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Whiteness and Race

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Abstract and Keywords

This article situates the growing literature on European immigration to the United States and white racial identity in the larger body of research on immigration history and in inspirations from literature and social theory. It places the new work, debates among those producing it, and critical responses to it within historiography and recent political debates. Differences over the utility of the idea that immigrants “became white” in the United States are especially emphasized, as are the ways that class, law, and gender intersect with race. Suggestions for further research are offered in conclusion.

Keywords: racial identity, immigration, whiteness, class, gender, law

The price the white American paid for his ticket was to become white—: and, in the main, nothing more than that, or, as he was to insist, nothing less. This incredibly limited not to say dimwitted ambition has choked many a human being to death here: and this, I contend, is because the white American has never accepted the real reasons for his journey.

—James Baldwin, “Introduction,” The Price of the Ticket: Collected Nonfiction 1948–1985 (1984)

ACADEMIC writing on race and whiteness by historians of immigration has a prehistory and a continuing parallel track, more illustrious than its formal historiography. After discussing that prehistory, the emergence, accomplishments, enduring quandaries, and gaps in academic writings on immigration history and racial identity of Europeans coming to the United States deserve attention. As academic writing has evolved over the last two decades, a subfield called “critical whiteness” studies has taken shape with considerable emphasis on questions of immigration.

Whiteness and Race David R. Roediger The Oxford Handbook of American Immigration and Ethnicity Edited by Ronald H. Bayor

Print Publication Date: Aug 2016 Subject: History, History of the USA, Social and Cultural History Online Publication Date: Aug 2014 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199766031.013.012

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Among current writers, Toni Morrison best exemplifies the activist-intellectuals of color who have developed the prior and parallel tradition. In the 1993 special issue of Time titled “The New Face of America,” the articles and lavish advertisements vied with each other in expressing exuberance over the thesis that new patterns of immigration, intermarriage, and global business would quickly produce a United States that transcended race. It was left for Morrison to provide a short, ringing, and acerbic dissent. In her contribution to the issue, “On the Backs of Blacks,” Morrison soberly reflected knowledge of how long immigration of groups regarded as racially suspect had been a feature of U.S. history and of how often such immigration had reinforced, not undermined, a black-white color line. Morrison began with a reference to Stavros, the Greek immigrant in Elia Kazan’s film America, America. She recalled his journey in the film from Ellis Island to shoeshining work in Grand Central Station. In the last scene of the movie, as Morrison wrote, “Quickly, but as casually as an afterthought, a young black

man, also a shoe shiner, enters and tries to solicit a customer. He is run off the screen—‘Get out of here! We’re doing business here!’—and silently disappears.”

As Morrison tartly continued: “This interloper into Stavros’ workplace is crucial in the mix of signs that make up the movie’s happy-ending immigrant story: a job, a straw hat, an infectious smile—and a scorned black.” Thus an “act of racial contempt … transforms this charming Greek into an entitled white,” and through it, his “future as an American is … assured.” The story utterly deflated the more extravagant pretenses of this special issue of Time in which it appeared, but it was designed not to similarly deflate Kazan’s film. Indeed, it was only through Morrison’s championing of it, long before her Time essay, that I knew about the film, America, America. Far from predisposed to like Kazan’s work, I came on her recommendation to see first his broad genius in showing the processes in which workers got jobs, and second the remarkable way that Stavros’ dismissed competitor functioned in the final scene. That is, Morrison was far from chastising Kazan for introducing the African American character as “interloper” and “afterthought.” Caught in—as a celebrated collection in which Morrison wrote the leading essay referred to it—a “house that race built,” Kazan got the logic of that house right— suggesting that the black worker could be both a central presence and a walk-on in immigrant life.

Morrison’s evocation of Kazan’s good and terrifying example of “playing in the dark” in America, America is most useful as a point of departure for this essay on immigrants, race, and whiteness. Morrison, as a historically minded novelist and as one of America’s best essayists, began with the imagination of another artist. In large measure, such a choice of a place to start reflected the larger trajectory of thought about immigration and whiteness in U.S. intellectual history. The deepest reflections on this score had long come from creative writers, not from the immigration historians who generally regarded the immigrant as assimilating (or not) to an “American” identity rather than a white American one, a view Morrison’s Time essay effectively skewers.

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Very often, fictional works carried deep meaning with exactly the same glancing quality that Morrison heard in Kazan. Thus, in Mike Gold’s loosely autobiographical 1930 proletarian novel, Jews Without Money, the central character made his immigrant mother’s terror on first arrival in the United States concrete by having her spend her first American night in a building “called the Nigger House” amid “groans and confusion on the floor of a crowded cellar for immigrants.” John Fante’s protagonist in Ask the Dust (1939), a “filthy little Greaser,” not exactly apologized for abusing his Latina partner by introducing his own “quivering … old wound” caused by hearing the epithet, “filthy little Greaser,” applied to him as an Italian American.

In novels set in workplaces, the intimate connections and professed disconnections of southern and eastern Europeans and African Americans were somewhat more fully elaborated. Thomas Bell’s Out of This Furnace (1941), for example, introduced the possibility and difficulty of interracial working class solidarity through an appeal that the labor organizer Dobie made to an old man complaining of African Americans bringing dirt and decline to the Slavic area of Braddock, Pennsylvania: “I was just thinking it was once the Irish looking down on the Hunkies and now it’s the Hunkies looking down on the niggers…. And for no better reason.” At that point in the novel, such arguments provoked only shrugs.

Fiction also offered early explorations of the process through which management understood that the immigrant’s precarious hold on whiteness, and the attendant fears of other races and nationalities, could be used to divide workers. If William Attaway’s brilliant Blood on the Forge (1941) was the most sophisticated example on this score, Upton Sinclair’s neglected 1917 King Coal was probably the most voluble and didactic. In that novelization of the Colorado coal-mining wars that eventuated in the Ludlow Massacre, Sinclair told the story of the “race management” of immigrants through a young sociology student-cum-worker whose tendency to narrate as an ethnographer was both the strength and weakness of the book. According to the narrator: “The Americans and English and Scotch looked down upon the Welsh and Irish,” who lorded it over “the Dagoes and Frenchies;” they, in turn denigrated “Polacks and Hunkies,” who disdained “Greeks, Bulgarians, and ‘Monty-negroes’ [Montenegrins].” After another spate of eastern European distinctions came “Greasers, niggers, and, last and lowest, Japs.”

Morrison also emphasizes the precocious pushing at questions of race, whiteness, and immigration long before anything called “whiteness studies” influenced immigration history emphasizing work by intellectuals and activists of color. Frederick Douglass was perhaps the greatest early expert on these issues. Both finding great sympathy for immigrant oppression and worrying that immigrants would elbow African Americans off the lowest rungs of the job ladder, Douglass expressed empathy and anxiety when he warned that the Irish American “will find that in assuming our avocation he will also assume our degradation.” Attuned to possibilities of political alliance between abolitionists and the Irish (in both Ireland and the United States), Douglass wrote that when touring Ireland, he heard in the music “wailing notes” that he found resonant with

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the “wild notes” of African American slave music. That sonic affinity, around a shared wail, would later feature in ongoing comparisons of African American music to that of several immigrant groups other than the Irish, including Jews and Slavs.

Although there was every reason to point out that the degree and character of oppression suffered by European immigrants and blacks differed, the extent to which African American thinkers themselves insisted on comparing, as well as contrasting, the two experiences remains noteworthy. Thus, Du Bois—who certainly knew the differences between African American and new immigrant experiences regarding the likelihood of being the subject of the terror of lynching and of degrees of degradation within the criminal justice system as well as anyone—wrote of a “habit of killing” that victimized Hungarians and Italians as well as blacks and Indians in the early twentieth century. Late in that century, Spike Lee’s remarkable explorations of Italian American identity and race likewise insisted that understanding immigrant racism required glancing, telling references to affinities with the African American experience as well as distancing from it.

Thus, a sense of sadness and bitterness ripened among black observers when immigrants often came to embrace a racial order conferring benefits on whites, although that bitterness coexisted with an appreciation of the logic and tragedy of that choice. In coauthoring Malcolm X’s autobiography, Alex Haley captured the sadness in a near- concluding scene in which he and Malcolm saw a beautiful European immigrant family in an airport as the family was coming to the United States. They are, Malcolm acidly remarked, about to learn their first word of English: “nigger.” Malcolm’s one-liner was in fact not his alone but a bitter joke/observation circulating in African American tradition.

Toni Morrison’s version of the same joke added the dimension of tragedy and sympathy so present in Douglass. For her, “nigger” was the second word of English an immigrant learned, coming after the he or she learned to accept his or her submission to authority that made “okay” the first word learned. The figure most systematic and profound in his inquiry into race and the “white” immigrant, novelist and essayist James Baldwin, similarly saw two sides to fitting into U.S. systems of white supremacy. Baldwin insisted that adopting a view of oneself as “white” was “absolutely a moral choice (for there are no white people).” Such a choice entailed for Baldwin a tragic, even “dimwitted,” trading of rooted ethnic identities for a “lie” and for an overwrought, counterproductive “dream of safety” offered by whiteness. But he likewise acknowledged that a “vast amount of coercion” conditioned such a choice—that the U.S. economy and state acted as a whiteness “factory” during the period when new immigrants decided to pay what Baldwin called the “price of the ticket” by becoming white.

Indeed, in the last twenty years, a period in which a substantial body of academic historical writing on whiteness, race, and immigration has appeared, the contributions of creative writers and of intellectuals of color, often activists, have remained central. Robert Lee’s Orientals, for example, developed the idea that the Asian American worker became the “other” against which white male workers developed a sense of race, class,

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and gender analysis in the post-Civil War United States. In legal studies, Ian Haney- Lopez’s White by Law best analyzed the court cases on whiteness, immigration, and naturalization. For the ways in which whiteness affected the history of Mexican Americans and in which Mexican American presences shaped whiteness, Latino historian Neil Foley offered the best monograph, the late Gloria Anzuldúa the best poetry, and the playwright and critic Cherríe Moraga the best memoir.

Locating the origins of a critical white immigration history in ethnic studies, creative writing, and civil rights struggles need not minimize the ways in which academic immigration and ethnic history, to which this chapter now turns, embraced and furthered this area of inquiry. To an extent far greater than in labor history, for example, the Journal of American Ethnic History featured material on how immigrants encountered the racial order of the United States, and works on whiteness have won major prizes from the Immigration and Ethnic History Society. In part, this reflected the fact that some classic work in immigration history and on the history of nativism had developed important ideas and bases of knowledge that verged on the study of whiteness. John Higham’s idea of the new immigrants to the South as “in-between people” in the U.S. racial state is the best example here. The support and advice of Rudolph Vecoli at University of Minnesota’s Immigration History Research Center also proved especially generative in exploring intersections of critical whiteness studies and immigration history.

Noel Ignatiev’s 1995 How the Irish Became White was the first influential book-length project by a historian studying the ways in which a group of European immigrants saw their whiteness questioned. Ignatiev also provocatively explored how those immigrants responded, by no means evenly or immediately, by moving to secure status and the relative advantage as whites. One could push the origins of such research back a little further, to the wonderful historical sociology of black-Irish relations in Richard Williams’ Hierarchical Structures and Social Value (1990), to the chapter on the Irish in my The Wages of Whiteness (1991), or even to Nora Faires and Nancy Faires Conklin’s excellent earlier study of color, religion, and identity among Lebanese Americans in Birmingham, Alabama. However, Ignatiev’s bold and highly cited book most decisively announced and invited the debates to come.

Based on decades of Marxist study and factory-based activism as well as on dissertation work with the conservative Harvard immigration historian Stephan Thernstrom, Ignatiev’s work benefited from new waves of immigration (including, at the time, new Irish immigrations) raising the issues of how and what newcomers learned about white supremacy in the United States. The bold “Became White” in the title of Ignatiev’s book reflected, like much of the early critical whiteness studies work, a profound debt to historical materialist scholarship that viewed race as anything but a natural category. In Ignatiev’s case, and mine, the central influences were Theodore Allen, George Rawick, and W.E.B. Du Bois as historians, and James Baldwin as an essayist. Indeed, Baldwin’s “On Being ‘White’ and Other Lies,” originally appearing in the popular journal Essence,

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became a guiding star for early immigration histories of whiteness, insisting, as it did, that whiteness was a tragically learned behavior in the United States.

If we date this body of work from the appearance of How the Irish Became White, academic historical writing on immigration history is barely two decades old—old enough, perhaps, to hazard the assessments of challenges exposed in the initial waves of scholarship, of the productivity of debates in the field, and of the most glaring gaps in the field that the balance of this essay offers, but not old enough for the occasionally dismissive critiques of the whole enterprise to have much persuasive power. The new scholarship has produced a spate of useful studies of Italian Americans and whiteness, an impressive grouping of books on Jewish Americans and whiteness, important accounts of Arab immigrants and whiteness, a similar concentration on the Irish, a growing body of excellent work on whiteness in Mexican American history, and solid general studies (above all, those of Matthew Jacobson) covering whiteness and immigration during most periods.

However, whole nationalities and racialized groups are only beginning to be treated in published work. Happily, in the case of Finnish Americans in Peter Kivisto and Johanna Leinonen’s new work and in Robert Zecker’s work on race, whiteness, and the immigrant press in the Slovak American case, such work very much advances the state of the art, suggesting that the best is decidedly yet to come. Just as important, the greatest contribution of the critical study of whiteness to immigration history is likely to come

in sections of books devoted to broader topics, as, for example, in Jennifer Guglielmo’s wonderful Living the Revolution, in Gabriela E. Arredondo’s Mexican Chicago, in Russell Kazal’s Becoming Old Stock, or in Linda Gordon’s The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction.

If we cannot know the success of critical whiteness studies in animating new histories of immigration quite yet, we can identify and assess some of the more and less productive debates raised by this subspeciality and some areas in which further research is certainly necessary. How the Irish Became White proved vulnerable to attack because of what was seen as a scant evidentiary base, in a book wanting to draw big and bold conclusions. To say that anti-radicalism conditioned critiques of Ignatiev is only to acknowledge what was sometimes directly expressed. Thus, Eric Arnesen fretted that the “political cult-like sensibility” of Ignatiev “should find a respectable place in university history departments.” He regarded such acceptance as “a testament to the academy’s perhaps overly generous and ecumenical culture (at least toward matters considered progressive).” Nathan Glazer’s essay on Matthew Jacobson’s work similarly found that Ignatiev’s history (and my Wages of Whiteness) used history “like a club to beat ‘whites’ into an acknowledgement of what they had gained by the construction of whiteness.”

It is tempting to leave matters with the undeniable fact that wide political distances separate some immigration historians studying whiteness and their critics. However, a more obdurate set of problems with evidence and tone would be left unexamined by doing so. Ignatiev’s book is typical of many in that it concentrates on a city, Philadelphia,

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and then also grabs evidence from elsewhere. Similarly, Thomas Guglielmo’s excellent White on Arrival focuses on Chicago and seizes evidence from elsewhere. My extended essays with James R. Barrett on the new immigrants, whiteness, and race similarly radiated out from Chicago and sometimes New York City. Thus, many foundational works have been curiously hybrid in their form. When works set out to treat the nation’s history over long stretches of time, as in my Working Toward Whiteness or Karen Brodkin’s How Jews Became White Folks, the gaps often seem as impressive as the grab bag of sources. A fair share of the evidence has come from literature, popular culture, anthropology, and, in my case, even psychology. With critical study of whiteness coming centrally out of two fields not necessarily known for their interdisciplinarity—immigration history and labor history—the American Studies- and Ethnic Studies-based interdisciplinary inflections of historical studies of whiteness were sometimes less than appreciated. Where intellectual, legal, and policy history of whiteness and immigration have been concerned, as in the fine work of Jacobson and Haney-Lopez, the evidentiary base across time is more even if not richer, but the social history predilections of immigration and especially labor history, are sometimes left unsatisfied by such contributions.

A larger issue of narration remains. If social histories of labor and immigration have been most at home with close studies of daily life in a community, in studies of whiteness and immigration the telling but sometimes fleeting interracial interaction such as the one Morrison flagged is more often important than the daily ones. Even if much fuller documentation were possible, the story of immigrants’ direct encounters with African Americans would have been episodic. That is, white workers succeeded in divorcing themselves from black neighbors, and racial discrimination in hiring and promotion left

most factories (and many departments in integrated plants) segregated. In the antebellum years, migration was mostly to cities with relatively few black workers, who nonetheless defined the bottom rungs of existence where precarity regarding life, rights, and jobs was concerned. Decisive racial “dead-lines” were drawn around a neighborhood by an Irish gang, for example, and foot traffic was enough limited so that daily encounters did not occur, although the dead-line was itself a daily reality. Public transit, some jobs, some unions, and what Kevin Mumford has called “interzones” of vice took immigrants across the color line at times. However, that line also ensured that the conception of the nonwhite other was a product of irregular contact of, a desire to preserve advantage, and of an imagination constructed via popular culture and racial folklore.

A second enduring and largely unremarked issue in writing of histories of whiteness and immigration concerns the tone and politics such histories reflect. As the Baldwin quote in the epigraph to this chapter suggests, there is ample room for the discussion of misery to enter such history. The miseries suffered by immigrants and the miseries they sometimes participated in inflicting on people of color are easily enough discussed, but not always so easily weighed against each other. More difficult still, especially for white writers, is broaching the subject of the ineffable miseries and losses of humanity attending immigrant workers’ settling for being white as an identity—the miseries that Baldwin makes central. Eric Goldstein’s wonderfully titled The Price of Whiteness, on Jewish Americans and race, is an exception in this regard. But generally, to stress the miseries of

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the European immigrant has verged uneasily on drawing an equal sign between those miseries and the ones visited on nonwhites. Indeed, Baldwin could be so brave in discussing European immigrant miseries, even in periods of upward mobility, because he so deftly disposed of any hint of overall commensurability in oppression. The “Irish middle passage,” he wrote, was “foul as my own.” But the Irish “became white when they got here and therefore began rising in the world, whereas I became black and began sinking.”

Among anti-racist scholars of immigration history and whiteness, there have been at least two contradictory pulls. These pulls have shaped in significant measure the most sustained, though no longer the most useful, debate in the field. The idea that immigrant groups “became white,” on the one hand, shares not only the drama in the Baldwin writings that inspire such approaches but also the insistence that initial immigrant oppression was, in many, cases real and deep. It also shares Baldwin’s emphasis on the fact that race is changing and made-up or, as Jacobson puts it, “fabricated.” On the other hand, the approach best typified by Thomas Guglielmo’s White on Arrival stresses the stark difference from the outset in the plight of European immigrants and that of nonwhites. The first approach grows, for at least Ignatiev and myself, out of a broad New Left sensibility, formed in the context of the black freedom movement and Marxism. The second, and here again Guglielmo is the best example, likewise reflects anti-racist priorities, but those around the defense of affirmative action with the consequent necessity of drawing a sharp distinction between racial oppression and white ethnic experiences. Indeed, the results of a blurring of that distinction in rightward political motion are often on display in Matthew Jacobson’s excellent account of the “white ethnic revival” in Roots Too. For better or worse, the supposedly salutary absence of “passion and politics—for which Arnesen hopes in a recent essay partly on the historiography of whiteness—is not much present in either approach, nor in his and Glazer’s critiques.

While politically distinct, the two strains in critical whiteness studies of immigrant history end up converging rather muddily when they encounter complex evidence from the past. So much is this the case that the usefulness of framing matters in terms of whether immigrants were always, or dramatically became, white is open now to serious question. Many commentators, however the drama is initially phrased by them, end up taking middle positions acknowledging that the truth is lodged perhaps somewhere between the two extreme alternatives. Thus, in my own early work, the Irish distinctly “became white,” while later writings on immigrants from eastern and southern Europe mostly use Higham’s and Orsi’s term “in-between” to describe immigrant racial positions. An incredible array of terms and phrases suggesting such in-between-ness have proliferated: not-quite-white, not-yet-white, conditionally white, quasi-white, off-white, semi-racialized, whitening, becoming white, probationary whites, situationally white, whiteness on trial, aspiring whites, and so on. Such terms are variously used by most writers on immigration and racial identity, going back to the classic sociology of John Dollard, which once

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resorted to “our temporary Negroes” to describe immigrants to the South. Changing racial status and identity are captured by such usages without equating European immigrant experiences to those of nonwhites.

If nothing else, such debates have encouraged us to specify what we mean by becoming white, being white, or being in-between. In doing so, it is apposite to call to mind that racial identity is both a matter of decision as well as of ascription. Placed into assigned identities both by the structures of power in the larger society and by specific groups and persons entering their lives, immigrants embraced such a categorization or contested it. For example, although he was white in terms of naturalization law, the great Greek American musician Johnny Otis, born John Veliotes, continually fit himself into black life, culture, struggle, and even looks, fostering fascinating possibilities and confusions. In Arizona mines, perhaps the best-studied examples of various ways management used immigrants’ race and nationality, Italian immigrants were ascribed at the least a situationally white status, but at times chose to speak Spanish rather than English and to fit themselves—around sports, religion, common treatment by bosses, and intermarriage —into Mexican American communities. Thus, in thinking through how immigrants changed or remained the same regarding race, we need to consider not only how they were categorized but also what they did with how they were categorized.

The greatest contributions of White on Arrival probably lay not in sustaining the bold argument announced in its title but in sparking debate. That argument perhaps supposed overly much that the early twentieth century United States made firm distinctions between race and color, with Italians putatively on firm ground as white citizens because they so clearly qualified as white on the latter ground. (So much is this assumed to be the case that the Chicago race riot of 1919 becomes a “color riot” in White on Arrival.) In any case, some of the “on arrival” argument is given decisively back when Guglielmo holds that Italians had, at most, slight consciousness of themselves as white and seldom

bothered to claim that identity until decades after their mass arrival. On this view, they participated energetically in restrictive covenant campaigns bent on allowing only Caucasians in their neighborhoods without a strong sense of themselves as white. Guglielmo clearly made a signal contribution in complicating questions regarding the racial identity of immigrants by arguing, along with Robert Zecker, Catherine Eagan, and others, that racial knowledge in Europe mattered greatly in shaping how whiteness was understood in the United States. The “became white” storyline, so dramatic (and I think often correct in its outlines) as adopted from Baldwin, sometimes allowed for wrongly regarding the immigrant as a blank slate where racial knowledge was concerned, written on only by U.S. experiences and ideas. But Europe itself was a place of many-sided racial and national ordering, of anti-Semitism, of imperialism in Asia and Africa, of minstrel shows, and of anti-gypsy persecution. The impact of such race-thinking before migration to the U.S. requires much further research.

As befits such a young area of inquiry, there are, in fact, many themes similarly needing further research in immigration history investigating whiteness and how newcomers learned U.S. racial hierarchies. These deserve mention in closing. Existing studies

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emphasize that such learning is deeply gendered, with immigrant men and women making different and unequal claims to knowledge of how race works in the United States. Certainly family and home have served as symbols to be defended against racial mixing. But the specific processes through which whiteness was nurtured and challenged in immigrant houses and neighborhoods is only beginning to be researched, with the recent books of Jennifer Guglielmo and Bronwen Walter suggesting the great possibilities for research on immigration, gender, and whiteness. Likewise understudied—though here the works of Kazal on German Americans and of Goldstein on Jews are happy exceptions—is the role of religion in conditioning the nativist attacks on immigrants and how they responded to those attacks. Not surprisingly, it was the immigrant groups least accepted as fully white and the time periods when they were most under scrutiny in terms of racial classification that have attracted the most attention from scholars. We mostly lack, for example, studies of Anglo-Saxon whiteness, except when those thought to possess that lineage fail to live up to their supposed racial excellence. Similarly among the “old stock” groups, the less-accepted Irish are more studied than the Germans, though Kazal’s work is also exceptional in this regard. The whiteness of the various nationalities actively engaged in processes of settlement and dispossession of Indians is likewise too little explored.

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Martinelli, Phylis Cancilla. Undermining Race: Ethnic Identities in Arizona Copper Camps. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009.

Mellinger, Philip J. Race and Labor in Western Copper: The Fight for Equality, 1896–1916. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1995.

Melnick, Jeffrey. A Right to Sing the Blues: African Americans, Jews, and American Popular Song. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999.

Moraga, Cherríe. “La Guera.” In This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, edited by Gloria Anzuldúa and Cherríe Moraga, 27–34. New York: Kitchen Table Press, 1984.

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Morrison, Toni. Playing in the Dark. Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. New York: Vintage, 1990.

Morrison, Toni. “Home.” In The House That Race Built, edited by Wahneema Lubiano, 3– 12. New York: Random House, 1997.

Mumford, Kevin. Interzones: Black/White Sex Districts in Chicago and New York In the Early Twentieth Century. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997.

Neff, Alixa. Becoming American: The Early Arab Immigrant Experience. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1985.

Roediger, David R. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. London and New York: Verso Books, 1991.

Roediger, David R. Colored White: Transcending the Racial Past. Berkeley: University of California Press. 2002.

Roediger, David R. “Afterword: Du Bois, Race, and Italian Americans.” In Are Italians White? How Race Is Made in America, edited by Jennifer Guglielmo and Salvatore Salerno, 261, 259–263. New York: Routledge, 2003.

Roediger, David R. Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White. New York: Basic Books, 2005.

Roediger, David R. “Accounting for the Wages of Whiteness: U.S. Marxism and the Critical History of Race.” In Wages of Whiteness and Racist Symbolic Capital, edited by Wulf D. Hund, Jeremy Krikler, and David Roediger, 16–17, 9–36. Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2010.

Roediger, David R., and Elizabeth D. Esch. The Production of Difference: Race and the Management of Labor in U.S. History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.

Rogin, Michael. Blackface, White Noise. Jewish Immigrants in the Hollywood Melting-Pot. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996.

Sinclair, Upton. King Coal: A Novel. New York: Macmillan, 1917.

Vecoli, Rudolph J. “Are Italian Americans Just White Folks?” In Beyond the Godfather: Italian American Writers on the Real Italian American Experience, edited by A. Kenneth Ciongoli and Jay Parini, 311–322. Hanover, NH, University Press of New England, 1997.

Vellon, Peter G. A Great Conspiracy Against Our Race: Italian Immigrant Newspapers and the Construction of Whiteness in the Early 20th Century. New York: NYU Press, 2014.

Walter, Bronwen. Outsiders Inside: Whiteness, Place, and Irish Women. New York: Routledge, 2000.

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Williams, Richard E. Hierarchical Structures and Social Values: The Creation of Black and Irish Identities in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

X, Malcolm, with Alex Haley. The Autobiography of Malcolm X. New York: Grove Press, 1965; 1984.

Zecker, Robert. Race and America’s Immigrant Press: How the Slovaks Were Taught to Think Like White People. New York: Continuum, 2011.

Notes:

(1.) On the emergence of critical whiteness studies, see David Roediger, “Critical Studies of Whiteness, USA: Origins and Arguments,” Theoria (South Africa), 98 (Dec. 2001): 72– 98. The epigraph at the beginning of this chapter is from James Baldwin, The Price of the Ticket: Collected Nonfiction, 1948–1985 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985), xix–xx.

(2.) Toni Morrison, “On the Backs of Blacks,” Time, Dec. 2, 1993 (special issue), 57. On this special issue of Time, see David R. Roediger, Colored White: Transcending the Racial Past (Berkeley: University of California Press. 2002), 2–5.

(3.) Morrison, “On the Backs of Blacks,” 57; Toni Morrison, “Home,” in The House That Race Built, ed. Wahneema Lubiano (New York: Random House, 1997), 3–12.

(4.) Toni Morrison, Playing in the Dark. Whiteness and the Literary Imagination (New York: Vintage, 1990); Morrison, “On the Backs of Blacks,” 57.

(5.) Michael Gold, Jews Without Money (New York: International Publishers, 1930), 113.

(6.) John Fante, Ask the Dust (1939; Santa Barbara: Black Sparrow Press, 1980), 44–47.

(7.) Thomas Bell, Out of This Furnace (1941; Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976), 327–330.

(8.) Upton Sinclair, King Coal: A Novel (New York: Macmillan, 1917), 54. See also William Attaway, Blood on the Forge (1941; New York: Monthly Review Press, 1987), esp. 122– 123. On race management and immigration generally, see Elizabeth Esch and David Roediger, “Race and the Management of Labor in U.S. History,” Historical Materialism, 17 (2009): 3–43. And on race in Sinclair’s industrial novels, see David R. Roediger and Elizabeth D. Esch, The Production of Difference: Race and the Management of Labor in U.S. History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

(9.) Frederick Douglass, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1892; New York: Cosimo, 2008), 214.

(10.) Frederick Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom (New York City and Auburn, NY: Miller, Orton and Mulligan, 1855), 98; cf. Eric Lott, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).

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(11.) Attaway, Blood on the Forge, 130; Jeffrey Melnick, A Right to Sing the Blues: African Americans, Jews, and American Popular Song (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), esp. 174–180; David R. Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White (New York: Basic Books, 2005), 100–103.

(12.) For the quote and its context amid other bitter Du Bois allusions to the successful “training” of immigrants in white supremacy, see David R. Roediger, “Afterword: Du Bois, Race, and Italian Americans,” in Are Italians White? How Race Is Made in America, eds. Jennifer Guglielmo and Salvatore Salerno (New York: Routledge, 2003), 261, 259–263.

(13.) John Gennari, “Giancarlo Giuseppe Alessandro Eposito: Life in the Borderlands,” in Are Italians White?, esp. 239–245.

(14.) Malcolm X with Alex Haley, The Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965; New York: Grove Press, 1984), 399; for the circulation of the “first word’ joke, see Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness, 103–104.

(15.) Morrison, in conversation with author. See also Derrick Bell, “Racial Libel as Ritual,” Village Voice, Nov. 21, 1995, 53.

(16.) James Baldwin, “On Being ‘White’ … and Other Lies,” Essence, Apr. 1984, 90, 92. For Baldwin’s many and unsurpassed insights on whiteness, see Baldwin, The Price of the Ticket.

(17.) Robert Lee, Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular Culture (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999).

(18.) Ian Haney-Lopez, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New York University Press, 1996).

(19.) Neil Foley, “Partly Colored or Other White: Mexican Americans and Their Problem with the Color Line,” in Beyond Black and White: Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in the U.S. South and Southwest, eds. Stephanie Cole and Alison Parker (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2004), 123–144; Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); Gloria Anzuldua, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Spinsters/ Aunt Lutte, 1987), esp. 134–135; Cherríe Moraga, “La Guera,” in This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, eds. Gloria Anzuldúa and Cherríe Moraga (New York: Kitchen Table Press, 1984), 27–34.

(20.) See “A Half-Jubilee: Twenty-Five Years of Multiracial Scholarship,” Journal of American Ethnic History, 25 (Summer 2006): 43–52.

(21.) John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (1955; New York: Atheneum, 1974), 169. See also Robert Orsi, “The Religious Boundaries

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of an In-between People: Street Feste and the Problem of the Dark-Skinned ‘Other’ in Italian Harlem, 1920–1990,” American Quarterly, 44 (Sept. 1972): 335.

(22.) For his reflections, see Rudolph J. Vecoli, “Are Italian Americans Just White Folks?,” in Beyond the Godfather: Italian American Writers on the Real Italian American Experience, eds. A. Kenneth Ciongoli and Jay Parini (Hanover, NH, University Press of New England, 1997), 311–322.

(23.) Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995).

(24.) Richard E. Williams, Hierarchical Structures and Social Values: The Creation of Black and Irish Identities in the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London and New York: Verso Books, 1991), 133–163; Nora Faires and Nancy Faires Conklin, “‘Colored’ and Catholic: The Lebanese in Birmingham, Alabama,” in Crossing the Waters: Arabic-Speaking Immigrants to the United States before 1940, ed. Eric Hooglund (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1987), 69–84. See also Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness.

(25.) On Ignatiev particularly and Marxism generally in the founding of critical white studies, see David Roediger, “Accounting for the Wages of Whiteness: U.S. Marxism and the Critical History of Race,” in Wages of Whiteness and Racist Symbolic Capital, eds. Wulf D. Hund, Jeremy Krikler, and David Roediger (Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2010), 16–17, 9–36. For an essay, and indeed a volume, directly inspired by this recent immigration and the opportunity it presents to ask new questions regarding the longer history of immigration, see James R. Barrett and David R. Roediger, “Making New Immigrants ‘In-between’: Irish Hosts and White Pan-Ethnicity, 1890–1930,” in Not Just Black and White: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States, eds. Nancy Foner and George Fredrickson (New York: Russell Sage Foundation 2004), 167–196.

(26.) Theodore Allen, The Invention of the White Race, 2 vols. (New York: Verso, 1994); W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (1935; New York: Free Press, 1998); Baldwin, “On Being ‘White’ … and Other Lies,” 90, 92.

(27.) See especially Eric Arnesen, “Whiteness and the Historians’ Imagination,” International Labor and Working Class History, 60 (2001): 3–32.

(28.) See especially Guglielmo and Salerno, eds. Are Italians White?, and Thomas Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003).

(29.) Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998); Michael Rogin, Blackface, White Noise: Jewish Immigrants in the Hollywood Melting-Pot (Berkeley: University of

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California Press, 1996); Eric L. Goldstein, The Price of Whiteness: Jews, Race, and American Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).

(30.) Faires and Faires Conklin, “‘Colored’ and Catholic,” 69–84; Sarah Gualtieri, Between Arab and White: Race and Ethnicity in the Early Syrian American Diaspora (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009); Alixa Neff, Becoming American: The Early Arab Immigrant Experience (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1985).

(31.) Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White; Roediger, Wages of Whiteness, 133–163; Bronwen Walter, Outsiders Inside: Whiteness, Place, and Irish Women (New York: Routledge, 2000).

(32.) See note 19 above. See also Thomas Guglielmo, “Fighting for Caucasian Rights: Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and the Transnational Struggle for Civil Rights in World War II Texas,” Journal of American History 92 (Mar. 2006): 1212–1237; Tomás Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Laura Gómez, Manifest Destinies: The Making of the Mexican American Race (New York: New York University Press, 2007), esp. 81–116.

(33.) Matthew Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998); James R. Barrett and David R. Roediger, “In-between Peoples: Race, Nationality and the ‘New Immigrant’ Working Class,” Journal of American Ethnic History, 16 (Spring 1997): 3–44; Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness; Matthew Frye Jacobson, Roots Too: White Ethnic Revival in Post-Civil Rights America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006); Valerie Babb, Whiteness Visible: The Meaning of Whiteness in American Literature and Culture (New York: New York University Press, 1998).

(34.) Peter Kivisto and Johanna Leinonen, “Representing Race: Ongoing Uncertainties about Finnish-American Racial Identity,” Journal of American Ethnic History 31 (2011): 11; Robert Zecker, Race and America’s Immigrant Press: How the Slovaks Were Taught to Think Like White People (New York: Continuum, 2011). Likewise important is Peter G. Vellon, A Great Conspiracy Against Our Race: Italian Immigrant Newspapers and the Construction of Whiteness in the Early 20th Century (New York: NYU Press, 2014). For an elaboration on my views of the recent past and future possibilities of critical whiteness studies, see “Whiteness and Its Complications,” The Chronicle Review, July 14, 2006, B-6 to B-8.

(35.) Jennifer Guglielmo, Living the Revolution: Italian Women’s Resistance and Radicalism in New York City, 1880–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 81–89, 254–255; Gabriela E. Arredondo, Mexican Chicago: Race, Identity and Nation, 1916–1939 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008), 58–82, 105–107; Russell A. Kazal, Becoming Old Stock: The Paradox of German-American Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 109–129; Linda Gordon, The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 102–104, 183–184.

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(36.) Eric Arnesen, “Passion and Politics: Race and the Writing of Working-Class History,” The Journal of the Historical Society 6 (2006): 340, 342–343. Arnesen, “Whiteness and the Historians’ Imagination,” 13–16, more generally takes up the supposed lack of evidence that those in the mass antebellum Catholic migration were anything but unequivocally white, concentrating there more on my work than on Ignatiev’s. See also Peter Kolchin, “Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America,” Journal of American History 89 (June 2002), 164–168. For Glazer, see his “White Noise,” The New Republic (Oct. 12, 1998), 54ff, where the critique is somewhat extended to include Jacobson.

(37.) See Kolchin, “Whiteness Studies,” 166–167; Arnesen, “Passion and Politics,” 329.

(38.) The most stern expressions of reservations regarding the multiple concerns of my work is found in Eric Arnesen, “A Whiter Shade of Pale,” New Republic, June 24, 2002, 33–38. On psychoanalysis and critiques of studies of whiteness, see Roediger, “Accounting for the Wages of Whiteness,” 25–30; Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks; Barrett and Roediger, “Making New Immigrants ‘In-between,’” 167–196; Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness; Haney-Lopez, White by Law; Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color.

(39.) Kevin Mumford, Interzones: Black/White Sex Districts in Chicago and New York In the Early Twentieth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness, esp. 167.

(40.) Goldstein, Price of Whiteness, 4–5; Baldwin, Price of the Ticket, xx. Perhaps the closest to Baldwin in accounting for immigrant racism and immigrant misery together is Rogin, Blackface, White Noise.

(41.) For Ignatiev on Baldwin, see “‘Whiteness’ and American Character: An Essay,” Konch, 1 (1990): 136–139; Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color, ix.

(42.) Guglielmo, White on Arrival, viii and Thomas Guglielmo, “‘No Color Barrier’: Italians, Race, and Power in the United States,” in Are Italians White?, 29–43; Jacobson, Roots Too, esp. 180–205. See also Arnesen, “Passion and Politics,” 340–343; Glazer, “White Noise,” 54; and Roediger, “Accounting for the Wages of Whiteness,” 16–25.

(43.) Cf. Roediger, Wages of Whiteness, 133–163 and Barrett and Roediger, “Making New Immigrants ‘In-between,’” 167–196; John Dollard, Caste and Class in the Southern Town (Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1949), 93; Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness, 13.

(44.) On Otis, see George Lipsitz, Midnight at the Barrelhouse: The Johnny Otis Story (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010).

(45.) See, e.g., Philip J. Mellinger, Race and Labor in Western Copper: The Fight for Equality, 1896–1916 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1995), 160–161, 192–203; Katherine Benton-Cohen, Racial Division and Labor War in the Arizona Borderlands (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009); Phylis Cancilla Martinelli, Undermining

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Race: Ethnic Identities in Arizona Copper Camps (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009); Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness, 74, 85.

(46.) Guglielmo, White on Arrival, 6–13, 39–43.

(47.) Guglielmo, White on Arrival, 21–23; Zecker, Race and America’s Immigrant Press; Catherine M. Eagan, “‘White,’ if ‘Not Quite’: Irish Whiteness in the Nineteenth-Century Irish-American Novel,” Eire-Ireland: A Journal of Irish Studies 36.1–2 (Spring-Summer 2001): 66–81; Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness, 110–119.

(48.) Guglielmo, Living the Revolution; Walter, Outsiders Inside. See also Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness, 184–193 and Michael Miller Topp, “‘It Is Providential That There Are Foreigners Here’: Whiteness and Masculinity in the Making of an Italian American Syndicalist Identity,” in Are Italians White?, 98–110.

(49.) Goldstein, The Price of Whiteness; Kazal, Becoming Old Stock, 36–38, 245–260.

(50.) Kazal, Becoming Old Stock; Ian Christian Hartman, “From Daniel Boone to the Beverly Hillbillies: Tales of a ‘Fallen’ Race, 1873–1968 (PhD dissertation, University of Illinois, 2011); Gerald Ronning, “Jackpine Savages: Discourses of Conquest in the 1916 Mesabi Iron Range Strike,” Labor History, 44 (Aug. 2003): 359–382.

David R. Roediger

David R. Roediger, University of Illinois.