contrast, those who withdraw during a semester go through an official process in order to avoid receiving Fs in all the courses for which they were registered that semester. This process not only offers an opportunity to obtain self-reported data concerning their reasons for withdrawal, but also allows for the opportunity to use information from survey data for possible proactive interventions. Sixty-one percent of withdrawing senior respondents at the university under study indicated that family expectations were a source of pressure for them. First-generation withdrawing seniors were significantly less likely (63%) than non-first-generation seniors (86%) to say their family actively supported their attendance and success in college: χ2(1,458) = 30.5, p = .000. Further, significantly more withdrawing first generation seniors (82%) than non-first-generation seniors (64%) said that family obligations had to some degree interfered with their progress: χ2(3,459) = 20.0, p = .000. Sixty percent of withdrawing senior respondents said that they were employed off campus during the semester of withdrawal, and were working an average of 28 hours a week. Sixty percent of first generation respondents and 44% of non-first-generation respondents reported they were paying for over three quarters of their education expenses through work, savings, and/or personal loans. Moreover, first-generation respondents (42%) were significantly more likely than non-first- generation respondents (30%) to report that financial concerns contributed to their decision to withdraw: χ2 (1,460) = 5.3, p = .015. Fifty-eight percent of the withdrawing senior respondents overall said that their decision to withdraw from the university during the semester had at least in part been influenced by the grades they had received or

were anticipating. To explore what lay behind the GPA issue, respondents were asked to identify perceived barriers to their academic success, if any, with which they were confronted during the time leading up to their departure from the university. These barriers included lack of interest in course work, poor time management skills, lack of fit between work/ class schedules, poor study habits, routinely missed classes, illness, stress/anxiety/depression, lack of clear career goals, and feelings of burnout. Only two perceived barriers showed significant differences between first-generation and non-first-generation respondents. First- generation respondents were significantly more likely (70% vs. 55%) to identify as a barrier issues of stress/anxiety/depression— χ2(1,456) = 7.1, p = .005—whereas non-first- generation respondents were significantly more likely (32% vs. 18%) to identify routinely missing class—χ2(1,456) = 8.4, p = .002. Feeling socially integrated with one’s campus community has been shown to be an important factor in undergraduate persistence and degree completion (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). Just under half of the withdrawing senior respondents overall reported they had been unable to become as socially involved with the campus community as they wanted, with significantly more first generation than non-first-generation respondents so reporting (61% vs. 46%): χ2(1,455) = 7.0, p = .000. There were significant differences as well in two of the perceived barriers to their social involvement on campus—family obligations (44% vs. 30%): χ2(1,225) = 3.65, p = .05, and off-campus employment (60% vs. 47%): χ2(1,225) = 3.06, p < .05. Overall, one in four withdrawing senior respondents said issues regarding their academic major contributed to their decision to withdraw, with no significant differences between first- generation and non-first-generation seniors. Of those who said issues regarding their

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academic major contributed to their decision to withdraw, only 44% reported they were “very aware” of the graduation requirements of this major when they selected it. Institutional issues apparently played a relatively minor role in withdrawing senior respondents’ decision to withdraw, for both first-generation and non-first-generation respondents. Institutional issues included respondents’ perceptions of academic advising, the quality of instruction, the degree of student support, relationship with faculty, size of the campus, and undergraduate headcount. In this study, the chief institutional issue was senior respondents’ perception that faculty did not seem to care about their problems (12% overall).

iMPLicAtionS For PrActice

Among this group of senior respondents who withdrew from the university during a semester between Fall 2003 and Spring 2008, 52% had returned to the university and were either registered in Fall 2009 or had graduated from the university by then—with no significant differences between first-generation and non- first-generation respondents. Sadly, 48% had not done so, despite being so close to obtaining their degree.

Family issues Families of college students provide vital support often paired with ongoing challenges. Some colleges have created a specific campus unit to consult with families of college students. These units can help families—particularly those of first-generation college students—not only to appreciate the confidence that students feel when supported by family members, but also to become aware of the importance to a student’s ongoing academic success of setting priorities. Not surprisingly, academic success is contingent on devoting a sufficient number of hours per week to study for the number

of credit courses taken, despite competing priorities such as employment and family needs.

Stress, Anxiety, depression, and Burnout A majority of senior respondents perceived that their anxiety, stress, depression, and/or burnout got in the way of their academic success. Such feelings can have a serious impact not only on students’ health, but also on their academic performance. There are resources on most campuses available to help students to deal with these issues. Faculty and academic advisors could make referrals to these resources when relevant. In this study, it is unknown whether the seniors who withdrew during the semester even knew about, let alone sought help from, these resources before making the decision to leave. However, past research (Brackney & Karabenick, 1995; Kitzrow, 2003) has shown a relationship between high levels of psychological distress and ineffective time management skills as well as scant use of resources such as academic and/or counseling assistance.

Social involvement/Sense of Belonging A recent study has shown a relationship between timely college completion and social connectedness (Allen et al., 2008). A study of the relationship between a sense of belonging and stress (Walton & Cohen, 2007) suggested that, for African American and Hispanic students more than for White students, the sense of belonging depends on the quality of their emotional health, and that high stress can diminish their sense of fit on campus. The question of the degree to which the absence of a sense of belonging may be related to perceived racism and racism-related stress has been studied (Pieterse & Carter, 2007) with findings suggesting the difficulty of separating racism-related stress and other sources of life stress. It should be noted that, in the current

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study, employment was the greatest obstacle to being as socially involved as respondents would have liked.

off-campus employment The fact that 60% of the senior respondents reported they were employed off campus an average of 28 hours a week has serious implications in terms of their social integration on campus, available time allotted to study, and their emotional health. In these times of financial concerns, both for families and for institutions of higher education, it is unrealistic to suggest that increased funding be designated for educational support. However, academia could develop well-advertised and frequently offered workshops for students aimed at helping them become aware of and analyze the benefits and costs of off-campus employment.

Upper-Level Advising The Withdrawal Survey asked many questions designed to explore why seniors in the institution under study left before completing their degree program. Although upper-level undergraduates may have different concerns from their first- and second-year counterparts, it seems that academic advisors may have a role in helping students persist to graduation by being aware of campus workshops and resources and acting as a referral agent for their advisees. Such an advising role is especially

critical for those students who transfer into the university and consequently may be less aware of the campus resources.

they came this Far . . . This report has shown that, for many students who withdrew from the institution under study during a semester of their senior year, there were significant competing priorities for their energy, time, and attention. Absent a sense of belonging, sufficient financial aid, a relationship with a mentor or advisor, and/ or knowledge of the programs and resources on campus designed to help students deal early on with such issues as stress and anxiety and burnout, the decision to withdraw during their senior year apparently seemed like their best option. There are implications for withdrawing during a semester: Loss of tuition, mandatory fees, room and board, financial aid; student loan repayment; visa consequences for international students; a loss of momentum; and difficulty transferring at the senior level to another institution. This report suggests that collaboration between advisors and student affairs staff could curb this pattern of withdrawal so close to the finish line.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Patricia Hunt, University of Maryland, College Park, MD 20740; [email protected]

reFerenceS Allen, J., Robbins, S., Casillas, A., & Oh, I. (2008). Third-

year college retention and transfer: Effects of academic performance, motivation, and social connectedness. Research in Higher Education, 49, 647-664.

Berger, J. B., & Braxton, J. M. (1998). Revising Tinto’s interactional theory of student departure through theory elaboration: Examining the role of organizational attributes in the persistence process. Research in Higher Education, 39, 103-119.

Bettinger, E. (2004). How financial aid affects persistence. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. W10242. Retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract = 492355

Brackney, B., & Karabenick, S. (1995). Psychopathology and academic performance: The role of motivation and learning strategies. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 42, 456-465.

Gladieux, L., & Perna, L. (2005). Borrowers who drop out: A neglected aspect of the college student loan trend. National Center Report #05-2. National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education. Retrieved from http://www. highereducation.org/reports/borrowing/index.shtml

Ishitani, T. T. (2006). Studying attrition and degree completion behavior among first-generation college students in the United States. Journal of Higher Education, 77, 861-885.

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Kitzrow, M. A. (2003). The mental health needs of today’s college students. NASPA Journal, 41, 167-181.

Orbe, M. P. (2004). Negotiating multiple identities within multiple frames: An analysis of first-generation college students. Communication Education, 53, 131-149.

Pascarella, E. T., Pierson, C. T., Wolniak, G. C., & Terenzini, P. T. (2004). First generation college students: Additional evidence on college experiences and outcomes. Journal of Higher Education, 75, 249-284.

Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (2005). How college affects students: A third decade of research. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

Perna, W., & Titus, M. A. (2005). The relationship between parental involvement as social capital and college enrollment:

An examination of racial/ethnic group differences. Journal of Higher Education, 76, 485-518.

Pieterse, A. L., & Carter, R. T. (2007). An examination of the relationship between general life stress, racism-related stress, and psychological health among black men. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54, 101-109.

Smith, B. (2007). Accessing social capital through the academic mentoring process. Equity and Excellence in Education, 40, 36-46.

Walton, G. M., & Cohen, G. L. (2007). A question of belonging: Race, social fit, and achievement. Journal of Social and Personality Psychology, 92, 82-96.

Biofeedback and Counseling for Stress and Anxiety Among College Students Paul ratanasiripong Kevin Sverduk Judy Prince diane Hayashino

With the rise in stress and anxiety among college students, there is a need for more comprehensive and effective counseling options for counselors in college counseling centers. This study investigated the impact of using biofeedback and brief counseling in treating stress and anxiety in an ethnically diverse college student population. Results indicated that participants who received biofeedback training and counseling had greater reduction in anxiety symptoms than did participants who received counseling alone. Implications for augmenting biofeedback training to traditional college counseling model are discussed.   Over the past decade an increase in the frequency and severity of psychological symptoms among college students has been documented (Benton, Robertson, Tseng, Newton, & Benson, 2003; Bishop, Bauer, & Becker, 1998; Hyun, Quinn, Madon, &

Paul Ratanasiripong is Professor of Counseling, Department of Advanced Studies in Education and Counseling; Kevin Sverduk is lecturer in the Department of Kinesiology; and Judy Prince and Diane Hayashino are psychologists at Counseling and Psychological Services; each at California State University, Long Beach.

Lustig, 2006; Kitzrow, 2003). In addition, tragic events, such as the 2007 shootings on the campus of Virginia Tech, seem to have generated a new dialogue as to the importance of adequate mental health education and services being available to college students. Although violent and other antisocial behaviors should not be regarded as typical for those suffering from mental health disorders, the new attention to mental health issues on today’s college campuses is greatly needed. Young adults in college today clearly face numerous pressures, and when students’ resources to cope are taxed beyond their limits, the consequences can include stress, anxiety, depression, sleep disturbance, eating disorders, impulsive behaviors, and suicide (Kadison & DiGeronimo, 2004; Lee, Olson, Locke, Michelson, & Odes, 2009). Of particular interest to the current study is the high level of stress and anxiety