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Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104692

Available online 22 August 2020 0145-2134/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Men’s and women’s views on acceptability of husband-to-wife violence and use of corporal punishment with children in 21 low- and middle-income countries

Jennifer E. Lansford a,*, Susannah Zietz a, Diane L. Putnick b, Kirby Deater-Deckard c, Robert H. Bradley d, Megan Costa d, Gianluca Esposito e, Marc H. Bornstein b, f

a Duke University, Durham, NC, USA b Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Bethesda, MD, USA c University of Massachusetts at Amherst, Amherst, MA, USA d Arizona State University, Tucson, AZ, USA e University of Trento, Italy and Nanyang Technological University, Singapore f UNICEF, New York City, NY, USA; Institute for Fiscal Studies, London, UK

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Attitudes Child abuse Corporal punishment International Intimate partner violence

A B S T R A C T

Background: Monitoring violence against women and children, and understanding risk factors and consequences of such violence, are key parts of the action plan for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set by the United Nations General Assembly in 2015. Objective: We examined how men’s and women’s views about the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence are related within households and how views about the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence are related to beliefs in the necessity of using corporal punishment to rear children and to reported use of corporal punishment with children. Participants and Setting:We used nationally representative samples of men and women in 37,641 households in 21 low- and middle-income countries that participated in UNICEF’s Multiple In- dicator Cluster Survey. Methods: We conducted a series of logistic regression models, controlling for clustering within country, with outcomes of whether participants believe corporal punishment is necessary in childrearing, and whether a child in their household experienced corporal punishment in the last month. Results: In 46 % of households, men, women, or both men and women believed husbands are justified in hitting their wives. Children in households in which both men and women believe husbands are justified in hitting their wives had 1.83 times the odds of experiencing corporal punishment as children in households in which neither men nor women believe husbands are justified in hitting their wives (95 % CI: 1.12, 2.97). Conclusions: Working toward the realization of SDG 5 and SDG 16 involving prevention of violence against women and children, respectively, should be complementary undertakings.

* Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (J.E. Lansford).

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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104692 Received 11 December 2019; Received in revised form 16 June 2020; Accepted 12 August 2020

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1. Introduction

Violence against women and children is a public health problem with long-term negative outcomes for the victims themselves, risks of cycles of intergenerational violence, and high economic and social costs to countries (World Bank, 2019). Worldwide prevalence rates of household violence are high, with 20 % of women and girls between the ages of 15 and 49 reporting experiencing physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner in the last year (United Nations, 2019), and approximately 1 billion children between the ages of 2 and 17 experiencing physical, sexual, or emotional abuse in the last year (World Health Organization, 2018).

The United Nations (1979) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the United Nations (1989) Convention on the Rights of the Child identified violence toward women and children, respectively, as problems to be elim- inated at a national level. The World Health Organization (WHO) noted that the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), set by the United Nations General Assembly in 2015 to reach by 2030, represent the first time that prevention of violence against women and children has reached the international development agenda (García-Moreno & Amin, 2016). SDG Target 5.2 is to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls, and Target 16.2 is to end abuse, exploitation, trafficking, and all forms of violence against and torture of children. Indicators of whether countries have achieved these targets include the proportion of ever-partnered women and girls aged 15 years and older subjected to physical, sexual, or psychological violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous 12 months (Indicator 5.2.1) and the proportion of children aged 1–17 years who experienced any physical punishment and/or psychological aggression by caregivers in the past month (Indicator 16.2.1).

Children develop attitudes about the acceptability of violence in part from the ways in which they are treated by parents, peers, and others and from observing societal norms about violence. For example, children who have been spanked are more likely to report believing that spanking is an appropriate form of discipline than are children who have not been spanked (Deater-Deckard, Lansford, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 2003). Likewise, children who witness violence between their parents are themselves more likely to abuse an intimate partner in adulthood (Smith, Ireland, Park, Elwyn, & Thornberry, 2011). The cultural spillover theory of violence holds that violence in one domain tends to generalize (spill over) into other domains (Baron & Straus, 1989; Baron, Straus, & Jaffee, 1988). Empirical support for spillover theory has been found in anthropologic studies demonstrating that corporal punishment of children is more frequent in societies that also have more other forms of interpersonal violence (Lansford & Dodge, 2008).

Data from 25 low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) demonstrated that women who believed that husbands were justified in hitting their wives were more likely to believe that it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear children and were more likely to report that children in their household had experienced corporal punishment and psychological aggression (Lansford, Deater-Deckard, Bornstein, Putnick, & Bradley, 2014). Societal norms about the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence and corporal punishment also moderated the link between caregivers’ individual attitudes about the necessity of using corporal punishment and children’s experience of corporal punishment, suggesting that, in countries in which violence is more accepted, corporal punishment may be caregivers’ default response, regardless of whether they personally believe it is necessary for childrearing. By contrast, in countries in which violence is less accepted, caregivers’ personal attitudes may be more predictive of their use of corporal punishment in childrearing.

What is conspicuously missing from such investigations are data on men’s views of the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence; such data are crucial to understanding both intimate partner violence and ways in which parents’ attitudes about the acceptability of violence are related to corporal punishment of children. “Dyadic concordance types” have been described in relation to whether just the mother, just the father, both parents, or neither parent uses corporal punishment, with more antisocial behavior reported by young adults who were corporally punished by both parents (Rebellon & Straus, 2017). What is unknown is whether concordance between the views of men and women within a particular family in relation to perceptions of the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence and beliefs about the necessity of using corporal punishment to rear a child properly are related to whether anyone in the household uses corporal punishment with the child. It is possible that endorsement of husband-to-wife or parent-to-child violence by either the mother or father is sufficient to increase the likelihood of corporal punishment. It is also possible that concordance (or discordance) between men’s and women’s endorsement of violence, as well as whether it is men or women who endorse violence, is important to under- standing violence within the family. Because power imbalances between men and women in many countries contribute to violence against women (Jewkes, Flood, & Lang, 2015), a key objective of the present study is to understand both men’s and women’s views regarding husband-to-wife and parent-to-child violence.

The present study therefore addresses two questions. First, how are men’s views about the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence related to the attitudes of women in their household about the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence? We hypothe- sized significant concordance between the views of men and women in the same household regarding the acceptability of husband-to- wife violence because both men’s and women’s views regarding the acceptability of violence are related to norms of their culture. Second, how are men’s and women’s views about the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence related to beliefs in the necessity of using corporal punishment to rear children and to the reported use of corporal punishment with children. Grounded in the cultural spillover theory of violence and prior research suggesting links between different forms of family violence, we hypothesized that in households in which men and women believed husbands were justified in hitting their wives, caregivers would be more likely to believe that corporal punishment is necessary to rear children and to use corporal punishment.

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Table 1 Descriptive Statistics for Each Country.

Country Number of Households

Wealth Score Mean (SD)

% of Household Heads with Primary School Education or Less

% of Women Believe Husband is Justified in Hitting or Beating Wife

% of Men Believe Husband is Justified in Hitting or Beating Wife

% Believe Corporal Punishment is Necessary to Rear Child

% Children Experienced Corporal Punishment in Last Month

Belarus 1096 0.26 (0.82) 3 5 5 10 39 Bosnia &

Herzegovina 2198 0.28 (0.85) 29 6 7 14 42

Cameroon 1868 − 0.05 (1.03) 54 43 42 43 68 Central African

Republic 2635 0.09 (1.02) 68 82 78 33 80

Ghana 1565 − 0.19 (0.97) 58 60 39 50 73 Guinea Bissau 1742 0.02 (0.98) 78 54 44 26 68 Guyana 822 0.01 (1.01) 31 15 14 20 52 Kazakhstan 1814 − 0.10 (1.01) 2 15 14 6 27 Kosovo 780 − 0.08 (1.00) 16 42 18 10 23 Lao People’s

Democratic Republic

5496 − 0.08 (0.96) 67 66 54 44 42

Malawi 3660 0.05 (0.98) 71 15 10 7 46 Mali 822 − 0.09 (0.86) 88 74 58 33 54 Moldova 488 0.24 (0.97) 2 12 14 16 48 Mongolia 1909 − 0.04 (0.99) 15 14 13 17 27 Montenegro 716 0.17 (0.78) 15 4 6 7 32 São Tomé and

Príncipe 1019 0.11 (0.95) 60 25 18 6 70

Serbia 521 − 0.78 (1.06) 34 4 6 9 34 Swaziland 1923 − 0.09 (0.99) 52 28 26 75 66 Togo 928 − 0.09 (0.93) 67 51 38 35 76 Ukraine 1650 0.18 (0.93) 2 4 10 10 33 Zimbabwe 3989 − 0.61 (0.96) 38 42 27 36 38

Note. Numbers reflect the percentage of women and men in each household who report believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife in at least one of five presented situations, the percentage of respondents who report believing that it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly, and the percentage of respondents who report that their child experienced corporal punishment in the last month.

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2. Method

2.1. Data

UNICEF-supported Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) are nationally representative household surveys implemented mostly in LMIC to generate internationally comparable data on key indicators of well-being (UNICEF, 2006). Since the inception of the MICS in 1995, surveys have been conducted in more than 100 countries, through 6 rounds of data collection conducted at regular intervals (MICS1 to MICS6). The MICS is implemented using geographic stratification together with systematic probability proportionate to size (pps) sampling, which distributes the sample into each of a nation’s administrative subdivisions as well as its urban and rural sectors. The first-stage, or primary sampling units, is defined, if possible, as census enumeration areas, and they are selected with pps; the second stage is the selection of segments; and the third stage is the selection of the particular households within each segment that are to be interviewed in the survey (Bornstein, Putnick, Lansford, Deater-Deckard, & Bradley, 2016; UNICEF, 2006). Ethics approvals are provided by Institutional Review Boards (IRB) or suitable alternatives in each country, with oversight and technical assistance pro- vided by UNICEF. We also received approval from the IRB at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, to analyze the data jointly across countries. Data for the present study were from the 21 LMIC (see Table 1) that administered the child discipline, women’s questionnaire, and men’s questionnaire modules in either MICS4 or MICS5 in 2010− 2015.

2.2. Participants

Altogether 37,641 households provided data on the modules used in the present analyses. The households included target children between the ages of 2 and 14 years (M = 6.38, SD = 4.00) and provided data during face-to-face interviews. Interviewers were trained to interview the respondent alone so that responses would not be influenced by the presence of other household members. Sample sizes, the education level of the head of the household, and descriptive statistics on the study variables are provided in Table 1, separately for each country. If there was more than one eligible child between the ages of 2 and 14 years in the household, the interviewer used a standardized protocol to select randomly one target child from the household roster.

2.3. Measures

Respondents were told, “Sometimes a husband is annoyed or angered by things that his wife does. In your opinion, is a husband justified in hitting or beating his wife in the following situations: 1. if she goes out without telling him, 2. if she neglects the children, 3. if she argues with him, 4. if she refuses sex with him, 5. if she burns the food.” Respondents indicated no (coded 0) or yes (coded 1) for each of the five situations. The items have demonstrated good psychometric properties in a variety of demographic and health surveys and in the MICS (Yount et al., 2014). The variables included in the analyses reflected whether any men in the household who responded to the MICS reported believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife and whether any women in the household who responded to the MICS reported believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife in any of the five presented situations (αs = 0.84 for men and 0.82 for women). The number of women in the household who responded to the MICS questions ranged from 1 to 13 (M = 1.35, SD = .72), and the number of men in the household who responded to the MICS questions ranged from 1 to 10 (M = 1.31, SD = .69). We constructed a composite variable reflecting the beliefs of men and women in the same household, coded 0 = neither men nor women justify men’s hitting or beating, 1 = men but not women justify men’s hitting or beating, 2 = women but not men justify men’s hitting or beating, 3 = both men and women justify men’s hitting or beating.

The items in the Child Discipline module were adapted from the Parent-Child Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus, Hamby, Finkelhor, Moore, & Runyan, 1998) and the World-SAFE survey questionnaire (Sadowski, Hunter, Bangdiwala, & Munoz, 2004). The items were developed using an approach that included convening an international panel of 25 experts to identify candidate items from existing validated measures of caregiving; field testing candidate items via cognitive interviews and quantitative surveys in the Americas, South Asia, and Africa; and convening a second international panel of 27 experts to evaluate items’ performance within and across diverse cultures and settings (Kariger et al., 2012). Respondents were told, “All adults use certain methods to teach children the right behavior or address a behavior problem. I will read various methods that are used, and I want you to tell me whether you or anyone else in your household has used each method with (child’s name) in the last month.” The respondents then answered No (0) or Yes (1) to whether they or any other adults in their household had used each of six forms of corporal punishment (i.e., spanked, hit, or slapped on the bottom with a bare hand; hit or slapped the child on the hand, arm, or leg; shook the child; hit the child on the bottom or elsewhere on the body with something like a belt, hairbrush, stick, or other hard object; hit or slapped the child on the face, head, or ears; beat the child with an implement). An additional item asked whether the respondents believed that to bring up/raise/educate the target child properly it is necessary to punish him or her physically. Variables included in the analyses reflected whether caregivers reported that their child had experienced any form of corporal punishment in the last month and whether caregivers reported believing it was necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly.

Mean wealth index score and education of household head (44.72 % primary or less) were included as covariates in analyses. The standardized wealth scores are based on a principal components analysis of household assets such as possession of a bicycle, radio, television, refrigerator, and other household goods, as well as the construction of the dwelling and access to amenities within the home (e.g., dirt, concrete, tile flooring; defecation in a field, pit latrine, flush toilet; electricity) (see Rutstein & Johnson, 2004, for a detailed description of the construction of the wealth index). Items were weighted to correspond with their loadings in the principal compo- nents analysis, and standardized items were summed to create the wealth index, which was itself standardized to have a mean of 0 and

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standard deviation of 1, with higher numbers indicating greater household wealth. The age of the target child in the household was not included because it was only collected in half of the study countries. Missing data across variables was less than 2 %. Complete case analysis was used.

2.4. Analysis plan

Quantitative analyses were carried out using Stata version 15 (StataCorp, 2017). In addition to descriptive statistics, we conducted a series of logistic regression models, controlling for effects due to clustering within country using bootstrapped robust standard errors with 500 replications. Post-hoc Wald tests with Bonferroni corrections for multiple comparisons were conducted to understand if categories of acceptance of husband-to-wife violence differentially predicted the outcomes of beliefs on violence against children and use of corporal punishment of children in the household.

3. Results

Across all 21 countries, 29 % of men and 39 % of women reported believing that a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife in at least one of the five presented scenarios, 27 % of respondents reported believing that it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly, and 55 % of respondents reported that their child had experienced corporal punishment in the last month. However, as shown in Table 1, the variations across countries were large. The percentages of women who reported believing that a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife ranged from a low of 4% in Montenegro, Serbia, and Ukraine to a high of 82 % in Central African Republic. The percentages of men who reported believing that a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife ranged from a low of 5% in Belarus to a high of 78 % in Central African Republic. The percentages of caregivers who reported believing that using corporal punishment is necessary to rear a child properly ranged from a low of 6% in Kazakhstan and São Tomé and Príncipe to a high of 75 % in Swaziland. The percentages of caregivers who reported that their child had experienced corporal punishment in the last month ranged from a low of 23 % in Kosovo to a high of 80 % in Central African Republic.

In households where at least one man believes a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, 36 % of the households had no women who believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife (with the remaining 64 % including women who believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife). In households where none of the men reported believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, 24 % of the households included women who believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife (with the remaining 76 % not including women who believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife). Overall, in 54 % of the households no men or women reported believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, in 10 % of households men but not women reported believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, in 17 % of households women but not men reported believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, and in 19 % of the households men and women both reported believing a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife. Thus, in 73 % of households, men’s and women’s beliefs were concordant, leaving 27 % of households in which men and women held different beliefs about whether husbands are ever justified in hitting or beating their wives. In the multivariate analysis (Table 2), adjusting for education and wealth, having at least one man in the household who be- lieves men are justified in hitting or beating their wives was significantly related to having at least one woman in the household who believes that men are justified in hitting or beating their wives (AOR 4.17; 95 % CI: 2.57, 6.75).

We next examined whether men’s and women’s beliefs about whether men were justified in hitting or beating their wives were related to beliefs about whether it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly. In households in which both men and women reported a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, 41 % of respondents reported believing it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly, in contrast to only 18 % of respondents in households in which neither men nor women reported a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife. In households in which men but not women reported a husband is justified

Table 2 Logistic Regressions Predicting Attitudes toward and Behaviors of IPV and Corporal Punishment of Children.

Variables Woman Believes Husband is Justified in Hitting or Beating Wife

Acceptance of Corporal Punishment as Necessary to Rear Child

Child Experience of Corporal Punishment in Past Month

Adjusted Odds Ratios (95 % CI) Education of Household Head (ref: none) Primary 0.60 (0.43, 0.85)** 0.81 (0.60, 1.11) 0.91 (0.65, 1.27) Secondary 0.37 (0.23, 0.59)*** 0.66 (0.47, 0.91)* 0.72 (0.51, 0.99)* Higher 0.22 (0.11, 0.44)*** 0.64 (0.41, 1.01) 0.53 (0.37, 0.75)** Mean Wealth Score 0.94 (0.82, 1.08) 0.91 (0.82, 1.01) 1.14 (1.04, 1.25)** Believe Husband is Justified in Hitting or

Beating Wife Man 4.17 (2.57, 6.75)*** 1.89 (1.41, 2.51)*** 1.38 (1.18, 1.62)*** Woman NA 1.97 (1.49, 2.62)*** 1.16 (0.91, 1.48) Both NA 2.44 (1.53, 2.89)*** 1.83 (1.12, 2.97)* Acceptance of Corporal Punishment as

Necessary to Rear Child NA NA 2.60 (1.70, 3.99)***

*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.

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in hitting or beating his wife, 33 % of respondents reported believing it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly. In households in which women but not men reported a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, 34 % of respondents reported believing it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly. In the multivariate analysis, adjusting for education and wealth, having at least one man in the household who believed men are justified in hitting or beating their wives (AOR 1.89, 95 % CI: 1.41, 2.51), having at least one woman in the household who believed men are justified in hitting or beating their wives (AOR 1.97, 95 % CI: 1.49, 2.62), and having both at least one man and at least one woman in the household believe men are justified in hitting or beating their wives (2.44, 95 % CI: 1.53, 2.89) is significantly related to whether the participant believes it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear the target child properly. However, the three categories of justification of husband-to-wife violence were not significantly different from each other (p > 0.5).

We then examined men’s and women’s beliefs about whether men are justified in hitting or beating their wives in relation to whether a target child in the household experienced corporal punishment in the last month. In households in which both men and women believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, 63 % of children had experienced corporal punishment in the last month, in contrast to 41 % of children in households in which neither men nor women believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife. In households in which men but not women believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, 54 % of children had experienced corporal punishment. In households in which women but not men believed a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife, 50 % of children had experienced corporal punishment. In households in which the respondent reported believing it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly, 76 % reported that their child had experienced corporal punishment in the last month. In contrast, in households in which the respondent did not believe it is necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly, 47 % reported that their child had experienced corporal punishment in the last month. In the multivariate analysis, adjusting for education, wealth, and attitudes towards corporal punishment of children, having at least one man in the household who believed men are justified in hitting or beating their wives has 1.38 times the odds (95 % CI: 1.18, 1.62), and having both at least one man and at least one woman who believed that men are justified in hitting or beating their wives has 1.83 times the odds (95 % CI: 1.12, 2.97) of the target child in the household experiencing corporal punishment in the last month. However, the effect of only having women in the house believe that husbands are justified in hitting or beating their wives is not significantly related to the odds of a child in the household experiencing corporal punishment (AOR 1.16, 95 % CI: 0.91, 1.48). There is no significant difference in the odds of a child in the household experiencing corporal punishment if men only or both men and women in the household believe that husbands are justified in hitting or beating their wives (p = 0.14).

4. Discussion

Despite the inclusion of goals to prevent violence against women and children and specific indicators of countries’ progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, 49 countries do not yet have laws protecting women from intimate partner violence (United Nations, 2019), and 139 countries do not yet have laws protecting children from corporal punishment in the home (Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children, 2020). In 2016, a World Health Assembly resolution endorsed a WHO (2018, p. 3) global plan of action on “strengthening the role of the health system within a national multisectoral response to address inter- personal violence, in particular against women and girls, and against children.” Monitoring violence against women and children and understanding risk factors and consequences of such violence are key parts of the action plan. The present study documents variation across countries but also widespread prevalence of beliefs held by both men and women that husband-to-wife violence is justified and that corporal punishment of children is necessary and widely used, suggesting that laws, policy changes, and the development of child protection strategies are needed in countries currently without these protections.

Findings of the present study are consistent with the cultural spillover theory of violence (Baron & Straus, 1989) and anthropologic studies demonstrating that corporal punishment of children is more accepted and frequent in societies that also endorse other forms of interpersonal violence (Lansford & Dodge, 2008). Our findings suggest that working toward the realization of targets of SDG 5 and SDG 16 involving prevention of violence against women and children, respectively, should be complementary undertakings. Preventing violence against both women and children involves addressing cultural norms about the acceptability of husband-to-wife violence and the acceptability (or even necessity) of using corporal punishment to rear children. Notably, women were more likely than men to believe that husbands are justified in hitting or beating their wives, highlighting the need to change men’s as well as women’s beliefs. Because corporal punishment of children is more likely in households in which men or both men and women believe that husbands are justified in hitting or beating their wives, family violence should be tackled as a package that involves violence between adults and from adults to children within the household.

Several interventions have been developed with goals of reducing men’s violence against both intimate partners and children (for a review, see Labarre, Bourassa, Holden, Turcotte, & Letourneau, 2016). However, these interventions have rarely been rigorously evaluated for effectiveness and have been implemented primarily in high-income countries. Important questions remain both in terms of how effective these interventions are, particularly if men’s participation is court mandated rather than voluntary, and how such interventions can be adapted to make them culturally relevant and socially appropriate across a range of diverse contexts (Rothman, Butchart, & Cerdá, 2003). For example, health workers or others implementing these interventions would benefit from training that addresses ways to challenge patriarchal social norms that increase perceptions that men’s violence is acceptable (Ozaki & Otis, 2016). In addition, interventionists need training in how to change men’s behaviors in ways that reduce violence toward women and children rather than making men aware of the social unacceptability of violence yet increasing the likelihood that men will continue to behave violently but in ways that are more shielded from public view (Rothman et al., 2003).

It is notable that a larger proportion of women than men reported believing that husbands are sometimes justified in hitting or

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beating their wives. These findings are consistent with previous research that has tried to understand why this gender difference might exist (e.g., Yount et al., 2014). One possibility is that men, as the potential aggressors in the husband-to-wife violence scenarios presented to respondents, might be more influenced by social desirability biases than women in claiming they would not be justified in hitting or beating their wives. Another possibility is that women might respond to questions in light of what they perceive as being social norms or inevitabilities, regardless of their personal beliefs about whether husband-to-wife violence is acceptable (Yount et al., 2014). Both men’s and women’s views are likely influenced by power differentials related to gender at a societal level as well as socialization regarding gendered dynamics of couples’ relationships (Jewkes et al., 2015). These gender differences also are situated in broader cultural contexts that differ in a variety of ways with respect to women’s position in the social structure, access to education, likelihood of paid employment, representation within governments, and other factors (Human Development Report, 2019). These factors related to women’s empowerment likely contribute to the wide variation across countries in the percentages of men and women who report believing that husbands are sometimes justified in hitting or beating their wives.

In 19 of the 21 countries, the percentage of children who experienced corporal punishment in the last month far exceeded the percentage of their caregivers who believed it was necessary to use corporal punishment to rear a child properly (the exceptions were in Swaziland and Lao PDR, two of the three countries with the highest endorsement of beliefs in the necessity of using corporal punishment). Parents underreport violence against children out of shame and fears of stigma or unwanted involvement of authorities (Peterman et al., 2020), so the percentage of children who experienced corporal punishment in the last month is likely even higher than reported. Interventions with behavior change goals often begin by trying to induce attitude changes, but previous research reveals mixed results regarding the strength of associations between attitudes and behaviors (Lansford & Deater-Deckard, 2012; Sugarman & Frankel, 1996). Our findings suggest that caregivers’ attitudes about husband-to-wife violence and corporal punishment are indeed related to whether children experience corporal punishment, but because far more children experience corporal punishment than have caregivers who believe using corporal punishment is necessary, interventions that bypass attitudes and attempt to change behaviors directly may be advisable. For example, parents may be using corporal punishment out of anger in the heat of the moment rather than as part of a planned discipline strategy, suggesting that interventions to train parents to stop, control their emotions, and use alternate non-violent discipline approaches could be effective.

In tackling the joint problems of husband-to-wife and parent-to-child violence, countries can also consider implementing laws and policies that decrease violence indirectly. For example, alcohol abuse is a risk factor for many forms of violence. Household survey data that take advantage of variation in timing and location of alcohol control policies in India demonstrate that alcohol prohibition policies reduced men’s drinking and domestic violence (Luca, Owens, & Sharma, 2015). Furthermore, officially reported crime data in India also demonstrate that alcohol prohibition decreases violence against women (Luca et al., 2015). Similar findings have been reported in other countries (e.g., Biderman, Mello, & Schneider, 2010; Duailibi et al., 2007), suggesting that policies that reduce risk factors for violence hold promise in decreasing both husband-to-wife violence and corporal punishment of children.

The strengths of the study include using reports from men and women in nationally representative samples in 21 LMIC that have been under-represented in the study of intimate partner violence and child corporal punishment, addressing diversity in terms of geography, culture, and gender, yet a number of limitations should be acknowledged. First, men and women were asked only about their attitudes regarding whether husbands are justified in hitting or beating their wives in a limited number of situations, not whether they actually hit or were hit. Second, intimate partner violence includes not only physical violence but also emotional, psychological, and sexual abuse, which remain important topics for future investigations. Third, although women also perpetrate intimate partner violence (Williams, Ghandour, & Kub, 2008), the MICS did not include questions about whether women were justified in hitting or beating their husbands to be able to evaluate reciprocity in attitudes. Fourth, although the pooled models controlled for country-level effects, we did not model country-level effects on the parameter estimates because simulations have shown biased estimates when conducting multilevel models using logistic regression with fewer than 30 groups (Bryan & Jenkins, 2016).

Despite these limitations, the findings advance understanding of ways in which attitudes about violence within households are congruent both between men and women and with respect to husband-to-wife violence and caregiver-to-child violence. Health care workers, including pediatricians, nurses, and others who provide primary care, often are consulted about how to manage children’s behavior problems and are regarded as trusted sources of information about discipline (Taylor, Moeller, Hamvas, & Rice, 2013). In this position of trust, health care workers can stress that corporal punishment is not needed and is detrimental to children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016). A number of national parenting programs also specifically aim to help parents reduce their use of corporal punishment and increase their use of alternate forms of discipline (UNICEF, 2014). For example, an evidence-based package called INSPIRE was developed and endorsed by 10 international agencies under the leadership of the WHO to help communities achieve SDG Target 16.2 to end violence against children (World Health Organization, 2018). Health care workers also are often in a position to identify instances of intimate partner violence and can intervene to help women who are experiencing abuse (McKibbin & Gill-Hopple, 2018). Thus, health care workers should act as agents of change in efforts to prevent violence against women and children. In the context of previous epidemiologic evidence regarding prevalence of violence against women and children as well as the international development agenda outlined in the Sustainable Development Goals, our findings suggest that working toward the realization of targets of SDG 5 and SDG 16 involving prevention of violence against women and children, respectively, should be complementary undertakings.

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J.E. Lansford et al.

  • Men’s and women’s views on acceptability of husband-to-wife violence and use of corporal punishment with children in 21 low ...
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Method
      • 2.1 Data
      • 2.2 Participants
      • 2.3 Measures
      • 2.4 Analysis plan
    • 3 Results
    • 4 Discussion
    • References

Transmission-of-Intergenerational-Parenting-Attitudes-and-Na_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

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Child Abuse & Neglect

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Transmission of Intergenerational Parenting Attitudes and Natural Mentorship: Associations Within the LONGSCAN population

James Kaferlya,b,*,1, Anna Furnissc,1, Mandy A. Allisonb,c,1

a Department of Pediatrics, Denver Health Medical Center, 501 E. 28th Street, Denver, CO, 80205, USA b Department of Pediatrics, The University of Colorado, Denver School of Medicine, Aurora, CO, 80045, USA c Adult and Child Consortium for Health Outcomes Research and Delivery Science (ACCORDS), Aurora, CO, 80045, USA

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Child Maltreatment Parenting Attitudes Natural Mentor Natural Mentorship LONGSCAN Adolescents

A B S T R A C T

Background: Evidence suggests that families transmit child maltreatment and parenting attitudes. Natural mentorship may mediate intergenerational parenting attitudes’ risk for maltreatment but has not been studied. Objective: To compare parenting attitudes between adolescents exposed to or at risk for mal- treatment and their caregivers and to determine if natural mentorship mediates differences in parenting attitudes’ maltreatment risk. Participants and Setting: The study included 779 children and their caregivers from the Longitudinal Studies of Child Abuse and Neglect (LONGSCAN) study, Methods: Standardized measures assessed parenting attitudes, natural mentorship and demo- graphic characteristics. Repeated measures, multivariable logistic regressions were used to pre- dict low risk parenting attitudes for maltreatment among adolescents with and without natural mentors. Results: In adjusted analysis, natural mentorship did not predict an adolescent having low risk parenting attitudes when their caregivers had moderate or high risk attitudes: appropriate em- pathy adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 1.26; 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.52 -3.01; appropriate expectations aOR = 1.35; CI 0.62-2.93; physical punishment rejection aOR = 1.74; CI 0.78-3.88; and appropriate roles aOR = 1.11; CI 0.57-2.18. Low risk caregiver parenting attitudes for ap- propriate empathy related to adolescents having low risk empathy attitudes (aOR = 2.89; CI 1.31-6.37). Male gender, African American race and Hispanic ethnicity were negatively asso- ciated with an adolescent having low risk parenting attitudes for maltreatment. Conclusions: Natural mentorship did not mediate adolescent parenting attitudes. While preven- tion and intervention strategies should include natural mentoring given positive health impacts, services must be cognizant of and designed for gender, racial and ethnic diversity.

1. Introduction

Eliminating child maltreatment is a US national priority (Commission to Eliminate Child Abuse & Neglect Fatalities, 2016);

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104662 Received 26 February 2020; Received in revised form 29 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: Bernard F. Gibson Eastside Family Health Center, 501 E. 28th Street, Denver, CO, 80205, USA. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (J. Kaferly), [email protected] (A. Furniss),

[email protected] (M.A. Allison). 1 Adult and Child Consortium for Health Outcomes Research and Delivery Science (ACCORDS), University of Colorado School of Medicine,

Children’s Hospital Colorado, Mail Stop F443, 13199 E. Montview Blvd., Suite 300, Aurora, CO, 80045, USA.

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104662

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however; with more than 4 million annual reports to Child Protective Services (CPS) (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Administration on Children, Youth and Families, Children’s Bureau, 2017), child mal- treatment remains a substantial public health problem. Child maltreatment is associated with significant consequences across the lifespan and within society (Felitti et al., 1998; Gilbert et al., 2009) through poor physical, mental, developmental and emotional health (American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Early Childhood & Adoption & Dependent Care, 2000; Council On Foster Care, Committee On Adolescence, & Council On Early Childhood, 2015; Halfon, Berkowitz, & Klee, 1992; Hansen, Lakhani, Barton, Metcalf, & Joye, 2014; Takayama, Bergman, & Connell, 1994; Turney & Wildeman, 2016), lower educational and economic at- tainment, and greater substance abuse and criminal justice involvement (Reilly, 2003). Yet, child maltreatment is not deterministic and individual outcomes vary (Haskett, Nears, Ward, & McPherson, 2006; McGloin & Widom, 2001). Knowledge that some children can flourish despite a history of maltreatment emphasizes the critical need to explore factors and mechanisms that promote well- being.

Resilience, the concept of positive adaption in the setting of adversity, is a key mechanism for promoting well-being following maltreatment (Luthar, 2006; Masten & Obradovic, 2006) and is contingent on individual characteristics and environmental context (Jaffee, Caspi, Moffitt, Polo-Tomas, & Taylor, 2007; Ungar, 2006, 2011; Wekerle, Waechter, & Chung, 2012). The Social-Ecological Model (Belsky, 1980) recognizes child maltreatment and resiliency as multifactorial events with overlapping individual (i.e. child age, health status and history of maltreatment), relationship (i.e. parent-child interaction and social connectedness), community (i.e. poverty and violence) and societal (cultural norms) components (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Garbarino & Crouter, 1978). Therefore, this framework is one method to examine how families transmit resiliency and maltreatment across generations.

Since parents and caregivers are most proximal to children and parent-child factors have been identified as predictive for mal- treatment (Mulder, Kuiper, van der Put, Stams, & Assink, 2018), the examination of intergenerational parenting transmission, how a parent’s personal experiences as child influence his or her own childrearing behaviors and attitudes (Van Ijzendoorn, 1992), has particular importance. Initial encounters with caregivers establish a child’s expectations for parental behavior and appropriateness (Barnett, Shanahan, Deng, Haskett, & Cox, 2010). Growing evidence links parenting behavior to parenting attitudes (Azar, Nix, & Makin-Byrd, 2005; Babcock Fenerci, Chu, & DePrince, 2016; Belsky, 1984; Holden & Edwards, 1989). Within families, parenting attitudes can span generations (Thompson et al., 2014; Wamser-Nanney & Campbell, 2020). Therefore, families can propagate beneficial or harmful parenting behaviors and attitudes intergenerationally; longitudinal, prospective studies examining inter- generational parenting transmission find slight to modest correlation from one generation to the next (Conger, Belsky, & Capaldi, 2009). Research exploring both positive and negative parenting behaviors identifies similar correlation findings (Bailey, Hill, Oesterle, & Hawkins, 2009; Kerr, Capaldi, Pears, & Owen, 2009; Kovan, Chung, & Sroufe, 2009; Neppl, Conger, Scaramella, & Ontai, 2009; Shaffer, Burt, Obradovic, Herbers, & Masten, 2009).

Intergenerational transmission of parenting is salient for families with a history of maltreatment as these families have reduced capacity to engage in parenting behaviors which support parent-child attachment (Cyr, Euser, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & Van Ijzendoorn, 2010). In such a setting, children may not have opportunity to view and to learn healthy, effective parenting attitudes and behaviors (Fiese & Winter, 2010). A history of childhood maltreatment is associated with self-reported negative parenting measures, including reduced parenting competence (Cole, Woolger, Power, & Smith, 1992). Similarly, research suggests parents with mal- treatment history have difficulty applying appropriate developmental expectations and maintaining appropriate parent-child roles while being more likely to utilize physical punishment as a disciplinary method (Barrett, 2009; Kim, Trickett, & Putnam, 2010; Koren- Karie, Oppenheim, & Getzler-Yosef, 2004). For maltreated children, consequences can detrimentally impact subsequent parenting and can contribute to an intergenerational transmission of maltreatment.

The intergenerational transmission of maltreatment asserts that personal past history of childhood abuse or neglect elevates risk that an individual will abuse his or her own children. Kaufman and Zigler (1987) describe methodologic challenges leading to wide variation in results, but conclude approximately 30% of parents with history of maltreatment will abuse their own children (Kaufman & Zigler, 1987). Subsequent work supports parental history of maltreatment as an important factor in predicting a cycle of mal- treatment (Assink et al., 2018; Berlin, Appleyard, & Dodge, 2011; Madigan et al., 2019). Yet, this intergenerational transmission of maltreatment is not absolute. Rather, the majority of parents with personal maltreatment history do not abuse their own children. Understanding factors that disrupt intergenerational transmission of maltreatment, therefore, is critical for improving prevention and intervention efforts.

Safe, supportive and nurturing relationships (SSNRs), an example of such social support within a child’s environment, are central to child maltreatment prevention strategy (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) and may ameliorate negative sequelae from maltreatment (Mercy & Saul, 2009). Growing research demonstrates the importance of a mentor, a nonparent adult, as an effective SSNR for youth (Bruce, 2014; Raposa et al., 2019). Rhodes (2002) asserts that mentoring relationships promote social-emotional, cognitive and self-identity development for youth (Rhodes, 2002). Moreover, mentors may benefit youth mentees by providing social support, role-modeling, skill development and self-efficacy (Committee on Community-Level Programs for Youth, 2001; Hamilton, 1989; Heaney, 2002). In a meta-analysis of 55 youth mentoring programs, DuBois, Holloway, Valentine, and Cooper (2002) found mentoring programs benefited participating youth though improved outcomes in multiple domains and positive effects occurred across demographics (DuBois et al., 2002).

Although approximately 4.5 million youth are involved with formal mentoring programs in the US (Fernandes-Alcantara, 2019), many youth have natural mentors, or a nonparental, caring adult selected by the child from his or her existing social networks, such as teachers, coaches, pastors, or adult relatives (DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005), apart from formal mentor programming. Recent analyses focus on the presence of a natural mentor as a source of support for children with early adversity, identifying positive health, behavioral and social outcomes for adolescents, including high risk adolescents with history of child maltreatment (Ahrens, DuBois,

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Richardson, Fan, & Lozano, 2008; DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005; DuBois, Portillo, Rhodes, Silverthorn, & Valentine, 2011; Greeson, Weiler, Thompson, & Taussig, 2016; Taussig, Culhane, Garrido, & Knudtson, 2012; Van Dam et al., 2018). However, little is known about whether having a natural mentor affects intergenerational transmission of parenting attitudes or if timing of mentor in- troduction might elucidate developmental ages when children are more sensitive to a natural mentors’ influence on parenting at- titudes.

The Longitudinal Studies of Child Abuse and Neglect (LONGSCAN), a multisite study of young children exposed to or at risk for maltreatment (Runyan et al., 1998), enables investigation of the relationship between natural mentorship and intergenerational parenting attitude transmission. Our study was designed to identify concordance and discordance of intergenerational parenting attitudes risk for maltreatment between adolescents with a history of or at risk for maltreatment during early childhood and their caregivers and to determine if having a natural mentor was associated with an adolescent having parenting attitudes at low risk for maltreatment. We had three hypotheses for this study. First, because social support and natural mentorship has been associated with positive youth outcomes, we hypothesized that adolescents who had a natural mentor would have parenting attitudes at lower risk for maltreatment compared to youth without a natural mentor. Next, we hypothesized that the younger the child’s age at the time of introduction of a natural mentor the association for an adolescent to have low risk parenting attitudes for maltreatment would be greater. Finally, informed by the individual and environmental reciprocity inherent in resilience, we hypothesized that a child’s gender, race and ethnicity and their caregiver’s parenting attitude would influence whether an adolescent having low risk parenting attitudes.

2. Methods

2.1. Study Design and Data Source

We used pooled data from the prospective LONGSCAN study, a research consortium comprised of a coordinating center and five sites, which followed young children who were identified as exposed to or at risk for maltreatment (Runyan et al., 1998). Enrolled children were either age 4 or 6 years of age, though some sites collected data beginning at birth. The total LONGSCAN sample included 1354 children. For consistency in this study, we retained information from all sites when the child was 4 years old although several sites collected survey information at multiple time points when the child was between the ages of 1 and 6 years. Attrition and funding impacted the LONGSCAN sample with outcome data available for 919 (68%) of subjects at age 18. Of these, 779 (85%) adolescents had data regarding exposure to natural mentor as well as individual-specific and caregiver parenting attitudes at both key points of assessment: ages 4 and 18 years (Flow diagram and Table 1).

Table 1 Demographic Characteristics of the Study Population (N = 779).

Characteristic Total N (%) Mentor – Yes N (%) Mentor – No N (%) p-value

Study center East (EA) 159 (20.4) 136 (19.9) 23 (24.7) 0.02 Midwest (MW) 124 (15.9) 110 (16.1) 14 (15.1) Northwest (NW) 156 (20.0) 142 (20.7) 14 (15.1) South (SO) 139 (17.8) 131 (19.1) 8 (8.6) Southwest (SW)* 201 (25.8) 166 (24.2) 34 (36.6)

Race and Ethnicity a White 187 (25.3) 167 (25.8) 19 (21.1) 0.32 Black 405 (54.8) 358 (55.2) 47 (52.2) Hispanic 55 (7.4) 44 (6.8) 11 (12.2) Multiracial 80 (10.8) 68 (10.5) 12 (13.3) Other 12 (1.6) 11 (1.7) 1 (1.1)

Gender b Male 333 (45.1) 283 (43.7) 50 (55.6) 0.03 Female* 406 (54.9) 365 (56.3) 40 (44.4)

Age at mentor Introduction c 0 - 4 218 (28.0) 5 - 10 93 (12.0) 11 - 14 95 (12.2) 15 - 18 279 (35.9) No mentor 93 (12.0)

Natural Mentor c Grandfather 51 (6.6) Grandmother 143 (18.4) Another relative 169 (21.7) Adult at school 104 (13.4) Another adult 218 (28.0) No mentor 93 (12.0)

a N = 739 due to missing data. b N = 739 due to missing data. c N = 778 due to missing data.

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While all participants were at some risk for maltreatment, each site enrolled used unique specific study population criteria in order to represent varied levels of maltreatment risk or exposure. The East site included low-income children from pediatric clinics. The Midwest site recruited families with prior CPS report and matched neighborhood controls without CPS report. The Northwest site included children with prior CPS report who were considered at “moderate” risk for maltreatment. The South site recruited children who had neonatal or sociodemographic characteristics considered at-risk for maltreatment such as prematurity and poverty. The Southwestern site included children removed from their family of origin and placed in foster care. A child’s biologic mother was the common primary caregiver; however, for the Southwestern site, 65% of primary caregivers were foster parents.

2.2. Human Subjects

Participating sites, as well as the coordinating center, secured independent approval from local Institutional Review Board for each age assessment. Caregivers provided informed consent while youth provided assent for their participation for all interviews from age 8 through 16. For the age 18 interview, youth provided informed consent. This study did not meet the definition of human subjects research and was deemed exempt from institutional review board approval at the University of Colorado because it used the LONGSCAN de-identified dataset.

2.3. Variables and Their Measurement

2.3.1. Parenting Attitudes Caregiver and adolescent parenting attitudes were identified through the Adult-Adolescent Parenting Inventory (AAPI) (Bavolek,

1984). The AAPI, a self-report measure of parenting attitudes, has four domains: 1). appropriate expectations for child’s abilities (appropriate expectations), 2). appropriate empathy towards a child’s need (appropriate empathy), 3). physical punishment rejection as disciplinary method (reject physical punishment) and, 4). appropriate understanding of parent and child appropriate roles (ap- propriate roles). For each of the four domains, risk for maltreatment increases as parenting attitude score decreases. Bavolek (1984) tested the AAPI instrument, initially, among 2,415 adolescents aged 12-21 years enrolled in six public schools in Baltimore, MD (Bavolek, 1984). The testing sample was predominantly Black (96%) and female (71%). Normative date for the AAPI was developed with 782 adults with known histories as child abusers and 1,045 adults from the general population. The four AAPI domains de- monstrate acceptable internal consistency (0.73-0.90) amongst both adolescent and adult populations; test-retest agreement and content validity. LONGSCAN added six additional items to the appropriate expectation scale.

Primary caregivers (N = 1162) completed the AAPI when children were 4 years old. Of the 919 adolescents participating at age 18 years, 99.8% (N = 917) completed the AAPI. For both caregiver and youth, AAPI domain scores were converted from a semi- continuous scale to an ordinal scale reflecting risk of child maltreatment based on parenting attitudes: low risk (7-10), moderate risk (4-6), and high risk (1-3).

2.3.2. Presence of a Natural Mentor We used the Young Adult Report of Supportive Adults (YSSB), a measure developed by LONGSCAN, to identify the presence of a

natural mentor. Surveyed at age 18 years, adolescents completed the six-item measure to describe social support received from a non- parental adult (natural mentor). Questions included “Is there an adult (or adults) you can turn to for help if there is a serious problem?” and “In the past year, has there been an adult outside of your family who has encouraged you and believed in you?”. Youth, then, were instructed to “think about the adult in your life, other than a parent or guardian, who you have felt closest to or who has helped you the most” and then identify that supportive individual (grandfather; grandmother; another relative; teacher, coach or other adult at school; another adult; and no adult like this) and at what age that individual entered the child’s life. We dichotomized results into the presence or absence of a natural mentor based on supportive individual response. We recorded natural mentor as positive when adolescents affirmed mentor presence and identified both the supportive individual’s relation to the youth and the youth’s age at the time of supportive individual introduction. We organized child age at time of natural mentor introduction into four age categories: early childhood (0-4 years); late childhood (5-10 years); early adolescence (11-14 years) and late adoles- cence (15-18 years).

2.3.3. Sensitivity Analysis for Differences Amongst Study Sites Three LONGSCAN sites queried caregiver AAPI more than once: Midwest (MW) at ages 1 and 4 years; Northwest (NW) annually

between ages 1-4 years; and South (SO) at age 4 and 6 years. Due to MW and NW respondents completing the instrument at least once before the LONGSCAN protocol enrollment, we analyzed risk stratification across multiple AAPI administrations. We noted statis- tically significant changes in caregiver risk classification across AAPI domains between testing. From the administration of the AAPI when the child was age 1 year to when the child was age 4 years, the proportion of caregivers with parenting attitudes at low risk for maltreatment on the appropriate expectations scale increased from 15% to 33% while the proportion of caregivers with parenting attitudes at high risk for maltreatment reduced from 44% to 20%. Similarly, the proportion of caregivers with parenting attitudes at low risk for maltreatment increased for the remaining three AAPI domains: appropriate empathy increased from 15% to 34%: reject physical punishment increased 16% to 23%; and, appropriate roles increased from 10% to 35%. Due to continued enrollment at the NW site, the number of caregivers with low risk parenting attitudes for maltreatment and high risk parenting attitudes increased between AAPI queries.

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2.4. Statistical Analyses

Frequencies and percentages were calculated to describe caregiver (measured at the time the child was 4 years old) and ado- lescent (measured at the time the child was 18 years old) risk of maltreatment for the four domains of parenting attitude identified by the AAPI. Categories of the age at which a natural mentor was introduced into a child’s life, the relationship of the mentor to the child, and other demographic characteristics were also summarized. For all AAPI domains, Cohen’s kappa was used to measure the agreement (concordance) in parenting attitudes between adolescent and caregiver dyads, while Chi-square test of proportions was used to assess the relationship between an adolescent having a mentor and whether he or she was at low or moderate risk of maltreatment, given his or her caregiver scored in the high risk category for maltreatment (Fig. 1).

Logistic regression was used to examine the unadjusted relationship between the adolescent being low risk versus moderate to high risk for maltreatment for each domain from the AAPI and whether they had a natural mentor, whereas repeated measures, multivariable logistic regression was used to examine the adjusted relationship, accounting for clustering at study site and adjusting for the adolescent’s gender, race, caregiver risk of maltreatment, and age at which the mentor was introduced. Of note, the structure of the Young Adult Report of Supportive Adults measure created an interaction term between the child’s age and the presence of mentor. Because only those children with a mentor identified their age when the mentor entered his or her life, those children without mentor did not identify an age. Therefore, the models included an interaction term for those with mentor. All analyses were conducted using SAS v9.4 (SAS Institute, Cary, NC).

3. Results

3.1. Characteristics of Population and Mentoring Relationships

The sample of 779 adolescents is described in Table 1. The sample contained a female majority (54%) with 55% African American, 25% Caucasian, 7% Hispanic 11% multiracial and 2% other race/ethnicity children. The majority of adolescents identified a natural mentor (88%). The most common natural mentors were an adult who was neither a relative nor associated with school (28%), and a relative other than a grandparent (22%). The most common age at which a natural mentor was introduced was age 15-

Fig. 1. Flow Diagram for Study Sample.

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18 years (36%) followed by young children age 0-4 years (28%). Significant differences were observed between both LONGSCAN site and the child’s gender as to whether the adolescent identified a natural mentor. Specifically, females were more likely to identify a natural mentor compared to males and site significantly influenced if youth had a natural mentor. The child’s race was not significant predictor of having a natural mentor.

3.2. Comparison of Intergenerational Parenting Attitudes

Among the 788 caregiver-child dyads that completed the AAPI, there was minimal concordance between caregiver and adolescent parenting attitudes (Fig. 2). A small portion of dyads demonstrated concordance for parenting attitudes at high risk for maltreatment: 14% of dyads (N = 111) on the appropriate empathy scale (kappa = 0.13); 12% (N = 94) on the appropriate expectation scale (kappa = 0.08); 12% (N = 92) on the reject physical punishment scale (kappa = 0.05); and, 13% (N = 101) on the appropriate roles scale (kappa = 0.11). Likewise, some dyads demonstrated concordance of parenting attitudes at low risk for maltreatment: 13% (N = 99) of dyads on the appropriate empathy scale; 11% (N = 87) on the appropriate expectation scale; 10% (N = 79) on the reject physical punishment scale; and, 13% (N = 99) for the appropriate roles scale.

We had particular interest in discordant dyads in which the adolescent had parenting attitudes at low or moderate risk for maltreatment and their caregiver had high risk parenting attitudes. More than 50% of their adolescent children had discordant parenting attitudes that were low or moderate risk for child maltreatment. For the appropriate empathy domain, 244 dyads had caregiver parenting attitudes at high risk for maltreatment; yet, 17% (N = 41) of adolescents had parenting attitudes at low risk and 38% (N = 92) had moderate risk for maltreatment. For the appropriate expectations domain, 224 dyads had caregivers with par- enting attitudes at high risk for maltreatment while 25% (N = 56) of adolescents had parenting attitudes at low risk and 33% (N = 74) of adolescents had moderate risk for maltreatment. In the reject physical punishment domain, 253 dyads had caregiver parenting attitudes at high risk for maltreatment; although, nearly 25% (N = 59) of adolescents had parenting attitudes at low risk and 40% (N = 102) of adolescents had moderate risk for maltreatment. Within the appropriate roles domain, 219 dyads had caregiver parenting attitudes at high risk for maltreatment; however, approximately 20% (N = 43) of adolescents had parenting attitudes at low risk and 34% (N = 75) of adolescents had moderate risk for maltreatment.

3.3. Association between Presence of a Natural Mentor and Low or Moderate Adolescent Parenting Attitudes when Caregivers had Moderate or High Risk Parenting Attitudes

The presence of a natural mentor was not associated with a youth having parenting attitudes at low or moderate risk for mal- treatment when his or her caregiver had high risk parenting attitudes. Among adolescents whose caregiver had high risk parenting attitudes on the appropriate empathy domain, 55% for youth with a natural mentor (N = 226) had parenting attitudes at low or moderate risk for child maltreatment versus 53% (N = 15) for youth without a natural mentor (p = 0.91). When caregivers had high risk parenting attitudes for appropriate expectations, 58% (N = 201) of adolescents with a natural mentor had parenting attitudes at low or moderate risk for child maltreatment versus 62% (N = 21) of youth without a natural mentor (p = 0.71). For adolescents with caregivers having high risk parenting attitudes for physical punishment, 64% (N = 227) of adolescents with a natural mentor had parenting attitudes at low or moderate risk for rejecting physical punishment versus 52% (N = 23) of adolescents without a natural mentor (p = 0.25). Among adolescents for whom caregivers had high risk parenting attitudes regarding appropriate roles, 53% (N = 198) of adolescents with a natural mentor had parenting attitudes at low or moderate risk for maltreatment versus 67% (N = 18) of adolescents without a natural mentor (p = 0.27).

We, subsequently, narrowed adolescent parenting attitudes to low maltreatment risk and expanded caregiver parenting attitudes to include moderate and high risk categories. In unadjusted analyses of youth who had low risk parenting attitudes for maltreatment when their caregiver had moderate or high risk parenting attitudes, youth with a natural mentor did not have reduced odds of having low risk parenting attitudes for AAPI maltreatment domains compared to youth without a natural mentor: appropriate empathy odds ratio [OR] = 1.26; 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.52 -3.01; appropriate expectations OR = 1.35; CI 0.62-2.93; reject physical

Fig. 2. Dyad concordance of Low and High Risk Parenting Attitudes Risk for Maltreatment by Adult and Adolescent Parenting Inventory (AAPI) Domains (N = 788).

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punishment OR = 1.74; CI 0.78-3.88; and appropriate roles OR = 1.11; CI 0.57-2.18. Associations between Low Risk Adolescent Parenting Attitudes, Child’s Age at Natural Mentor Introduction, Child-Specific Factors

and Caregiver’s Parenting Attitudes For each of the four AAPI parenting attitude domains, we performed repeated measures, multivariable logistic regression mod-

eling to determine the adjusted odds of a youth having parenting attitudes at low risk for maltreatment versus having parenting attitudes at moderate or high risk for maltreatment. We analyzed each of the four AAPI domains separately, adjusting for child’s age at time of mentor introduction, gender, race, ethnicity and their caregiver’s parenting attitude maltreatment risk category. Results of the adjusted logistic regression analyses are presented in Table 2.

3.4. Child’s age at time of natural mentor introduction

Youth with a natural mentor introduced at or prior to 4 years of age neared significantly increased adjusted odds of having low risk parenting attitudes for utilizing physical punishment as a disciplinary tool when compared to youth who did not have a natural mentor (AOR 2.28; CI 0.99-5.29). As shown in Table 2, no other age category of natural mentor introduction was significantly associated with the adolescent having parenting attitudes at low risk for maltreatment in the three other AAPI domain models.

3.5. Child’s gender

Males had more than double the odds for parenting attitudes endorsing physical punishment (AOR 0.47; CI 0.24-0.91) and nearly four times lower odds for low risk attitude regarding appropriate roles (AOR 0.28; CI 0.14-0.57) compared to females. Adjusting for child gender, there was no significant association between an adolescent having low risk parenting attitudes in models for appro- priate empathy or appropriate expectations

3.6. Child’s race and ethnicity

African American children had more than one-half the adjusted odds for low risk parenting attitudes regarding appropriate expectations (AOR 0.43; CI 0.22-0.81), reject physical punishment (AOR 0.43; CI 0.26-0.70) and appropriate roles (AOR 0.43; CI 0.20-0.94) compared to non-Hispanic, Caucasian children. Similarly, Hispanic children had nearly two-thirds lower adjusted odds of having low risk parenting attitudes toward appropriate expectations as compared to non-Hispanic, Caucasian children (AOR 0.36; CI 0.13-1.00).

3.7. Caregiver’s parenting attitude maltreatment risk category

Youth had nearly three times higher adjusted odds of having low risk, empathetic parenting attitudes when their caregiver, also, had low risk appropriate empathy parenting attitudes compared to caregivers with high risk appropriate empathy parenting attitudes (AOR 2.89; CI 1.31-6.37). There were no other significant associations between caregiver’s parenting attitude risk category and an

Table 2 Adjusted Odds Ratio for Youth Parenting Attitudes Being at Low Risk Versus Moderate or High Risk for Maltreatment by AAPI Domain.

Appropriate Empathy Appropriate Expectations Reject Physical Punishment Appropriate Roles Adjusted OR (95% CI) Adjusted OR (95% CI) Adjusted OR (95% CI) Adjusted OR (95% CI)

Mentor Introduction (years) Age 0-4 1.25 (0.44-3.57) 1.28 (0.53-3.10) 2.28 (0.99-5.29) 1.05 (0.36-3.10) Age 5-10 1.39 (0.44-4.38) 1.27 (0.47-3.41) 1.52 (0.63-3.66) 0.57 (0.23-1.46) Age 11-14 1.20 (0.44-3.30) 1.17 (0.43-3.19) 1.46 (0.41-5.15) 0.91 (0.35-2.38) Age 15-18 1.46 (0.58-3.71) 1.16 (0.49-2.79) 1.51 (0.62-3.71) 0.98 (0.47-2.05) No Mentor Referent Referent Referent Referent

Youth Gender Male 0.49 (0.21-1.14) 0.49 (0.15-1.61) 0.47 (0.24-0.91) 0.28 (0.14-0.57) Female Referent Referent Referent Referent

Youth Race/Ethnicity Black 0.64 (0.27-1.52) 0.43 (0.22-0.81) 0.43 (0.26-0.70) 0.43 (0.20-0.94) Hispanic 1.05 (0.43-2.56) 0.36 (0.13-1.00) 1.00 (0.43-2.33) 0.50 (0.16-1.53) Multiracial 0.84 (0.36-2.01) 0.48 (0.19-1.23) 0.63 (0.29-1.35) 0.93 (0.39-2.21) Other 0.90 (0.11-7.30) 0.67 (0.13-3.58) 0.44 (0.07-2.78) 1.12 (0.21-5.86) White Referent Referent Referent Referent

Caregiver AAPI Risk Low 2.89 (1.31-6.37) 1.18 (0.59-2.39) 1.40 (0.57-3.44) 2.03 (0.73-5.69) Moderate 2.05 (0.82-5.14) 1.19 (0.50-2.85) 1.48 (0.88-2.50) 1.64 (0.66-4.10) High Referent Referent Referent Referent

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adolescent having low risk parenting attitudes across the remaining AAPI domains.

4. Discussion

To our knowledge, this study is the first to examine natural mentorship as a predictor for risk of maltreatment for parenting attitudes among adolescents with maltreatment exposure or risk. Because parenting attitudes link to parenting behavior, impact parent-child interactions and predict maltreatment potential (Assink et al., 2018; Budd et al., 2011; Chung et al., 2009; Cyr & Alink, 2017; Holden & Edwards, 1989), greater understanding regarding determinants of parenting attitudes among young adults with potential to perpetuate a cycle of abuse is essential for prevention and intervention efforts. Using the LONGSCAN sample, research has identified several predictive and intervening variables for the intergenerational transmission of such parenting attitudes (Thompson et al., 2014; Wamser-Nanney & Campbell, 2020). Yet, these investigations focus on variables at the individual and family level without environmental context. Utilizing the Social-Ecologic Model (Belsky, 1980, 1984), our study takes the necessary next step in identifying determinants of parenting attitudes by expanding analysis to extra-familial and communal interactions via social support offered within natural mentorship.

Our findings do not support natural mentorship as a predictor of an adolescent having parenting attitudes at low risk for mal- treatment. Despite association with improved youth outcomes across multiple health, psychologic and socioeconomic domains (Ahrens et al., 2008; DuBois et al., 2011; DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005; Raposa et al., 2019; Van Dam et al., 2018), our findings are consistent with the view that natural mentorship, alone, may be inadequate to surmount accumulated stressors (Rhodes, 2002).

Overall, few studies have examined social support from SSNRs as a mechanism for resiliency to interrupt the intergenerational cycle of maltreatment and, to our knowledge, none have investigated impact on potentially abusive parenting attitudes. Of the studies analyzing SSNRs and the cycle of maltreatment, the primary focus has been on the protective impact offered through a supportive, romantic partner during adulthood (Conger, Schofield, Neppl, & Merrick, 2013; Herrenkohl, Klika, Brown, Herrenkohl, & Leeb, 2013; Jaffee et al., 2013; Thornberry et al., 2013). This research yields divergent interpretations of SSNRs’ moderating impact: Herrenkohl et al. (2013) did not identify an impact from SSNRs on maltreatment continuity across generations while other findings suggest SSNRs did moderate transmission (Conger et al., 2013; Herrenkohl et al., 2013; Jaffee et al., 2013; Thornberry et al., 2013). In their meta-analysis of five studies, Schofield, Lee, and Merrick (2013) found SSNRs to be a moderating factor protective against the intergenerational cycle of abuse (Schofield et al., 2013). Future research may clarify SSNRs as a protective buffer against inter- generational maltreatment; yet, as highlighted by the limited availability of studies investigating the topic and from the central role of SSNRs in national strategy for maltreatment prevention (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention), there is a critical need for further investigation.

We hypothesized earlier mentor introduction would be associated with low risk parenting attitudes. Our results do not support our hypothesis; however, an association between early mentor introduction and an adolescent having attitudes opposed to physical punishment neared significance. While several characteristics of successful mentoring are described, including relationship duration, quality and frequency (DuBois et al., 2002; Greeson et al., 2016; Raposa et al., 2019), the source data for our analysis does not contain information about mentoring quality and frequency. Our results should encourage future systematic investigation considering these features and may expand understanding of natural mentoring and parenting attitudes regarding maltreatment.

When interpreting the role of SSNRs on either the intergenerational transmission of abuse or adolescent parenting attitudes’ risk for maltreatment, developmental distinctions between adults and emerging adults, or adolescents, deserve careful attention. A mentee’s developmental stage can affect potential benefit from the SSNR (Noam, Malti, & Karcher, 2013). Specific to the current study, parenthood is a complex developmental stage (S. Azar, 2002) which may influence both parenting attitudes and a SSNR’s impact on parental attitudes. Of the latter, additional investigation is necessary. For the former, Bavolek (1984) found parents reported more positive parenting attitudes compared to nonparents (Bavolek, 1984). Inclusion of AAPI responses from LONGSCAN adolescents who had become parents did not alter analytic results from another intergenerational parenting attitude transmission investigation (Thompson et al., 2014); however, the proportion of adolescent parents was less than 15% among the more than four hundred adolescents included in the sample. Future research on the role of SSNRs and parenting attitudes may provide additional evidence through prospective, longitudinal evaluation of variance within and between parents and non-parents.

Our study adds descriptive understanding to natural mentorship among youth with exposure to or risk for maltreatment. As recognized in prior research (Ahrens et al., 2008; DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005; Greeson et al., 2016), our results affirm families and schools are important contexts for mentoring relationships. Among the sample, 70% of the identified natural mentors originate from families and school. Yet, in this sample, extended family members constitute a greater proportion of natural mentors while school- based natural mentors are less frequently identified when compared to prior analysis of the general adolescent population (DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005). Given the study cohort, risk factors may account for differences amongst the types of natural mentors identified when compared to the general adolescent population. However, the higher extended family member and lower school personnel proportions of natural mentors identified in this study differs, also, from previous research examining natural mentorship for youth in foster care (Ahrens et al., 2008). Differences among the types of mentors identified, in this study, may result from the extended time period adolescents were asked to consider. If supported by additional research, though, these findings indicate youth exposed to or at risk for maltreatment may be more inclined to natural mentorship available within families.

Finally, our results indicate significant cultural differences in parenting attitude’s risk for maltreatment pertinent to cultural context within prevention and intervention services design, implementation and evaluation. African American adolescents, when compared to non-Hispanic Caucasian adolescents, were less likely to have low risk parenting attitudes for physical punishment rejection and appropriate roles, whereas Hispanic adolescents were less likely to have appropriate expectations. These results match

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prior investigations detailing parenting attitudes variance among African American and Hispanic mothers (Acevedo, 2000; Jambunathan, Burts, & Pierce, 2000; Julian, McKenry, & McKelvey, 1994). Although corporal punishment nears ubiquity in US families (Child Trends Databank, 2013; Straus & Stewart, 1999), our findings identify attitudes endorsing physical punishment only for African American adolescents and align with past research suggesting African American parents are more likely have attitudes in support of physical discipline (Cannon, Ferreira, & Buttell, 2018; Flynn, 1998; Ibanez, Borrego, Pemberton, & Terao, 2006; Ispa & Halgunseth, 2004). Recognizing potential grave consequences for African American youth who engage with hostile and racist sys- tems, African American mothers may view physical punishment as protective, necessary and loving (Dixon, Graber, & Brooks-Gunn, 2008; Nomaguchi & House, 2013; Washington, Buttell, & Cannon, 2017).

Although parenting attitude variation is shaped by contextual factors such as ethnicity and culture, socioeconomics and com- munity (Kotchick, 2002), qualities of parenting attitude instruments, also, may contribute to our cultural differences. Western European parenting attitudes predominate parenting attitude instruments, including the AAPI (Jambunathan et al., 2000; Julian et al., 1994). Comparing parenting attitude differences among culturally-diverse groups, Jambunathan et al. (2000) administered the AAPI to 182 US mothers from five distinct cultural groups and demonstrated significant differences by cultural subgroup for each domain (Jambunathan et al., 2000). More recent works demonstrate differences within parenting attitudes across cultural groups (Ho, Bluestein, & Jenkins, 2008; Rodriguez, 2015), further indicating the need for rigorously designed, culturally-responsive and culturally-validated instruments applicable to diverse populations (Yoon, Speyer, Cordier, Aunio, & Hakkarainen, 2020).

This need is not unique to instruments. Evidence-based interventions often originate from homogenous, majority cultural groups but are implemented among a culturally-heterogenous population, potentially limiting effectiveness (Lau, 2006). In response, pre- vention and intervention services have adopted two distinct approaches which vary not regarding the importance of culture for parenting, families and society but rather whether to incorporate cultural context during intervention development or adaption (Committee on Child Maltreatment Research, Board on Children, Committee on Law and Justice, Institute of Medicine, & National Research Council, 2014). Systematic evaluations are needed to differentiate these approaches across populations.

Similar to existing literature (Flynn, 1998), we found that male adolescents, when compared to females, were more likely to have attitudes endorsing physical punishment and reversing roles for parents and children. Conversely, empathetic parenting attitudes at low risk for maltreatment was associated with greater adjusted odds for an adolescent having low risk empathetic parenting attitudes for maltreatment. This finding is similar to previous work describing intergenerational empathy (Zhou et al., 2002). Although the majority of dyads had discordant parenting attitudes for risk of maltreatment, more than 10% of dyads demonstrated intergenera- tional concordance for parenting attitudes at high risk for maltreatment. Further research should prioritize social connectedness for these youth.

5. Limitations

There are several potential limitations to consider when interpreting findings. First, the LONGSCAN data originates from a high risk sample, caregiver-child dyads exposed to or at risk for child maltreatment and included a portion of children who had been removed from biologic caregivers and had entered foster care at the time of enrollment. The results, therefore, do not generalize to all children. However, with nearly 40% of US children involved with Child Protective Services (Kim, Wildeman, Jonson-Reid, & Drake, 2017) and approximately 6% of US children entering kin or foster care (Wildeman & Emanuel, 2014) before their eighteenth birthday, exposure to and risk for child maltreatment are pervasive. Second, parenting attitudes were measured using the AAPI. Although evidence suggests that attitudes and behaviors are linked (Azar, 2002; Grusec, 2008; Vittrup, Holden, & Buck, 2006), research regarding the AAPI and parenting behaviors is mixed. Past works suggest the AAPI corresponds to punitive parenting behaviors and child maltreatment risk (Cicchetti, Rogosch, & Toth, 2006; Crouch & Behl, 2001). However, a revised version of the instrument used in LONGSCAN study, the AAPI-2, demonstrated poor model fit to correctly predict caregiver’s maltreatment risk level during when used in a child protective service agency’s safety assessment (Hitchcock, 2010). Future investigation should make more substantive efforts to examine the predictive role of parental attitudes in maltreatment emergence. Next, as noted previously, measurement of dyad parenting attitudes occurred at a single time point for adolescents and their caregivers rather than via serial assessments. Parenting attitudes are more stable over time in comparison to parenting behaviors (Barnett et al., 2010); thus, single assessment for caregivers and adolescents suggest AAPI construct stability. However, future directions should consider longitudinal assessment of parenting attitudes between youth and their caregivers. Finally, considering resilience as a function of internal and environmental interplay, the presence of a natural mentor is one of many contextual elements that might influence adolescent parenting attitudes. Future work should explore additional mentoring variables such duration, quality and frequency, in addition to adolescent parenting status, and additional social support available the adolescent.

6. Conclusion

Natural mentorship, alone, did not mediate low risk adolescent parenting attitudes for maltreatment and may be insufficient to transform negative parenting attitudes without additional interventions. While prevention and intervention strategies should include natural mentoring due to known positive impacts on adolescent health, services must be cognizant of and designed for gender, racial and ethnic diversity.

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Funding

This work was supported with unrestricted fellowship funding from the Denver Health Medical Center Division of Ambulatory Care Services – Pediatrics.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declarations of interest.

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  • Transmission of Intergenerational Parenting Attitudes and Natural Mentorship: Associations Within the LON&#132;G&#132;S&#132;CAN population
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Methods
      • 2.1 Study Design and Data Source
      • 2.2 Human Subjects
      • 2.3 Variables and Their Measurement
        • 2.3.1 Parenting Attitudes
        • 2.3.2 Presence of a Natural Mentor
        • 2.3.3 Sensitivity Analysis for Differences Amongst Study Sites
      • 2.4 Statistical Analyses
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Characteristics of Population and Mentoring Relationships
      • 3.2 Comparison of Intergenerational Parenting Attitudes
      • 3.3 Association between Presence of a Natural Mentor and Low or Moderate Adolescent Parenting Attitudes when Caregivers had Moderate or High Risk Parenting Attitudes
      • 3.4 Child’s age at time of natural mentor introduction
      • 3.5 Child’s gender
      • 3.6 Child’s race and ethnicity
      • 3.7 Caregiver’s parenting attitude maltreatment risk category
    • 4 Discussion
    • 5 Limitations
    • 6 Conclusion
    • Funding
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • References

Health-effects-of-repeated-victimization-among-school-aged_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

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Child Abuse & Neglect

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Health effects of repeated victimization among school-aged adolescents in six major cities in China

Yuhong Zhua,1, Chenyang Xiaoa,b,1, Qiqi Chenc, Qi Wud, Bin Zhua,* a School of Sociology & Population Studies, Renmin University of China, Room 602, West Chongde Building, No. 59 Zhongguancun Street, Haidian District, Beijing, China b Department of Sociology, American University, Washington, DC, 20016, USA c Department of Applied Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong d School of Social Work, Arizona State University. 411 N. Central Avenue, Suite 800, Phoenix, AZ, 85004-0689, USA

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Repeated victimization Health effect Chinese adolescents Juvenile victimization questionnaire (JVQ)

A B S T R A C T

Background: Child victimization is a public health concern in China. Existing studies documented associations between victimization and negative health effects, while cumulative health effects of repeated victimization have attracted relatively little attention from scholars. Objective: To examine the health effects of various types of repeated victimization by using a large representative sample of school children in six major cities in China. Participants and Setting: This study used data from a large representative sample of 18,452 Chinese adolescents aged 15-17 from six cities, Tianjin, Shenzhen, Shanghai, Xi'an, Wuhan, and Hong Kong. Methods: We carried out a two-stage data analysis in this study, including descriptive statistics to describe the prevalence of repeated victimization, and multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA) to examine the health consequences of repeated victimization. Results: 27.54% of respondents experienced one-time victimization, and 44.26% suffered re- peated victimizations, and those adolescents with repeated victimization reported significantly higher levels of depression and lower levels of self-esteem and overall health when compared to those with one-time victimization and those without victimization experience. Conclusions: Experiences of repeated victimization can have much stronger associations with negative health outcomes when compared to experiences of one-time victimization. Promoting awareness of both the severity and repetition of victimization and designing integrative screening tool could be meaningful strategies to address the issue of child victimization in China.

1. Introduction

Victimization has become a globally prevalent problem affecting thousands of children worldwide (Pereda, Guilera, & Abad, 2014). According to Finkelhor, Ormrod, Turner, and Hamby (2005), child victimization encompasses a wide range of experiences, including physical assault, sexual abuse, peer or sibling victimization, witnessing of family or community violence, as well as

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104654 Received 26 November 2019; Received in revised form 14 July 2020; Accepted 30 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: School of Sociology & Population Studies, Renmin University of China, Room 1001, West Chongde Building, No. 59 Zhongguancun Street, Haidian District, Beijing, China.

E-mail addresses: [email protected] (Y. Zhu), [email protected] (C. Xiao), [email protected] (Q. Chen), [email protected] (Q. Wu), [email protected] (B. Zhu).

1 These authors contribute equally to this work as first authors.

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104654

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T

property victimization (robbery, theft, or intentional vandalism of belongings). These acts can occur in any setting and be perpetrated by anyone. Previous literature has documented that children involved in various forms of victimization tend to suffer a series of adverse consequences (e.g., Chartier, Walker, & Naimark, 2010; Weber, Jud, & Landolt, 2016). In particular, experiencing multiple types of victimization could cause even more detrimental effects to children’s physical and mental health (e.g., Álvarez-Lister et al., 2014; Clark, Thatcher, & Martin, 2009; Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007; Hope, Bryan, Trickett, & Osborn, 2001; Soler, Segura, Kirchner, & Forns, 2013).

Multiple types of victimization commonly refers to an individual suffering two or more of the aforementioned experiences within a specific reference period (Hope et al., 2001). Finkelhor et al. (2007) introduced the more specific concept of poly-victimization, which refers to the case when a child has experienced at least four different types of violence in the preceding year. Besides ex- periencing multiple types of victimization, Hope et al. (2001, p. 596) also identified repeated victimization, which refers to “a time- ordered sequence of similar events suffered by the same individual victim or target”. To date, repeated victimization has attracted relatively little attention from scholars when compared to poly-victimization.

Limited evidence suggests that experiences of sexual or bullying victimization repeatedly could cause significantly worse impacts on children’s health than a single experience (e.g., Daigle, Fisher, & Cullen, 2008; Gower & Borowsky, 2013; Strøm, Hjemdal, Myhre, Wentzel-Larsen, & Thoresen, 2020). However, existing studies on repeated victimization examined only a few types of victimization, such as sexual abuse and bullying, and tend to rely on small American samples. In this study, we seek to expand the literature on repeated victimization by utilizing a large sample of Chinese school-aged children from six major cities in China to examine the relationship between repeated victimization of various types and children’s physical and mental health outcomes.

1.1. Child victimization and multiple types of victimization

There is ample evidence across countries that child victimization is prevalent. For example, in the United States, 79.6 % and 69.3 % of children aged from 2 to 17 had experienced at least one episode of victimization in their lifetime and in the past year, re- spectively (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2009). In North Chile, 89 % of the child participants had experienced victimization at least once in their lives, and 76.8 % had experienced at least one experience in the past year (Pinto-Cortez, Pereda, & Álvarez-Lister, 2018). In Sweden, a representative study of 5960 high school students aged 17 found that 84.1 % of respondents had experienced any type of victimization at least once during their lifetime (Aho, Gren-Landell, & Svedin, 2016). In Spain, over 80 % of the participants had reported at least one victimization during their lifetime (García & Ochotorena, 2017; Játiva & Cerezo, 2014; Pereda et al., 2014). In Vietnam, more than 94 % of children at school had experienced at least one type of victimization (Le, Holton, Nguyen, Wolfe, & Fisher, 2015). In these studies, the percentages of any single type of victimization range from 72 % to 94 % over the lifetime of a child, and from 59 % to 89 % in the past year. The lifetime prevalence of child multiple types of victimization, specifically poly- victimization, ranges from 9 % to 31 % over the lifetime, and from 7 % to 30 % in the previous year (Feng et al., 2019; Pinto-Cortez et al., 2018).

Existing studies on child victimization, however, focus mostly on experiences of multiple types of violence in a single episode during a specific time frame, that is, whether one specific form of victimization co-occurs with other forms of victimization. These studies usually dichotomize children’s victimization experience as “yes” or “no”, and seldom do they examine the frequency or repetition of victimization. As one of the basic characteristics of bullying victimization, repetition has been commonly investigated in the bullying literature (e.g., Gower & Borowsky, 2013; Siebecker, 2009). We believe that it is important to examine whether re- petition exists with other types of child victimization and what consequences it might lead to.

1.2. Repeated victimization and associations with health

In both community and clinical samples, research shows that experiencing multiple types of victimization is associated with more detrimental effects, such as depression, low self-esteem, and worse physical and mental health as compared to experiencing a single type of victimization (e.g., Álvarez-Lister et al., 2014; Clark et al., 2009; Sabri, Coohey, & Campbell, 2012; Soler et al., 2013). It is well-documented that children that experienced at least four types of victimization, or poly-victimization, demonstrated higher levels of symptomatology than non-victims and those that experienced a single type (Adams et al., 2016; Finkelhor et al., 2007; Ford & Delker, 2018; Turner, Shattuck, Finkelhor, & Hamby, 2017). Mossige and Huang (2017) recently showed that adolescent victims of poly-victimization are six times more likely to report depression, anxiety, and trauma as compared to those without such experiences. The prevalence of poly-victimization and its harmful outcomes on children highlight the importance of ensuring that the assessment of victimization includes a wide range of negative experiences.

Fewer studies had been conducted on repeated victimization and its associations with health consequences. To date, there is a general consensus on the repetitive nature of peer bullying, and that being bullied more frequently may result in more negative effects on victims, including depression, emotional distress, difficulties with social adjustment, self-harm, and suicide ideation (Esbensen & Carson, 2009; Gower & Borowsky, 2013; Randa, Reyns, & Nobles, 2019). Studies also found a positive association between frequency of being bullied and risk of health symptoms, such as headaches, stomach ache, feeling sad or very sad, bed wetting, and sleep difficulties (Williams, Chambers, Logan, & Robinson, 1996). Recent studies on repeated sexual victimization of female college students found that 7% of participants endured three-fourths of all types of sexual victimization, and 36 % experienced repeated victimization in the same month (Daigle et al., 2008; Tillyer, Gialopsos, & Wilcox, 2016).

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1.3. Child victimization in Chinese societies

In recent years, the issue of child victimization has received increasing scholarly attention, and has been recognized as a pressing social issue in Chinese societies. To date, most studies in China have focused on a single form of child victimization, and only a few have examined multiple types of victimization. For example, a large-scale study by Chan, Yan, Brownridge, and Ip (2013) reported that the lifetime and preceding-year prevalence of at least one episode of victimization among adolescents are 71 % and 59 %, respectively, and that the corresponding prevalence of poly-victimization are 14 % and 10 %, respectively. A study based on a representative sample of 6233 students aged 10–11 in Taiwan reported that about 90 % of students had experienced at least one form of victimization once in the preceding year, with 30 % experiencing four or more types of victimization (Feng et al., 2019). Generally, estimated prevalence of child victimization in Chinese populations varied between 28%–90%, and the prevalence of child poly- victimization varied between 10 % and 30 % (Chan et al., 2013; Feng et al., 2019; Hu et al., 2018; Shen et al., 2019).

As found in the western literature, Chinese children who experienced multiple types of victimization or poly- victimization were more likely to demonstrate symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, suicide ideation, and poorer health condition than those that experienced no or a single form of victimization (Chan, 2013). Dong et al.’ study (2013) revealed that adolescents that experienced five or more types of victimization exhibited more symptoms of anxiety and depression than non-poly- victims. Feng et al. (2019) found that in Taiwan experiencing multiple types of victimization has detrimental and cumulative effects on children’s mental health. Specifically, as the number of victimization types increases, there are more posttraumatic and psychiatric symptoms, suicide ideation, self-harm ideations, and violent behaviors (Shen et al., 2019).

In sum, research suggests that child victimization and multiple types of victimization are not rare within Chinese societies and that experiences of victimization have negative effects on children’s physical and mental health. However, research on repeated victimization is rare and few studies have examined the repetition of child victimization and its effects on children’s health in China. Our study investigates the prevalence of different types of repeated victimization and their associations with health consequences among children in China.

2. Methods

2.1. Sample

This study used data derived from a survey in 2009 and 2010 of Chinese adolescents aged 15–17 (in the final sample, some students aged 14 or 18 were also included due to the sampling design that uses school as one of the sampling units) from six cities: Tianjin, Shenzhen, Shanghai, Xi'an, Wuhan, and Hong Kong (Chan, 2013, 2014; Union Bank of Switzerland Optimus Foundation, 2013).2 Ethical approval was granted by the institutional review board of the University of Hong Kong and the Hospital Authority Hong Kong West Cluster, and the local institutional review boards of the five Mainland cities. This survey utilized a two-stage stratified sampling design. In the first stage, the five aforementioned cities in Mainland China were selected to cover the northern, southern, eastern, western, and central regions; then two urban districts and one rural district were randomly selected from each of the five cities. A total of 196 high schools were randomly selected from these districts, as well as Hong Kong, and 150 schools (76.5 % response rate) agreed to participate in the survey. There was no significant difference found between the participating and non- participating schools (Union Bank of Switzerland Optimus Foundation, 2013). In the second stage, students were randomly selected out of each school to take a self-administered survey, and 18,504 students returned a questionnaire (96.7 % response rate). The completed questionnaire should normally provide around 80 % of valid responses at the school level and over 95 % of valid responses at the student level (Chan et al., 2011; Chan, 2013). After eliminating invalid questionnaires, the final effective sample size is 18,452.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Child victimization This study used the Chinese Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire (JVQ, see Chan et al., 2011) adapted from the original JVQ

developed by Finkelhor, Hamby, Ormrod, and Turner (2005) that measures various types of victimization. Similar to the original version, the Chinese JVQ also has five modules (A–E) covering various aspects of violence against children and adolescents: (A) Conventional crime (8 items); (B) Child maltreatment (4 items); (C) Peer and sibling victimization (6 items); (D) Sexual victimization (12 items); and (E) Witness and indirect victimization (9 items). The original version of JVQ contains seven questions related to sexual victimization: sexual assault by a known adult, non-specific sexual assault, sexual assault by a peer, rape (attempted or completed), flashing/sexual exposure, verbal sexual harassment, statutory rape, and sexual misconduct. The adapted Chinese version of JVQ adds five additional items in the subscale to make the situations of sexual violence against children more accurate and clearer in Chinese context.

The adapted Chinese JVQ has been validated (Chan et al., 2011). All items were coded on a 6-point scale, ranging from “0” = no experience to “5” = five or more times. In this study, we recoded all item as “0” = no experience, “1” = one-time experience, and “2” = two or more experiences. We then combined items within each module to create five indexes, as well as the total JVQ index that includes all items. For all scales, we used the following coding scheme, “0” = no experience in all items, “1” = experiencing any

2 The representativeness of the original data has been validated by previous studies (Chan, 2013, 2019).

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type of victimization one time, and “2” = experiencing any type of victimization two or more times.

2.2.2. Self-Esteem Adolescents’ self-esteem was measured using the Chinese version of the Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1965).

The RSES consists of five positively worded items (e.g., “I feel that I have a number of good qualities”) and five negatively worded items (e.g., “I feel useless at times”), each coded on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from “1” = strongly disagree to “4” = strongly agree. After recoding to make wording direction consistent, we summed up scores on these ten items to create an index, with higher composite scores indicating higher levels of self-esteem. The Chinese version of the RSES is internally consistent with a Cronbach’ α = .79 in this study.

2.2.3. Depression We used the Beck Depression Inventory version II (BDI-II; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996) to measure depression. It consists of 21

groups of statements (four in each group, coded 0–3) and requires participants to choose one statement in each group that best describes how they felt during the previous two weeks. Combining these 21 items yields an index of depression, with higher scores indicating a higher level of depression. The Chinese version of BDI-II used in this study has been shown to have satisfactory validity and reliability in Chinese populations in previous studies (Leung, 2001). In our study, BDI-II demonstrates excellent internal con- sistency (α = 0.91).

2.2.4. Health status We used the 12-Item Short-Form Health Survey (SF-12 Health Survey; Ware, Kosinski, & Keller, 1996) to assess respondents’

overall physical and mental health. The SF-12 Survey taps participants’ perceptions of their general health (e.g., “In general, would you say your health is excellent, very good, good, fair, or poor”), physical functioning (e.g. “Do you have a lot of energy?”), and role limitations due to physical health and/or emotional problems (e.g., “How much of the time has your physical health interfered with your social activities?”). We created a summative index using these 12 items; higher composite scores indicate better overall health. The Chinese version of the SF-12 has good internal consistency in this study (α = .81).

2.2.5. Control variables In this study, we included the following demographic variables as controls in our multivariate analyses: age, gender, parents’

marital status, father’s employment, mother’s employment, father’s education, mother’s education, having siblings or not, and lo- cation.

2.3. Data analysis strategy

Data analysis was conducted in two stages. At stage one, we used descriptive statistics to describe the prevalence of repeated victimization with each individual type of victimization (39 total), all modules (5 total), and then the entire JVQ index. At stage two, the health consequences of repeated victimization were examined using multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA), while controlling for demographic factors. First, the relationship between each type of victimization and self-esteem, depression, and health status were examined separately. Then the relationship between module indexes or the JVQ index and the health/mental health outcomes were tested. Missing data were deleted (in the case of gender, missing n = 161), because there were very few cases with missing data (on average around 1.5 %). All analyses were conducted using Stata 14.

3. Results

Table 1 provides demographic details of the sample. The sample is comprised of 52.84 % boys, and the mean age was 15.86 years (SD = 0.96). Of the parents, 9.91 % were single, separated or divorced. About 1 in 4 children`s father was unemployed, and 1 in 2 had a mother unemployed. The means of father’s and mother’s education level were 4.2 (SD = 1.66) and 3.96 (SD = 1.64), respectively, which refer to middle school. Only 3.28 %–4.60 % of the children`s parents attained a high level of education, which is a college diploma or higher degree. The majority of the participants (78.85 %) were recruited from the Mainland, and 40.79 % were single children.

Table 2 presents percentage distribution of all JVQ items individually. Few missing data exist in the dataset, ranging from 0.48 % (C8) to 2.76 % (P5) with an average of 1.24 %. In general, the prevalence of repeated victimizations was lower than one experience for most items in Modules A, B, C, and E, but the differences were small. On average with these items, 84.6 % of respondents reported no victimization experience, 8.4 % experienced one-time victimization, and 5.9 % suffered repeated victimizations. For 12 items in Module D, “sexual victimization”, all respondents reported rates of repeated victimization higher than one-time victimization, al- though generally few children reported any experience of sexual victimization. On average with the items in Module D, the per- centages of no victimization, one-time victimization experience, and two or more experiences were 96.3 %, 0.9 %, and 1.5 %, respectively.

Table 2 also shows the distribution of the five module indexes and the JVQ index. Modules B (Child Maltreatment), D (Sexual Victimization), and E (Witnessing and Indirect Victimization) had overall higher rates of repeated victimization than one-time victimization, and so did the JVQ index. Only Modules A (Conventional Crime) and C (Peer and Sibling Victimization) had slightly lower repeated victimization rates. These distributions provided strong evidence for the prevalence of repeated victimization across

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all types. In terms of the module and total JVQ indexes, repeated victimization was even slightly more prevalent than one-time victimization.

For stage two, MANOVA examined how repeated victimization may be associated with children’s self-esteem, depression, and overall health.3 Table 1 provides descriptive statistics on the three health indexes. Table 3 shows MANOVA results regarding the five sub-module indexes and the total JVQ index. In these tables, “no victimization” was the reference group. Detailed results regarding MANOVA with individual JVQ items, and with module indices and total JVQ index, can be seen in the Supplementary Tables A–C and D–I, respectively, in the Appendix.

As shown in Table 3, both one-time and repeated victimization were significantly associated with depression, self-esteem, and overall health, which is consistent with existing studies. Repeated victimization had stronger association with all three outcome variables than one-time victimization. In fact, the effects of repeated victimization were at least 50 % stronger than those of one-time victimization, and in most cases were more than two times as strong. Results also show that the differences between effects of repeated and one-time victimization were much larger in Modules A (Conventional Crime), C (Peer and Sibling Victimization), and E (Witnessing and Indirect Victimization) than in Modules B (Child Maltreatment) and D (Sexual Victimization). In addition, one-time and repeated victimization had relatively weak association with self-esteem, with explained variations ranging from 1 % to 3 %. On the other hand, the associations between victimization experiences and depression and overall health were a bit larger, with roughly 7–8 % of the variation of dependent variables explained.

In terms of the demographic characteristics, only two variables showed significant results. First, our results show that with parents married or in co-habitation, children’s self-esteem and overall health were better and depression lower as compared to those otherwise. The other is location. Children in Hong Kong on average have higher self-esteem, better overall health, and lower de- pression than those in the Mainland. Both findings are expected and consistent with previous studies.

4. Discussion

Our analyses show that repeated victimization, which refers to experiencing at least one type of victimization more than once in the previous year, was as prevalent as one-time victimization among Chinese school-aged adolescents. Combined together, 44 % of all adolescents in our sample reported experiences of repeated child victimization of one type or another. This finding also shows that adolescents with repeated victimization reported significantly higher levels of depression and lower levels of self-esteem and overall health when compared to those that experienced one victimization. Those adolescents in turn reported significantly worse health outcomes than those without victimization experience. Our results regarding all modules of the JVQ show that adolescents with repeated victimization experiences reported at least 50 % higher levels of perceived depression and lower levels of self-esteem and overall health, with many comparisons showing differences as much as 2–3 times, when compared to those with only one victimi- zation experience.

Table 1 Descriptive analysis of demographics and health (N = 18,452).

M(Sd) Range N %

Age 15.86 (.96) 14−18 Self-esteem 28.67 (4.25) 10−40 Depression 10.30 (9.26) 0−60 Health 45.15 (7.56) 12−60 Father’s education 4.20(1.66) 1−8 Mother’s education 3.96(1.64) 1−8 Gender (N = 18,291) Male 9,750 52.84 Female 8,541 46.29 Missing 161 0.87

Parents’ marital status Married/ cohabited 16,624 90.09 Other 1,828 9.91

Father’s employment Employed 13,712 74.31 Other 4740 25.69

Mother’s employment Employed 9,943 53.89 Other 8,509 46.12

Have sibling Yes 10,926 59.21 No 7,526 40.79

City Mainland 14,549 78.85 Hong Kong 3,903 21.15

3 Durbin Watson (DW) statistics were all close to 2 (1.80−1.90), indicating that almost no autocorrelation was detected in our analyses.

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Several recent studies on Chinese adolescents showed similar findings, that multiple victimization is associated with greater health and mental health distress and more serious adulthood behavior problems and mental difficulties than single type peer aggression victimization (e.g., Chan, 2013; Chen et al., 2018;). Our findings show two additional dimensions of this cumulative nature of victimization experience: 1), repeated victimization of a single type can also have a cumulative relationship with the outcome and amplify negative outcomes to adolescents’ wellbeing; and 2), such a relationship between repeated victimization and the outcomes can occur across all five general victimization types in the JVQ.

Our study can have several empirical implications. First, we found that the relationship between repeat victimization and the outcome vary across violence types. Repeated victimization related to conventional crimes, peer and sibling victimization, and witnessing and indirect victimization have a stronger relationship with health outcomes as compared to one-time victimization. Findings in recent studies show that child victims and poly-victims tend to come from families with extensive conflicts and poor parental supervision (Hong et al., 2016; Zhu, Chan, & Chen, 2018), that poly-victimization within the same family is positively associated with children’s online and offline victimization experiences (Chan et al., 2011), and that exposure to family conflicts can cause children’s health problems, including PTSD, depression, as well as deliberate self-harm (Chen et al., 2018). One possible explanation could be that children in violent families may easily accept being bullied by peers, or learn bullying behaviors to inflict

Table 2 Frequency of victimization by category from the Chinese Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire (JVQ) (N = 18,452).

Module Index 0 (%) 1 (%) 2 (%) Missing (%)

A. Conventional crime 43.03 29.63 27.34 N/A C1 Robbery 80.05 11.98 7.43 0.54 C2 Personal theft 57.87 24.57 16.99 0.56 C3 Peer and sibling assault 68.48 19.14 11.83 0.55 C4 Assault with weapon 82.07 10.33 6.95 0.65 C5 Assault without weapon 73.07 15.09 11.19 0.66 C6 Attempted assault 82.26 11.15 6.01 0.59 C7 Kidnapping 95.83 2.27 1.20 0.69 C8 Bias attack 94.17 2.86 2.49 0.48

B. Child maltreatment 72.28 13.42 14.30 N/A M1 Physical abuse by caregiver 85.02 7.90 5.29 1.79 M2 Psychological/emotional abuse 77.88 9.86 10.53 1.73 M3 Neglect 90.68 4.37 3.84 1.11 M4 Custodial interference/family abduction 95.66 1.78 1.59 0.97

C. Peer and sibling victimization 67.43 17.78 14.78 N/A P1 Gang or group assault 85.73 8.45 4.10 1.72 P2 Peer or sibling assault 80.97 11.51 5.93 1.58 P3 Non-sexual genital assault 91.29 3.98 3.08 1.66 P4 Bullying 86.48 6.51 4.28 2.73 P5 Emotional bullying 79.53 10.09 7.62 2.76 P6 Dating violence 94.17 1.29 2.38 2.15

D. Sexual victimization 92.13 3.47 4.40 N/A S1 Flashing you 96.49 1.27 1.50 0.74 S2 Sexual exposure 96.18 0.76 1.34 1.72 S3 Pornographic materials 95.56 0.99 1.77 1.69 S4 Take pictures against your will 97.53 0.67 1.14 0.65 S5 Pass on your nude pictures 96.57 0.72 1.08 1.62 S6 Saying or writing sexual things about you 95.52 1.07 1.67 1.73 S7 Watching your private parts 96.37 1.27 1.70 0.66 S8 Touching your private parts 95.10 1.40 2.01 1.50 S9 Forcing you to have sex 96.46 0.62 1.19 1.73 S10 Attempted to force sex 97.15 0.85 1.33 0.67 S11 Having sex with someone 96.04 0.78 1.59 1.59 S12 Engaged in sexual acts for money 96.76 0.47 1.04 1.72

E. Witness and indirect victimization 59.90 18.89 21.22 N/A W1 Witness to domestic violence 92.09 4.64 2.24 1.02 W2 Witness to parent assault of sibling 89.13 6.08 3.72 1.07 W3 Witness to assault with weapon 78.41 11.27 9.22 1.09 W4 Witness to assault without weapon 75.64 12.07 11.19 1.10 W5 Burglary of family household 83.74 10.24 4.96 1.05 W6 Murder of family member or friend 96.21 1.88 0.91 1.01 W7 Witness to murder 93.62 2.92 2.40 1.06 W8 Exposure to random shootings, terrorism, or riots 83.77 8.32 6.90 1.00 W9 Exposure to war or ethnic conflict 89.29 5.30 4.40 1.01 JVQ—Total 28.20 27.54 44.26 N/A

Note: 0 = no victimization; 1= one-time experience of any type of victimization; 2 = two or more times of experiences of any type of victimization.

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upon others (Bandura, 1986; Strøm et al., 2020). Therefore, it is crucial for prevention and clinical workers to identify mechanisms of family violence exposure that connect to risk of child revictimization.

Second, our findings on the relationship between repeated victimization and adverse health imply the importance of early screening for not only the severity of victimization but also its repetition, as well as specific follow-up intervention strategies. Potential poly-victims of repeat violence may benefit from educational resources and intervention programs in promoting problem- solving strategies and social skills in response to future revictimization. Having an adverse family background might be a vulner- ability factor for repeat victims of violence across school and family settings, therefore further exploration on these additional factors should be studied to understand the risk for recurrent poly-victimization.

Finally, we should acknowledge some limitations of this study and provide insights for future studies. First, this study focused on the adverse consequences of repeated victimization using cross-sectional data, so the findings of this study cannot make causal inference. Studies found that multiple factors from adverse family background may be associated with the risk of exposure to child victimization, such as child maltreatment, sibling violence, and other indirect forms of violence (Chan, Chen, Chen, & Ip, 2017; Strøm et al., 2020). These results support the argument that disadvantaged familial and parental characteristics could be associated with fewer emotional and material resources, which therefore leads to higher risks of children’s involvement in perpetration or victimi- zation (Jansen et al., 2012). Future studies should investigate in more detail about family and community factors that may contribute to repeated child victimization.

Second, in this study we combined experiences of two or more times of victimization into one single category. As such, we were not able to take the severity and intensity of repeat victimization into account. Future studies may also consider a more detailed examination of various forms and duration of victimization, and to employ more innovative approaches of measurement, such as technology-based or visual-analogue scales, for data collection.

Third, researchers suggest that precise determination of repeated victimization requires multiple time point assessments with cutoff scores (Rueger, Malecki, & Demaray, 2011). However, the current study relied upon a cross-sectional design. Therefore, more information from individuals and contexts is required for categorizing repeated victims (Pastrana et al., 2019). Moreover, it is likely that the prevalence of repeated victimization varies across cultures, therefore researchers should be careful with cross-national generalizations. Future studies may consider examining the impacts of repeated poly-victimization and the association with socio- economic correlates.

4.1. Conclusion

In this study, we examined the prevalence of repeated victimization and its relationship with health outcomes using data from a large-scale survey with a representative sample of high-school adolescents from six cities in China that were strategically selected to represent all regions of Mainland China and Hong Kong. To the best of our knowledge, this study is the first in China to focus on repetition of victimization experiences across various types of victimization using a comprehensive instrument, the Chinese version of

Table 3 MANOVA of JVQ and Depression, Self-esteem and Health (N = 18,291).

Self-esteem Depression Health

A. Conventional crime Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta 1 victimization −0.41* −5.47 −0.04 2.26* 14.28 0.11 −1.95* −15.16 −0.12 2 or above −0.89* −11.44 −0.09* 5.22* 31.75 0.25 −4.70* −35.27 −0.28 R2 0.02 0.07 0.08 B. Child maltreatment Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta 1 victimization −0.82* −8.83 −0.07 3.68* 18.83 0.14 −3.43* −21.46 −0.15 2 or above −1.44* −15.92 −0.11 6.88* 36.05 0.26 −5.23* −33.47 −0.24 R2 0.03 0.09 0.09 C. Peer and sibling victimization Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta 1 victimization −0.58* −6.97 −0.05 2.77* 15.66 0.11 −2.53* −17.43 −0.13 2 or above −1.52* −16.85 −0.13 6.56* 34.34 0.25 −4.89* −31.2 −0.23 R2 0.03 0.08 0.07 D. Sexual victimization Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta 1 victimization −0.64* −3.74 −0.03 4.08* 11.14 0.08 −3.15* −10.53 −0.08 2 or above −1.17* −7.66 −0.06 6.61* 20.15 0.15 −4.76* −17.75 −0.13 R2 0.01 0.04 0.04 E. Witness and indirect victimization Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta 1 victimization −0.12 −1.39 −0.01 2.15* 12.03 0.09 −1.57* −10.69 −0.08 2 or above −0.38* −4.66 −0.04 4.48* 26.03 0.20 −3.29* −23.37 −0.18 R2 0.01 0.05 0.05 JVQ-total Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta Contrast t Beta 1 victimization −0.34* −4.05 −0.04 1.94* 10.95 0.09 −1.65* −11.44 −0.10 2 or above −0.91* −11.91 −0.11 5.33* 32.94 0.29 −4.62* −35.06 −0.30 R2 0.02 0.08 0.09

Note: Control variables include: age, gender, parents’ marital status, father’s education, mother’s education, have sibling, and city. * p < 0.05.

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JVQ. Our study shows that experiences of repeated victimization across various types of violence against children were at least as

prevalent as one victimization experience among Chinese adolescents. We also found that experiences of repeated victimization can have much stronger associations with negative health outcomes when compared to experiences of one-time victimization. Therefore, we believe it is crucial to examine the repetition of child victimization in addition to multiple types of victimization in China. Practically, it is important to promote awareness of both the severity and repetition of victimization and design integrative screening tool and effective intervention programs to address the issue of child victimization in China.

Funding information

This project was supported by National Social Science Foundation of China (Grant No.: 17CSH076).

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to Professor Ko Ling Chan from Hong Kong Polytechnic University for authorizing us to access to the original data.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104654.

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  • Health effects of repeated victimization among school-aged adolescents in six major cities in China
    • Introduction
      • Child victimization and multiple types of victimization
      • Repeated victimization and associations with health
      • Child victimization in Chinese societies
    • Methods
      • Sample
      • Measures
        • Child victimization
        • Self-Esteem
        • Depression
        • Health status
        • Control variables
      • Data analysis strategy
    • Results
    • Discussion
      • Conclusion
    • Funding information
    • Acknowledgments
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Patterns-of-abuse-and-effects-on-psychosocial-functioning-in_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104684

Available online 24 August 2020 0145-2134/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Patterns of abuse and effects on psychosocial functioning in Lithuanian adolescents: A latent class analysis approach

Paulina Zelviene a, Ieva Daniunaite a, Gertrud Sofie Hafstad b, Siri Thoresen b, Inga Truskauskaite-Kuneviciene a, Evaldas Kazlauskas a,* a Center for Psychotraumatology, Institute of Psychology, Vilnius University, Vilnius, Lithuania b Norwegian Center for Violence and Traumatic Stress Studies, Oslo, Norway

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Abuse Adolescents Prevalence Psychosocial functioning Lithuania

A B S T R A C T

Background: There is considerable evidence that child abuse and neglect has a significant impact on social relationships and mental health across the lifespan. Objective: We aimed to estimate the prevalence of child abuse in Lithuanian adolescents, to identify patterns of abuse experiences using a latent class analysis approach, and to assess psy- chosocial functioning associated with these patterns of abuse. Participants and setting: The study was based on a sample of 1299 adolescents from the Lithuanian general population aged 12–16 (M = 14.24, SD = 1.26) years. Methods: Lifetime abuse exposure measures included neglect, emotional abuse, physical abuse, online sexual violence, sexual abuse from adult, and sexual abuse from peers. Psychosocial functioning was measured with the Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ). Patterns of abuse were identified by a two-step latent class analysis (LCA). Results: Around two-thirds of adolescents (71 %) reported at least one type of abuse over their lifetime. The results of the LCA indicated that for each type of abuse two different groups of adolescents can be distinguished in terms of the severity of abuse, and four classes ‘less-severe’, ‘peer sexual’, ‘adult sexual’, and ‘severe abuse’ were identified. Psychosocial functioning varied significantly between the four classes with higher psychosocial functioning problems associated with high severity and sexual abuse. Conclusions: The study revealed a high child abuse prevalence in Lithuania. The results show that the psychosocial functioning of adolescents is associated with severity and types of abuse experiences.

1. Introduction

Child maltreatment is of high priority in the global health agenda (World Health Organization, 2016). The World Health Orga- nization (WHO) provides a definition of child maltreatment, which involves physical, sexual, emotional/psychological violence against children and neglect, including violent punishment of children (World Health Organization, 2016). This broader definition is often used in research and policy of child abuse globally, but particularly in Europe, as well as in Lithuania in which the present study

* Corresponding author at: Center for Psychotraumatology, Institute of Psychology, Vilnius University, Ciurlionio 29-203, Vilnius, LT-01300, Lithuania.

E-mail address: [email protected] (E. Kazlauskas).

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104684 Received 8 April 2020; Received in revised form 10 July 2020; Accepted 10 August 2020

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was conducted. Childhood abuse and neglect are highly detrimental to young people and are considered as one of the most traumatizing experi-

ences during the lifetime (Cicchetti, 2013). There is considerable evidence from research that child abuse and neglect has a significant impact on child psychosocial development and mental health (Cicchetti, 2013; Gilbert et al., 2009; Roberts, English, Thompson, & White, 2018). Experience of abuse and neglect in childhood is related to lower academic results, difficulties in completing school, mental and physical health problems, a higher level of aggression, crime, violence, suicidal behavior, lower quality of life and social functioning, marginalization from work in adulthood (Afifi & MacMillan, 2011; Lauterbach & Armour, 2016; Lewis et al., 2019; Thompson & Tabone, 2010; Vachon, Krueger, Rogosch, & Cicchetti, 2015). Diverse consequences of child maltreatment increase the risk of chronic mental or/and physical health outcomes across the lifespan (Melville, 2017; Weber, Jud, & Landolt, 2016). On the societal level, consequences include increased health care costs, social welfare usage, productivity loss, and economic burden (Cic- chetti, 2013).

Most studies of childhood abuse are, however, conducted in adult samples. Recall bias may threaten the accuracy of reporting abuse experiences in such studies (McKinney, Harris, & Caetano, 2008), additionally, it remains unclear at what developmental stage the psychosocial consequences of abuse develop. Studies on young people are necessary to identify at what age mental health symptoms and psychosocial difficulties develop (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2009). Sound knowledge on child abuse prevalence is vital for planning, scaling and implementing strategies that aim to reduce the prevalence of child abuse and its consequences.

The prevalence and consequences of child abuse may vary between different countries and cultures. The majority of large-scale studies focused on child abuse and its consequences have been conducted in the United States (Finkelhor et al., 2009; Moody, Cannings-John, Hood, Kemp, & Robling, 2018). The considerable evidence on trajectories of child maltreatment and its long-term psychological effects comes from the research studies LONGSCAN consorcium (Lauterbach & Armour, 2016; Proctor et al., 2012; Runyan et al., 1998). In recent years the extent of national studies on child abuse prevalence is growing – studies have been conducted in Canada, Germany, Switzerland, Norway, Sweden, and other countries (e.g., Hafstad & Augusti, 2019; Jernbro, Tindberg, Lucas, & Janson, 2015; Jud, 2018). Though epidemiological study findings from various European countries in adult populations showed 4% of childhood abuse prevalence (Darves-Bornoz et al., 2008), childhood abuse and its effects are still understudied in the European context. Moreover, there is a lack of studies of childhood abuse prevalence and its effects in the Baltic countries, a region which in- cludes the three countries – Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia (Kazlauskas & Zelviene, 2016).

To our knowledge, only several studies focused on child abuse and neglect in Lithuania with only two studies conducted in adolescent samples. A recent study found a 23 % prevalence of childhood abuse reported retrospectively among adults (Kazlauskas & Zelviene, 2015). Furthermore, the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) study in the adult sample across the eight Central and Eastern European countries, including Lithuania, found 53 % exposure to at least one ACE in Lithuania among young adults (Bellis et al., 2014). The analysis of the 15-year-old adolescent sample (N = 183) from Lithuania showed that 9% of them reported exposure to physical, sexual abuse or severe neglect, also 30 % reported threats of physical violence (Domanskaité-Gota, Elklit, & Christiansen, 2009). Results from Lithuania were also reflected in a cross-cultural study which compared findings from 10 to 14 years adolescents from Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, and Moldova (Sebre et al., 2004) and found 43 % prevalence of physical and emotional abuse in Lithuanian sample (N = 302).

Considering the great burden of child abuse on society and lack of studies of abuse prevalence and its effects in Lithuania, the current study explores childhood abuse and associated psychosocial functioning in a large sample of adolescents from the general population. Our aimwas threefold. First, we aimed to estimate the prevalence rates of child abuse in Lithuania. Second, we identified patterns of child abuse experiences using a latent class analytic approach. Third, we assessed mental health and psychosocial func- tioning associated with the identified latent classes.

2. Method

2.1. Participants and procedures

The data from the first wave of the currently ongoing longitudinal study Stress and Resilience in Adolescence (STAR-A) was used for this study. The study is coordinated by the Center for Psychotraumatology of Vilnius University in Lithuania, and the design of the study was developed in cooperation with the Norwegian Center for Violence and Traumatic Stress Studies (NKVTS). The STAR-A study was approved by the Ethics Committee for Psychological Research at Vilnius University.

In total, 1,299 adolescents participated in the study. The data was collected in 15 public schools from four different regions in Lithuania and data was collected between March and June 2019 using self-report printed measures. We aimed to invite all the ado- lescents aged 12–16 from the selected schools to participate in the study. Written informed consent from at least one parent, and assent from the adolescent was obtained prior to data collection. Overall, around half of the parents agreed to participate in the study (56.8 %), 28.3 % did not respond, and 14.9 % declined the invitation. Adolescents were given the option to participate or decline partic- ipation in the study. However, all adolescents with obtained parental consent agreed to participate in the study after they were informed about the study aims and procedures of the study. No incentives were offered for participation to either parents or adolescents.

Data were collected in schools by a research team that was trained and supervised during the data collection process. For ethical considerations, we wanted to ensure the protection of the identity of study participants. Therefore, all questionnaires were coded and the research team members or school staff could not identify study participant responses. Adolescents filled in printed questionnaires with randomly assigned ID and returned enclosed into sealed envelopes without identifying information. Data collectors were strictly

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instructed to ensure they did not see responses of participants during data collection. We distributed printed leaflets to all participants with information about counseling services at their school and in their local community. More information on the procedures of the STAR-A study has been published previously (Kazlauskas et al., 2020).

The demographic characteristics of the sample are presented in Table 1. The total sample of 1299 adolescents included 56.6 % girls (n = 735), with a mean age of 14.24 (SD = 1.26) years. The majority of participants were of Lithuanian nationality 92.7 % (n = 1207). More than two thirds (72.0 %, n = 935) were from two-parent families, 25.1 % (n = 326) were from single-parent families, and 2.9 % (n = 38) reported living with other relatives or were in foster care. Financial difficulties in families were reported by 40.0 % (n = 519) of the sample; maternal unemployment was reported by 9.7 % (n = 126); and paternal unemployment was reported by 4.8 % (n = 63). Around one-third of the adolescents reported that at least one parent had a university degree (29.8 %, n = 386), and 39.5 % (n = 513) reported that both parents had a university degree (see Table 1).

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Abuse exposure Life-time abuse exposure was measured using the questionnaire developed by the NKVTS (Hafstad and Augusti, 2019; Hafstad

Table 1 Sample characteristics (N = 1299).

Variables N %

Gender Male 563 43.3 Female 736 56.7

Age M (SD) 14.24 (1.26)

Age group 12 176 13.5 13 204 15.7 14 244 18.8 15 488 37.6 16 187 14.4

Place of Birth Lithuania 1282 98.7 Other country 17 1.3

Language at home a

Lithuanian 1207 95.2 Lithuanian and other 48 3.8 Other 13 1.0

Family type Both parents 935 72.0 Single parent 326 25.1 Other 38 2.9

Financial difficulties a

None 777 60.0 Some 519 40.0

Mother working a

Yes 1155 89,1 No 126 9.7 Not known 15 1.2

Father working a

Yes 1154 89.2 No 63 4.9 Not known 77 5.9

University/college education of parents a

Both 513 39.6 One 387 29.9 No 107 8.3 Not known 287 22.2

Note. a cases with missing data (range: 0.2–2.4 %).

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et al., 2020). The questionnaire consisted of 37 questions covering six types of abuse: neglect at home (6 items), emotional abuse at home (8 items), physical abuse from an adult at home (6 items), online sexual abuse (5 items), sexual abuse from adults (6 items), sexual abuse from peers (6 items). All single items are displayed in Table 2. The response format for neglect questions was a 5-point scale ranging from “never” (0) to “very often/ always” (4). We considered an individual as exposed to neglect if (s)he responded to any neglect item with “sometimes” (2), “often” (3) or “very often/ always” (4). Concerning the items on all other forms of abuse, the participants were asked to respond on a 4-point scale ranging from “never” (0) to “often” (3). The participant was considered as exposed to emotional abuse, if (s)he responded to any emotional abuse item with “sometimes” (2) or “often” (3), and physical/ sexual abuse – if (s)he responded to any physical/ sexual abuse item accordingly with an answer “once” (1), “sometimes” (2) or “often” (3).

2.2.2. Emotional and behavioral problems The Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) was used to measure emotional and behavioral problems (Goodman, 1997).

The SDQ comprises 25 items, divided into five scales of five items in each. Scores are generated for five psychosocial functioning dimensions: problems are reflected by the scales of emotional symptoms, conduct problems, hyperactivity, and peer problems; positive psychosocial functioning is reflected in the scale of prosocial behavior. The SDQ has been previously validated in Lithuania (Gintilienė

Table 2 Life-time exposure to different types of abuse (N = 1299).

Items of abuse Total, % (N) Girls, % (N) Boys, % (N) χ2(p)

A. Neglect 22.7 (295) 22.1 (163) 23.4 (132) 0.31 (.580) 1 Food deficiency 1.2 (15) 1.0 (7) 1.4 (8) 0.62 (.432) 2 Waring dirty clothes 4.9 (64) 3.3 (24) 7.1 (40) 10.06 (.002) 3 Lack of care due to parental substance use 2.7 (35) 2.4 (18) 3.0 (17) 0.40 (.527) 4 No doctor visit 2.9 (38) 2.6 (19) 3.4 (19) 0.71 (.400) 5 Feeling worthless at home 13.2 (172) 13.6 (100) 12.8 (72) 0.18 (.674) 6 Feeling unloved at home 9.7 (126) 11.1 (82) 7.8 (44) 4.03 (.045)

B. Psychological abuse 47.0 (610) 48.8 (359) 44.6 (251) 2.25 (.133) 1 Shouting 44.4 (577) 46.3 (341) 41.9 (236) 2.52 (.113) 2 Bullying 8.8 (114) 11.0 (81) 5.9 (33) 10.54 (.001) 3 Calling stupid or worthless 11.5 (149) 12.2 (90) 10.5 (59) 0.96 (.327) 4 Threatening to leave or send away 6.2 (80) 6.1 (45) 6.2 (35) 0.01 (.939) 5 Threatening to hit or hurt 7.6 (99) 8.2 (60) 6.9 (39) 0.68 (.410) 6 Left outside the house 1.4 (18) 0.5 (4) 2.5 (14) 8.81 (.003) 7 Locked in the basement 0.3 (4) 0.0 (0) 0.7 (4) 5.25 (.022) 8 Threatening to harm pet 1.9 (25) 2.3 (17) 1.4 (8) 1.34 (.248)

C. Physical abuse 34.6 (450) 37.2 (274) 32.3 (176) 5.02 (.025) 1 Stretching the hair, scratching, pinching 12.7 (165) 14.8 (109) 9.9 (56) 6.80 (.009) 2 Shaking or pushing 14.0 (182) 14.8 (109) 13.0 (73) 0.90 (.343) 3 Hitting with hand 27.8 (361) 31.3 (230) 23.3 (131) 10.13 (.001) 4 Hitting with fist or hard object 7.4 (96) 6.7 (49) 8.3 (47) 1.33 (.248) 5 Kicking 3.2 (41) 2.6 (19) 3.9 (22) 1.84 (.176) 6 Beating 1.8 (23) 1.8 (13) 1.8 (10) 0.00 (.989)

D. Internet sexual abuse 31.8 (413) 38.2 (281) 23.4 (132) 31.93 (.000) 1 Sex chat online 12.5 (163) 14.1 (104) 10.5 (59) 3.88 (.049) 2 Showing intimate body pictures 21.1 (274) 23.9 (176) 17.4 (98) 8.11 (.004) 3 Asking to send naked photos 21.5 (279) 32.1 (236) 7.6 (43) 112.86 (.000) 4 Persuading to send naked photos 2.2 (29) 3.0 (22) 1.2 (7) 4.55 (.035) 5 Posted child’s naked pictures on social media 1.1 (14) 1.2 (9) 0.9 (5) 0.34 (.563)

E. Adult sexual abuse 9.9 (128) 8.6 (63) 11.5 (65) 3.20 (.074) 1 Forced kissing 7.4 (96) 5.2 (38) 10.3 (58) 12.31 (.000) 2 Exposed to adult’s intimate body parts 2.0 (26) 2.6 (19) 1.2 (7) 2.91 (.088) 3 Persuaded child to show intimate body parts 0.8 (10) 1.1 (8) 0.4 (2) 2.24 (.135) 4 Persuaded child to touch intimate body parts 0.6 (8) 0.4 (3) 0.9 (5) 1.20 (.273) 5 Touched child’s intimate body parts 1.3 (17) 1.5 (11) 1.1 (6) 0.45 (.500) 6 Intercourse 0.4 (5) 0.4 (3) 0.4 (2) 0.02 (.880)

F. Peer sexual abuse 17.1 (222) 19.4 (143) 14.0 (79) 6.54 (.011) 1 Forced kissing 11.3 (147) 12.6 (93) 9.6 (54) 2.95 (.084) 2 Exposed to peer’s intimate body parts 5.9 (77) 5.4 (40) 6.6 (37) 0.74 (.390) 3 Persuaded child to show intimate body parts 2.2 (28) 2.6 (19) 1.6 (9) 1.46 (.227) 4 Persuaded child to touch intimate body parts 1.5 (20) 1.2 (9) 2.0 (11) 1.12 (.289) 5 Touched child’s intimate body parts 6.5 (85) 8.6 (63) 3.9 (22) 11.29 (.001) 6 Intercourse 1.3 (17) 0.8 (6) 2.0 (11) 3.20 (.074)

Any of the above 71.1 (924) 73.0 (537) 68.7 (387) 2.77 (.096)

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et al., 2004; Lesinskiene et al., 2018). The SDQ is widely used globally and has shown acceptable reliability and validity across many cultures (Goodman, 2001).

2.3. Data analysis

To reveal the prevalence rates of abuse, we used the descriptive statistics as well as the Chi-square test to identify the possible exposure to abuse differences for boys and girls. To classify adolescents in accordance with their lifetime exposure to abuse, we used a two-step Latent Class Analysis (LCA) approach (Muthén & Muthén, 2000). In a first step, we classified the participants based on the type of abuse and, therefore, we conducted the item-level LCA for neglect, psychological abuse, physical abuse, internet sexual abuse, adult sexual abuse, and peer sexual abuse separately. The first-step analysis resulted in the classification of adolescents in terms of severity of each type of abuse, where less severe abuse was labeled as 1 and more severe as 2. We then used this classification for the second step LCA to identify the patterns of lifetime exposure to all types of abuse in adolescence, by including all types of abuse in a LCA analysis. The second step LCA resulted in distinguishing the subgroups of adolescents with different dominating abuse experi- ences. We used several criteria to decide on a number of latent classes (Muthén & Muthén, 2000). First, Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) and Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC) statistic for a solution with k classes should be lower than for a solution with k - 1 classes. Second, a statistically significant p-value of the adjusted Lo-Mandel-Rubin test, which compares improvement in fit between neighboring class solutions, determined improvement in fit through the inclusion of an additional class. Third, we evaluated the substantive meaningfulness of the latent classes (Muthén, 2004). Hence, if a solution with k classes do not have differential substantive meaning, the more parsimonious solution with k - 1 classes was chosen. Additionally, in all analyses, we used the Entropy score, with the values equal or above .70 indicative of accurate classification. When running the first step LCA, in each analysis we included only the participants who were exposed to the corresponding type of abuse. Namely, for neglect or psychological abuse, the participants were included in the abuse exposure group if they experienced at least one form of abuse at least ‘sometimes’; for physical and three

Table 3 Model Fit Indices of Latent Class Analyses for each type of abuse (N = 924).

Solution Loglikelihood AIC BIC Entropy LMR-A p-value

Neglect 1 class − 2529.85 5083.70 5127.94 – – 2 classes ¡2372.77 4783.54 4853.59 0.999 0.000 3 classes − 2194.35 4440.70 4536.56 1.000 0.403

Psychological abuse 1 class − 4271.54 8575.08 8645.69 – – 2 classes ¡3729.71 7509.41 7619.75 1.000 0.767 3 classes − 3114.97 6297.95 6448.01 1.000 0.985

Physical abuse 1 class − 2470.86 4965.71 5015.02 – – 2 classes ¡1956.92 3951.84 4029.912 0.999 0.040 3 classes − 1535.08 3122.16 3229.00 0.997 0.769

Internet sexual abuse 1 class − 1784.17 3588.34 3628.57 – – 2 classes ¡1465.13 2962.25 3026.63 1.000 0.981 3 classes − 1123.25 2290.50 2379.02 1.000 0.092

Adult sexual abuse 1 class − 563.87 1151.73 1185.96 – – 2 classes ¡339.53 717.06 771.25 1.000 0.511 3 classes − 253.29 558.58 632.73 1.000 0.832

Peer sexual abuse 1 class − 1144.92 2313.86 2354.69 – – 2 classes ¡903.02 1844.05 1908.70 0.999 0.096 3 classes − 678.11 1408.21 1496.68 1.000 0.912

Second-order LCA 1 class − 3844.91 7713.81 7771.75 – – 2 classes − 2575.87 5189.75 5281.49 1.000 0.658 3 classes − 2283.23 4618.45 4744.00 1.000 0.223 4 classes ¡1666.23 3398.46 3557.81 1.000 0.398 5 classes − 1358.78 2797.55 2990.70 1.000 0.620

Note. AIC = Akaike Information Criterion; BIC = Bayesian Information Criterion; LMR-A = Lo-Mendell-Rubin Adjusted Likelihood Ratio Test (LMR- A). Best fitting solution is in bold.

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Fig. 1. Latent classes of exposure to different types of abuse. Note. The items in each type of abuse are presented in a same sequence as provided in Table 2.

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Fig. 2. Patterns of exposure to abuse in a study sample (n = 924).

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types of sexual abuse, the participants were included in abuse exposure group if they were exposed to any form of abuse within each type at least ‘once’. When running the second step LCA, we included only the participants who were exposed to at least one type of abuse.

All psychosocial functioning variables were normally distributed, as the coefficients of skewness and kurtosis were within the range of ±2 (Gravetter & Wallnau, 2014). To reveal the level of psychosocial functioning for each distinguished pattern of abuse, we conducted the series of path analyses with independent variable of abuse exposure pattern group (coded as 1) versus reference group (coded as 0) and five dependent variables, representing the dimensions of psychosocial functioning, namely, prosocial behavior, hyperactivity/inattention, emotional symptoms, conduct problems, and peer relationship problems. The sum scores of the dimensions of psychosocial functioning were used in the analysis. In all models, we also controlled for age and gender effects on and allowed correlations between dependent variables. When comparing abuse exposure pattern groups, we first used the ‘no exposure to abuse’ group as a reference group for four abuse exposure groups; after that we compared the abuse exposure groups with on another. The statistical analyses were conducted with Mplus 8.2. (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017Muthén and Muthén, 2017Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017).

3. Results

3.1. Prevalence and patterns of abuse

3.1.1. Prevalence of abuse The prevalence rates of each item of the six different types of abuse in the total sample as well as for girls and boys separately are

presented in Table 2. Psychological abuse was the most frequently reported category of abuse (47.0 %), but neglect was also quite prevalent (22.7 %). For example, about one in ten adolescents felt worthless (13.2 %) or unloved (9.7 %) at home. It is worth noticing that adolescents reported that an adult at home had hit them with a hand (27.8 %) or with the fist or a hard object (7.4 %). Internet sexual abuse was also frequently reported, particularly a pressure to showing intimate body pictures (21.1 %), and being asked to send naked photos (21.5 %). One in ten (9.9 %) reported adult sexual abuse, while peer sexual abuse was reported by almost one in five (17.1 %) adolescents. The prevalence rates of overall abuse, neglect, psychological violence, and adult sexual abuse seemed to be quite similar for boys and girls. However, more girls than boys were exposed to physical violence, internet sexual abuse as well as peer sexual abuse.

3.1.2. Abuse severity The results of the first-step Latent Class Analysis (LCA) indicated that for each type of abuse, two different groups of adolescents can

be distinguished, as the two classes solution was most meaningful and most acceptable in all analyses (see Table 3). The LCA results revealed that for each type of abuse, the participants can be classified in terms of the severity of violence with up to 12 % of adolescents being affected by at least one type of severe abuse (see Fig. 1). For neglect (see Fig. 1A), the severe abuse subgroup is characterized by the exposure to lack of care due to the parental substance use with relatively lower levels of other forms of neglect; the rest of the neglect exposure group reported higher levels of lack of support and love. Most of the adolescents in the Psychological abuse exposure group (see Fig. 1B) could be characterized by exposure to unpleasant shouting with low levels of other manifestations of psychological violence; the severe psychological abuse subgroup reported being exposed to nearly all forms of psychological violence. Similarly, in the Physical abuse exposure group (see Fig. 1C), severe abuse can be characterized by the exposure to all forms of physical violence; when most of physically abused adolescents reported being hit once with relatively low levels of other forms of physical violence. The distinction between severe and less severe Internet sexual abuse (see Fig. 1D) can be characterized by sharing vs. not sharing naked images of the child, in addition to the exposure to other forms of internet sexual abuse. The severe Adult sexual abuse (see Fig. 1E) was characterized by sexual intercourse with the child with also high levels of exposure other forms of sexual violence; when most of the adolescents in the exposure to Adult sexual abuse reported being exposed to forced kissing with low levels on other forms of sexual violence. For Peer sexual abuse (see Fig. 1F), in the severe abuse subgroup, adolescents were exposed to all measured items of sexual violence; when the less severe abuse is characterized mainly by forced kissing with relatively lower levels on responses to other forms of sexual violence.

3.1.3. Patterns of abuse The results of second-step LCA revealed that a four classes solution is most suitable when classifying adolescents based on their

exposure to different types of abuse (see Table 3, second-order LCA). The patterns of abuse are presented in Fig. 2. We found that most of the adolescents who were exposed to any type of violence reported relatively lower levels of psychological or physical abuse and some exposure to neglect or internet sexual abuse with no exposure to peer or adult sexual violence. We labeled this pattern as Less- severe abuse. The second most prevalent pattern is characterized by expressed Peer sexual abuse in combination with internet sexual abuse and some physical/psychological violence. The other pattern reflects expressed Adult sexual abuse in combination with physical/ psychological violence. Finally, over 7.1 % of adolescents were exposed to the pattern of abuse which is distinguishable by exposure to all types of violence and was labeled as Severe abuse.

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3.2. Association of abuse with psychosocial functioning

3.2.1. Preliminary analysis Descriptive statistics for the dimensions of psychosocial functioning as well as correlations among these dimensions in the total

sample are presented in Table 4. We found higher rates of prosocial behavior and emotional symptoms for girls, compared to boys. Boys reported higher rates of conduct problems, compared to girls. In the sample of Lithuanian adolescents, hyperactivity/inattention, emotional symptoms, conduct problems, and peer relationship problems were positively correlated. Prosocial behavior was negatively correlated with all other dimensions of psychosocial functioning, except with emotional problems.

3.2.2. Levels of psychosocial functioning across the identified patterns of abuse Membership in the identified LCA abuse pattern groups was clearly related to a high level of emotional and conduct problems and

low levels of prosocial behavior. The results of path analysis revealed that, after controlling for age and gender effects, we found statistically significant differences between the abuse pattern groups on dependent variables (see Table 5).

In particular, we found that No abuse group, in comparison to all other abuse exposure groups, reported higher levels of prosocial behavior (βless-severe = − .13, p < .001; βpeer sexual = − .09, p = .039; βadult sexual = − .11, p = .026; βsevere = − .17, p = .03), lower levels of hyperactivity/inattention (βless-severe = .20; βpeer sexual = .29; βadult sexual = .19; βsevere = .23, all significant at p < .001), emotional symptoms (βless-severe = .24; βpeer sexual = .30; βadult sexual = .18; βsevere = .42, all significant at p < .001), conduct problems (βless-severe = .22; βpeer sexual = .36; βadult sexual = .21; βsevere = .34, all significant at p < .001) as well as peer relationship problems (βless-severe = .17; βpeer sexual = .17; βadult sexual = .19; βsevere = .22, all significant at p < .001). We also found that hyperactivity was lower in a Less-severe abuse group, compared to Peer sexual abuse (β = .09, p = .016), and Severe abuse (β = .09, p < .001) groups. Additionally, the results revealed higher levels of emotional symptoms in the Severe abuse group, compared to all other violence exposure groups (βless-severe = .19; βpeer sexual = .22; βadult sexual = .29, all significant at p < .001) as well as higher levels of of emotional symptoms in the peer sexual abuse group, compared to the Adult sexual abuse group (β = .19, p < .001). Also, conduct problems were found to be higher in the Peer sexual abuse and Severe abuse groups, compared to the Less-severe abuse (βpeer sexual = .15, p < .001; βsevere = .14, p = .001) and Adult sexual abuse (βpeer sexual = .14, p = .001; βsevere = .19, p = .028) groups. In all models, girls reported higher levels of prosocial behavior (β range: from -.36 to -.16, p < .05) and emotional symptoms (β range: from -.48 to -.26, p < .05), compared to boys.

4. Discussion

This study is the first to investigate the prevalence and consequences of child abuse on mental health and psychosocial functioning in a young and large sample of adolescents in Lithuania. Our results are disquieting. Seven out of ten adolescents reported exposure to at least one type of violence over their lifetime. Almost half of the study sample experienced psychological abuse, one in three ado- lescents were exposed to physical abuse, one in five experienced neglect. Almost one-third of the sample was exposed to internet sexual abuse, more than one in six experienced peer sexual abuse, and almost one-tenth adolescents were sexually abused by adults.

4.1. Prevalence of abuse

Although previous studies have documented a high level of child abuse globally (Moody et al., 2018), the prevalence of child abuse in Lithuania seems to be on the upper end, or higher, than that observed in many other countries (Hafstad & Augusti, 2019; Jernbro et al., 2015; Jud, 2018). When comparing with a Norwegian study using the same methods and the same age groups, we find a much higher prevalence of physical abuse (one in three in Lithuania compared to one in five in Norway) and psychological abuse (almost one in two in Lithuania compared to one in five in Norway (Hafstad & Augusti, 2019). Differences in attitudes to child abuse between Lithuania and the Scandinavian countries may potentially explain the higher prevalence in Lithuania. Lithuania banned corporal punishment by law only at the beginning of 2017 and Lithuanian society is perhaps still in the process of redefining and understanding what constitutes good and acceptable parenting. Furthermore, considering the findings of retrospective design studies of adult pop- ulations, previously conducted in Lithuania and other European countries (Bellis et al., 2014; Darves-Bornoz et al., 2008; Kazlauskas & Zelviene, 2015), our results show a higher prevalence of childhood abuse. It is also possible that adult samples retrospective child abuse studies are affected by recall bias (McKinney et al., 2008) and our study findings could be more accurate as we reached out to

Table 4 Psychosocial functioning in a study sample.

Girls (n = 736) Boys (n = 563) Total sample (N = 1299) r

M (SD) M (SD) t (SE) M (SD) γ1/γ2 1. 2. 3. 4.

1. Prosocial behavior 7.74 (1.83) 6.52 (2.10) 10.90 (0.11)*** 7.21 (2.05) − .61/-.02 1 2. Hyperactivity/inattention 3.62 (2.13) 3.75 (2.04) − 1.14 (0.12) 3.68 (2.09) .38/-.35 − .14*** 1 3. Emotional symptoms 3.64 (2.49) 2.06 (1.98) 12.71 (1.58)*** 2.96 (2.41) .76/-.10 .03 .31*** 1 4. Conduct problems 2.46 (1.46) 2.65 (1.48) − 2.28 (0.08)* 2.54 (1.47) .71/.52 − .19*** .38*** .22*** 1 5. Peer relationship problems 2.19 (1.74) 2.24 (1.73) − 0.55 (0.10) 2.21 (1.74) .90/.53 − .21*** .17*** .35*** .15***

Note. M = mean, SD = standard deviation, SE – standard error, γ1 = skewness, γ2 = kurtosis, * p < .05, *** p < .001.

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adolescents at a younger age. Our study supports the need for child abuse studies by asking children and adolescents about their experiences, which might provide more accurate accounts on the prevalence of abuse if asked properly and carefully, including more detailed lists of abuse types which also covers internet abuse.

4.2. Patterns of abuse and association with psychosocial functioning

Our second aim was to identify different patterns of exposure to abuse. There is considerable evidence that children and adolescents often experience multiple forms of maltreatment and violence (Finkelhor et al., 2009; Gilbert et al., 2009; Jernbro et al., 2015; Roberts et al., 2018; van Berkel, Prevoo, Linting, Pannebakker, & Alink, 2020). It is important for scientists and clinicians to understand how children’s victimization overlap to better recognize and prevent further victimization, also to provide effective services for children and families. In this study, we concentrated on adolescents’ experience at home – neglect, emotional abuse and physical abuse by adults, as abuse, experienced from the closest people is possibly the most damaging (Cicchetti, 2013). Also, we included three different kinds of sexual abuse, including online sexual abuse. There is a growing extent of internet use and unwanted online sexual exposure and solicitation (Madigan et al., 2018).

Similar to other previous large-sample studies we found that LCA is a useful approach in identifying meaningful groups based on the endorsement of different types of abuse experienced by adolescents (Brown, Rienks, McCrae, & Watamura, 2019; Nooner et al., 2010; Shevlin & Elklit, 2008). In contrast to previous studies, we used a two-step LCA analysis which provided us with a possibility to identify adolescent groups based both on severity and types of abuse. Overall, we found that four different abuse patterns could be observed in the sample, namely, Less-severe abuse, Peer sexual abuse, Adult sexual abuse, and Severe abuse. Over two-thirds of adolescents who were exposed to any type of violence over their lifetime are attributable to Less-severe abuse groups with comparatively low levels of exposure to psychological, physical, and internet sexual violence. About one in twenty adolescents who participated in the study were exposed to Severe abuse and this group reported high levels of experiences of neglect and all the studied types of abuse, including sexual and physical abuse.

Finally, our third aim was to estimate the level of psychosocial functioning associated with the identified patterns of abuse. In the No abuse group, we found lower levels of hyperactivity/inattention, emotional symptoms, conduct problems, and peer relationship problems, compared to all abuse pattern groups. The Severe abuse group reported higher levels of hyperactivity/inattention, compared to Less-severe abuse group, higher levels of conduct problems, compared to Less-severe and Adult sexual abuse groups, and higher levels of emotional problems, compared to all other abuse exposure groups. Also, Peer sexual abuse group reported higher levels of hyper- activity/inattention, compared to Less-severe abuse group, higher levels of emotional symptoms, compared to Adult sexual abuse group, and higher levels of conduct problems, compared to both Less-severe and Adult sexual abuse groups. In all other cases, the abuse pattern groups reported similarly impaired levels of psychosocial functioning in contrast to adolescents with no abuse histories revealing the negative impact of childhood abuse on psychosocial functioning and mental health among adolescents. The results of our study are in line with the previous studies, showing that multiple and more severe abuse is related to higher levels of mental and social problems in adolescents (Gilbert et al., 2009; Hafstad & Augusti, 2019; Jernbro et al., 2015; Roberts et al., 2018). This study gives a clear docu- mentation that psychosocial problems related to child abuse are present already early in adolescence. This calls for early interventions for abused kids, particularly those who are exposed to severe abuse. Future studies should further investigate potential variation in symptom expression according to age and developmental stage in abused children and adolescents.

4.3. Limitations

There are some limitations concerning the study design and data analysis that need to be addressed. First of all, the cross-sectional design of the study precludes causal inferences. Though we aimed to measure the abuse history across the lifetime, we were not able to measure the dynamics of the abuse and psychological functioning of the study participants. Also, this is a self-report questionnaire study, with the limitations and strengths of this design. Furthermore, while we managed to collect data from a large sample of ado- lescents, only about half of the invited parents provided informed consent for participation in the study. Participant recruitment procedures could have influenced the study and representativeness of our findings.

Table 5 Estimated means of psychosocial functioning in the abuse pattern groups in a total sample (N = 1299).

No abuse, M (σ2) n ¼ 375

Less-severe abuse, M (σ2) n ¼ 640

Peer sexual abuse, M (σ2) n ¼ 156

Adult sexual abuse, M (σ2) n ¼ 62

Severe abuse, M (σ2) n ¼ 66

Prosocial behavior 7.56a (3.51) 7.07b (4.22) 7.34b (4.07) 6.74b (4.92) 6.74b (5.89) Hyperactivity /

inattention 3.00a (3.63) 3.84b (4.45) 4.29c (4.86) 4.13bc (3.95) 4.21c (3.08)

Emotional symptoms 1.95a (3.78) 3.18bc (5.50) 3.72b (7.03) 2.82c (5.00) 4.84d (7.16) Conduct problems 2.01a (1.48) 2.61b (2.00) 3.11c (2.82) 2.77b (2.08) 3.29c (3.21) Peer relationship

problems 1.76a (2.44) 2.36b (3.06) 2.32b (3.04) 2.63b (3.15) 2.75b (3.85)

Note. σ2 = variance; a,b,c,d indicates statisticaly significant at p < .05 differences between abuse exposure groups if letters differ.

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4.4. Conclusions

Overall, this is the large sample study with very specific questions about various types of abuse and neglect which provides insights on the rates of prevalence of abuse among adolescents. Moreover, the study demonstrated the negative role of childhood abuse on various emotional problems and impaired psychosocial functioning is associated with reported abuse. While these studies are chal- lenging from the ethical perspective and we as researchers were facing intense debates with ethical committees and educators before the start of the study, the study was approved by the ethical committee, and high response rates from parents and adolescents indicate that they are willing to contribute to estimations of the prevalence and impact of abuse and neglect.

Further longitudinal studies are needed to assess different developmental trajectories associated with patterns of abuse to estimate resilience and vulnerability factors and ensure evidence-based prevention and intervention strategies for children who experience abuse. The study informs policymakers and clinicians about the high prevalence of child abuse and neglect among adolescents in Lithuanian, one of the European countries. Our study also reveals modern challenges in the child abuse and neglect field by revealing that online sexual abuse can have a severe and profound effect on children, and interventions targeted towards internet security and safe use of social media are needed. The findings of a large sample of adolescents are useful in the development of child protection services and the implementation of wide-scale abuse prevention strategies in Lithuania, and other countries in the region.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare.

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Research, 25(2), 237–255. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11136-015-1085-5. World Health Organization. (2016). INSPIRE: Seven strategies for ending violence against children. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/publications/i/item/inspire-

seven-strategies-for-ending-violence-against-children.

P. Zelviene et al.

  • Patterns of abuse and effects on psychosocial functioning in Lithuanian adolescents: A latent class analysis approach
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Method
      • 2.1 Participants and procedures
      • 2.2 Measures
        • 2.2.1 Abuse exposure
        • 2.2.2 Emotional and behavioral problems
      • 2.3 Data analysis
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Prevalence and patterns of abuse
        • 3.1.1 Prevalence of abuse
        • 3.1.2 Abuse severity
        • 3.1.3 Patterns of abuse
      • 3.2 Association of abuse with psychosocial functioning
        • 3.2.1 Preliminary analysis
        • 3.2.2 Levels of psychosocial functioning across the identified patterns of abuse
    • 4 Discussion
      • 4.1 Prevalence of abuse
      • 4.2 Patterns of abuse and association with psychosocial functioning
      • 4.3 Limitations
      • 4.4 Conclusions
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • References

Consequences-of-childhood-memories--Narcissism--malevolent_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Consequences of childhood memories: Narcissism, malevolent, and benevolent childhood experiences Aspen D. Starbird*, Paul A. Story Department of Psychological Science, Kennesaw State University, 402 Bartow Avenue, Kennesaw, GA 30144, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Narcissism Maladaptive schemas Benevolent childhood experiences Aversive childhood experiences

A B S T R A C T

Background: Previous research has shown that narcissistic personality traits can differentiate in those with childhood abuse and rejection. However, narcissism has not been evaluated in various family systems, with the consideration for negative and positive childhood experiences. Objective: The following study evaluates differences in narcissism in those who are raised in various childhood environments that sometimes result in adverse long-term outcomes. We ex- amine the extent to which both traumatic and benevolent childhood experiences that manifest from parent-child relationships increase or decrease the likelihood of narcissistic traits. Participants and setting: Adoptees (N= 71), former foster children (N = 59), and those who were neither adopted nor former foster children (N = 207) were assessed for early maladaptive schemas (EMS), benevolent childhood memories (BCE), and narcissistic personality traits. Methods: Participants were recruited through Facebook support groups and non-profit organi- zations specifically created for adult adoptees or former foster children to complete an online survey. Others were recruited from a participant pool at a large, public university in the American Southeast to serve as a comparison group. Results: Individuals who were fostered or adopted had lower levels of narcissism compared to those who are neither. These differences were partially explained by differences in BCE and EMS, with BCE increasing the likelihood of narcissism and EMS decreasing the likelihood. The impact of EMS became non-significant when controlling for BCE. Conclusions: Those from less privileged backgrounds are unlikely to develop narcissism as a protective mechanism but are more likely to have maladaptive schemas. Interventions for those from less privileged backgrounds should aim at providing more benevolent childhood experi- ences to lessen the impact of maladaptive schemas.

1. Introduction

Individuals with narcissistic traits have an inflated sense of self and believe themselves to be superior in looks, leadership ability, and talent (Grijalva & Zhang, 2016; Jones & Paulhus, 2014). These beliefs often lead to a sense of entitlement with narcissists having higher expectations (e.g., Harvey & Martinko, 2009; Westerman, Bergman, Bergman, & Daly, 2012). While the exact causes of narcissism are unclear, childhood experiences are often considered a contributing factor and may also be a consequence of abusive, neglectful beginnings (e.g., Otway & Vignoles, 2006; Cater, Zeigler-Hill, & Vonk, 2011).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104656 Received 8 April 2020; Received in revised form 1 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A.D. Starbird), [email protected] (P.A. Story).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104656

Available online 12 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

T

1.1. Negative childhood experiences

Negative childhood experiences, or malevolent experiences, specifically those that include deprived childhood environments, are associated with narcissism (Otway & Vignoles, 2006; Young, Klosko, & Weishaar, 2003). For example, those high in narcissistic entitlement recalled having strict parents and increased fears of parental separation (Cater et al., 2011). Those who were abused as child report more narcissistic traits (Miller et al., 2010), especially among young girls (Ensink et al., 2017). When children are neglected, abused, or rejected, children may seek out excessive admiration from others, resulting in feelings of grandiosity and interpersonal competitiveness associated with narcissism (Huxley & Bizumic, 2017; Young & Flanagan, 1998).

Early maladaptive schemas (EMS) are pervasive cognitive patterns derived from negative childhood experiences (Young et al., 2003). EMS involve distorted core beliefs and perceptions that are associated with problematic adult relationships (Schmidt, Joiner, Young, & Telch, 1995; Young et al., 2003; Zeigler-Hill, Green, Arnau, Sisemore, & Myers, 2011). There are 18 distinct EMS, each representing a different type of internalized traumatic memory (Young, 2005; Young et al., 2003). Each EMS fits in one of five domains: disconnection and rejection, impaired autonomy/performance, impaired limits, other-directedness, and over-vigilance and inhibition (Young et al., 2003). Several EMS frequently coexist with narcissistic traits, specifically the EMS that can be found in the impaired limits and impaired autonomy/performance categories, with a significant occurrence of EMS in the disconnection and rejection category (Otway & Vignoles, 2006; Young & Flanagan, 1998; Zeigler-Hill et al., 2011).

1.2. Positive childhood experiences

While those who report negative experiences are at an increased risk of narcissism, environments in which a child is sheltered or overly praised are also at risk. Children who remember their parents as being overindulgent (e.g., Capron, 2004; Horton, Bleau, & Drwecki, 2006), overprotective (Huxley & Bizumic, 2017), or overwhelmingly positive (Otway & Vignoles, 2006) are more likely to report narcissistic traits. Self-reports of overvaluation from parents are also positively correlated with their child’s level of narcissism (Brummelman et al., 2015). Not all positive experiences are harmful as those who report more positive experiences as a child have better mental health (Bethell, Jones, Gombojav, Linkenbach, & Sege, 2019).

Benevolent childhood experiences (BCE) are positive experiences in which one remembers feeling comfortable, safe, and con- nected with others (Narayan, Rivera, Bernstein, Harris, & Lieberman, 2017). BCE also include having a predictable routine and opportunities to learn and grow at school or from a caregiver. BCE provide a buffer for negative experiences, especially among high- risk populations, where those who report more BCE have lower stress, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms (Merrick, Narayan, DePasquale, & Masten, 2019; Narayan et al., 2017). However, despite the practical relevance of this research in high-risk populations, research thus far has been conducted on community samples, which are less likely to report a history of family trauma (Zeigler-Hill et al., 2011). The present study addressed this by sampling two populations who have a higher risk for EMS and a lower chance of BCE: former foster children and adoptees.

Due to the high frequency of family trauma, former foster children have an increased chance of run-ins with law enforcement, poverty, mental illness, unemployment, and irregular living situations compared to those who are not foster children (Barth, 1990; Reilly, 2003). Adoptees, who have a secure home environment but have lost parents, are more likely to attempt suicide, have a psychiatric disorder, commit a crime, and have more behavioral issues compared to the general population (Hjern, Lindblad, & Vinnerljung, 2002; Juffer & Van Ijzendoorn, 2005; Rosnati, Montirosso, & Barni, 2008). However, the majority of adoptees, speci- fically international adoptees, are known to be well-adjusted (Juffer & Van Ijzendoorn, 2005). Both adoptees and former foster children were populations of interest because of their risk for EMS and lower BCE. Thus, the present study specifically sampled from populations of adoptees and former foster children in order to fully evaluate the association between EMS, BCE, and narcissism.

1.3. Overview and predictions

The prevalence of EMS should be higher, and BCE lower in those who were foster children or adopted compared to those who were not. Those with BCE will be less likely to develop EMS. Predictions for narcissism are harder as both negative and positive experiences have been associated with narcissism. However, BCE and EMS may be a possible cause as to why narcissism develops in adulthood. This study also includes exploratory analysis to further understand the interconnection and linkages between all of the EMS, BCE, and narcissism.

2. Method

2.1. Participants and procedure

Participants were recruited through Facebook support groups and non-profit organizations specifically created for adult adoptees or former foster children to complete an online survey. Others were from a participant pool at a large, public university in the American Southeast. All of the participants who completed the survey had a chance to win a $25 Visa gift card.

While 447 participants started the survey, only 344 made it to the end. Participants on average completed 81.88 % (SD = 36.70 %) of the survey but the vast majority of those who stopped did so in the early stages. Likely due to the sensitive nature of the questions, some participants chose to skip certain areas. When possible, we included all available data in our analyses, only dropping participants when a total score could be completed for the scale.

A.D. Starbird and P.A. Story Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104656

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Of the 344, the sample included 91 males, 247 females, and 6 participants who did not report their biological sex. The sample ranged in age from 18 to 73 years old (M = 25.05, SD = 9.40), 15 people did not report their age. Out of the participants who reported location of birth, 86.9 % said they were born in North America, 0.6 % said they were born in Central America (including Mexico), 1.7 % said they were born in South America, 1.7 % said they were born in West/Central Europe, 0.3 % said they were born in Euro-Asia, 3.5 % said they were born in Asia, 0.6 % said they were born in Africa, 2 % said they were born in none of the above, and 2.6 % did not report their region.

There were 71 adopted participants, 59 former foster children participants, and 207 participants who were not adopted or a former foster child. Seven participants did not report their family status. For the participants who stated that they were either given up to foster care or put up for adoption, 5.5 % said that their biological mother gave them away before birth, 21.3 % said they were given up between their first month and eight months of life, 7.1 % said they were given up between eight months and eighteen months, 2.4 % said they were given up between 18 months and two years old, 11 % said they were given up between two years old and five years old, 26.8 % said they were given up between five years old and thirteen years old, and 25.2 % said they were given up between thirteen years old and eighteen years old. One participant declined to report their region of birth.

2.2. Materials

2.2.1. Narcissism The study used the 9-item narcissism scale from the Short Dark Triad (SD3: Jones & Paulhus, 2014) to measure narcissism.

Participants rated items on a scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Examples include “People see me as a natural leader” and “I insist on getting the respect I deserve.” The scale showed acceptable reliability (α = .74). We averaged the items to use a single score as an indicator of narcissism.

2.2.2. Early maladaptive schemas The 90-item Young Schema Questionnaire (Young, 2005) was used to measure abandonment/instability (α = .90), social iso-

lation/alienation (α = .89) emotional deprivation (α = .87), mistrust/abuse (α = .89), defectiveness/shame (α = .90), entitlement/ grandiosity (α = .62), dependence/incompetence (α = .74), enmeshment/undeveloped self (α = .74), emotional inhibition (α = .80) insufficient self-control/self-discipline (α = .78), subjugation (α = .80), vulnerability to harm or illness (α = .81), un- relenting standards/hypocriticalness (α = .78), admiration/recognition seeking (α = .80), punitiveness (α = .82), negativity/pes- simism (α = .89), self-sacrifice (α = .84), and failure to achieve (α = .86; Young, 2005). Participants were asked on a 5-point Likert- type scale how accurately a statement described them within the last year, or how close the statement was according to their feelings (1 = completely untrue of me, 2 = mostly untrue of me, 3 = neutral, 4 = mostly true of me, 5 = completely true of me). To obtain their score for each trait, the scores in each item group were averaged. We then added all the averages up to provide a total score for EMS (e.g., Dale, Power, Kane, Stewart, & Murray, 2010).

2.2.3. Benevolent childhood experiences Benevolent childhood experiences (BCE; Narayan et al., 2017) were measured through 10-items (α = .80). The items ask about

positive experiences that reflect themes of safety, quality of life, and security during one’s childhood. There are ten positive ex- periences listed in the questionnaire, each worth one point. Example items on the BCE include "Did you have at least one caretaker with whom you felt safe?” and “Did you have a predictable home routine, like regular meals and a regular bedtime?” We added up all the items to provide a count of the number of positive experiences.

3. Results

3.1. Family differences in EMS, BCE, and narcissism

Multiple one-way ANOVAs were used to show the influence of family type (i.e. former fosters, adoptees, and those who are neither) on EMS, BCE, and narcissism.

Significant differences for most EMS were found based on family type (N = 302, Fs > 4.99, ps < .01) with the exception of dependence/incompetence, enmeshment/undeveloped self, entitlement/grandiosity, and insufficient self-control/self-discipline. Across those categories, those who were not fostered or adopted consistently scored lower in EMS compared to those who were fostered. Those who were adopted fluctuated between the two, sometimes scoring the same as former foster children and other times the same as those who identified as neither. To avoid increased false positives we used a total score for subsequent analyses along with Tukey’s b post hoc correction for inflated Type I error.

When looking at the total score for EMS (see Table 1), former foster children had significantly higher scores than those who were adopted, who had higher scores than those who were neither, F(2, 299) = 18.54, p < .001. A similar pattern emerged for BCE. Former foster children and adoptees had significantly less BCE scores compared to those who were neither with former foster children having significantly lesser BCE than adoptees, F(2, 336) = 31.98, p < .001. When it pertains to narcissism, former foster children

A.D. Starbird and P.A. Story Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104656

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and adoptees had lower scores compared to those who were neither, but there was no significant difference between adoptees and former foster children, F(2, 337) = 12.19, p < .0011 .

3.2. Zero order correlations between narcissism, EMS, and BCE

Correlations of all of the responses received from the narcissism, EMS, and BCE questions were analyzed to evaluate the variables’ relationships and linkages (see Table 2). Most of the EMS had a significant negative correlation with narcissism except for depen- dence/incompetence, enmeshment/undeveloped self, unrelenting. standards/hypocriticalness, entitlement/grandiosity, approval- seeking/recognition-seeking, and insufficient self-control/self-discipline. Only entitlement/grandiosity and approval-seeking/re- cognition-seeking had positive correlations which is to be expected as we used a measure of grandiose narcissism. BCE were ne- gatively correlated with almost all EMS (-.17 < rs < -.54), except enmeshment/undeveloped self and entitlement/grandiosity. BCE had a positive relationship with narcissism.

3.3. Regression and mediation analyses

To examine the extent to which both EMS and BCE explained the relationship between family type and narcissism we conducted two analyses using Hayes Process macro (Hayes, 2017). As neither foster nor adopted children differed on narcissism, we created a new dummy coded variable that combined the two categories (coded 0) and compared them to those who we neither (coded 1). We used this variable, family type, to predict narcissism with EMS and BCE as mediators in two separate models (see Figs. 1 and 2)2 . We found those who were not adopted or fostered experienced more BCE and BCE were associated with higher levels of narcissism. Although dropping significantly, the link between family type and narcissism remained significant when controlling for BCE (see Fig. 2). For EMS, those who were fostered or adopted reporting more EMS and EMS negatively predicted narcissism. The link between family type and narcissism became weaker but remained significant while controlling for EMS (see Fig. 1). Therefore, both EMS and BCE partially mediate the link between family type and narcissism. Of note, when BCE were included as covariate in the EMS mediation model, the link between EMS and narcissism was no longer significant (p = .24).

Lastly, we examined whether BCE could negate, or lessen, the impact of family type of on EMS. As shown in Fig. 1, family type significantly predicts EMS. We ran a regression examining the relationship between family type and EMS with adding BCE in the model. Adding BCE (b = −2.13, p < .001) significantly improved the model (R2 change = .142, p < .001). While lessened, family type remained a significant predictor of EMS (b = −3.92, p < .01).

4. Discussion

The purpose of the study was to examine the impact of childhood experiences, both benevolent and negative, on narcissism. Negative childhood experiences, were assumed as we sampled individuals from less privileged childhood backgrounds; however, to verify this we measured maladaptive schemas that were believed to have formed because of such backgrounds. We also used the BCE measure to determine the extent to which they felt safe, secure, and connected as child.

The impact of difficult childhood environments showed up in both measures. Those who grew up in the least secure environment,

Table 1 Means, standard deviations, and ANOVA results.

Family Type

Fostered Adopted Neither

EMS 54.38a (11.32) 49.58b (10.84) 44.14c (12.02) (N = 302) (n = 58) (n = 69) (n = 175) BCE 6.38a (2.51) 7.37b (2.32) 8.70c (1.96) (N = 339) (n = 64) (n = 70) (n = 205) Narcissism 2.53a (0.69) 2.65a (0.64) 2.93b (0.60) (N = 340) (n = 63) (n = 74) (n = 203)

Note. EMS = early maladaptive schemas, BCE = benevolent childhood experiences. Means sharing a different subscript indicate a statistical difference at p < 0.05, measured by Tukey-B. Standard deviations reported in parentheses.

1 Because the groups were not similar in gender or age, we ran an ANCOVA controlling for both variables. Neither age nor gender was significantly related to EMS (ps > .142). Age was related to BCE (p = .011) and narcissism (p = .001) whereas gender was not related to either (ps > .091). When controlling for the effects of age and gender, the groups still significantly differed across all three variables (EMS, BCE, & narcissism) (ps < .05). As we had no hypotheses concerning age or gender, we report the results while not controlling for these variables (Bernerth & Aguinis, 2016). We thank a reviewer for bringing this to our attention.

2 We also ran the mediational models while controlling for age and gender. For both models, the only change was that the direct effect of family type on narcissism became non-significant (ps > .06). All other paths remained statistically significant. Most importantly, the total and indirect effects remained significant.

A.D. Starbird and P.A. Story Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104656

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former foster children, had higher scores on most of the maladaptive schemas compared to those who not fostered or adopted. There was also a significant difference in the number of remembered positive experiences with former foster children remembering the least, followed by adoptees, and then those who were neither having recalled the most. These results are consistent with research that finds both former foster children (e.g., Reilly, 2003) and adoptees (e.g., Juffer & Van Ijzendoorn, 2005) experiencing a number of disadvantages compared to those who grew up in a securer environment. When examining specific EMS, we noted a few differences.

Former foster children and adoptees had mutual feelings of insecure attachment and the expectation that they cannot rely on others to obtain nurturance, safety, and stability. Both former foster children and adoptees were also more likely to believe that others will exploit them for their own selfish needs and consistently under the belief that they are worthless and will not be loved by others, with the two previous beliefs being more prevalent in former foster children. Because all of these four descriptors of EMS (i.e. abandonment/instability, emotional deprivation, mistrust/abuse, and defectiveness/shame) are in the disconnection and rejection category, this means that these family types might influence attachment security and that the trust in one’s relationships may be less expected in different family structures (Young et al., 2003). These results were anticipated because the number of family placements,

Fig. 1. Mediation model for predicting narcissism using EMS and family type with unstandardized coefficients. Values in parentheses are un- standardized coefficients when controlling for EMS. Indirect effect includes confidence intervals of 5000 bootstrapped models.

Fig. 2. Mediation model for predicting narcissism using BCE and family type with unstandardized coefficients. Values in parentheses are un- standardized coefficients when controlling for BCE. Indirect effect includes confidence intervals of 5000 bootstrapped models.

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along with neglect from a primary caregiver at a young age, can increase insecurity and behavior towards external stressors (Fisher, Gunnar, Dozier, Bruce, & Pears, 2006).

Because of the high prevalence of mental health issues and childhood maltreatment in former foster children, it was expected that former foster children would believe that a physical or mental catastrophe can happen at any time, or possessing the EMS vulner- ability to harm and illness (Oswald, Heil, & Goldbeck, 2009). With insufficient self-control/self-discipline, there were no differences based on family type. Thus, between all three groups, one’s inability of using self-control to obtain a goal was not influenced over family type in this study. Former foster children, on the other hand, are more likely to believe that they are not smart or talented enough to achieve. They also held more long-term focus on negative aspects of life and were more willing to sacrifice their own gratification to make others happier and to avoid guilt or shame. The previous two EMS (i.e. negativity/pessimism and self-sacrifice) are possibly the motivator behind the common toxic behavior of former foster children offering assistance to one’s biological family, regardless of their family history, in order to build a relationship, while simultaneously being forced to be a survivalist because they believe that they themselves cannot be dependent on anyone (Samuels & Pryce, 2008).

It’s also important to note, though, that BCE can buffer the effect of family type and its impact on EMS. This may imply that the family type isn’t the ultimate determinate to an individual’s EMS – but rather that BCE constitute a greater explanatory factor in determining EMS scores than family type. Future researchers should explore this potentiality apropos the linkage between BCE and EMS scores.

Overall, benevolent and malevolent experiences had differential impacts on narcissism. Narcissism was less likely among those who experienced more difficult childhoods and more likely in those who reported positive experiences. As former foster children and adoptees had more EMS and less BCE, they tended to have lower narcissism scores. Results were consistent with research that finds those who experience feeling more valued and cared for from caregivers (Horton & Tritch, 2014), even if excessively so (e.g., Otway & Vignoles, 2006), were more likely to report narcissistic traits. However, even when controlling for positive or negative backgrounds, family type was still linked to narcissism with those coming from privileged backgrounds reporting more narcissistic traits.

One possible explanation for this finding is that while adoptees and former foster children have a number of differences, both endure multiple caregivers and go through significant early loses. In other words, they both have a harsh social background due to low parental care, are low in the privilege of easily obtaining resources at a young age, and have lesser memories of consistent parental admiration, all of which has been theorized to influence narcissism (Jonason, Lyons, & Bethell, 2014; Jonason, Icho, & Ireland, 2016; Otway & Vignoles, 2006).

Narcissism could also be higher in those who are privileged because they feel more secure and confident. While narcissism is generally portrayed negatively, some components of narcissism may be adaptive (Barry, Frick, Adler, & Grafeman, 2007; Clarke, Karlov, & Neale, 2015; Cramer, 2011). For example, traits like leadership and self-enhancement can result in success (Furnham, Richards, & Paulhus, 2013; McDonald, Donnellan, & Navarrete, 2012; Paulhus & Williams, 2002). Using other scales of narcissism that measure more factors may help shed light on whether both maladaptive (e.g., entitlement) and adaptive (e.g., leadership) change at similar rates.

There are many limitations to this study. For one, this study relies on a participant’s own view of himself or herself. Future studies may benefit by having feedback from multiple sources, such as family and friends (Zeigler-Hill et al., 2011). Secondly, the SD3 only measures grandiose narcissism, and omits vulnerable narcissism, which would have measured components like shyness, fake em- pathy, and those who rely on external feedback for self-esteem (Dickinson & Pincus, 2003; Jones & Paulhus, 2014). Vulnerable narcissism has shown to be especially sensitive to child abuse or maltreatment, while grandiose narcissism is not (Miller et al., 2010).

Another issue is that we did not ask about who provided care for them at a young age, which is a determining factor in narcissism (Huxley & Bizumic, 2017; Lyons, Morgan, Thomas, & Al Hashmi, 2013). Nor did we control for when one was adopted or fostered. This too has been linked to narcissism (Cramer, 2011). Thirdly, former foster children were found in areas where privilege was more likely to be available, like Facebook and non-profit organizations. Many former foster children “fall between the cracks” once they reach adulthood and are more likely to be homeless or isolated from average society. Lastly, if researchers chose to replicate this study in any capacity, we recommend targeting populations more identical in other variables that could affect narcissism. For this particular study, there were differences in the groups based on age and gender. While neither of those variables had an impact on EMS, age was a significant predictor of BCE and narcissism. Thus, we are identifying this as a limitation that should be addressed in future research.

In conclusion, the present study shows significant links between family type, childhood experiences, and narcissism. It is im- portant to note that while narcissism was lower in those from less privileged backgrounds, this was not the case when accounting for positive experiences. This highlights how important it is for those who may not receive the support they need at home, may still benefit from receiving support elsewhere such as through friends, teachers, neighbors or other adults (Narayan et al., 2017). These benevolent childhood experiences, while raising narcissism in one group, buffered the negative effects of maladaptive schemas in fostered and adopted children.

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  • Consequences of childhood memories: Narcissism, malevolent, and benevolent childhood experiences
    • Introduction
      • Negative childhood experiences
      • Positive childhood experiences
      • Overview and predictions
    • Method
      • Participants and procedure
      • Materials
        • Narcissism
        • Early maladaptive schemas
        • Benevolent childhood experiences
    • Results
      • Family differences in EMS, BCE, and narcissism
      • Zero order correlations between narcissism, EMS, and BCE
      • Regression and mediation analyses
    • Discussion
    • References

The-social-information-processing-model-in-child-physical-_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

The social information processing model in child physical abuse and neglect: A meta-analytic review

Cláudia Camiloa,*, Margarida Vaz Garridoa, Maria Manuela Calheirosb,c

a Iscte-IUL, Cis_Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal b CICPSI, Faculdade de Psicologia, Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa, Portugal c Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE–IUL), Cis-IUL, Lisboa, Portugal

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Parental cognitions Information processing Child abuse and neglect Multilevel Meta-Analysis

A B S T R A C T

Background: Child maltreatment has been recently examined from a cognitive-behavioral per- spective. The Social Information Processing (SIP) model specifies how parental cognitions can be associated with child physical abuse and neglect and suggests that maltreating parents do not adequately respond to the child’s needs due to errors/bias in the cognitive processing of child- related information. Objective: This study provides two separate meta-analytic reviews of research exploring the role of parents’ socio-cognitive variables in shaping child physical abuse and child neglect, identifying the association of each SIP stage to these types of maltreatment. Method: After a four-phase systematic literature search based in PRISMA with inter-judges’ agreement, 130 effect sizes were extracted from the 51 studies selected. Results: Overall, the effect sizes of the four cognitive stages of the model were significant for physical abuse and ranged from small (r = .190 for parents’ interpretations of children’s signals) to moderate (r = .315 for parents’ perceptions of children’s signals). Regarding neglect, only the overall effect of parent’s preexisting schemata was significant but small in magnitude (r = .231). Conclusions: The results of these multilevel meta-analyses support the general hypothesis that physically abusive parents may incur in biases in processing child-related information, but fur- ther research is still required regarding neglect. Theoretically this work is likely to provide a more solid framework to understand parental cognitions underlying child maltreatment with potential implications for evaluation and intervention with maltreating or at-risk parents.

1. Introduction

Parenting is one of the most complex and challenging human tasks (Kane, 2005), which is shaped by a set of biological processes, personality attributes, actual or perceived characteristics of the children, and contextual influences such as social situational factors, family background, socioeconomic status, and culture (Belsky & Jaffee, 2015; Bornstein, 2016). When one or several of these sub- systems are compromised, the likelihood of maladaptive parenting in the form of child maltreatment increases (Cicchetti & Valentino, 2015).

Data from child protection services (CPS) and prevalence studies have been documenting the high number of children who are still victims of abuse and neglect (e.g., Jud, 2018). Moreover, the immediate and long-term impact of child maltreatment for the

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104666 Received 9 September 2019; Received in revised form 21 July 2020; Accepted 1 August 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: Cis_Iscte, Avenida das Forças Armadas, Edifício ISCTE-IUL, 1649-026, Lisboa, Portugal. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (C. Camilo), [email protected] (M.V. Garrido),

[email protected] (M.M. Calheiros).

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children is well known, as well as the serious consequences for their own development (Jaffee & Maikovich-Fong, 2011), for their families, and for their communities (e.g., Radford, Corral, Bradley, & Fisher, 2013).

The multitude of variables contributing to child maltreatment has for a long time been well captured by ecological models of parenting (e.g., Cicchetti & Valentino, 2015) emphasizing the importance of addressing the several systems that influence parental behaviors. Despite the popularity of these models, recent socio-cognitive approaches to parenting have also been emphasizing the role of cognitive information processing mechanisms in determining parental behaviors towards children (e.g., Johnston, Park, & Miller, 2018; Sigel & McGillicuddy-DeLisi, 2002), including those related to maladaptive parenting such as child abuse and neglect (e.g., Azar, Reitz, & Goslin, 2008; Crittenden, 1993; Crouch & Milner, 2005; Milner, 2000).

In the context of child physical abuse, Milner (1993), 2000) proposed a four-stage Social Information Processing (SIP) model to examine parental cognitions – (0) preexisting cognitive schemata, (1) perception and (2) interpretation of children’s signals, and (3) selection and (4) implementation of a parental response, associated with this type of maltreatment. In the same year, Crittenden (1993) extended this approach to child neglect, proposing that abusive and neglectful parents cannot adequately respond to their child’s needs because of errors or biases in information processing, particularly child-related information. The significant theoretical and empirical body of knowledge derived from these SIP models, and the valuable role of knowledge integration to science devel- opment, motivated the meta-analytic review of research exploring the role of parents’ socio-cognitive variables in shaping child maltreatment presented in this manuscript.

Since the 80′s, socio-cognitive models explaining maladaptive parenting such as child abuse and neglect became more prominent. Overall, these models advocate the importance of the ways parents think about their children during parental-child interactions: “Mothers with flexible, complex, and appropriately differentiated schemas are better equipped to perceive the nuances of mo- ther–child interaction and avoid biases in cue processing, leading to more efficient and competent parenting” (Azar et al., 2008, p.298). The seminal work by Sigel (1985), conceptualizing parent-child relationships research with a marked emphasis on cognitive processes and information processing, inspired subsequent work under this approach (e.g., Azar et al., 2008). Critically, recent meta- analyses confirmed the strength of these associations between parental cognitions and child maltreatment. For example, a meta- analytic review about the risk factors of child maltreatment (Stith et al., 2009) identified parents’ perceptions about children as an important risk factor for abuse and neglect. Moreover, studies assessing cognitively based intervention programs, addressing changes in parental cognitions, have confirmed their effectiveness (e.g., Bugental, Corpuz, & Schwartz, 2012). Among the different socio- cognitive approaches to parenting (e.g., Azar et al., 2008), the SIP model applied to abuse (2003, Milner, 1993) and neglect (Crittenden, 1993) has reached some prominence. Based on information processing theories from social cognition, these models suggest that physically abusive and neglectful parents are unable to understand the signals or states of the child, interpret these signals correctly, and select and implement adequate responses due to bias and errors in processing caregiving related information. Although most of the SIP components proposed in the two models share many features, Crittenden’s model of child neglect does not fully map onto each of the Milner’s SIP components (namely, it does not discuss pre-existing schemata).

Specifically, the SIP framework proposed by Milner (2000) suggests that parents hold pre-existing cognitive schemas, including beliefs and values that influence the way they perceive and behave towards their children. These schemas act as a filter for the subsequent three cognitive stages – perception and interpretation of children’s signals, response selection, and a final cognitive- behavioral stage where the response is implemented (physical abuse). Crittenden’s model applied to child neglect proposes that neglectful parents fail to respond to children’s signals, that are indicative of children’s needs for care, because they do not perceive the signal, do not interpret the signal as requiring a parental response, are unable to select an adequate response or are unable to implement that response (Crittenden, 1993).

During the last decades, the SIP model has been receiving theoretical and empirical support (e.g., Azar, McGuier, Miller, Hernandez-Mekonnen, & Johnson, 2017; Rodriguez, Silvia, & Gaskin, 2019), documenting different socio-cognitive parental vari- ables that influence parental caregiving behaviors.

In the SIP model applied to maladaptive parenting, pre-existing cognitive schemas are considered a key factor in cognitive information processing, defined as knowledge accepted as true by individuals (Sigel, 1985). When activated, this knowledge acts as a filter for the environmental information to which parents must respond (e.g., Azar et al., 2008). These schemas might include (a) ideas, beliefs, values and attitudes about child development and childrearing (Sigel & McGillicuddy-DeLisi, 2002), (b) person-specific schemata such as self-efficacy, control expectancies, locus of control orientation and empathy, and (c) affective schemata, such as mood, negative affect, distress, and hyperreactivity to child-related stimuli (Milner, 2000). These pre-existing schemata are likely to influence parents’ perceptions of children’s signals and behaviors, and to determine the subsequent stages of information processing (Bugental & Johnston, 2000; Milner, 1993). Specifically, these information structures, prior to the processing of new information, can be global (related to all children) or specific (related to their own children), theory-driven (based on preexisting beliefs) or context- driven (impacted by situational variables; Milner, 2000). Research conducted with high-risk of abuse and abusive parents has been showing that these parents are more likely to hold more inaccurate and biased preexisting cognitive schemata. For example, this research has shown that these parents value physical punishment as a disciplinary technique (e.g., Ateah & Durrant, 2005; Rodriguez, 2018; Wang, Wang, & Xing, 2018), hold unrealistic expectations about child development (e.g., Azar & Rohrbeck, 1986; Haskett, Scott, Willoughby, Ahern, & Nears, 2006; McElroy & Rodriguez, 2008), have negative implicit attitudes towards children (e.g., Risser, Skowronski, & Crouch, 2011), present higher accessibility of negative schemata (e.g., Crouch et al., 2012, Crouch, Risser et al., 2010; Hiraoka et al., 2014; Milner et al., 2011), show an external locus of control (e.g., Rodriguez, 2010; Rodriguez & Richardson, 2007), are less empathic (e.g., Francis & Wolfe, 2008; Pérez-Albéniz & De Paúl, 2003; Pérez-Albéniz & De Paúl, 2004), and present more negative affect (e.g., Bradley & Peters, 1991; Dadds, Mullins, McAllister, & Atkinson, 2003; Dopke, Lundahl, Dunsterville, & Lovejoy, 2003; Pérez-Albéniz & De Paúl, 2006). Surprisingly, much less attention has been given to neglectful parents. However, the research

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conducted with neglectful parents has been suggesting that they present unrealistic expectations about child development (e.g., Azar et al., 2017; Azar, Stevenson, & Johnson, 2012; Gaines, Sandgrund, Green, & Power, 1978), an external locus of control (e.g., Rodriguez & Richardson, 2007), lack of empathy (e.g., De Paúl, Pérez-Albéniz, Guibert, Asla, & Ormaechea, 2008; Rodrigo et al., 2011), negative affect (e.g., Edwards, Shipman, & Brown, 2005) and biased attitudes related to parenting (e.g., Camilo, Garrido, & Calheiros, 2020).

The first stage of information processing proposed in the SIP model is parents’ detection and perception of the child’s signals and states (Milner, 2000). This stage includes attentional processes related with the child, such as awareness of children’s behavior, encoding of child-related information, cue detection accuracy, notice of minor changes in children’s behavior, likelihood to observe noncompliant children’ behaviors, ability to distinguish different types of child transgressions, and errors in recognition of the child’s emotional expressions. Specifically, research has been suggesting that high-risk and abusive parents present errors in encoding children’s behavior (e.g., Crouch et al., 2017; Dopke et al., 2003; During & McMahon, 1991; Milner et al., 2011; Miragoli, Balzarotti, Camisasca, & Blasio, 2018) and in recognizing children’s emotions (e.g., Asla, De Paúl, & Pérez-Albéniz, 2011; Francis & Wolfe, 2008; Rodriguez, Gracia, & Lila, 2016), and are more intolerant towards children’s misbehavior (e.g., McElroy & Rodriguez, 2008). Ne- glectful parents are expected to have more difficulties in perceiving signals indicative of children’s need for attention (Crittenden, 1993). Although scarce, a few studies have been suggesting that neglectful parents present errors in encoding children’s behaviors (Hansen, Pallotta, Tishelman, Conaway, & MacMillan, 1989) and in recognizing children’s emotions (Hildyard & Wolfe, 2007).

In stage 2 of the SIP model, influenced by parents’ preexisting schemata and by their encoding of children’s behavior, parents interpret and evaluate children’s signals, and engage in attributional processes. These attributions of children’s behavior might be more internal/external, stable/unstable, specific/global, controllable/uncontrollable, or intentional/unintentional (Milner, 2000). Specifically, high-risk and abusive parents are expected to display more negative and biased judgments about their children, to interpret their behaviors as more negative, wrong, and blameworthy, and to attribute them to internal, stable, and global child factors, often motivated by hostile intent. Further, they are expected to make more evaluations of wrongness and to have more expectations of child’s compliance following transgressions. Research conducted with high-risk and abusive parents provides support for these assumption by showing that these parents make more negative attributions about children’s behaviors (e.g., Crouch et al., 2017; Dopke & Milner, 2000; Mammen, Kolko, & Pilkonis, 2003; Rodriguez, 2018), interpret these behaviors as having negative intent (e.g., Ateah & Durrant, 2005; Azar et al., 2016), and have higher expectations of child compliance (e.g., Dopke & Milner, 2000; Rodriguez, Smith, & Silvia, 2016). Research with neglectful parents has shown that they make more negative attributions about children’s behaviors (Hildyard & Wolfe, 2007) and interpret these behaviors as having negative intent (Azar et al., 2012, 2017).

In the third stage of the SIP model parents are expected to integrate the information and select a response. Parents use the situational information in their evaluation of children’s behavior (mitigating information) and select from their repertoire, specific parenting skills and techniques, using their ability to creatively generate appropriate child management techniques (Milner, 2000). High-risk and abusive parents are expected to show more errors in the integration of child-related information, and their response selection process is likely to be limited by their poor repertoire of parental responses. For example, research has already shown that both abusive and neglectful parents present deficits in problem-solving skills (e.g., Azar et al., 2016, 2017; Azar et al., 2012), and that abusive parents specifically show a lack of adequate parenting techniques (e.g., Caselles & Milner, 2000; De Paúl, Asla, Pérez-Albéniz, & Cádiz, 2006; Letourneau, 1981; Russa, Rodriguez, & Silvia, 2014).

Finally, in the fourth response implementation and monitoring stage proposed in the SIP model, high-risk and abusive parents are likely to have less-developed skills to implement adequate responses, and to monitor and modify their response when necessary. While abusive parents are expected to engage in aggressive and violent behaviors (Milner, 2000), neglectful parents are expected to fail in implementing a parental response, omitting their caregiving behaviors (Crittenden, 1993).

The processes involved in the SIP stages are believed to influence each other in a bi-directional way, and to be moderated by experiences of negative affect and high levels of distress (2003, Milner, 1993). Furthermore, the SIP model proposed by Milner (2000) suggests that information processing activities are both controlled, especially in ambiguous and novel situations, and automatic, occurring outside of awareness and potentially influenced by the parents’ responses to stress (physiological arousal) (Milner, 2003).

In the last decades, the SIP model or its components have been systematically used in the context of maltreatment research, examining different socio-cognitive variables, using explicit or implicit measures and more experimental or correlational designs. Recent research has also been exploring the model as whole, and applying longitudinal methods (e.g., Rodriguez et al., 2019).

The exponential growth of studies on parental cognitions during the last decades, examining the effects of different cognitive variables advances fundamental knowledge about the parental cognitions that are most associated with maladaptive parental be- haviors. Further, more insight into the effects of parental cognitions underlying child abuse and neglect can help improve current risk and actual behavior assessment practices, namely disentangling the role of different sources of information (such as CPS records, self- reports, observations, implicit measures) in the assessment of parental practices. Third, while informing about the parental cognitions more associated with parenting behaviors, the results of the present study can support the development and improvement of pre- vention and intervention programs with abusive and neglectful parents. To summarize the research about parental cognitions that are associated with child physical abuse and child neglect, we conducted a set of meta-analyses based on the cognitive stages of the SIP model. Although the SIP framework underlying this review is originally a model applied to child physical abuse (Milner, 2000), we adopted the model to explore its application to neglect. Specifically, we aimed to identify the association of each SIP stage to physical abuse and to neglect. Additionally, we mapped the main characteristics of the studies, namely the sample characteristics, type of maltreatment, type of measures used to assess the socio-cognitive variables and maltreatment, country of data collection and pub- lication year, and examined their moderation effects in the association between parental cognitions and child maltreatment. The flow diagram, the list of included studies and their main characteristics, the coding scheme, the classification of the SIP cognitive stages,

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3

and the references included in the meta-analyses are presented in the Supplemental Material.

2. Method

2.1. Search strategy and study selection

A systematic electronic search was conducted during November 2018, in seven databases, namely Academic Search Complete, ERIC, PsycARTICLES, PsycINFO, Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection, Scopus and Web of Science, restricted to articles published in academic journals in English, Portuguese and Spanish. The studies were identified using all possible combinations of the following groups of search terms: (a) child abuse OR child neglect OR child maltreatment; AND (b) cognitive processes” OR “in- formation processing” OR “sip model” OR cognitions; AND (c) parent*. Additionally, a hand search was performed based on the references of relevant papers and previous reviews of the literature on this subject.

Studies were considered for this meta-analysis if they met a set of inclusion criteria: (1) empirical and quantitative studies; (2) adult participants, with 18 years or older, parents or non-parents (e.g., undergraduate students, who were assessed for the risk of being maltreating in the future); (3) evaluated, as independent variables, socio-cognitive factors related to parenting and child- rearing underlying the SIP model of maladaptive parenting (according to Milner, 2000); (4) evaluated, as dependent variables, child physical abuse or child neglect, perpetrated (referred to CPS or assessed through parental reports) or at risk of. In a later stage, during data extraction, studies presenting only multivariate results were not considered since they do not present a direct association between two variables (see Appendix D in Supplemental Material).

According to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) Statement (Liberati et al., 2009), we conducted a four-phase process (Fig. 1) to select the relevant studies based on a sequential examination of the title, abstract and full text. Title and abstract screening were conducted by two independent judges in order to obtain inter-rater agreement, using the

Fig. 1. Flow diagram of search results.

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4

software Rayyan QCRI (Ouzzani, Hammady, Fedorowicz, & Elmagarmid, 2016). Each rater screened all the articles identified (91.4 % of agreement), and all disagreements were resolved by a third rater. From the 1013 articles initially identified, 51 were selected and included in the meta-analysis (see Appendix A in Supplemental Material).

2.2. Coding of the studies

Based on the guidelines proposed by Lipsey and Wilson (2001), we created a form for coding the main studies’ characteristics, their results and the specific data required to calculate the effect sizes (see Appendix B in Supplemental Material). Specifically, the following information was extracted: bibliographical information (authors; title; year of publication), sample characteristics (type of participants – mothers, fathers, non-parents; type of sample - CPS or community-sample; age-range of the children; sample size), study characteristics (country in which the study was conducted; design; assessment context), information about the variables (type of maltreatment; measures of maltreatment; socio-cognitive variables evaluated; social information processing stage; measures of the socio-cognitive variables), main results, and the respective effect sizes. The effect sizes that were not reported in the primary studies were calculated using statistical information derived from the reported statistics. Some of the variables were coded for descriptive purposes or to be tested as potential moderators. Additionally, based on Milner’s proposal (2000), the socio-cognitive variables were classified according to the stages of the SIP model (see Appendix C in Supplemental Material).

2.3. Calculation of effect sizes

To quantify the effect of parental socio-cognitive factors in the explanation of child physical abuse and neglect, we calculated the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient (r) for each association between a socio-cognitive variable (e.g., errors in emotions recognition, deficits in problem-solving skills) and a variable of abuse and neglect (e.g., CPS records, parental practices evaluation) that could be extracted from the primary studies. Pearson's product moment correlation coefficient (r) was chosen as the effect size because almost all the primary studies included were correlational studies, and because correlations are readily interpretable in terms of practical importance (Rosenthal & DiMatteo, 2001). Moreover, correlations can be easily computed from chi-square, t, F, and d values (Hunter & Schmidt, 2004), which proved to be helpful to transform the remaining statistics reported in primary studies (e.g., means, standard deviations, and odds-ratios).

Study-specific data were transformed to correlation coefficients using the methods and formulas proposed by Lipsey and Wilson (2001), and by Borenstein, Hegdes, Higgins, and Rothstein (2009)). Effect sizes were calculated using the results of bivariate analyses. Multivariate results such as adjusted means or adjusted odds-ratios were not considered since they do not present a direct association between two variables. We selected this approach, since the studies included in the meta-analyses rarely use the same set of cov- ariates. This means that combining and comparing differentially adjusted effect sizes would limit the ability to properly estimate a true overall effect (see Mulder, Kuiper, van der Put, Stams, & Assink, 2018).

When the correlation coefficient is chosen as effect size, multiple scholars advise to transform correlations into normally dis- tributed Fisher’s z-values prior to conducting the statistical analyses in meta-analytic research. Correlations are not normally dis- tributed, and this may negatively affect the results of the analyses (e.g., Cooper, 2010; Lipsey & Wilson, 2001). Therefore, all correlation coefficients were transformed into Fisher’s z-scores prior to conducting the analyses. After the analyses, the Fisher’s z- scores were transformed back to correlations in order to enhance the interpretability of the results. In the present study, effect sizes of r > .100 were interpreted as small, r > .243 as medium, and r > .371 as large (Rice & Harris, 2005). The direction of each effect size (either positive or negative) matched the statistical data as reported in the primary study.

2.4. Analyses plan

The primary studies included in the current review were treated as a random sample from a larger population of studies, and therefore, in the statistical analyses, a random-effect-approach was applied (see for example Mulder et al., 2018). Most of the included studies reported multiple socio-cognitive variables or physical abuse and neglect, meaning that, in many cases, multiple effect sizes could be extracted from one primary study. In order to take the dependency between effect sizes from the same study into account, we used an approach in which the (possible) dependence of effect sizes can be modeled. Therefore, we performed three-level meta-analyses for each SIP stage, where three different sources of variance are modeled: variance between studies (level 3), variance between effect sizes extracted from the same primary study (level 2), and sample variance of the retrieved effect sizes (level 1) (e.g., Assink et al., 2015; Mulder et al., 2018). The multilevel models allow the calculation of an overall effect size and, if significant variance on level 2 and/or level 3 is observed, to examine whether study and/or sample characteristics can explain this variance. The syntax described by Assink and Wibbelink (2016) was used to build the meta-analytic models in the statistical environment R (version 3.6.3, R Core Team, 2020), with the function “rma.mv” of the metafor package (Viechtbauer, 2010). The model coefficients were tested two-sided using the Knapp-Hartung-correction (Knapp & Hartung, 2003), meaning that a t-distribution was used for testing individual coefficients, and an F-distribution was used for the omnibus-test of all coefficients in the model (excluding the intercept). To determine the significance of the variances at levels 2 and 3, two one-sided log-likelihood-ratio tests were performed, in which the deviance of the full model was compared with the deviance of the model without one of the two variance-parameters. The sampling variance of the observed effect sizes (Level 1) was estimated by using the formula prosed by Cheung (2014). For each individual cognitive variable, a simple meta-analysis was performed with the function “rma” of the metafor package (Viechtbauer, 2010), whenever the number of effect sizes included allowed it (> 1).

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Furthermore, a selective number of potential moderating variables were examined, based on previous studies (e.g., Hambrick, Tunno, Gabrielli, Jackson, & Belz, 2014; Lau, Valeri, McCarty, & Weisz, 2006). Prior to the moderator analyses, dummy variables were created for each category of all discrete variables and continuous variables were centered around their mean.

Finally, to examine the extent to which the results were affected by different sources of bias (such as publication bias), a non- parametric and funnel-plot based trim-and-fill analysis was conducted (e.g., Duval, 2005).

3. Results

3.1. Descriptives

The present review analyzed a total of K = 51 articles and 130 effect sizes (see Appendix A in Supplemental Material). Most studies were conducted in the USA (k = 33), followed by Europe (k = 12), and Canada (4), and single studies were conducted in Australia (k = 1) and China (k = 1). The 51 studies included were published between 1978 and 2018, although most of them (k = 35) were published after 2000.

The sample sizes of the included studies ranged from n = 20 to n = 1596 and included mostly mothers (k = 28) or mothers and fathers (k = 16), and a few studies included non-parents (k = 6). Samples were coded into referred to CPS-samples (k = 26), or community-based samples (i.e., samples with parents with non-referred children, and non-parents) (k = 25).

Regarding the type of maltreatment, most studies analyzed physical abuse (k = 47) and a smaller number of studies explored neglect (k = 10). Child maltreatment was assessed mostly through self-report measures (k = 32) or CPS records (k = 20).

Socio-cognitive variables were coded into the four-SIP stages, with the majority of studies analyzing stage 0 variables (k = 36), followed by stage 2 variables (k = 20), and finally stage 1 (k = 17) and stage 3 (k = 17). Stage 0 variables – parents’ pre-existing schemata – included unrealistic expectations about the child’s development (k = 13), lack of empathy (k = 12), negative affect (k = 9), value of physical punishment (k = 6), external locus of control (k = 4), accessibility of negative schemata (k = 2) and hy- perreactivity to child-related stimuli (k = 1). Stage 1 variables – parents’ perceptions – included errors in encoding children’s behavior (k = 12), in recognizing children’s emotions (k = 5) and intolerance towards children’s misbehavior (k = 1). Stage 2 variables – parents’ interpretations and evaluations – included general negative attributions (k = 8), attributions of negative intent (k = 6), evaluations of wrongness (k = 5), expectations of child compliance (k = 4), attributions of controllability (k = 2), errors in interpreting children’s behavior (k = 1) and attributions of internality (k = 1). Stage 3 variables – parents’ information integration and response selection – included lack of adequate parenting techniques (k = 12), deficits in problem-solving skills (k = 5), inadequate appraisals of the appropriateness of disciplinary choices (k = 2), and inadequate disciplinary goals (k = 1).

3.2. Overall effects of the SIP stages on physical abuse

The overall effect of each SIP stage and of each specific cognitive variable on physical abuse is presented in Table 1. Each overall effect represents the association of a SIP stage (or the individual cognitive variable) and child physical abuse. The overall effect of each of the four SIP stages was significant, with Stages 0 and 1 presenting moderate effects (r = 0.265 for parents’ preexisting schemata, and r = 0.296 for parents’ perceptions), and Stages 2 and 3 presented effects of smaller magnitude (r = 0.179, for parents’ interpretations and evaluations, and r = 0.230, for parents’ information integration and response selection).

Specifically, in Stage 0, the overall effect of most cognitive variables examined was significant and ranged from small (r = 0.191, for the value of physical punishment) to moderate (r = 0.357, for the lack of empathy); one of the effect sizes was not significant (unrealistic expectations about child development, r = 0.126). Regarding Stage 1, both individual cognitive variables (errors in encoding the child’s behavior and errors in recognizing children’s emotions) presented a significant and moderate effect size (r = 0.300, r = 0.275 respectively). In Stage 2, most of the effect sizes of the cognitive variables were small (with the exception to the general negative attributions, r = 0.265), and two of them were not significant (attributions of controllability, r = 0.104 and errors in interpreting child’s behavior, r = 0.178). Finally, in Stage 3, two of the cognitive variables (deficits in problem-solving skills and lack of adequate parenting techniques) presented a significant and moderate effect size (r = . 327, r = 0.237 respectively), and the effect size of inadequate appraisals of the appropriateness of disciplinary choices (r = 0.070) was not significant.

3.3. Overall effects of the SIP stages on child neglect

Regarding neglect, the overall effect of each SIP stage and of each specific cognitive variable is presented in Table 2. Only the overall effect of Stage 0 was significant but small (r = 0.231) in magnitude; the overall effect sizes observed in Stage 2 and 3 were not significant (r = 0.255 and r = 0.288 respectively). Stage 1 was not meta-analyzed since only one effect was identified.

Specifically, in Stage 0, the overall effect of the two analyzed cognitive variables (lack of empathy, r = 0.104 and unrealistic expectations about child development, r = 0.226) was not significant. Regarding Stages 2 and 3, the individual cognitive variables examined (attributions of negative intent and deficits in problem-solving skills) presented a significant and moderate effect (r = 0.257, r = 0.288 respectively).

3.4. Heterogeneity and moderator effects

The results of the likelihood-ratio tests revealed significant variance between effect sizes extracted from the same study and

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6

T ab

le 1

R es u lt s fo r th e ov

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U n re al is ti c ex p ec ta ti on

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C. Camilo, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104666

7

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.0 1 .

C. Camilo, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104666

8

T ab

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9

between studies (i.e., level 2 and level 3 variance) in Stage 0 and Stage 2 for physical abuse (and not for neglect) (see Table 1). Consequently, we conducted moderation analysis for both stages. None of the variables tested in the moderator analyses yielded a significant effect, as presented in Table 3.

3.5. Trim and fill analyses

The trim and fill analyses suggested that bias was present in most of the SIP stages in physical abuse and neglect, given the asymmetrical funnel plot distributions observed (Appendix E in Supplemental Material). After the trim and fill analyses, the overall effects were adjusted by imputing “missing” effect sizes and re-estimating an overall effect, presented in Tables 4 and 5. For physical abuse, higher effects were observed for Stages 0 and 1, whereas Stage 2 presented smaller effects. For neglect, a higher effect was found in Stage 2 and a smaller effect was found in Stage 3.

4. Discussion

From a cognitive-behavioral perspective, parents undergo a set of socio-cognitive processes that influence their parental responses (e.g., Sigel & McGillicuddy-DeLisi, 2002). The SIP model applied to child maltreatment suggests that abusive and neglectful parents are unable to understand the signals or states of the child, interpret those signals correctly, and select and implement adequate responses (2003, Crittenden, 1993; Milner, 1993). Several authors have already empirically explored this framework and provided evidence that parental cognitions have an important role in shaping abusive and neglectful behaviors (e.g., Crouch, Milner et al., 2010; Pérez-Albéniz & De Paúl, 2005; Rodriguez, Smith, & Silvia, 2016). To further examine the extent to which specific components of the SIP model explain child physical abuse and child neglect, we reviewed 51 primary studies (and their effect sizes) that examined the association between socio-cognitive parental variables from each cognitive stage of the SIP model and physical abuse and neglect, using a multilevel meta-analytic approach.

The results of our meta-analyses support the general hypothesis that physically abusive parents may incur in biases or errors in child-related information processing during parent-child interactions. Overall, the associations of socio-cognitive parental variables with physically abusive practices reached a small (Stages 0 and 1) to medium magnitude (Stages 2 and 3) (according to Rice & Harris, 2005). Regarding neglect, only parents’ preexisting schemata revealed a significant, although small, association with child neglect, which can be potentially related with the low number of included studies analyzing child neglect. This finding suggests the need for further studies examining parental neglect within this framework. Although non-significant, parents’ biased interpretations and evaluations of children’s behavior (Stage 2) and their difficulties to integrate the information and select a parental response (Stage 3) reached a moderate effect in the association with child neglect.

As for the specific cognitive variables in each stage and their associations with child maltreatment, the obtained results suggest that abusive parents are more likely to hold inaccurate and biased preexisting cognitive schemata (Stage 0), namely they present a more external locus of control (e.g., Ellis & Milner, 1981; Rodriguez, 2010; Rodriguez & Richardson, 2007), lack of empathy (e.g., Francis & Wolfe, 2008; Milner, Halsey, & Fultz, 1995; Rodrigo et al., 2011), and higher negative affect towards children (e.g., Dadds et al., 2003; Edwards et al., 2005).

Further, the included studies suggest that physically abusive parents present more difficulties in perceiving children’s signals

Table 4 Results for the overall mean effect sizes of the sip stages in physical abuse after conducting trim and fill analyses.

SIP Stage # Studies # ES Fisher’s z (SE) 95 % CI Sig. mean z (p) Mean r

Stage 0 43 58 .330 (.040) 0.252, 0.408 < .001*** .319 Stage 1 22 23 .387 (.048) 0.293, 0.481 < .001*** .369 Stage 2 26 36 .106 (.037) 0.033, 0.179 .004** .106 Stage 3 – – – – – –

Note. # Studies = number of studies; # ES = number of effect sizes; SE = standard error; CI = confidence interval for Fisher’s z; Sig. mean z = level of significance of mean effect size; Mean r = mean effect size (Pearson’s correlation). *p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.

Table 5 Results for the overall mean effect sizes of the sip stages in neglect after conducting trim and fill analyses.

SIP Stage # Studies # ES Fisher’s z (SE) 95 % CI Sig. mean z (p) Mean r

Stage 0 – – – – – – Stage 1 – – – – – – Stage 2 5 5 .271 (.055) 0.164, 0.378 < .001*** .265 Stage 3 6 6 .193 (.098) 0.001, 0.384 .049* .191

Note. # Studies = number of studies; # ES = number of effect sizes; SE = standard error; CI = confidence interval for Fisher’s z; Sig. mean z = level of significance of mean effect size; Mean r = mean effect size (Pearson’s correlation). * p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.

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(Stage 1), making more errors when encoding children’s behaviors (e.g., Graham, Weiner, Cobb, & Henderson, 2001; McCarthy et al., 2017; Miragoli et al., 2018; Stringer & La Greca, 1985; Webster-Stratton, 1985), and when recognizing children’s emotions (e.g., Balge and Milner, 2000; Francis and Wolfe, 2008; Rodriguez, Garcia, et al., 2016).

Additionally, with a smaller magnitude, the reported results also indicate that physically abusive parents make more biased attributions about children’s behaviors (Stage 2), interpreting those behaviors as more negative (e.g., Montes, De Paúl, & Milner, 2001; Rodriguez & Tucker, 2015) and as more wrong (e.g., Chilamkurti & Milner, 1993).

Finally, the reviewed results also suggest that physically abusive parents may present more difficulties in the integration of child- related information and response selection (Stage 3), revealing difficulties in problem-solving (e.g., Azar et al., 2016, 2017) and a limited repertoire of adequate parenting techniques (e.g., De Paúl, Pérez-Albéniz et al., 2006; Russa et al., 2014).

The included studies also suggest that biases on parents’ preexisting schemata may have an important role in the explanation of neglectful behaviors, namely that they present unrealistic expectations about child development (e.g., Azar et al., 2012). Moreover, neglectful parents make more biased attributions about children’s behaviors (Stage 2), interpreting those behaviors as more negative (e.g., Azar et al., 2017; Larrance & Twentyman, 1983) and present more difficulties in problem-solving skills (e.g., Azar, Robinson, Hekimian, & Twentyman, 1984).

The trim and fill analyses for physical abuse and neglect suggested missing data in most of the SIP stages, indicating that the true effects of each stage may differ from the estimated effects in our meta-analyses. Although previous studies on simulated meta- analyses showed that the trim-and-fill algorithm may inappropriately adjust for bias (e.g., Peters, Sutton, Jones, Abrams, & Rushton, 2007), it is useful to test how sensitive the results are to the possible presence of publication bias (e.g., Fernández-Castilla et al., 2019). In this specific case, the results of trim and fill analyses even reinforced the effects in most stages.

Despite the interesting results of this meta-analytic review, we have identified a set of limitations in the primary studies. First, many of the included studies were conducted with no reference or recognition of the SIP framework applied to abuse and neglect (e.g., Rodrigo et al., 2011) and used different terms for the same variables (e.g., “mother’s rating of the valence of the child behavior” in Dadds et al., 2003; “parents’ perceptions of children’s adjustment” in Haskett, Scott, Grant, Ward, & Robinson, 2003). Nevertheless, we attempted to overcome this limitation through a thorough categorization of the variables based on the theoretical descriptions of the SIP model (2003, Milner, 1993). Second, there is high variability in child abuse and neglect definition and assessment. For example, CPS records may have inherent biases derived from professionals’ perceptions, different legal systems of each country, or lack of distinction between reported and substantiated cases. Moreover, self-report measures of maltreatment were very hetero- geneous, since some evaluated parental practices such as the Parent- Child Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus, Hamby, Finkelhor, Moore, & Runyan, 1998) for abuse and the Multidimensional Neglectful Behavior Scale - Parent Report (Kantor, Holt, & Straus, 2003) for neglect, and others assessed risk with the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (Milner, 1986). Third, few studies explored child neglect, which is consistently reported as the most prevalent type of maltreatment (e.g., Warmingham, Handley, Rogosch, Manly, & Cicchetti, 2019). Further, not all primary studies report having controlled for socio-demographic variables. For example, many of the studies did not refer to socioeconomic status (e.g., Crouch et al., 2012), which can constitute an important confound since poverty has been also associated with cognitive information processing deficits (Mani, Mullainathan, Shafir, & Zhao, 2013). Finally, and despite the re- cognizable difficulty in accessing and evaluating these samples, few studies have used experimental designs (for an exception see Farc, Crouch, Skowronski, & Milner, 2008), and even less conducted longitudinal research (for an exception see Rodriguez et al., 2019).

Likewise, we have identified some limitations of the current meta-analyses. Specifically, the reported work did not include non- published studies (for details about this issue see Camilo & Garrido, 2019), although the diagnosis analysis for publication bias indicated that our results are reliable. In addition, a significant number of studies (k = 31; see the reference list in the Appendix D in Supplemental Material) were not included since they presented only multivariate data. Moreover, this review does not specify the different types of child neglect (neglect, emotional, educational neglect), mostly because the primary studies did not treat neglect as a multidimensional construct, presenting global scores for this type of maltreatment. It would be important to disentangle the asso- ciation of different parental cognitions with different types of neglect and abuse, for a deeper understanding of the different putative causal mechanisms. Also, the inclusion of studies with small samples, and subsequently low power, is likely to increase the effects of publication bias (e.g., Turner, Bird, & Higgins, 2013). Further, this meta-analytic review did not include an assessment of study quality (e.g., STROBE; Vandenbroucke et al., 2007), which could be a potential moderating variable. Additionally, the current study draws mostly on correlational data, which do not allow to establish causation. Finally, although the analytical distinction of the SIP components is crucial to clarify the model, these components are interdependent and mutually influenced (2003, Milner, 1993), and might be addressed as such in future research.

Nevertheless, the current multilevel meta-analytic review brings important theoretical and methodological contributions in summarizing the evidence about socio-cognitive processes underlying child physical abuse and neglect. This is likely to reflect the advances in both social cognitive psychology and social developmental psychology in the parenting domain. Specifically, by sys- tematically addressing the different socio-cognitive components of the social information processing model, this work is likely to provide a more solid framework to understand parental cognitions underlying child maltreatment. Based on the current findings, future studies on child neglect are needed, especially because this has been the most reported and substantiated type of maltreatment (Kim, Mennen, & Trickett, 2017). Further, it would be important to consider abuse and neglect as multidimensional constructs, analyzing and presenting the results for each specific form of abuse and of neglect, given their potential different mechanisms (Warmingham et al., 2019). Given the high co-occurrence of different types of maltreatment (Kim, Wildeman, et al., 2017), future studies should also control for the co-occurrence of abuse and neglect. Moreover, the current study identified a limited number of longitudinal and experimental studies, which are important to establish causality (e.g., Rodriguez et al., 2019). Finally, future

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research could advance on the validation of implicit measures that tap unconscious and automatic cognitive processes, less prone to conscious awareness and social desirability than self-report measures (Lau et al., 2006).

Regarding the implications to intervention, this review clarifies the most important components of the SIP model that should be addressed in prevention and intervention with maltreating or at-risk parents. For example, based on the reported effect sizes, parental pre-existing schemata and perceptions about children’s signals seem to be important components to integrate in intervention pro- grams with parents (e.g., Camilo & Garrido, 2013). This can easily be translated into programs targeting parents’ beliefs and attitudes about childrearing, increasing positive parental expectations about their capabilities, their meta-cognitive awareness, and working their attentional focus management, reducing the automaticity of their cognitions (Crouch & Milner, 2005).

Socio-cognitive approaches to maladaptive parenting constitute an important complement to the bio-ecological frameworks (Belsky & Jaffee, 2015), by focusing on parental cognitions that, under certain environmental conditions, may lead to maltreating parental behaviors. This meta-analytic review shows that parental cognitions have an important role in the explanation of child physical abuse and neglect while opening new research avenues. These may include more experimental designs and the use of implicit measures (Camilo, Garrido, & Calheiros, 2016). Additionally, the examination of mediation effects between the components of the model, with the interaction of ecological factors (e.g., socioeconomic status, social support, child-related stress) and individual variables (e.g., psychopathology, cognitive functioning) (e.g., Azar et al., 2012; Milner, 2000; Rodriguez et al., 2019) are also likely to benefit prevention and intervention programs in child maltreatment.

Declarations of Competing Interest

None.

Funding

This work was supported by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology with grants awarded to the first [SFRH/BD/ 99875/2014] and second [PTDC/MHC-PCN/5217/2014] authors.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104666.

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  • The social information processing model in child physical abuse and neglect: A meta-analytic review
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Method
      • 2.1 Search strategy and study selection
      • 2.2 Coding of the studies
      • 2.3 Calculation of effect sizes
      • 2.4 Analyses plan
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Descriptives
      • 3.2 Overall effects of the SIP stages on physical abuse
      • 3.3 Overall effects of the SIP stages on child neglect
      • 3.4 Heterogeneity and moderator effects
      • 3.5 Trim and fill analyses
    • 4 Discussion
    • Declarations of Competing Interest
    • Funding
    • Appendix A Supplementary data
    • References1

Reunification-for-young-children-of-color-with-substance-rem_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Reunification for young children of color with substance removals: An intersectional analysis of longitudinal national data Margaret H. Lloyd Sieger (Ph.D.) (Assistant Professor) University of Connecticut, School of Social Work, 38 Prospect Street, Room 310, Hartford, CT, 06105, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Racial disparities Reunification Child maltreatment Opioid epidemic Parental substance use disorder

A B S T R A C T

Background: The opioid epidemic has resulted in increasing attention to the effect of parental substance use disorders on child welfare system involvement, including foster care utilization. Opioid use disorders are more common among whites than people of color, however. Objective: This study sought to determine number and proportion of children of color with substance removals and whether disparities exist in likelihood of reunification compared to white children. Participants & setting: This study used U.S. Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System (AFCARS) data to determine rates of foster care entries and outcomes between 2007–2017 across intersections of child race/ethnicity, age, and substance removal status. Methods: Survival analyses were employed to test the primary research questions. Results: During the 10 year period observed, the number and proportion of white children with substance removals (ages 0−4 and 5+) in foster care increased two- to three-fold compared to children of color with substance removals depending on child age. However, children of color, particularly ages 0−4, faced disadvantages respecting foster care outcomes. Results of the multivariate proportional hazards models revealed that reunification was significantly and sub- stantially more likely for every group compared to young (0−4) children of color with substance removals. Further probing revealed that racial disparities were driven primarily by Black/African American children. Conclusions: Children of color with substance removals, particularly Black/African American children, are at higher risk of poor child welfare outcomes compared to their white peers.

1. Introduction

The opioid epidemic has brought increased attention to the effect of parental substance use disorders on child welfare system involvement, including foster care utilization (Young, 2016). U.S. foster care data reveals that removals due to parental drug use increased 60 % between 2007 and 2017, three times larger increase than any other removal reason (based on U.S. Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System [AFCARS] data; change rate calculated by the author). A recent study found that counties with higher overdose death and drug hospitalization rates corresponded with more maltreatment reports, substantiation decisions, and foster care entries (Ghertner, Waters, Radel, & Crouse, 2018; Radel, Baldwin, Crouse, Ghertner, & Waters, 2018). This effect may be particularly profound for families with young children who are more vulnerable to the deleterious effects of a parental substance use disorder (Wulczyn, 2009). To this point, national data indicates that young children (under age five) entered foster care at double the rate of older children (Children’s Bureau, 2019a), with rates of infants entering foster care increasing in every state since 2011

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104664 Received 13 March 2020; Received in revised form 15 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

E-mail address: [email protected].

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104664

Available online 13 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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(Lloyd Sieger and Becker, 2015). However, opioid use disorders are more common among whites than people of color (Patrick, Kaplan, Passarella, Davis, & Lorch, 2014; Tolia et al., 2015). Unknown is whether young children of color with substance removals are also entering care at increasing rates and whether disparities exist in child welfare outcomes. This study aimed to determine rates of young children of color (ages 0−4) with substance removals in foster care across the U.S. between 2007–2017 and evaluate the impact of race/ethnicity, age, and substance removal status on child reunification.

1.1. Parental substance use disorders and foster care

Parental substance use disorders are a prominent reason for families being reported to, and entering, the child welfare system. This trend has increased in recent years. Between 2010 and 2019, the percent of children reported to child protective services (CPS) with parent “drug abuse” increased from 18 % to 31 % (Children’s Bureau, 2011, 2019b). Although prevalence rates differ sub- stantially across states, in 2018, close to one in three children reported to CPS had parent drug abuse as a risk factor, and more than one in three children who entered foster care had parent drug abuse as a removal reason (Children’s Bureau, 2019b). Studies examining prevalence across data sources suggest that up to 79 % of children in foster care experience some level of parental substance use disorder (Seay, 2015; Testa & Smith, 2009).

These children face several barriers to safety, permanency, and well-being. For example, children with parental substance use disorders are more likely to experience maltreatment (Chaffin, Kelleher, & Hollenberg, 1996), enter foster care (Maluccio & Ainsworth, 2003), and experience placement instability (Tracy & Farkas, 1994) and termination of parental rights (Meyer, McWey, McKendrick, & Henderson, 2010) compared to children without parental SUD. Previous research repeatedly finds that children with parental substance use removals are less likely to reunify (Akin, Brook, & Lloyd, 2015), and more likely to re-enter foster care (Miller, Fisher, Fetrow, & Jordan, 2006), compared to children without substance use removals.

1.2. Young children in foster care

Child age is another critical factor in predicting child welfare involvement, foster care experiences, and outcomes. Of the 7.2 million children who were referred to child protective services in 2018, 3.5 million received either an investigation or alternative response and 678,000 were identified as victims of maltreatment (Children’s Bureau, 2019b). Of these victims, close to 70 % were under age 5 (Children’s Bureau, 2019b). The first five years of life is key developmental timeframe. Moreover, infants and young children are at higher risk than older children for maltreatment for many reasons including their high level of physical vulnerability and the stress of having a new baby or young child at home (Wulczyn, 2009). Parent and family factors, including parental substance use, coalesce with child vulnerability that leads to maltreatment. For example, research finds that families with infants or toddlers who neglect or abuse their child are likely to have parental substance use, fewer parenting skills and capacities, living arrangements characterized by impoverishment and overcrowding, fewer social supports, and more negative family relationships (Scannapieco & Connell-Carrick, 2007).

Previous research also points to age-specific experiences in foster care exits. Prior studies observe differences in outcomes ac- cording to child age categories that reflect developmental timeframes including infancy (under 1), infancy and toddlerhood (under 2 or 3), young childhood (2–5), school age (4–6 or 6–9), pre-teen (10–13) and teenagers (14 to 17+) (Akin, 2011; Connell, Katz, Saunders, & Tebes, 2006; Courtney & Hook, 2012; Courtney & Wong, 1996; Lloyd, Akin, & Brook, 2017). These studies observe incrementally and linearly disparate outcomes on the basis of age, with younger age groups facing reduced likelihoods of re- unification and guardianship, and increased likelihoods of adoption, compared to older age groups. Lingering in foster care is pro- blematic for all children but, given the importance of early childhood as a developmental timeframe, timely permanency may be especially important for young children (McCombs-Thornton & Foster, 2012).

1.3. Children of color in foster care

Extensive earlier research highlights the disproportionate rates of children of color in the child welfare system. Historically, Black/African American (B/AA) and American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) have been overrepresented in the foster care system (Hill, 2004). One in 7 (15 %) of AI/AN children and 1 in 9 (12 %) of B/AA children enter the foster care system before they turn 18, compared to 6% of all U.S. children (Font, Cancian, & Berger, 2019; Wildeman & Emanuel, 2014; Wildeman, Edwards, & Wakefield, 2020). Asian and Hispanic children are underrepresented in the child welfare system, which studies suggest could be based on cultural protective factors or underreporting due to cultural norms (Cheung & LaChapelle, 2011).

Rates of disproportionality among children of color in foster care has been linked to parent or family risk factors like substance use, mental illness, domestic violence and/or incarceration (Barth et al., 2001; Chaffin et al., 1996) while other studies associate it with community risk factors such as poverty and social organization (Coulton, Korbin, Su, & Chow, 1995; Drake et al., 2011). Multiple studies identified biases in child maltreatment reporting, investigation, substantiation, placement and discharge as adversely impacting outcomes for children of color (Hill, 2004; McMillen et al., 2004; Rolock & Testa, 2005).

The consequences of differential treatment for B/AA children translates to being more likely to experience out-of-home care, longer stay in foster care, delays in reunification with their families, and faster rates of reentry (Potter & Font, 2019; Putnam- Hornstein, Needell, King, & Johnson-Motoyama, 2013). When compared to non-minority children, B/AA children in foster care receive less mental health services (Garland et al., 2003, Leslie et al., 2004, McMillen et al., 2004), engage less with caseworkers (Cheng & Lo, 2012), experience higher rates of placement instability (Garcia, Kim, & DeNard, 2016), and are more likely to be placed

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with kin (Harris & Skyles, 2008; Hill, 2004), which tend to receive fewer funding resources (Geen, 2003).

1.4. Intersecting risk factors

Earlier work establishes child age, child race/ethnicity, and removal due to parental substance use as risk factors for poor child welfare outcomes. Some previous work has sought to explore intersections of these factors. For example, Hines, Lee, Osterling, and Drabble (2007) observed that maternal substance use predicted reunification failure for B/AA children but not for Hispanic, Asian, or white children. Wittenstrom, Baumann, Fluke, Graham, and James (2015) observed that reunification likelihood precipitously de- clined for B/AA compared to white children with the B/AA child was an infant of a single parent with drug involvement and in a kinship placement. Lloyd et al. (2017) examined the intersecting impact of child age and substance removal status and observed that infants and young children with parent drug removals are least likely to achieve permanency compared to young children without drug removals and all children over age three. These prior studies reflect findings from single states, however, and may not reflect national trends. Existing knowledge lacks a clearly articulated analysis of the intersecting effects of child race, age, and substance removal status on foster care experiences, including likelihood of reunification.

2. Research questions

To begin addressing the noted gaps in knowledge, the current study poses the following research questions:

1 How have the proportion and number of white and children of color with substance removals across two age groups changed over time in the U.S. between 2007 and 2017?

2 Are intersections of child race/ethnicity, age, and substance removal status associated with likelihood of reunification, controlling for other factors known to influence exiting foster care?

3 Do differences in likelihood of reunification differ across racial/ethnic categories among children with substance removals in two age groups?

3. Methods

3.1. Sample

Twelve years of AFCARS data were linked in order to capture all children in the U.S. foster care system between January 1, 2007 and December 31, 2017. In order to ensure that complete calendar years were observed, cases that entered foster care during federal fiscal year (FFY) 2007 prior to January 1, 2007 and, and FFY 2017 after December 31, 2017, were dropped from the data files. Cases were tracked through September 30, 2018 to ensure an observation period of at least nine months.

To answer research question one, assessing the proportion and number of children entering foster care each year across levels of the independent variable (described below), the complete AFCARS dataset linked across years was utilized. Because each child would have only one entry record for each foster care episode, no effort was made to identify the most recent record in the dataset. Additionally, re-entries were not accounted for.

However, in order to answer research questions two and three, it was necessary to address the issues of duplicate records and re- entries. For these analyses, only the child’s most recent foster care record according to the child’s AFCARS unique record number and latest removal date were retained for analysis. Application of these sampling procedures resulted in an analytic sample of n = 2,852,941. Observation period ranged from 9 months to 11 years 9 months (Figs. 1 and 2).

3.2. Variables

3.2.1. Dependent variables Reunified (1 = Yes) was recorded for children whose AFCARS placement exit reason indicated reunification. For children who

had another exit type or no exit within the study time frame, 0 = No was recorded. Among the entire sample, 43.5 % of children exited to reunification within the study time frame.

3.2.2. Time variable This study utilized Cox regression analysis to test its questions of interest. This method requires identifying a time variable that

measures the likelihood of an outcome over a given period of time. For this study, time was measured using days in foster care. For children who exited foster care during the study, this variable was calculated by subtracting their exit date from their removal date. For children who remained in care at the conclusion of the study, this variable was calculated by subtracting the study end date (September 30, 2018) or the child’s twenty-first birthday (whichever came first) from their removal date.

3.2.3. Independent variables The key independent variables were child age at the time of entry into foster care, child race/ethnicity, and removal due to

parental substance use. Child age was calculated by subtracting the child’s date of birth from their foster care entry date and then transformed into a dichotomous variable (1 = age 0–4, 0 = age 5+). Despite previously noted literature regarding gradations in

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permanency outcomes among children under five, child age was dichotomized in this manner for the sake of parsimony, due to the importance of the 0–5 developmental timeframe, because previous research generally documents differential outcomes for young children compared to older children, and because, while only 7% of children in foster care are under age 1, close to 40 % of foster care-involved children are under age five (Children’s Bureau, 2019a). Child race/ethnicity was measured using six non-mutually exclusive dichotomous variables to capture the following racial/ethnic identities: white, B/AA, AI/AN, Asian, Native Hawaiian/ Pacific Islander (NH/PI), and Hispanic. These variables were further transformed into a dichotomous variable (1 = non-Hispanic white, 0 = Hispanic and non-white). Removal due to parental substance use was measured as a dichotomous variable (1 = yes, 0 = no). Reason for removal was recorded in the federal child welfare database by caseworkers and was a required field in the dataset. Caseworkers recorded at least one of 15 possible removal reasons to reflect the circumstances that warranted the child’s placement into foster care. Four of these 15 reasons reflect substance involvement: parent drug abuse, parent alcohol abuse, child drug abuse, and child alcohol abuse. Although the rates of child drug and alcohol abuse are low, each may be recorded if a child is placed into care because of prenatal substance exposure. Therefore, cases were coded as positive for substance-related removal if any of these four removal reasons were indicated.

To test the interaction between child age, child race/ethnicity, and removal due to parental drug use, eight dummy-coded variables were created to capture the possible combinations of case characteristics (age 0−4, non-white, with substance removal; age 0−4, white, with substance removal; age 0−4, non-white, without substance removal; age 0−4, white, without substance removal; age 5+, non-white, with substance removal; age 5+, white, with substance removal; age 5+, non-white, without substance removal; age 5+, white, without substance removal). Based on prior literature suggesting that young children of color with substance removals would be the most disadvantaged regarding child welfare outcomes, this group was the reference group in multivariate models.

Five additional variables known to influence child welfare experiences and available within the AFCARS dataset were included as covariates. The following are the variables’ definitions. Child’s sex was coded as (male = 1, female = 0). Total number of removals captured the cumulative number of removals each child experienced including the current removal (range: 1–30). Child disability was measured based on the AFCARS variable measuring diagnosed disability status (0 = no disability, 1 = disability, 2 = unable to determine). A proxy for family poverty was included indicating the number of federal foster care benefits which the child received. AFCARS records receipt of six benefits: Title IV-E foster care payments, Title IV-E adoption assistance, Title IV-A AFDC payments, Title IV-D child support funds, Title XIX Medicaid, and SSI or Social Security Act Benefits. Receipt of each benefit was dummy coded (1 = Yes) and then summed across the six benefits (range: 0–6). Lastly, AFCARS records the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s rural urban continuum code for the setting for each child’s removal. This variable was included without transformation. Smaller numbers on this variable correspond to larger populations (range: 1–9).

3.2.4. Data analysis Data were analyzed with Stata/SE 15.1. Descriptive characteristics were explored across categories of the independent variable.

Bivariate analyses included chi-square test for observing statistical significance of differences with categorical covariates and one- way ANOVA with continuous covariates.

To answer research question one, bivariate analyses involved measuring and graphing both raw numbers and proportions of IV categories over time for children who entered foster care during calendar years 2007 through 2017. To examine differences in likelihood of reunification (research questions two and three), cluster robust Cox regression/proportional hazard models (a type of survival analysis) were employed to account for longitudinal censored data and nesting within states. Cox regression also permits including control variables as noted above.

Missing data on model variables was generally low. Less than 8% of all cases had missing data. Due to the small amount of missing data and large sample, listwise deletion was employed to address missingness.

4. Results

4.1. Sample characteristics

Table 1 presents sample characteristics overall and for the eight categories of the independent variable (IV). This table includes the 2,796,382 cases with no missing data on the IV categories. The two smallest IV categories are children ages 5+, non-white, with substance removal (7.3 %) and ages 0−4, non-white, with substance removal (8.3 %). The largest IV category is children ages 5+, white, no substance removal (24.2 %).

For the purposes of understanding age and racial/ethnic variability among the categories, bivariate examinations of the com- ponent variables was conducted. Within age categories, average age significantly differed. Among children ages 0−4, both groups of children with substance removals were significantly younger than those without substance removals. Likewise, among children ages 5+, children with substance removals were significantly younger than those without substance removals. Regarding racial/ethnic differences, B/AA and Hispanic children were the most commonly represented among the non-white groups. Across ages, B/AA children were significantly more prevalent among the groups without substance removals and Asian children were slightly more prevalent among these groups as well. Across ages, AI/AN children were significantly more prevalent among the substance removal groups, and Hispanic children were slightly more prevalent among the substance removal groups.

Statistically significant differences were observed for all five model covariates, likely reflecting the large sample size. Males were slightly over-represented in the sample (51.5 %). Disability diagnoses were most common for older white children without substance removals (29.0 %) and least common for 0−4 white children with substance removals (13.7 %). The largest average number of

M.H. Lloyd Sieger Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104664

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M.H. Lloyd Sieger Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104664

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federal foster care benefits was received by children of color 0−4 with substance removals (1.31) and smallest for older children of color without substance removals (1.12). The largest average number of removals was observed for older children of color without substance removals (1.39). The lowest average number of removals was observed for two groups: white and children of color children ages 0−4 with substance removals (1.09). The lowest average rural/urban continuum code, reflecting the largest population, was observed for children of color ages 5+ without substance removals (1.81) and the largest average code, reflecting less populous settings, was observed for white children ages 5+ with substance removals (3.07).

4.2. Research question 1: proportion and number over time

Regarding change over time, each of the four substance removal groups increased between 2007 and 2017, and each of the four no substance removal groups decreased. Figure 1displays the percent change in raw numbers of each IV category. The largest increase was observed for white children ages 0−4 with substance removals (49.9 %; an increase of 13,292 children), followed by older white children with substance removals (39.7 %; an increase of 10,308 children). The number of children of color with substance removals also increased over time for both ages 0−4 (22.7 %; an increase of 3,004 children) and ages 5+ (6.1 %; an increase of 731 children), although to a smaller degree than white children. All groups of children without substance removals decreased in size over time in magnitudes ranging from 10.7 % (children of color 0−4) and 25.4 % (white children 5+).

Fig. 1. IV Categories Raw Numbers Percent Change over Time.

Fig. 2. IV Categories Proportion of Total Removals Percent Change over Time.

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Change in proportion of all removals for each group reflected similar patterns (Figure 2), indicating that both the raw number and the proportion of removals increased over the observed timeframe among children with substance removals, particularly white children. The largest percentage changes observed for white children 0−4 with substance removals (increase of 57 %, from 10.1 % in 2007 to 15.9 % in 2017) and white children 5+ with substance removals (increase of 47 %, from 9.9 % in 2007 to 14.4 % in 2017). Children of color with substance removals also proportionally increased (29 % among ages 0−4, from 5.1 % in 2007 to 6.5 % in 2017; and 11 % among ages 5+, from 4.5 % in 2007 to 5.1 % in 2017), although less so. All groups of children without substance removals decreased in proportion of removals.

4.3. Research question 2: likelihood of reunification

Table 2 presents findings from the Cox proportional hazards model estimating likelihood of exiting to reunification controlling for noted covariates. Results reveal that every group of children was significantly more likely to reunify than children of color ages 0−4 with substance removals. Effect sizes range from 13 % increased hazard of reunification among white children ages 0−4 with substance removals, to 96 % increased hazard of reunification among white children ages 5 and up without substance removals.

4.4. Research question 3: differences across racial/ethnic groups

Probing for differences among racial/ethnic groups involved examining likelihood of reunification among same-age groups with substance removals, controlling for noted covariates. Table 3 presents the model for children ages 0−4 with substance removals (n = 467,928). B/AA children were 20 % less likely to achieve reunification compared to white children. NH/PI and Asian children were 23 % and 28 % more likely to exit to reunification, respectively, compared to white children.

Table 4 presents the same model, but with children ages 5+ with substance removals (n = 427,229). As with the younger children, B/AA children were 18 % less likely to reunify compared to white children, and Asian children were 20 % more likely to reunify compared to white children. In all three models (Tables 2–4), children without disability diagnoses were more likely to reunify compared to children with disability diagnoses, and children receiving greater numbers of foster care benefits and who had more total removals were less likely to reunify than children with fewer benefits or removals, respectively.

5. Discussion

Federal and state responses to the opioid crisis have substantially expanded resources to families with substance use issues in child welfare. Emerging data suggests that opioid users tend to be white, however. With increased attention and resources available for treating opioid use disorder, it is unclear how children of color with substance-related removals are faring.

The current study explored this gap in knowledge by examining differences in number and proportion of foster care entries, and likelihood of reunification, over a 10 year period for eight categories of children based on intersections of three key risk factors observed in prior research to impact child welfare outcomes: child age (children under age 5 versus children ages 5+), child race/ ethnicity (non-Hispanic white children versus Hispanic and non-White children), and substance removal status (removal due to

Table 2 Reunification Cox Proportional Hazards Model (n = 2,563,485).

Adj. H.R. R.S.E. p 95 % C.I.

Low High

IV Category a

0−4 SUD POC (ref.) 0−4 SUD W 1.13 .06 * 1.02 1.24 0−4 No SUD POC 1.62 .09 *** 1.46 1.80 0−4 No SUD W 1.47 .08 *** 1.33 1.62 5+ SUD POC 1.38 .03 *** 1.33 1.43 5+ SUD W 1.57 .08 *** 1.42 1.75 5+ No SUD POC 1.91 .10 *** 1.72 2.11 5+ No SUD W 1.96 .11 *** 1.75 2.19

Male (ref. Female) 1.03 .01 ** 1.01 1.05 No Disability (ref. Yes) 1.41 .07 *** 1.28 1.56 N Benefits .68 .03 *** .62 .75 Total Removals .86 .03 *** .81 .92 Rural/Urban 1.04 .01 *** 1.02 1.06

Wald X2 (12) = 839.39, p < .001. a POC = person of Color; W = white; SUD = substance use disorder. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

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parent alcohol and/or drug use versus not). To further understand the observe disparities between non-Hispanic white children and children of color, subsequent analyses explored racial/ethnic differences among same-age groups with substance removals.

Results of this study first and foremost indicate that the previously reported increases in numbers and rates of children entering foster care due to parental substance use is being driven largely by increases among white children. Over the ten year period observed, the proportion of white children with substance removals increased 47–57% depending on child age, whereas the pro- portion of children of color with substance removals increased 11–29% depending on child age. These same trends were observed for the raw number of children entering care. For each age/race group, the proportion of children entering care without substance removals declined over the same time period. However, larger declines were observed among white children without substance removals compared to children of color without substance removals.

These findings regarding prevalence rates may reflect the substance “epidemics” of the last 15 years, nationally and in the child welfare system, which included methamphetamines in the early and mid-2000s (Carlson, Williams, & Shafer, 2012; Cunningham & Finlay, 2013; Maxwell, 2014), and opioids more recently (Ghertner et al., 2018; Lynch, Sherman, Snyder, & Mattson, 2018). Both methamphetamine and opioid use are more prevalent among whites than B/AA (Borders et al., 2008; Lippold, Jones, Olsen, & Giroir, 2019), although methamphetamine use is prevalent among AI/AN and NH/PI populations (Dickerson et al., 2011) and opioid overdose rates are increasing among B/AA and Hispanic populations in the U.S. (Lippold et al., 2019). Prior research documents associations between increases in methamphetamine and opioids and child welfare involvement (Cunningham & Finlay, 2013; Ghertner et al., 2018).

Table 3 Reunification Cox Proportional Hazards Model – Racial/Ethnic Groups Among Children 0-4 with Substance Removals (n = 467,928).

Adj. H.R. R.S.E. p 95 % C.I.

Low High

IV Category a

0−4 SUD White (ref.) 0−4 SUD Black/African American .80 .05 ** .70 .91 0−4 SUD American Indian/Alaska Native .98 .07 .85 1.13 0−4 SUD Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander 1.23 .10 * 1.05 1.43 0−4 SUD Asian 1.28 .05 *** 1.18 1.39 0−4 SUD Hispanic .95 .07 .82 1.08

Male (ref. Female) 1.01 .00 7.00 1.02 No Disability (ref. Yes) 1.33 .08 *** 1.18 1.50 N Benefits .62 .03 *** .55 .69 Total Removals .95 .03 .90 1.00 Rural/Urban 1.06 .01 *** 1.04 1.08

Wald X2 (12) = 234.76, p < .001. a SUD = substance use disorder. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

Table 4 Reunification Cox Proportional Hazards Model – Racial/Ethnic Groups Among Children 5+ with Substance Removals (n = 427,229).

Adj. H.R. R.S.E. p 95 % C.I.

Low High

Category a

5+ SUD White (ref.) 5+ SUD Black/African American .82 .05 *** .74 .92 5+ SUD American Indian/Alaska Native .95 .05 .86 1.05 5+ SUD Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander 1.10 .07 .98 1.24 5+ SUD Asian 1.20 .05 *** 1.10 1.32 5+ SUD Hispanic .88 .07 .76 1.03

Male (ref. Female) 1.07 .02 ** 1.03 1.11 No Disability (ref. Yes) 1.27 .07 *** 1.13 1.42 N Benefits .71 .03 *** .65 .78 Total Removals .88 .02 *** .85 .92 Rural/Urban 1.05 .01 *** 1.04 1.07

Wald X2 (10) = 366.57, p < .001. a SUD = substance use disorder. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

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Although more white children are coming into care because of parental substance use, findings from the current study suggest they are faring better than their peers of color in terms of likelihood of reunification. In the first model, the group at highest risk of failure to achieve reunification was children of color ages 0−4 with substance removals although, among older children, children of color with substance removals were least likely to achieve reunification as well. Results of the analyses probing among racial/ethnic groups revealed stark disparities, with B/AA children with substance removals experiencing significantly lower likelihood of exiting to re- unification compared to their white peers with substance removals across both age groups. Asian children with substance removals were significantly more likely to exit to reunification than white children with substance removals across age groups. NH/PI children with substance removals under age five were also more likely to reunify than their white peers. and Hispanic children and AI/AN children were less likely to reunify than their white peers across both age groups, although the differences were not statistically significant.

Although the current study is unable to draw causal conclusions regarding these associations, nor examine explanatory me- chanisms, placed in the context of existing literature and practice, the results suggest that parents of B/AA children with substance removals are exposed to additional barriers to substance use treatment completion and case plan compliance compared to their white peers that impact reunification. This is because parental treatment completion and case plan compliance are the two most meaningful factors in predicting reunification for families with parental SUD according to existing literature (Doab, Fowler, & Dawson, 2015). Although previous literature documents a range of differences in foster care experiences between white and B/AA children, such as placement with kin and receipt of other types of services (i.e., mental health), this discussion will focus on possible treatment-related disparities given their relative import to predicting outcomes for this population.

This study’s findings suggest that B/AA parents may be accessing fewer, or benefitting less from, substance use services than white parents. Under the current landscape of the opioid crisis, policies passed over the last several years have released funding for a range of opioid prevention and intervention efforts including direct treatment, prescription monitoring, and law enforcement. Examples of Federal policies include the 21st Century Cures Act One (P.L. 114–255), the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act of 2016 (P.L. 114–198), and, most recently, the SUPPORT for Patients and Communities Act (P.L. 115–271). Each of these, and notably the SUPPORT Act, temporarily requires Medicaid to increase substance use treatment provider capacity, cover services provided by opioid-treatment programs and medication-assisted treatment (MAT). MAT is one of the preferred treatment tools for professionals working with clients with opioid use disorders (Mojtabai, Mauro, Wall, Barry, & Olfson, 2019). MAT is an evidence-based intervention that employs one of three types of medications observed in clinical research to reduce opioid use, achieve opioid abstinence, and prevent opioid overdose (Connery, 2015). Despite these policy changes, including increasing funding and availability of MAT, earlier research suggests that only a small proportion of substance use treatment providers offer all three types of MAT medications (Mojtabai et al., 2019).

Although MAT appears to be underutilized, as it relates to the current study, previous work suggests that MAT is associated with improved permanency outcomes for families with parental opioid use disorder and children in foster care. Hall, Wilfong, Huebner, Posze, and Willauer (2016) tracked 596 parents with histories of opioid use enrolled in a program specifically for families with co-occurring substance use and child maltreatment. The 55 parents who received MAT (9.2 %) were statistically similar to the non-MAT parents on all measured characteristics except race, with the MAT parents more likely to be white. Findings from this study suggest that MAT parti- cipation was significantly associated with reunification, and that longer MAT participation increased these odds. Furthermore, a very recent birth cohort study observed that non-Hispanic white pregnant women with opioid use disorder were significantly more likely to be treated with MAT compared to non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic women (Schiff et al., 2020). This study did not differentiate outcomes for other races/ethnicities of mothers. In the context of the current study, the superior outcomes of parents using MAT, and relatively reduced chances of receiving MAT among B/AA mothers, may explain some portion of the observed disparities in this study, particularly those among younger children for whom prenatal substance exposure may be the route to foster care involvement. This study’s finding that young children with substance removals were significantly younger than young children without substance removals points to the prevalence of removals at birth. Future research is needed to clarify different entrées into foster care for these children.

Beyond the role of MAT, other prior work suggests that race (more specifically, racism) can impact substance use treatment ex- periences and outcomes (Priester et al., 2016). In this context, racism encompasses “individual and institutional discrimination” (Williams, 1999), which would include unequal access to quality health care and unequal exposures to environmental stressors and risks, which result in unequal health outcomes on the basis of race that benefit whites. Mennis and Stahler (2016) analyzed over 400,000 treatment episodes from the 2011 U.S. Treatment Episode Dataset-Discharge (TEDS-D) for race- and substance-based differ- ences in substance use treatment outcomes. Their findings indicate that B/AA and Hispanic adults were less likely to complete a treatment episode than white adults. For certain substances these differences are even more pronounced. For example, B/AA clients were less likely to complete treatment episodes for all substance types compared to white peers using the same substances. On the other hand, Hispanic client outcomes differed according to drug of abuse. Specifically, Hispanic heroin users were observed to be 75 % as likely to complete treatment as white heroin users, but no different from when compared to white peers using cocaine and metham- phetamine. Among the few studies exploring treatment experiences among child welfare-involved parents, Green, Rockhill, and Furrer (2006) observed similar treatment completion rates between B/AA and white mothers, and higher rates for Hispanic mothers. Choi et al., 2006 observed significantly higher treatment completion rates among white parents, followed by B/AA, and then Hispanic parents. Both of these studies reflect states. A more recent study using a weighted, national dataset analyzing treatment experiences among child welfare-involved caregivers with SUD observed that Black parents were significantly less likely to receive substance use treatment compared to whites, Hispanics, and other races, despite being assessed and referred at similar rates (He, 2017).

The relatively better outcomes among Hispanic and AI/AN children in the current study may reflect advancements in providing culturally appropriate substance use treatment to these groups. Guerrero, Marsh, Khachikian, Amaro, and Vega (2013) conducted a systematic review of relevant literature and found that positive outcomes depended on access to high-quality culturally responsive care, although also observed extensive heterogeneity among Hispanic populations. A systematic review of 24 studies examining

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treatment outcomes among AI/AN samples found that most studies attributed observed disparities to psychosocial factors (Greenfield et al., 2012) and Dickerson et al. (2011) observed similar average time in treatment and treatment completion rates between AI/AN and non-AI/AN clients despite the fact that the AI/AN group entered treatment with more chronic medical problems, psychiatric problems, sexual abuse, and lifetime months incarcerated compared to the non-AI/AN group.

Some work has sought to explain disparities in treatment outcomes for B/AA adults. For example, Jacobson, Robinson, and Bluthenthal (2007) observed that economic indicators, such as employment, homelessness, and public insurance utilization, ex- plained 40 % of observed racial differences in treatment completion rates. In the adult drug treatment court literature, qualitative work with B/AA drug court participants identified environmental risk factors (i.e., family, neighborhoods, and peers) as critical barriers to successful drug treatment court outcomes (Gallagher & Wahler, 2018). Cumulative socioeconomic risk is observed to influence reunification likelihood among children with maternal SUD, although this study did not explore racial differences along these lines (Lloyd, 2018). However, Arndt, Acion, and White (2013) observed that racial and ethnic disparities in SUD treatment completion persisted after controlling for economic factors. This finding—that racial disparities in outcomes persist beyond what is explained in socioeconomic terms—is replicated in research on a range of other health outcomes beyond substance use disorder (Williams, 1999). Although child welfare literature has heavily debated the effect of race versus socioeconomic status as contributing to child maltreatment, with several studies documenting that racial disparities disappear when controlling for SES (e.g., Drake et al., 2011), these studies have explored front-end child welfare experiences (such as maltreatment identification and substantiation), rather than reunification. Moreover, the current study attempted to control for poverty and context by accounting for the number of federal foster care benefits the child received, the rural/urban nature of the child’s home, and the state. Although these are somewhat imprecise measures, the observed racial disparities persisted after controlling for these factors. Among those families with substance- related removals for whom parental SUD treatment is so critical to achieving positive outcomes, future research is needed to un- derstand the role of treatment experiences and outcomes in racial reunification disparities, and how treatment experiences differ for parents of different aged children, when concerns such as child care may be more salient.

In addition to treatment completion, case plan compliance is a key factor in reunification (Atkinson & Butler, 1996; D’Andrade & Nguyen, 2014; Smith, 2003). Unfortunately, earlier research finds that parents with substance use disorders are significantly less likely to comply with court orders, including mandated treatment, compared to parents without SUD (De Bortoli, Coles, & Dolan, 2013; Famularo, Kinscherff, Bunshaft, Spivak, & Fenton, 1989). Differences in case plan compliance may also exist across racial lines. Mirick (2014) assessed the effect of parent race and clinical issues on engagement with child protective services and found that parents of color had significantly greater mistrust in their worker compared to white parents, which may translate into further barriers to case plan com- pliance. This lack of trust in healthcare and social services providers among parents of color, particularly B/AA parents, is certainly founded. For example, prior medical research finds that white laypeople, medical students, and residents maintain false beliefs regarding racial differences in pain perception (Hoffman, Trawalter, Axt, & Oliver, 2016). The belief that B/AA patients have higher pain tolerances has led to reduced pain management interventions in clinical settings (Todd, Deaton, D’Adamo, & Goe, 2000). As noted, B/AA mothers are less likely to receive MAT for opioid use disorder than white mothers. Ongoing work to increase cultural competency, cultural humility, and hire and retain providers whose racial, ethnic, and cultural identity matches clients is needed. Additionally, family-centered treatment services that address the needs of children affected by parental SUD at different developmental timeframes is imperative. A recent meta-analysis of services to improve engagement and reunification among parents with children in foster care found larger effects from family-focused interventions compared to individual-focused programs (Maltais, Cyr, Parent, & Pascuzzo, 2019).

6. Limitations

Several limitations must be noted. This study relied on secondary, administrative child welfare data collected by state child welfare agencies over a period of ten years. The extent of errors in reporting is unknown, however, certainly exist. For example, the dataset used for this analysis included cases whose “current ages” were well into their 30 s and 40 s, indicating that no date was recorded when the child aged out of care. To correct for this issue, we used the child’s twenty-first birthday as their exit date. However, not all states have adopted extended foster care programs. It is likely that data entry errors such as this impact the validity of this study.

Moreover, using administrative data is notoriously problematic for assessing the impact of parental substance use disorders on child welfare involvement. States use different definitions and approaches to capturing substance use as a removal reason. Additionally, parental substance use is often unrecognized at the time of removal and not identified until later in the case. Therefore, the estimates we provide here are likely conservative. Administrative data also prevents understanding characteristics of the parent’s substance use and treatment experiences. Earlier work suggest that child welfare outcomes differ depending on the parent’s drug of abuse, substance use treatment engagement, and treatment completion status. Relying on child welfare data substantively limits an ecological examination of factors known to shape outcomes, including parent-level variables.

Although examination of national data allows for an understanding of trends occurring across the country, it is also a limitation because it obscures differences within states. Becker, Jordan, and Larsen (2007) observed 7807 children in Florida to understand the effect of case and child characteristics on permanency planning and length of stay. Results revealed that the geographic district of the child’s residence had the largest effect on successful permanency planning, more so than race, child mental health disorder, de- velopmental disability status, or placement in therapeutic foster care.

Finally, this study is limited in its intersectional understanding of children’s experiences because it dichotomized child age. As noted in the introduction, earlier work suggests that differences in permanency outcomes exist across a range of child age categories. Future research is needed to understand the differential effects of child ages categories among children with substance removals across racial and ethnic groups.

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7. Conclusion

As the child welfare system continues to see increases in families with substance use disorders entering foster care, attention to ensuring that longstanding racial disparities between white families and families of color do not persist. The findings from the current study suggest that even among high-risk families with parental SUD, white children fare better than their Black/African American peers. Future research is needed to better understand the mechanisms of these disparities. In the practice realm, continued efforts to hire and retain providers whose race, ethnicity, and culture match the client population, both in child welfare and substance use treatment settings, are needed. It is imperative to create an atmosphere of fairness and competence, so that any family who arrives at the doors of child protective services can find the help and healing they need.

Funding information

None.

Ethical approval

This article contains research using secondary data analysis. No personally identifying information on any subject included in the dataset was obtained for this analysis.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declarations of interest.

Acknowledgments

The data used in this publication, [Dataset # 143, 149, 153, 163, 167, 176, 187, 192, 200, 215, 225, 235, Dataset Titles AFCARS Child File 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, & 2018] were obtained from the National Data Archive on Child Abuse and Neglect and have been used in accordance with its Terms of Use Agreement license. The Administration on Children, Youth, and Families, the Children’s Bureau, the original dataset collection personnel or funding source, NDACAN, Cornell University and their agents or employees bear no responsibility for the analyses or interpretations presented here.

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neonatal ICUs. The New England Journal of Medicine, 372(22), 2118–2126. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMsa1500439. Tracy, E. M., & Farkas, K. J. (1994). Preparing practitioners for child welfare practice with substance-abusing families. Child Welfare, 73, 57–68. Wildeman, C., & Emanuel, N. (2014). Cumulative risks of foster care placement by age 18 for U.S. children, 2000-2011. PloS One, 9(3), Article e92785. https://doi.org/

10.1371/journal.pone.0092785. Wildeman, C., Edwards, F. R., & Wakefield, S. (2020). The cumulative prevalence of termination of parental rights for U.S. children, 2000-2016. Child Maltreatment,

25(1), 32–42. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077559519848499. Williams, D. R. (1999). Race, socioeconomic status, and health. The added effects of racism and discrimination. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 896,

173–188. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.1999.tb08114.x. Wittenstrom, K., Baumann, D. J., Fluke, J., Graham, J. C., & James, J. (2015). The impact of drugs, infants, single mothers, and relatives on reunification: A Decision-

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  • Reunification for young children of color with substance removals: An intersectional analysis of longitudinal national data
    • Introduction
      • Parental substance use disorders and foster care
      • Young children in foster care
      • Children of color in foster care
      • Intersecting risk factors
    • Research questions
    • Methods
      • Sample
      • Variables
        • Dependent variables
        • Time variable
        • Independent variables
        • Data analysis
    • Results
      • Sample characteristics
      • Research question 1: proportion and number over time
      • Research question 2: likelihood of reunification
      • Research question 3: differences across racial/ethnic groups
    • Discussion
    • Limitations
    • Conclusion
    • Funding information
    • Ethical approval
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgments
    • References

Patterns-of-childhood-trauma-and-psychopathology-among-Chi_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104691

Available online 24 August 2020 0145-2134/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Patterns of childhood trauma and psychopathology among Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children

Yiming Liang a, b, Yueyue Zhou a, b, Josef I. Ruzek c, Zhengkui Liu a, b,* a CAS Key Laboratory of Mental Health, Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, 16 Lincui Road, Chaoyang District, Beijing 100101, China b Department of Psychology, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, 19A Yuquan Road, Shijingshan District, Beijing 100049, China c Department of Psychiatry & Behavioral Sciences, Stanford University School of Medicine, 401 Quarry Road, Stanford, CA 94305, USA

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: childhood trauma internalizing and externalizing behaviors latent class analysis Chinese migrant children

A B S T R A C T

Background: Exposure to childhood trauma can cause psychopathology and negative psychosocial outcomes across the lifespan. Rural-to-urban migrant children are commonly exposed to trau- matic experiences (TEs). However, no study has comprehensively examined patterns of childhood trauma in Chinese culture. The current study aimed to examine patterns of childhood trauma exposure among Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children. Methods: A large-scale (N = 15,890) cross-sectional survey of rural-to-urban migrant workers’ children in grades 4 to 9 was conducted in Beijing. Childhood TEs, including accidents and in- juries, interpersonal violence, and vicarious trauma, as well as demographics and internalizing and externalizing behaviors, were measured. Results: Four patterns of childhood trauma were found: low trauma exposure (60.4%), vicarious trauma exposure (23.9%), domestic violence exposure (10.5%), and multiple trauma exposure (5.3%). Age, gender, parents’ marital status, father’s education level, family support and peer support differentiated the four TE patterns. Both internalizing and externalizing behaviors were more severe in patterns with more types of TEs. Conclusions: Our findings provide a better understanding of childhood trauma in Chinese culture and the relationship between TEs and mental health. Clinicians and policy makers should tailor prevention and treatment programs according to different patterns of victimization.

1. Introduction

The ability of trauma exposure to increase the risk of mental health problems has been recognized by researchers and clinical workers (Hagan, Sulik, & Lieberman, 2016; Liang, Cheng, Ruzek, & Liu, 2019; O’Donnell et al., 2017). Childhood trauma is specifically emphasized in the psychiatric literature because ample evidence has indicated significant and enduring relationships between childhood trauma and many negative outcomes in later life, including impairments in physical and mental health, learning and sociobehavioral outcomes (Ballard et al., 2015; Shonkoff et al., 2012). Recent research has found that multiple traumas occur in certain interrelated patterns rather than randomly (Dong et al., 2004; O’Donnell et al., 2017). The current study explored patterns of trauma

* Corresponding author at: Key Laboratory of Mental Health, Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, 16 Lincui Road, Chaoyang District, Beijing 100101, China.

E-mail address: [email protected] (Z. Liu).

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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104691 Received 10 October 2019; Received in revised form 22 July 2020; Accepted 12 August 2020

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exposure among Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children to understand the configurations of risk in Chinese childhood. Most people are unavoidably exposed to traumatic events during their lifetime. A recent World Health Organization (WHO) World

Mental Health (WMH) survey reported that among adults in 24 countries around the world, 70.4% had experienced traumatic ex- periences (TEs) during their lifetimes (Liu et al., 2017). Children and adolescents are also at high risk of experiencing TEs. The esti- mated prevalence of childhood TE ranged from 47.06% to 83.6% in prior studies, and TE prevalence varies significantly across cultures (Copeland, Keeler, Angold, & Costello, 2007; Liang, Zhou, & Liu, 2019; McLaughlin et al., 2013). Moreover, researchers increasingly recognize that different types of TEs are unlikely to occur in isolation but often co-occur (Creamer, Burgess, & McFarlane, 2001; Liang, Zhou et al., 2019; McLaughlin et al., 2013), with some research further indicating that exposure to one TE significantly increases the risk for exposure to additional traumatic events (Finkelhor, Ormrod, Turner, & Holt, 2009; Finkelhor, Turner, Ormrod, & Hamby, 2009). Victims of multiple TEs exhibit poorer mental health, which is related to dose-response effects (Liang, Zhou et al., 2019; O’Donnell et al., 2017). In addition, recent studies have found that exposure to different types of TEs may occur in certain patterns rather than randomly (Curran, Adamson, Rosato, De Cock, & Leavey, 2018; Herbers, Cutuli, Jacobs, Tabachnick, & Kichline, 2019), and such interrelated patterns of TEs especially occur in childhood (Dong et al., 2004). Several underlying reasons may contribute to these patterns. For example, a violent parent may create a familial environment that exposes a child to multiple types of TEs, including domestic violence and the witnessing of violence and injury.

Previous research has often taken an additive approach to predict the outcomes of multiple trauma exposure. This approach yields only the quantity of trauma exposure and requires the assumption that all TEs have equal weight. However, different types of TEs have different effects on individuals (Liu et al., 2017; McLaughlin et al., 2013). Several recent studies have explored patterns of TEs with person-centered approaches to describe trauma histories more accurately and provide better insight into the mental health outcomes resulting from different patterns (Ballard et al., 2015; Curran et al., 2018). These studies have demonstrated that types of TEs are not randomly distributed in the population. Most of these studies reported 4 classes of childhood trauma (McChesney, Adamson, & Shevlin, 2015; Nooner et al., 2010). For example, high all trauma (1.3%), combined interpersonal non-sexual and sexual trauma (4.6%), interpersonal non-sexual trauma (15.6%), and low risk (79%) classes were found in a nationally representative epidemio- logical sample of 10,123 adolescents from the US (McChesney et al., 2015). Some studies have found other numbers of classes, and these differences may be due to differences in measurement approaches, samples, and culture across studies (Adams et al., 2016; Ballard et al., 2015). However, some common patterns were still found in most studies. For example, most studies found a class with low trauma exposure and a class with multiple types of TEs (Ballard et al., 2015; Curran et al., 2018; O’Donnell et al., 2017). Some studies found a class with high probabilities in certain TE categories, such as interpersonal violence (e.g., domestic violence or community violence; O’Donnell et al., 2017). These studies have been helpful for understanding the heterogeneity of patterns of childhood TEs.

However, there are still several limitations to these studies. First, most studies on patterns of childhood trauma involved asking adults about their TEs in childhood (Ballard et al., 2015; Cavanaugh, Martins, Petras, & Campbell, 2013; Curran et al., 2018), but the long time interval between the event and recall could have led to significant recall bias. Second, these studies often assessed mental health outcomes in adulthood (Ballard et al., 2015; Cavanaugh et al., 2013; Curran et al., 2018). Although it is important to understand the long-term consequences of childhood trauma, establishing the relationship between patterns of TEs and children’s current mental health is conducive to the development of timely intervention strategies to avoid further intensification and chronicity of psychological problems (Hofstra, Van Der Ende, & Verhulst, 2002). Third, according to both theory and empirical evidence, TEs vary widely across different cultures (McLaughlin et al., 2013; Seedat, Nyamai, Njenga, Vythilingum, & Stein, 2004). However, to the best of our knowledge, no study has reported patterns of childhood trauma in Chinese culture, and this serious gap in the literature needs to be addressed.

Rural-to-urban migrant children are a typical disadvantaged group (Vaughn et al., 2017). These children often live in stressful situations characterized by low socioeconomic status (SES) and cultural barriers associated with adjustment to new living conditions, and they are more commonly exposed to TEs than urban children (Cheng, Wang, Yin, Fu, & Liu, 2017; Nöthling, Simmons, Suliman, & Seedat, 2017). In 2012, the population of Chinese rural-to-urban migrants reached approximately 230 million, accounting for 17% of the total Chinese population (Cheng et al., 2017). It is important to understand the patterns of TEs in Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children.

Identifying environmental and personal risk factors that influence the likelihood of exposure to TEs is important for clinical work. Some family factors are associated with childhood TEs: parents’ low SES (e.g., a child with parents with low education levels) and poor child supervision (e.g., a child not living with both biological parents) may lead to the child’s exposure to multiple TEs (McAnee, Shevlin, Murphy, & Houston, 2019; McLaughlin et al., 2013). Lack of adequate support, including family and peer support, may also contribute to constellations of trauma exposure risk (McAnee et al., 2019). Regarding personal risk factors, gender and age have been found to predict different patterns of trauma exposure (Keane, Magee, & Kelly, 2016). Some studies found that males were more likely to experience physical abuse, while females were more likely to experience TEs related to sexual trauma (Jonas et al., 2014; O’Donnell et al., 2017). Older age is related to exposure to multiple types of TEs (Vaughn-Coaxum, Wang, Kiely, Weisz, & Dunn, 2018).

Childhood trauma may lead to a host of negative mental health outcomes, such as depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder and antisocial personality disorder (Ballard et al., 2015; Burns, Lagdon, Boyda, & Armour, 2016; McLafferty, Ross, Waterhouse-Bradley, & Armour, 2019). For children and adolescents, the impact of TEs on psychopathology can be divided into internalizing problems (emotional problems) and externalizing problems (behavior problems; Grasso, Dierkhising, Branson, Ford, & Lee, 2016). Most previous studies have focused on the impact of childhood trauma on internalizing problems and have ignored externalizing problems (Adams et al., 2016; Berzenski & Yates, 2011). In fact, childhood TEs may result in a variety of behavioral problems, such as aggressive behavior and delinquent behavior (Ford, Elhai, Connor, & Frueh, 2010; Sesar, Šimić, & Barǐsić, 2010).

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These behavioral problems may have other adverse consequences and may increase maladaptive behaviors in adolescence (Juvonen & Graham, 2014). Therefore, the impact of childhood trauma on externalizing problems needs further attention.

The present study was based on a large-scale sample of 15,890 rural-to-urban migrant children in Beijing who migrated from almost every other region in China. The primary aims of the current study were to (1) explore patterns of childhood TEs in Chinese rural-to- urban migrants; (2) identify environmental and personal factors that can predict the different patterns; and (3) test the differences in psychopathological outcome of different patterns of TEs.

2. Method

2.1. Procedure and Participants

The current study used data from a large-scale sample of rural-to-urban migrant children in Beijing. The children were recruited from fifty-eight primary or junior high schools in Beijing that were established mainly for children of migrant workers. The rationale for the school selection was as follows. Because rural-to-urban migrant workers in Beijing tend to work in the tertiary economic sector, such as in the restaurant industry, retail sales, and various other services, they mostly live in areas bordering urban and rural areas (the districts of Fengtai, Changping, Chaoyang, Tongzhou, Fangshan, Daxing, Shijingshan, and Haidian in Beijing). Approximately 300 schools had been established in these districts mainly for rural-to-urban migrant children by the end of 2010, and 77 of these schools that were registered with the Beijing Education Bureau and had enrollments of at least 200 children (which we felt had a better chance of continuing to operate) were chosen for this study. After the principals of these schools attended our meeting at which we explained the investigation and the specific areas where we sought their cooperation, 58 schools agreed to cooperate. In general, 77 schools in the Beijing border districts that met the inclusion criteria and 58 principals agreed; thus, the current study was based on an attempted census of schools meeting the criteria.

These migrant children came to Beijing from 29 regions in mainland China, representing almost all regions of mainland China. The data were collected through a questionnaire survey in December 2010, and students from grades 4 to 9 were included in the survey. A total of 16,682 rural-to-urban migrant children participated in our survey, and valid data were obtained from 15,890 (95.25%) children. Of these children, 57.3% were male, and 41.3% were female (with 1.4% missing data). The mean age of the participants was 11.22 years (SD = 1.69, ranging from 8 to 17). Participants who responded to both the traumatic experience history screening and the child behavior checklist were included in the data analysis. The excluded data were omitted primarily due to incomplete or inaccurate responses. In the survey, children were assessed collectively using questionnaires during class time, and the questionnaires were distributed and administered in each session by two assistant investigators who had received the same standardized instructions for carrying out the survey. The study design and procedures were approved by the ethics review committee of the Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences. Detailed information on the study design and process of data collection is outlined elsewhere (Cao & Liu, 2015).

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Demographics A questionnaire was devised to obtain demographic information, including age, gender, parents’ marital status (1 = first marriage,

2 = divorced, 3 = remarried and 4 = other), parents’ education level (1 = primary school and below, 2 = junior high school, and 3 = high school and above), family support (“How many close family members do you have?”; 1 = none, 2 = one or two, 3 = three to five, and 4 = six and above) and peer support (“How many close friends do you have who can give you help?”; 1 = none, 2 = one or two, 3 = three to five, and 4 = six and above). Because a few participants chose option 4 (other) when reporting their parents’ marital status (father died = 6, mother died = 2, both parents died = 1, and unknown or do not want to say = 15) and the number of these par- ticipants was far smaller than the number who chose the other options, we set their parents’ marital status to the vacancy value during data analysis.

2.2.2. Childhood Traumatic Experience History The first part of the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA) Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Reaction Index for the DSM-IV,

revision 1 (UCLA PTSD-RI), was used to assess childhood trauma history (Steinberg, Brymer, Decker, & Pynoos, 2004). This part of the index is a brief lifetime trauma screening for 12 types of TEs that meet the DSM-IV A1 criterion, such as natural disaster, medical trauma and exposure to community violence and domestic violence. Because none of the children had experienced a war, we removed the item “Being in a place where a war was going on around you”. Ultimately, 11 types of TEs were measured in the current study. These items were scored as having experienced (1) or not having experienced (0). Consistent with the classification used in most prior studies (McLaughlin et al., 2013; Vaughn-Coaxum et al., 2018), we grouped these TEs into three categories: (1) accidents and injuries (4 types: earthquakes, other disasters, accidents and painful medical treatments); (2) interpersonal violence (3 types: experiencing domestic violence, experiencing violence away from home and experiencing sexual harassment); and (3) vicarious trauma (4 types: witnessing fighting at home, witnessing violence away from home, seeing a dead body and hearing about the death or injury of a loved one).

2.2.3. Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) The Chinese version of the CBCL Youth Self-Report form was used to assess children’s problem behaviors (Su, Li, Luo, Wan, & Yang,

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1998); this version was adapted from the CBCL developed by Achenbach (Achenbach, 1991), which is one of the most established inventories in both research and clinical practice with children and adolescents. The CBCL measures both internalizing and exter- nalizing behavior in children. In the current study, two subscales related to internalizing behavior (withdrawn, including 8 items, and somatic complaints, including 10 items) and two subscales related to externalizing behavior (aggressive behavior, including 17 items, and delinquent behavior, including 16 items) were selected. Each item is rated on a 3-point scale: 0 (‘not true’), 1 (‘somewhat or sometimes true’) and 2 (‘very often true or often true’). The total score of each subscale was used in the current study, with a higher score on each subscale indicating more problem behavior symptoms. The Cronbach’s alphas for the subscales were 0.63 (withdrawn), 0.75 (somatic complaints), 0.81 (aggressive behavior) and 0.68 (delinquent behavior).

2.3. Data Analysis

A latent class analysis (LCA) was conducted using Mplus version 7.4 (Muthén & Muthén, 2012) to model patterns of childhood TEs. LCA is a person-centered approach used to identify distinct subgroups of individuals who show similar patterns of response across a series of indicators. In the current study, five models (with two to six classes) were estimated using LCA with the 11 TE indicators to examine the co-occurrence of childhood trauma among rural-to-urban migrant children. To determine the optimal number of latent classes, fit statistics, interpretability and theoretical considerations were examined and compared. The fit statistics included the Akaike information criterion (AIC), Bayesian information criterion (BIC) and sample-size-adjusted BIC (a-BIC) and the Lo-Mendell-Rubin likelihood ratio test (LMR-LRT) value. Models with lower AIC, BIC, and a-BIC values were considered better solutions (Lanza, Collins, Lemmon, & Schafer, 2007; Nylund, Bellmore, Nishina, & Graham, 2007). The LMR-LRT compares a model with k latent classes to a model with k – 1 classes. A significant p value for the LMR-LRT indicates that the model with k classes has a better fit than the model with k – 1 classes (Lo, Mendell, & Rubin, 2001). In addition, to increase the scalability of the research results, whether each class had a sufficient proportion of the total participants was also considered. Each class size needed to be at least 5% of the total participant sample size (Nylund et al., 2007).

To examine the relationship between the latent class variables and potential predictor variables, a multinomial logistic regression of the classes of TEs with the demographic variables was conducted, and multiple imputation was used to handle missing data for the independent variables (Xu et al., 2020). The potential predictors were selected based on both theoretical and statistical considerations. In accordance with previous research (Keane et al., 2016; McAnee et al., 2019; McLaughlin et al., 2013), gender, age, parents’ edu- cation level, parental marital status, family support, and peer support were considered potential predictors. Chi-square tests of these predictors among the classes of TEs were conducted, and listwise deletion was used to handle missing data. The variables that reached significance were added into the final logistic regression analysis.

Finally, analysis of variance (ANOVA) of internalizing and externalizing behaviors with the TE classes was conducted to compare psychopathology outcomes among the different classes of TEs.

3. Results

3.1. Prevalence of Each Type of Trauma

The prevalence of each type of trauma in the total sample is shown in Table 1. The most common TEs were witnessing violence away from home (24.24%), seeing a dead body (15.75%) and experiencing domestic violence (13.98%). The least common TEs were experiencing other disasters (2.61%), earthquakes (2.71%) and sexual harassment (5.18%).

3.2. Classes of Childhood Trauma

Two- to six-class models were tested, and the fit indices of these models are presented in Table 2. The LCA analyses indicated that

Table 1 Prevalence of each type of trauma in the total sample and across the four classes (N = 15,980)

Total Low Domestic Vicarious Multiple

Sexual harassment 5.18% 0.00% 7.76% 17.08% 38.38% Violence away from home 7.54% 1.00% 21.22% 15.24% 52.29% Domestic violence 13.98% 2.71% 83.26% 5.04% 64.07% Seeing domestic violence 8.23% 1.06% 51.12% 0.00% 53.06% Seeing violence outside the home 24.24% 8.55% 54.88% 59.33% 71.10% Seeing a dead body 15.75% 4.87% 24.38% 45.90% 57.03% Hearing about death/injury 10.42% 0.00% 17.04% 39.09% 54.74% Painful medical treatment 11.78% 2.89% 19.16% 32.90% 58.56% Earthquake 2.71% 0.67% 3.40% 5.35% 24.62% Disaster 2.61% 0.57% 2.37% 6.58% 21.56% Accident 5.36% 1.12% 4.49% 13.47% 46.48%

Notes. Total = Total sample, Low = Low trauma exposure class, Domestic = Domestic violence class, Vicarious = Vicarious trauma exposure class, Multiple = Multiple trauma class

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the four-class model provided the best model fit. The BIC, a-BIC and LMR-LRT values indicated that the 4-class model had a better fit to the data. Although the AIC decreased in the 5-class and 6-class models, the percentages of the smallest classes in these two models were less than 1%, which indicated low scalability. Therefore, the 4-class model was determined to be the final model.

The characteristics of the four classes are depicted in Fig. 1, and the prevalence of each TE type across the four classes is shown in Table 1. Specifically, the four-class model included the following classes: (1) low trauma exposure (accounting for 60.4% of partici- pants), which was characterized by no or extremely low probability of all TE types; (2) vicarious trauma exposure (accounting for 23.9% of participants), which was characterized by a moderate probability of witnessing traumas or painful medical treatment; (3) domestic violence exposure (accounting for 10.5% of participants), which was characterized by a moderate probability of witnessing traumas and a high probability of experiencing or witnessing domestic violence; and (4) multiple trauma exposure (accounting for 5.3% of participants), which was characterized by moderate or high probabilities of all TE types.

3.3. Multinomial Logistic Regressions for Predictors of the TE Classes

The χ2 tests of the demographic characteristics and potential predictors among the four classes of childhood trauma are shown in Table 3. The variables that reached significance were included in the logistic regression analysis. Six variables were found to be significantly related to the childhood trauma classes (shown in Table 4). Age significantly differentiated all four classes, except when the domestic violence exposure class was compared to the vicarious trauma exposure class. In general, older age was associated with classes with more types of TEs. Gender also significantly differentiated all four classes, except when the domestic violence exposure class was compared to the vicarious trauma exposure class. In general, male gender was related to classes with more types of TEs. Parental marital status significantly differentiated several classes. Specifically, compared to participants whose parents were in their first marriage, participants with divorced parents were significantly more likely to be in the domestic violence exposure class (domestic vs. low [latter is reference group, same below]: odds ratio [OR] = 1.63, 95% confidence interval [CI] = [1.25, 2.12], p < .001; domestic vs. vicarious: OR = 1.50, 95% CI = [1.08, 2.08], p < .05) and multiple trauma exposure class (multiple vs. low: OR = 2.19, 95% CI = [1.55, 3.09], p < .001; multiple vs. vicarious: OR = 2.02, 95% CI = [1.36, 2.99], p < .001). In addition, compared to participants whose parents were in their first marriage, participants whose parents had remarried were significantly more likely to be in the domestic violence exposure class (domestic vs. low: OR = 1.61, 95% CI = [1.28, 2.03], p < .001; multiple vs. domestic: OR = 0.63, 95% CI = [0.40, 0.99], p < .05) and vicarious trauma exposure class (vicarious vs. low: OR = 1.28, 95% CI = [1.03, 1.58], p < .05). Father’s education level also significantly differentiated several classes. Overall, an education level of primary school or below was associated with the domestic violence exposure class. In addition, family support and peer support significantly differentiated several classes. In general, a higher level of family or peer support was associated with classes with fewer types of TEs.

3.4. Differences in Psychopathology among the Four Classes

Four one-way ANOVAs were conducted to compare the differences in internalizing and externalizing behaviors among the four classes of childhood trauma. Significant differences in withdrawal, somatic complaints, aggressive behavior and delinquent behavior among the four classes were observed (shown in Fig. S1). The specific results of the ANOVAs are shown in Table 5. The results of multiple comparison tests after all ANOVA tests pointed to significant differences between each group in all internalizing and externalizing behaviors (all p < .007). In general, scores for internalizing and externalizing behaviors were higher for children exposed to more severe TEs.

4. Discussion

The current study was the first to examine patterns of childhood trauma exposure in a large-scale sample of Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children. Our main findings were as follows: (1) four classes of childhood trauma were identified, namely, low trauma exposure, vicarious trauma exposure, domestic violence exposure, and multiple trauma exposure, which indicated that heterogeneous patterns existed in childhood TEs; (2) several risk factors were associated with childhood trauma, including age, gender, parents’ marital status, father’s education level, family support and peer support; and (3) significant differences in internalizing and exter- nalizing behaviors were found among the four classes.

Table 2 Fit statistics for the latent class analysis (N = 15,980)

Class AIC BIC a-BIC LMR-LRT Percentage of the smallest class

2 95451.65 95628.14 95555.05 <0.001 31.20% 3 94953.36 95221.93 95110.71 <0.001 13.00% 4 94664.56 95025.22 94875.85 <0.001 5.29% 5 94615.76 95068.49 94881.00 0.096 0.08% 6 94571.33 95116.14 94890.51 0.104 0.12%

Notes. AIC = Akaike information criterion; BIC = Bayesian information criterion; a-BIC = sample-size-adjusted Bayesian information criterion; LMR- LRT = Lo-Mendell-Rubin adjusted likelihood ratio test. Boldface indicates the selected model.

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Fig. 1. Four classes of childhood trauma.

Table 3 Classes of TEs according to the demographic variables (N = 15,980).

Low Domestic Vicarious Multiple Total F/χ2

n/Mean (%/SD) n/Mean (%/SD) n/Mean (%/SD) n/Mean (%/SD) n

Gender Male 6066 (66.62) 994 (10.92) 1605 (17.63) 441 (4.84) 9106

82.30*** Female 4789 (72.89) 625 (9.51) 959 (14.60) 197 (3.00) 6570 Age 11.06 (1.60) 11.59 (1.80) 11.53 (1.81) 11.78 (1.93) 115.93*** Family support 2.65 (0.82) 2.44 (0.84) 2.67 (0.84) 2.45 (0.86) 40.02*** Peer support 2.63 (0.83) 2.52 (0.86) 2.70 (0.86) 2.55 (0.84) 17.82*** Father’s education Primary school and below 2802 (66.87) 543 (12.96) 656 (15.66) 189 (4.51) 4190

41.39*** Junior high school 3995 (66.86) 570 (9.82) 1002 (17.27) 235 (4.05) 5802 High school and above 2385 (70.09) 315 (9.26) 579 (17.01) 124 (3.64) 3403 Mother’s education Primary school and below 4280 (68.21) 682 (10.87) 1040 (16.57%) 273 (4.35%) 6275

5.99 Junior high school 3158 (68.98) 489 (10.68) 763 (16.67) 168 (3.67) 4578 High school and above 1418 (69.24) 201 (9.81) 353 (17.24) 76 (3.71) 2048 Parental marital status First marriage 10153 (69.87) 1448 (9.96) 2361 (16.25) 570 (3.92) 14532

59.91*** Divorced 277 (60.48) 69 (15.07) 75 (16.38) 37 (8.08) 458 Remarried 390 (61.90) 97 (15.40) 119 (18.89) 24 (3.81) 630

Notes. Low = Low trauma exposure class, Domestic = Domestic violence class, Vicarious = Vicarious trauma exposure class, Multiple = Multiple trauma exposure class. The total number for each variable did not reach 15,980 because of missing data. * p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

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Table 4 Multinomial logistic regressions of the predictors of the TE classes (N = 15,980)

Predictors

Domestic vs. Low (Ref. = Low)

Vicarious vs. Low (Ref. = Low)

Multiple vs. Low (Ref. = Low)

Domestic vs. Vicarious (Ref. = Vicarious)

Multiple vs. Vicarious (Ref. = Vicarious)

Multiple vs. Domestic (Ref. = Domestic)

OR 95% CIs OR 95% CIs OR 95% CIs OR 95% CIs OR 95% CIs OR 95% CIs

Age 1.19*** [1.15, 1.22] 1.18*** [1.15, 1.21] 1.25*** [1.19, 1.31] 1.01 [0.97, 1.04] 1.06* [1.01, 1.11] 1.05* [1.01, 1.11] Gender

(Ref. = female) 1.24*** [1.11, 1.38] 1.26*** [1.15, 1.38] 1.67*** [1.41, 1.98] 0.98 [0.86, 1.14] 1.32** [1.10, 1.59] 1.35** [1.11, 1.63]

Parental marital status: Divorced 1.63*** [1.25, 2.12] 1.09 [0.84, 1.40] 2.19*** [1.55, 3.09] 1.50* [1.08, 2.08] 2.02*** [1.36, 2.99] 1.35 [0.91, 2.01] Remarried 1.61*** [1.28, 2.03] 1.28* [1.03, 1.58] 1.01 [0.66, 1.55] 1.26 [0.96, 1.66] 0.79 [0.51, 1.24] 0.63* [0.40, 0.99] First marriage (Ref.) – – – – – – – – – – – – Father’s education: Primary school or below 1.28** [1.11, 1.48] 0.91 [0.81, 1.02] 1.16 [0.90, 1.39] 1.41*** [1.19, 1.67] 1.23 [0.97, 1.56] 0.87 [0.68, 1.12] Junior high school 0.99 [0.86, 1.13] 0.95 [0.85, 1.06] 0.97 [0.79, 1.19] 1.04 [0.89, 1.22] 1.03 [0.82, 1.28] 0.98 [0.78, 1.24] High school or above (Ref.) – – – – – – – – – – – – Family support 0.79*** [0.74, 0.85] 1.02 [0.97, 1.08] 0.81*** [0.73, 0.90] 0.77*** [0.71, 0.84] 0.79*** [0.71, 0.89] 1.03 [0.91, 1.16] Peer support 0.92* [0.86, 0.99] 1.08** [1.02, 1.14] 0.94 [0.85, 1.04] 0.86*** [0.79, 0.93] 0.87* [0.78, 0.97] 1.02 [0.90, 1.14]

Notes. OR = Odds ratio, Ref. = reference group, Low = Low trauma exposure class, Domestic = Domestic violence class, Vicarious = Vicarious trauma exposure class, Multiple = Multiple trauma class Multiple imputation was used to handle missing data. A total of 4023 cases had missing data on independent variables, and N = 15,980 in the imputed data sets. * p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

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4.1. Four Classes of Childhood Trauma

The largest proportion of children (60.4%) belonged to the low trauma exposure class, which was characterized by no or extremely low probability among all TE types. A small part of the population (5.3%) belonged to the multiple trauma exposure class, which had higher probabilities of reporting all types of TEs than the other classes, especially for interpersonal violence TEs and vicarious TEs. Researchers and clinical workers especially need to identify the characteristics of this group to provide the necessary help.

A distinct class found in the present study was the vicarious trauma exposure class (23.9%), which had moderate probabilities of reporting experiencing several types of vicarious trauma (witnessing violence away from home, seeing a dead body, and hearing about the death or injury of a loved one) and receiving painful medical treatments. Previous studies have rarely found a class that was closely related to vicarious trauma exposure (O’Donnell et al., 2017), but in our study, most children with TEs belonged to this class.

Another important class found in this sample was the domestic violence exposure class (10.5%), which had similar probabilities of vicarious TEs as the vicarious trauma exposure class and high probabilities of TEs related to domestic violence (experiencing and witnessing domestic violence). This finding might indicate that the type of trauma Chinese migrant children are most likely to experience directly is domestic violence.

Comparison of our findings to those of Western studies using large-scale community samples to explore childhood trauma patterns (Cavanaugh et al., 2013; McChesney et al., 2015) reveals that in our study and Western studies, low trauma exposure was the most common childhood trauma pattern (approximately 60%-70%), and multiple trauma exposure accounted for the smallest percentage of the population (approximately 5%), which indicated that the majority of children live in low-risk environments. Our research did not find an interpersonal non-sexual trauma pattern including experiencing community violence (15.6% in McChesney et al., 2015) but instead found a vicarious trauma exposure pattern that involved a moderate probability of witnessing community violence (23.9%). These results might indicate that the environment in which rural-to-urban migrant children in China live has a relatively high pos- sibility of violence (Cheng et al., 2017), but they are not involved. Moreover, the prevalence of having witnessed a dead body in our sample was higher than that in a Western adolescent sample (McLaughlin et al., 2013), which might be the result of the rural Chinese environment and Chinese culture. The vast majority of rural-to-urban migrant children lived in rural areas during childhood. The rate of accidental mortality in rural China is much higher than that in cities; for example, the number of injury-related deaths in rural Chinese areas was almost three times higher than that in urban Chinese areas (Li, Pu, Wang, Feng, & Jiang, 2020; Zhang et al., 2014). Rural China has densely populated households, and residents living in rural areas are often familiar with each other. Children of the similar age often play together, and they usually go to watch events that happen in the village together. In rural China, it is customary to leave the body of a deceased person at home for three days after death. As a result, children living in rural areas are more likely to have witnessed a dead body. In addition, we did not find a sexual assault pattern, which is often found in Western samples (4.6% in a male and female sample [McChesney et al., 2015] and 21.8% in a female-only sample [Cavanaugh et al., 2013]). This difference may indicate that Chinese migrant children are less exposed to sexual assault. However, because sexual violence is often considered a taboo subject in Chinese culture, Chinese children may be more reluctant to report sexual violence (Zhou, Liang, Cheng, Zheng, & Liu, 2019). Last, we found a domestic violence exposure pattern (10.5%) with high probabilities of experiencing or witnessing violence, while a Western study found a pattern that only had a high probability of witnessing domestic violence (6.7% in Cavanaugh et al., 2013). This difference may be due to the style of family education in Chinese culture. As a Chinese proverb says, “Beating and scolding is the emblem of love”, and parents often use corporal punishment or verbal reprimand to discipline their children because it is acceptable in Chinese culture (Simons, Wu, Lin, Gordon, & Conger, 2000; Wang & Liu, 2018). This phenomenon is more common in rural areas of China. Overall, both our study and Western studies found similar high or low risks of trauma exposure, and some differences in the patterns between these studies may be caused by differences in living environments and culture.

4.2. Risk Factors for Childhood Trauma Exposure

The present study also examined the roles of demographic variables and social support. Consistent with previous findings, older age was associated with having more types of TEs, which may be caused by trauma accumulating over time (McLaughlin et al., 2013; Vaughn-Coaxum et al., 2018). Scholars have also noted that reports of TEs peak during the period between 16 and 20 years of age, and

Table 5 Differences in internalizing and externalizing behaviors among the four classes

M (SD) F ηp2

Low Vicarious Domestic Multiple

Withdrawal 3.38 (2.51) 4.38 (2.72) 4.86 (2.81) 6.04 (3.28) 367.21*** 0.07 Somatic complaints 2.69 (2.78) 3.91 (3.21) 4.17 (3.26) 6.36 (4.15) 437.28*** 0.08 Aggressive behavior 5.91 (4.48) 8.04 (4.86) 8.97 (5.12) 11.68 (6.24) 513.89*** 0.09 Delinquent behavior 4.87 (3.29) 6.17 (3.52) 6.77 (3.83) 8.91 (5.18) 406.39*** 0.07

Notes. Low = Low trauma exposure class, Domestic = Domestic violence class, Vicarious = Vicarious trauma exposure class, Multiple = Multiple trauma class The results of multiple comparison tests after all ANOVA tests indicated significant differences between each group in all internalizing and exter- nalizing behaviors (all p < .007).

*** p < .001

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younger adults are more likely to experience interpersonal violence (physical and sexual assaults and other acts of violence) than older adults (Hatch & Dohrenwend, 2007). This may be because individuals’ growing independence and mobility at this stage of devel- opment lead to increasing interactions with their family members, community and society. Male gender was associated with classes with more types of TEs, which revealed that Chinese boys might have a higher risk of being exposed to TEs.

Regarding environmental risk, parents’ marital status, father’s education level, family support and peer support differentiated class membership. Compared to children with parents in their first marriage, children with divorced parents were more likely to be in the domestic violence exposure and multiple trauma exposure classes, and children of remarried parents were more likely to be in the domestic violence exposure and vicarious trauma exposure classes. Previous studies found that family structure is an important determinant of childhood trauma, and poor parental supervision may lead to multiple TEs (McLaughlin et al., 2013; Turner, Finkelhor, & Ormrod, 2007). Children living with both biological parents may have better supervision. However, our results also showed that compared to children with remarried parents, children with parents in their first marriage were more likely to be in the multiple trauma exposure class than in the domestic violence exposure class. This result indicated that children living with both biological parents might also be at high risk for TEs. In fact, the first-marriage family may be dysfunctional; for instance, parents may be abusive or have problems with substance use (McLafferty et al., 2019). Future research should consider more family factors when discussing the relationship between family structure and childhood trauma, such as the level of parental supervision and the potential dysfunction of the household.

Father’s education level differentiated several classes, while mother’s education level did not. Children with fathers with a primary school education or below were more likely to be in the domestic violence exposure class, which suggested that children with fathers with lower education levels might be at high risk for domestic violence. Previous studies found that fathers with lower levels of ed- ucation may be more likely to become perpetrators (Leung, Wong, Chen, & Tang, 2008). Chinese fathers in rural areas may be more likely to use corporal punishment. Therefore, the prevention of domestic violence for children needs to target families with fathers with low education levels. Finally, social support was associated with childhood TEs. One potential reason might be that children who experienced more TEs were not able to form strong peer friendships or were unable to feel supported by family. It is also possible that family support and peer support could buffer childhood TEs. Providing adequate support for children can effectively reduce TEs and prevent their recurrence (McAnee et al., 2019). However, migration would change migrant children’s kinship and friendship networks, causing these children to receive insufficient social support (Zhuang & Wong, 2017). Therefore, it is especially important to establish effective family support and peer support in their new environments.

4.3. Psychopathology Outcomes in Different Classes

Our data suggest that TEs were related not only to emotional problems but also to behavioral problems. These behavioral problems may increase maladaptive behaviors and poor performance in school (Juvonen & Graham, 2014). Significant differences in both internalizing behaviors and externalizing behaviors were found in 4 classes of childhood trauma. The relative severity of the four internalizing and externalizing behaviors was the same in the four classes of TEs, with the highest severity in the multiple trauma exposure class, followed by the domestic violence exposure class, the vicarious trauma exposure class and the low trauma exposure class. In general, having more types of TEs was associated with more severe psychopathology outcomes. In addition, children in the low trauma exposure class also had some level of internalizing and externalizing behaviors, which might be caused by the broader experience of migration. Acculturative stressors and unfamiliar environment factors could lead migrants to have a higher risk of mental health problems (Bhugra, 2004; Cheng et al., 2017).

Notably, four internalizing and externalizing behaviors showed significantly greater severity in the vicarious trauma exposure class than in the low trauma exposure class, which suggested that vicarious TEs were also related to the risk of mental health problems. However, these types of TEs are often easily ignored because vicarious trauma exposure is associated with a lower risk of mental health problems than direct experience of trauma (Lukaschek et al., 2013; McLaughlin et al., 2013). Regarding the definition of trauma, the DSM-IV stated that trauma includes not only directly experiencing trauma but also witnessing it (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The DSM-5 further included learning about a traumatic event as a diagnostic criterion and narrowed the subject of the traumatic event to a close family member or friend (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Among our sample of Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children, more than half of children with TEs had experienced vicarious trauma. Given the universality and possible risk of vicarious trauma, Chinese parents and clinicians should pay attention to vicarious TEs and provide necessary help when children are confronted by these TEs.

The results also indicated that domestic violence was associated with internalizing and externalizing behaviors among children. Domestic violence commonly occurs in Chinese culture due to the endorsement of physical punishment and absolute parental au- thority in traditional Chinese norms (Chan, 2013; Ho & Gross, 2015; Zhou et al., 2019). It is necessary to develop child protection policies to reduce domestic violence and corporal punishment in educational institutions to prevent the potential emergence of emotional and behavioral problems in children.

4.4. Limitations

While the current study provided some important findings, several limitations should be considered in the interpretation of the results. First, the survey relied on retrospective reporting of childhood TEs, which could have resulted in some inaccuracies. Second, this study was limited by its cross-sectional design, which limited the possibility of determining the timelines of childhood trauma and psychopathology outcomes and potential risks; thus, all findings are non-causal. Third, sexual assault did not receive much attention in

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our study. Only sexual harassment is listed in the UCLA PTSD-RI, and it is a milder form of sexual abuse. However, sexual assault is a serious traumatic experience (McLaughlin et al., 2013), and little is known about the incidence of sexual violence among children in China. In the future, researchers should use more detailed investigative tools to explore patterns of sexual assault among Chinese children. Last, the present study was based on a sample of Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children but lacked a comparison to local children. The patterns of childhood trauma among local Chinese children remain unknown. Thus, we call for more research to investigate childhood traumas among Chinese children.

4.5. Implications

Despite these limitations, this study using a large-scale sample was the first to document the patterns of childhood trauma among Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children and highlighted the importance of examining childhood TEs within local contexts, as chil- dren’s TEs can be influenced by geographic boundaries and socioeconomic and cultural norms. Moreover, we tested the association of classes of childhood TEs and psychopathology outcomes. These results suggested that children’s vicarious trauma exposure should not be ignored by parents and clinicians. We recommend that clinicians pay close attention to children with multiple TEs; in addition, clinicians should incorporate the assessment of childhood trauma when caring for children who present with severe mental health problems to provide adequate and evidence-based treatment. Furthermore, the environmental and personal risk factors found in this study allow clinicians and policy makers to tailor prevention, protection, and treatment services according to different patterns of victimization.

Regarding Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children, it is necessary for the schools established mainly for these children to be equipped with professional psychology teachers and to develop psychology courses because these children are more likely to be exposed to TEs and to have poor mental health than local children. Classroom teachers need to pay more attention to the behavior and emotional states of these students and communicate more with their parents because migrant workers are often busy with work. Since these children live in communities where there may be more violence, parents should provide more supervision and protection for their children to prevent their children from being exposed to or involved in violence.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declarations of interest.

Acknowledgements

This work was supported by the Poverty alleviation program of Chinese Academy of Sciences (KFJ-FP-201906).

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104691.

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  • Patterns of childhood trauma and psychopathology among Chinese rural-to-urban migrant children
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Method
      • 2.1 Procedure and Participants
      • 2.2 Measures
        • 2.2.1 Demographics
        • 2.2.2 Childhood Traumatic Experience History
        • 2.2.3 Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL)
      • 2.3 Data Analysis
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Prevalence of Each Type of Trauma
      • 3.2 Classes of Childhood Trauma
      • 3.3 Multinomial Logistic Regressions for Predictors of the TE Classes
      • 3.4 Differences in Psychopathology among the Four Classes
    • 4 Discussion
      • 4.1 Four Classes of Childhood Trauma
      • 4.2 Risk Factors for Childhood Trauma Exposure
      • 4.3 Psychopathology Outcomes in Different Classes
      • 4.4 Limitations
      • 4.5 Implications
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgements
    • Appendix A Supplementary data
    • References

Using-Child-Protective-Services-Case-Record-Data-to-Quantify-F_2020_Child-Ab.pdf

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104688

Available online 24 August 2020 0145-2134/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Using Child Protective Services Case Record Data to Quantify Family-Level Severity of Adversity Types, Poly-victimization, and Poly-deprivation⋆

Nicole O’Dea a, Meghan Clough b, Rebecca Beebe b, Susan DiVietro b, Garry Lapidus b, Damion J. Grasso c,* a Department of Psychology, Clark University, United States b Connecticut Children’s Medical Center, United States c Department of Psychiatry, University of Connecticut School of Medicine, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Family Adversity Adversity Severity Child Maltreatment Poly-victimization Poly-deprivation

A B S T R A C T

Background: Child protective services (CPS) case records contain a vast amount of narrative in- formation that is underutilized for estimating risk, conceptualizing family needs, and planning for services. Objective: The current study applied a novel method for quantifying family-level severity of maltreatment and non-maltreatment-related adversity types to narrative information reflecting a family’s full CPS history. Participants and setting: Cases were randomly sampled (N = 100) from two regions of Connecticut that were referred over a specified 6-month period. Methods: De-identified data were extracted through comprehensive chart review of electronic and paper case records. The Yale-Vermont Adversity in Childhood Scale (Y-VACS; Holbrook et al., 2015) was used to quantify adversity severity across a range of intrafamilial and extrafamilial experiences. Results: Several family-level adversity severity ratings were associated with administrative data on allegations and investigative outcomes. Poly-victimization (β = .47, p < .001) and poly- deprivation (β = .25, p = .005) significantly predicted total allegation types and total substan- tiation types (β = .30, p = .002; β = .26, p = .008, respectively) across the case history. Poly- victimization significantly predicted the presence of a new allegation within 12 months of the index report, OR = 1.72, SE = .25, p = .027. Conclusions: Findings support the feasibility of a novel method that uses narrative case record information to quantify severity of maltreatment and non-maltreatment-related adversity types, as well as cumulative measures of threat- and deprivation-based adversities at the family level. Implications for utilizing case record data to inform CPS intervention are discussed.

⋆ We wish to acknowledge Ms. Mary Painter and Ms. Linda Madigan from the Connecticut Department of Children and Families (DCF), as well as the DCF Commissioner at the time of the research study, Ms. Joette Katz, and her administration. Data extraction and management was supported by a contract between the Connecticut Department of Children and Families (DCF) and the Connecticut Children’s Injury Prevention Center. Data analysis and manuscript preparation were provided in-kind. The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest.

* Corresponding author at: Department of Psychiatry, University of Connecticut School of Medicine, 65 Kane Street, Room 2028, West Hartford, CT, 06119, United States.

E-mail address: [email protected] (D.J. Grasso).

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104688 Received 9 December 2019; Received in revised form 6 August 2020; Accepted 11 August 2020

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1. Introduction

Families of children involved with child protective services (CPS) experience complex, unmet needs that often lead to less than optimal outcomes for children (Simon & Brooks, 2019). Referral to CPS is an opportunity to identify a family’s needs, assess child safety and well-being, and estimate potential risk of future harm towards children, whether that be in the form of physical threat or deprivation of needs. Unfortunately, even best practices fail to wholly identify and address child and family needs and risks. As such, CPS often faces criticism for making inaccurate and inconsistent case investigation decisions, with high recidivism rates for families (Coohey, Johnson, Renner, & Easton, 2013). Nearly 50% of children referred to CPS for abuse or neglect at any given time have a prior history of CPS involvement (Kim, Wildeman, Jonson-Reid, & Drake, 2017). Put another way, about a third of referred families are re-referred for a subsequent allegation of abuse or neglect within one year of a report (Dakil, Sakai, Lin, & Flores, 2011).

Many children who have had contact with CPS have a lifetime history of multiple allegations within a type of adversity, as well as multiple allegations across adversity types (Cloitre et al., 2009). These children have been referred to as poly-victims, experiencing numerous types of maltreatment and co-occurring adversities and potentially traumatic experiences across multiple contexts and developmental periods (Grasso et al., 2016). Poly-victimized children are exponentially more likely to show evidence of psychological impairments that include posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, anxiety, suicidality, and disruptive behavior (Álvarez-Lister, Pereda, Abad, & Guilera, 2014). These children are also more likely to experience revictimization, as well as persistent poly-victimization across developmental periods.(Dierkhising, Ford, Branson, Grasso, & Lee, 2019)

Poly-victims are more likely than non-poly-victims to come from home environments characterized by violence, drug and alcohol abuse, and impaired caregiving and report less emotional support from caregivers and other family members (Duffy, Hughes, Asnes, & Leventhal, 2015; Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007; Grasso et al., 2009). Within child welfare, families of poly-victimized children demonstrate complex needs that are associated with poor CPS outcomes (Simon & Brooks, 2019) and high recidivism (Zhang, Fuller, & Nieto, 2013). Indeed, cumulative forms of adversity, maltreatment, and deprivation within a family reflect a culture of victimization and deprivation that extends across generations and affects multiple children - phenomena we might refer to as family poly-victimization and poly-deprivation.

Current CPS methods for quantifying and synthesizing a child’s experiences of maltreatment and adversity vary substantially within and across agencies and lack comprehensive assessment of lifetime adversity (Jenkins, Tilbury, Mazerolle, & Hayes, 2017). Specifically, CPS investigative efforts tend to focus narrowly on the allegation at hand without fully considering a child’s lifetime experiences of maltreatment, co-occurring forms of adversity, cumulative patterns of exposure, nor the broader family history of adversity with respect to other children in the home and over time. Moreover, efforts to estimate risk often do not consider dimensional or contextual information that captures the scope and severity of children’s experiences, which may moderate risk associated with a particular adversity. Instead, experiences of maltreatment are documented as substantiated or unsubstantiated, a crude distinction with varying thresholds that has not been shown to be particularly useful in predicting families that recidivate (Bae, Solomon, & Gelles, 2007; English, Marshall, Coghlan, Brummel, & Orme, 2002) and is insufficient for fully conceptualizing a child and family’s needs.

Despite current practice, information necessary for quantifying these cumulative and dimensional aspects of adversity and maltreatment is available in CPS case records in narrative form from various sources involved in the investigative process and ongoing case management. Although extracting and synthesizing this information is impractical for caseworkers given limited time and re- sources, several research studies have employed extraction and coding procedures for quantifying severity of different adversity types that link to child outcomes (Grasso et al., 2009; Grasso, DiVietro, Beebe, Clough, & Lapidus, 2019; Huffhines et al., 2016; Kaufman, Jones, Stieglitz, Vitulano, & Mannarino, 1994; Runyan et al., 2005). Grasso et al. (2019) was the first to demonstrate that severity of non-maltreatment adversities can be reliably coded from CPS case records. To date, no known study has attempted to use narrative case record information to quantify adversity severity at the level of the family, nor has quantified and examined cumulative forms of adversity types (i.e., family poly-victimization and poly-deprivation) within a family for predicting outcomes.

Other studies of mainly adult samples have demonstrated differential outcomes associated with two distinct adversity types, threat and deprivation (Miller et al., 2018). This work has led to the Dimensional Model of Adversity and Psychopathology (DMAP), which defines threat-based adversity as harmful or potentially harmful acts of commission (i.e., direct or indirect forms of abuse or violence exposure) and deprivation-based adversity as acts of omission leading to insufficient resources for healthy child development (i.e. forms of neglect, caregiver substance use and criminality that compromise physical presence and emotional availability) (Sheridan & McLaughlin, 2014). While DMAP recognizes that threat and deprivation frequently co-occur, it also recognizes that each dimension has distinct relations to outcomes. No known study has yet explored differential outcomes as they relate to cumulative forms of threat- and deprivation-based adversity within CPS involved families.

To this end, the present study sought to examine the utility of a novel method for using narrative case record information to quantify severity of maltreatment and non-maltreatment-related adversity types at the family history level and quantify cumulative measures of family poly-victimization and poly-deprivation. Aims were to determine: (1) if family-level severity of adversity types can be reliably quantified from narrative case record information, and (2) if severity of adversity types and cumulative measures of threat- and deprivation-based adversities (family poly-victimization and poly-deprivation) predict current allegation disposition of index reports (i.e., substantiation, unsubstantiation, differential response) and new allegations over a one-year follow-up period.

This study extends an initial study with this sample demonstrating that severity of maltreatment and non-maltreatment adversity types can be reliably quantified at the child level (Grasso et al., 2019). The initial study focused on 141 child victims named in 100 CPS cases randomly selected from all reports occurring during a 6-month time frame. Adversity severity was rated specific to each child. The current study examined these 100 cases to identify all children ever named victim in a report extending across the entire family

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history of CPS involvement (i.e., 238 children). Independent coders then rated overall family-level severity of adversity types using the totality of information reflecting experiences pertaining to all identified child victims.

2. Method

2.1. Sample and Procedures

De-identified data were extracted through comprehensive chart review of electronic and paper case records maintained by the Connecticut Department of Children and Families (DCF). The study was determined to be nonhuman subjects research and therefore exempt by the Connecticut Children’s Medical Center and University of Connecticut Health Center Human Subjects Review Boards. One hundred unique cases with a documented report of abuse or neglect between August 1, 2013 and July 31, 2014 were randomly selected from two regions: 50 cases from Hartford and 50 from Willimantic. Together, these regions are racially and ethnically representative of the overall population of children served by CPS in the state per administrative data. Selected allegations were referred to as index allegations. Selections were discarded and replaced if one of the following criteria were met: (1) a case was selected twice due to more than one allegation within the same time period, (2) an allegation was against school personnel, or (3) if a case was sealed, which can occur when a case is deemed high profile or is associated with a DCF employee. New selections were made less than 10 times over the course of data collection. Data extraction took approximately six months and spanned the entire history of a case preceding the index report, as well as 12 months following the index report.

Data were extracted through use of a survey tool created in Qualtrics. Staff were thoroughly trained in use of the extraction tool and locating the corresponding information within each chart. The extraction tool mirrored the flow of documentation that is typically followed by caseworkers, thus simplifying and enhancing the process of data extraction. Data extraction procedures were uniform across both data collection sites. Staff reviewed the physical version of the chart before extracting data to ensure that all pieces of relevant information were captured. In some instances, this included multiple paper files based on the family’s length of involvement and number of allegations. Once the first phase of review was completed, staff then reviewed the online chart through the department’s online database where files are stored electronically.

Data were collected for each child and caregiver in a family unit from a variety of sources within case records including checklists, narratives, case summaries, and related correspondence. These included family sociodemographic characteristics and descriptive information regarding maltreatment allegations and dispositions. Indicators of caregiver risk and impairment included substance abuse, violent relationship history, mental health diagnoses, criminality, and contact with child protective services as a minor. Each form of impairment was coded dichotomously as present or absent based on whether the indicator emerged at any point in the chart. Documented allegation types included physical abuse, emotional abuse, physical neglect, emotional neglect, sexual abuse, educational neglect, and medical neglect. Allegation disposition was recorded as substantiated, unsubstantiated, or referral to Family Assessment Response (FAR).

Data were acquired on 100 cases involving a total of 238 children identified as victim in at least one allegation from the entire history of a case up to the index report. Of these 238 children, 141 (59.2%) were identified as victim in the index report. The number of children per family named victim at the index report ranged from 1 to 7 (M = 1.51, SD = 0.92). Children involved in the index report ranged in age from newborn to 17 years (M = 7.15, SD = 4.4), with almost half (45.3%) under the age of 6 years. About half were female (47%). The majority of children were identified as White/Caucasian (44.7%), followed by Black/African American (22%), Hispanic/Latino (15.6%), multiracial (4.3%), Asian (2.8%), and 6% were non-disclosed. The proportion of males to females and race/ ethnicity classifications did not significantly differ across regions and were consistent with the proportions represented in the 2016 census of children referred to DCF, suggesting that random selection of cases for these analyses resulted in a sample that was demographically representative of the population.

Number of index allegation types per family ranged from 1 to 3 (M = 1.38 ± 0.53). Thirty-six percent of cases had more than one allegation type at the index report. Most index allegations were for physical neglect (77%), followed by, emotional neglect (35%), physical abuse (14%), medical neglect (5%), emotional abuse (4%), and sexual abuse (3%). These rates are consistent with national rates of child maltreatment, in which neglect is the leading type of maltreatment followed by physical abuse (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 2017). Index reports were investigated in 66% of cases, whereas 34% were assigned to FAR or differential response. Among investigated cases, 30.3% had at least one substantiated allegation of physical neglect (25.8%), emotional neglect (16.7%), physical abuse (4.5%), or medical neglect (3%).

2.1.1. Maltreatment and Adversity Severity Coding Research staff applied the Yale-Vermont Adversity in Childhood Scale (Y-VACS; Holbrook et al., 2015) to narrative information

extracted from case records for quantifying adversity severity across a range of intrafamilial (i.e., forms of domestic violence, abuse, and neglect, caregiver substance use, caregiver criminality) and extrafamilial (i.e., community violence, bullying, accidents, natural disasters, health-related traumas, death of a loved one, fire) experiences for every child ever named victim in the family history of the case. Severity ratings ranged from 0 (“not present”) to 3 (“most severe”) for each adversity type where each type had a set of criteria corresponding to the 0-3 ratings. The Y-VACS has established psychometric properties, with concurrent validity supported by asso- ciations between Y-VACS severity scores and alternative measures of self- and caregiver-reported adversities and maltreatment data from CPS records (Holbrook et al., 2015), and predictive validity as indicated by associations between Y-VACS severity scores and depression and trauma-related symptoms in children, as well as stress-relevant biomarkers (Kaufman et al., 2018).

Ratings were applied to information pertaining to all 238 children ever named victim in a report extending across the entire family

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Table 1 Spearman Correlation Matrix of Family Consensus Adversity Severity Scores.

Adversity Type M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

1. DV 1.75 1.15 — .28** .22* -.01 .32** .26** .27** .35** .43** .12 .20* .03 .60** .36** 2. Psych. Abuse 1.18 1.10 — .41** .12* .28** .31** .16 .19 .13 .01 .06 .21* .67** .25* 3. Phys. Abuse .80 .92 — .16 .13 .12 .05 .29** .10 .18 .23* .16 .63** .09 4. Sex Abuse .33 .71 — .15 .16 .23* .09 .10 -.02 .29** -.03 .26** .25* 5. Neglect 1.72 1.17 — .28** .48** .19 .32** .19 .08 .45** .36** .70** 6. Loss 1.40 .952 — .30** .15 .40** .15 .28** .24* .33** .63** 7. CG Sub. 1.23 1.19 — .18 .34** .11 .23* .22* .24* .77** 8. Suicidality .38 .838 — .12 .05 .11 .11 .32** .25* 9. CG Crim. .88 .795 — .16 .06 .08 .32** .55** 10. CV .23 .723 — -.10 .22* .26** .17 11. Sexual Assault .22 .760 — .01 .24* .18 12. Health .43 .81 — .15 .32** 13. Poly-vict. 1.40 1.10 — .35** 14. Poly-dep. 1.67 1.23 —

Note. N = 100. DV = Domestic Violence, CG Sub. = Caregiver Substance Abuse, CG Crim.= Caregiver Criminality, CV = Community Violence, Health = Health-related Trauma. Mean and SD for poly- victimization and poly-deprivation are from raw data, not the z-score transformations. * p < .05, ** p < .01.

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history of CPS involvement. Four coders at the masters or doctoral level in the social sciences evaluated and rated each case. Ratings were discussed regularly until consensus ratings were established. Ratings from each coder were compared with consensus ratings to produce Interclass Correlation Coefficients (ICC). Inter-rater reliability ranged from moderate to good agreement for single-rater ICCs and moderate to excellent agreement for consensus ratings (reported in Grasso et al., 2019).

Family-level severity was quantified by taking the maximum severity rating across all children within a family for each adversity domain. Family poly-victimization and poly-deprivation were calculated by counting the number of threat-based and deprivation- based adversity domains, respectively, with severity scores greater than or equal to 2 (i.e., moderate to severe). Total count scores were z-score transformed in order to achieve comparable scales between poly-victimization and poly-deprivation.

2.2. Sample Demographics

2.2.1. Primary Female Caregivers Maternal caregivers were on average 31 years of age at index allegation (SD = 9.25). Nearly half (47%) of maternal caregivers

identified as Caucasian, followed by African American (25%), Latino (16%), multiracial (4%), Asian or American Indian (3%; 5% did not disclose). Educational data were limited, indicating some or completed high school (30%) and few with some form of higher education (5%). Most maternal caregivers were receiving public assistance at the time of the index allegation (72%); nearly half were employed (48%), whereas the rest of the sample was unemployed (39%), on disability (3%) or incarcerated (2%; 8% not indicated). Most maternal caregivers (56%) were married or in a relationship at the time of the index allegation and 41% were documented as having a history of violent romantic relationships.

2.2.2. Paternal Caregivers Paternal caregivers were on average 36 years old at the index allegation (SD = 13). Nearly half identified as Caucasian (49%),

followed by African American (22%), Latino (14%), and Asian or Other (2% ; 13% did not disclose). Educational data were once again limited, indicating some or completed high school (17%) or some college (9%). More than half (54%) were employed at the index allegation; others were unemployed (16%), incarcerated (6%) or on disability (3%; 21% not indicated). More than half (52%) were married or in a relationship at the time of the index allegation and about 26% were documented as having a history of violent romantic relationships.

2.2.3. Data Analysis Chi square tests of independence and Pearson and Spearman correlations were conducted to examine associations between

adversity severity ratings, sociodemographic characteristics, and administrative outcomes. A series of linear multiple regression an- alyses were conducted with adversity severity scores, poly-victimization, and poly-deprivation as independent variables predicting several CPS outcomes.

3. Results

3.1. Family-level Adversity Severity

Mean severity across adversity domains ranged from .22 to 1.75 (see Table 1). The mean number of threat-based adversities (i.e., poly-victimization) was 1.40 (SD = 1.10; range = 0-5) and the mean number of deprivation-based adversities (i.e., poly-deprivation) was 1.67 (SD = 1.23; range = 0-4).

Spearman correlations were conducted to examine associations across severity ratings at the family level (see Table 1). Physical abuse severity was associated with psychological abuse, family suicidality, and domestic violence. Psychological abuse severity was associated with more severe ratings of family loss, domestic violence, neglect, health-related trauma, and sexual abuse. Neglect severity was associated with more severe ratings of caregiver substance abuse, health-related trauma, domestic violence, caregiver criminality, and family loss. Results also support moderate to strong associations between poly-victimization, poly-deprivation, and severity ratings of several adversity types. Poly-victimization and poly-deprivation were moderately correlated, rs = .34, p < .001. As expected, poly-victimization was associated with threat-based adversities and poly-deprivation with deprivation- based adversities.

Associations between family characteristics and adversity severity ratings were investigated using Pearson correlation coefficients and chi-square tests of independence. Preliminary analyses support that these data do not violate normality, linearity or homosce- dasticity assumptions. Families with older children at the index report had more severe family-level adversity ratings for physical abuse, r = .48, p < .001, psychological abuse, r =.40, p < .001, neglect, r = .24, p = .017, and caregiver substance abuse, r = .33, p = .001. In comparison, families with younger children at the index report had more severe family-level adversity ratings for domestic violence, r = -.23, p = .025. Families with older maternal caregivers at the index report had more severe adversity ratings for psy- chological abuse, r =.25, p = .014, and physical abuse, r =.28, p = .005; families with older paternal caregivers at the index report had more severe ratings for physical abuse, r = .30, p = .003. Results also indicate that family loss severity was associated with racial minority status (minority = 1, non-minority = 0) for maternal, r =.22, p = .031, and paternal caregivers, r =.25, p = .025. Additionally, caregiver substance abuse severity was associated with minority status for paternal caregivers, r =- .24, p = .027, but not maternal caregivers.

Cumulative measures of poly-victimization and poly-deprivation were also associated with a range of family characteristics. Families with older children at the index report demonstrated higher rates of poly-victimization, r = .46, p < .001, and poly-

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deprivation, r = .34, p = .001. Families with older maternal caregivers at the index report demonstrated higher rates of poly- victimization, r = .27, p = .007, but not poly-deprivation.

3.2. Adversity Severity and CPS Outcomes

Table 2 presents Spearman correlations between adversity severity ratings and CPS outcomes, with family-level adversity severity across several maltreatment and non-maltreatment adversity types associated with (1) the presence of one or more maltreatment allegation types across the case history, (2) total number of allegation types across the case history, and (3) total number of sub- stantiation types. To note, family-level community violence severity was not significantly associated with any of these indices. Only family-level neglect severity was associated with presence of a new allegation within one year of the index report. Severity of caregiver substance use was associated with the presence of all maltreatment allegation types except for physical abuse, as well as with total types of allegations and substantiations.

Family-level poly-victimization was associated with the presence of all maltreatment allegation types except emotional abuse and educational neglect, whereas poly-deprivation was associated with the presence of all types except physical and sexual abuse. Both family-level poly-victimization and poly-deprivation were associated with total allegation types and total substantiation types. When entered together in a logistic regression, both poly-victimization (β = .47, p < .001) and poly-deprivation (β = .25, p = .005) significantly predicted total allegation types across the case history. Similar patterns emerged when predicting total number of sub- stantiation types, such that poly-victimization (β = .30, p = .002) and poly-deprivation (β = .26, p = .008) significantly predicted total substantiated allegation types across case history. Regarding the presence of a new allegation within 12 months of the index report, only poly-victimization emerged as a significant predictor, OR = 1.72, SE = .25, p = .027, such that families with a greater number of threat-based adversities were nearly two times more likely to have a new allegation following the index allegation.

4. Discussion

Child protective services (CPS) case records contain a vast amount of narrative information that is underutilized for estimating risk. To date, no known study has attempted to use narrative case record information to quantify adversity severity at the family level, nor has quantified and examined cumulative forms of adversity types (i.e., family poly-victimization and poly-deprivation) within a family to predict investigative outcomes. The present study demonstrated feasibility of a novel method for using narrative case record in- formation to quantify severity of maltreatment and non-maltreatment-related adversity types, as well as cumulative measures of threat- and deprivation-based adversities (poly-victimization and poly-deprivation) at the family level. Further, it demonstrated as- sociations between these risk indices and investigative outcomes across the family history of CPS involvement, as well as utility in predicting new allegations over a one-year follow-up period.

Small to moderate associations emerged across adversity severity ratings, reflecting the high degree of overlap between threat- and deprivation-based adversity types within CPS involved families. For example, severity of adversity types characterized by caregiver impairment, such as substance abuse, suicidality, and criminality, were significantly associated with severity of domestic violence and physical abuse, as well as poly-victimization and poly-deprivation. Caregiver substance use and poly-deprivation were especially highly correlated (r = .77), which may reflect the lack of availability of caregivers preoccupied with obtaining substances and compromised parenting when under the influence (2007, Coohey, 2007).

Ratings of family-level adversity severity and measures of cumulative adversity types (poly-victimization, poly-deprivation) derived from narrative information were associated with CPS outcomes pertinent to the index child, with greater severity and a

Table 2 Spearman Correlation Matrix of Family Consensus Adversity Severity Scores and Allegation Outcomes.

Past Allegations

Adversity Type PA EA PN EN SA ED Total Types Total Sub. Types Any New Allegations

1. DV .01 .26** .29** .31** .05 .06 .24* .34* .11 2. Psych. Abuse .36** .10 .14 .19 .25* -.01 .38** .29** .13 3. Phys. Abuse .66** -.01 .03 .23* .26** .02 .56** .40** .06 4. Sex Abuse .19 .12 .13 .19 .55** -.01 .31** .11 .11 5. Neglect .20 .33** .36** .25* .09 .24* .50** .37** .27** 6. Loss .09 .19 .23* .10 .09 .13 .19 .24* -.13 7. CG Sub. -.01 .25* .27** .33** .21* .25* .36** .32** .09 8. Suicidality .11 .12 .13 .21* .07 .03 .32** .22* -.03 9. CG Crim. .05 .22* .25* .30** .18 .09 .27** .36** -.05 10. CV .15 .08 .09 .08 -.06 .05 .19 .01 .13 11. Sex Assault .21* .07 .07 .09 .31** .12* .24* .30** -.02 12. Health .20* .13 .14 .06 -.03 .09 .31** .16 .10 13. Poly-victim. .41** .18 .22* .34** .26* .06 .52** .43** .21* 14. Poly-dep. .12 .29** .33** .28** .16 .27** .41** .38** .08

Note. N = 100. DV = Domestic Violence, CG Sub. = Caregiver Substance Abuse, CG Crim.= Caregiver Criminality, CV = Community Violence, Health = Health-related Trauma. * p < .05, ** p < .01.

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greater number of threat- and deprivation-based adversities associated with total allegation types and total substantiations across the case history. These findings reflect that global ratings of adversity severity and cumulative adversity types at the family level, and in many cases, adversity occurring prior to the birth of the index child, have utility in estimating risk for children. This is further reflected in that family-level neglect severity and poly-victimization were significantly predictive of new allegations within a 1-year follow-up period for the index child. Families with a greater number of threat-based adversities (i.e., poly-victimization) were nearly two times more likely to have a new allegation following the index allegation.

5. Strengths and Limitations

There are several strengths of the present study that should be noted. First, no known studies have aimed to quantify adversity severity at the family level even though much risk assessment in CPS evolves around the family unit. Second, this study illustrates the utility of narrative case record data in quantifying adversity severity among CPS-involved families. As much literature has supported, adversity severity is an important dimension to consider in thorough assessment of risk but can become difficult and potentially ambiguous when drawing from multiple sources. Narrative case information can provide context beyond the limited scope of other typical assessment items. Data was also gathered systematically through chart review, offering a unique, retrospective understanding of family level adversity severity and investigative CPS outcomes.Results of the present study should also be considered in the context of multiple

limitations. Narrative elements may not have been captured uniformly for all families given the variability in caseworker docu- mentation. Further, narrative information provided is dependent on whether a particular experience was documented in the file; therefore, some families had more narrative information available in their file than others. Another limitation is that the present study only utilized one facet of the Y-VACS, thus lacking mutli-informant and multi-method components. Finally, analyses of the present study are limited due to a modest sample size which prevents the use of more sophisticated modeling methods.

6. Future Direction and Implications for Case Management

Child maltreatment prevention research has embraced an ecological systems perspective which places great emphasis on the family as an interactive system that either encourages or discourages child maltreatment (Ridings, Beasley, & Silovsky, 2017). Consideration of family risk therefore becomes a critical component in understanding maltreatment prevention. To this point, the present study provides an empirically supported approach that can thoroughly integrate family risk in service decision and intervention. Future research should consider utilizing additional components of the Y-VACS that draw from multiple informants and methods to examine family adversity severity. This may offer better insight on the trajectory and transformation of family poly-victimization and poly-deprivation over time.

Prevention and intervention efforts are typically organized around distinct forms of adversity and may be ineffective for families with co-occurring types and levels of severity (Ridings et al., 2017). Given the identified relationship between family risk and investigative outcomes, conventional approaches that target adversities separately must be reconsidered. Instead, agencies ought to assume a multifaceted, dimensional approach that targets the co-occurrence of adversities and varying severity level with an improved system of service recommendation and integration. Findings of the present study support a promising method that will allow appropriately trained caseworkers to synthesize information related to family adversity severity and dimensions of cumulative family risk, providing grounds to target and address adversities collectively. CPS agencies might also consider introducing a level of post-investigation services that are informed by and tailored specifically to families’ poly-victimization and poly-deprivation mea- sures. Future work may draw from this approach to inform protocol and increase department awareness on proceeding with cases of high-risk families.

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Coohey, C. (1998). Home Alone and Other Inadequately Supervised Children. Child Welfare: Journal of Policy, Practice, and Program, 77(3), 291–310. Coohey, C. (2007). Social networks, informal child care, and inadequate supervision by mothers. Child Welfare: Journal of Policy, Practice, and Program, 86(6), 53–66. Coohey, C., Johnson, K., Renner, L. M., & Easton, S. D. (2013). Actuarial risk assessment in child protective services: Construction methodology and performance

criteria. Children and Youth Services Review, 35(1), 151–161. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2012.09.020. Dakil, S. R., Sakai, C., Lin, H., & Flores, G. (2011). Recidivism in the child protection system: Identifying children at greatest risk of reabuse among those remaining in

the home. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 165(11), 1006–1012. https://doi.org/10.1001/archpediatrics.2011.129. Dierkhising, C. B., Ford, J. D., Branson, C., Grasso, D. J., & Lee, R. (2019). Developmental timing of polyvictimization: Continuity, change, and association with

adverse outcomes in adolescence. Child Abuse & Neglect, 87, 40–50. Duffy, J. Y., Hughes, M., Asnes, A. G., & Leventhal, J. M. (2015). Child maltreatment and risk patterns among participants in a child abuse prevention program. Child

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Simon, J. D., & Brooks, D. (2019). Targeting services to reduce need after a child abuse investigation: Examining complex needs, matched services, and meaningful change. Children and Youth Services Review, 99, 386–394. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2019.02.001.

Zhang, S., Fuller, T., & Nieto, M. (2013). Didn’t we just see you? Time to recurrence among frequently encountered families in CPS. Children and Youth Services Review, 35(5). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2013.02.014.

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  • Using Child Protective Services Case Record Data to Quantify Family-Level Severity of Adversity Types, Poly-victimization, ...
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Method
      • 2.1 Sample and Procedures
        • 2.1.1 Maltreatment and Adversity Severity Coding
      • 2.2 Sample Demographics
        • 2.2.1 Primary Female Caregivers
        • 2.2.2 Paternal Caregivers
        • 2.2.3 Data Analysis
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Family-level Adversity Severity
      • 3.2 Adversity Severity and CPS Outcomes
    • 4 Discussion
    • 5 Strengths and Limitations
    • 6 Future Direction and Implications for Case Management
    • References

Adverse-childhood-experiences-and-psychological-well-being_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Adverse childhood experiences and psychological well-being in a rural sample of Chinese young adults Lixia Zhanga,*, Joshua P. Merskyb, James Topitzesb a Department of Social Work, University of Northern Iowa, 1227 W 27th St, Sabin Hall 257, Cedar Falls, IA 50614, United States b Helen Bader School of Social Welfare, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Adverse childhood experiences Mental health China Rural

A B S T R A C T

Background: International interest in adverse childhood experiences (ACE) is on the rise. In China, recent research has explored the effects of ACEs on health-related outcomes, but little is known about how ACEs impact the psychological functioning of rural Chinese youth as they make transition to adulthood. Objective: This study is aimed to assess the prevalence and psychological consequences of ACEs among a group of rural Chinese young adults. Participants and settings: 1019 rural high school graduates from three different provinces of China participated in this study. Methods: A web-based survey was used to assess ten conventional ACEs and seven other novel ACEs using the Childhood Experiences Survey. Using validated brief measures, six indicators of psychological functioning were assessed: anxiety, depression, perceived stress, posttraumatic stress, loneliness, and suicidality. Descriptive and correlational analyses of all ACEs were per- formed, and multivariate regressions were conducted to test associations between ACEs and study outcomes. Results: Three-fourths of Chinese youth endorsed at least one of ten conventional ACEs. The most prevalent ACEs were physical abuse (52.3 %) and domestic violence (43.2 %). Among seven new adversities, prolonged parental absence (37.4 %) and parental gambling problems (19.7 %) were most prevalent. Higher conventional ACEs scores were significantly associated with poorer psychological functioning, and each type of new adversity was associated with one or more psychological problems. Conclusion: ACEs were prevalent among rural Chinese young adults and had deleterious effects on their psychological well-being. Further work is needed to address ACEs by developing cul- turally appropriate assessment practices, interventions, and policy responses.

1. Introduction

For more than two decades, the study of adverse childhood experiences (ACE) has added to our understanding of how harmful conditions early in life can contribute to later morbidity and mortality. The field has not reached consensus on how to define and measure ACEs, though most studies have followed the example of the seminal CDC-Kaiser Permanente Adverse Childhood Experiences Study (Felitti et al., 1998) by focusing on certain forms of child maltreatment and household dysfunction. Research has consistently demonstrated that these conventional ACEs are prevalent and associated with a dose-response relationship between the

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104658 Received 3 March 2020; Received in revised form 1 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (L. Zhang).

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number of ACEs individuals report and their risk of poor health-related outcomes (Mersky, Janczewski, & Topitzes, 2017; Hughes et al., 2017).

International interest in ACEs is also on the rise. Replicating findings from the U.S., researchers from western, developed countries have found that ACEs are prevalent and deleterious to physical and mental health (e.g., Bellis, Lowey, Leckenby, Hughes, & Harrison, 2014; Cuijpers et al., 2011; Müller et al., 2015). Confirmatory findings have also begun to emerge from developing countries in Africa, South America, and Asia (e.g., Ding, Lin, Zhou, Yan, & He, 2014; Okello, De Schryver, Musisi, Broekaert, & Derluyn, 2014; Ramiro, Madrid, & Brown, 2010; Soares et al., 2016). The following section summarizes the extant ACE research in China, a rapidly developing country with the world’s largest population.

1.1. ACE research in China

The first known ACE study in China examined 2073 Chinese medical college students in Anhui province (Xiao, Dong, Yao, Li, & Ye, 2008). The authors found that over two-thirds (68.9 %) of participants reported at least one of ten ACEs, the most prevalent of which were physical neglect (26.9 %), physical abuse (26.7 %), and household mental illness (23.0 %). ACEs prevalence estimates have fluctuated in subsequent studies, due at least partly to differences in measurement protocols and sample populations. Despite this variation, and with few exceptions (e.g., Lee et al., 2011), most studies in China indicate that the proportion of adults with one or more ACEs ranges from 45 % to 77 % (Chang, Jiang, Mkandarwire, & Shen, 2019; Cui et al., 2013; Fan et al., 2011; Guo, Cao, & Cui, 2014; Ji & Wang, 2017; Ma, Dai, Ru, Liu, & Liu, 2013; Nie et al., 2015).

While prevalence rates have varied, studies have consistently shown that ACEs are associated with an array of poor health-related outcomes among Chinese adults. For example, higher cumulative ACEs scores have been linked to chronic diseases such as hy- pertension, diabetes, and coronary heart disease (Chang et al., 2019; Nie et al., 2015). Mental health problems like depression, psychosis, dissociation, alcohol abuse, and posttraumatic stress disorder have also been found at higher rates among Chinese adults that have been exposed to ACEs (Chang et al., 2019; Ding et al., 2014; Fung, Ross, Yu, & Lau, 2019; Xiao et al., 2008).

Despite the emergence of ACE research in China, further study is needed to address limitations in the literature. Most studies of ACEs in Chinese samples have not been disseminated in journals that meet accepted standards for high scientific quality. As of this writing, only five studies of ACEs in China have been published in ranked journals with known impact factors (Chang et al., 2019; Ding et al., 2014; Fung et al., 2019; Lee et al., 2011; Xiao et al., 2008). Moreover, most research has examined some combination of 10 ACEs that were assessed in the Adverse Childhood Experiences Study, and it is unclear whether these are the most common and consequential childhood adversities in China.

In recent years, researchers have increasingly issued calls to improve our understanding of ACEs and their consequences by developing expanded measures that include other common adversities (Mersky et al., 2017; Cronholm et al., 2015; Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, & Hamby, 2013; Wade, Shea, Rubin, & Wood, 2014). The imperative to expand the conventional ACEs framework owes partly to its omission of adversities that occur outside the household (Mersky et al., 2017). Recent studies suggest, for example, that adding adversities such as peer victimization and community violence may improve the validity of ACEs assessments (Mersky et al., 2017; Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, & Hamby, 2015).

Even within the home environment, many salient experiences are omitted from most ACE research. For example, ACE studies typically measure parental divorce and separation, though other sources of parental loss and family dissolution in childhood are also harmful. For instance, a prolonged parental absence increases the risk of poor psychological outcomes (Mersky, Topitzes, & Reynolds, 2013; McLanahan, Tach, & Schneider, 2013), which is a particular concern in rural areas of China where many adults leave their families to seek economic opportunities in urban areas (All-China Women’s Federation, 2013; National Bureau of Statistics, 2019). The death of a parent or sibling can also be a profound event, although research on the long-term effects of these experiences has produced mixed results (Green et al., 2010; Fletcher, Mailick, Song, & Wolfe, 2013; Luecken, 2008). Given that health-related outcomes vary as a function of income and socioeconomic status (Chen, Martin, & Matthews, 2006), ACE studies may also be strengthened by incorporating questions related to poverty and economic hardship. Moreover, problem gambling appears to be pervasive in many Chinese communities (Loo, Raylu, & Oei, 2008; Zhao & Peng, 2010), and one study found that parental gambling was associated with adolescent suicidality (Xing et al., 2010).

1.2. Study aims

The current study examines the prevalence and psychological consequences of ACEs and other potential adversities in a sample of rural Chinese young adults. Two main research questions are addressed:

1 What are the prevalence and inter-correlations of conventional ACEs and other adversities in a sample of rural Chinese youth? 2 Does exposure to a greater number of ACEs increase the risk of poor psychological outcomes among rural Chinese youth?

2. Methods

2.1. Participants and research design

For this study, 7986 rural high school graduates were recruited from six boarding high schools in China that are located in small counties of three provinces: Hebei, Anhui and Jiangsu. The six schools are all typical high schools that many rural children attend to

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complete their high school education. From 2016 to 2018, cohorts of recent graduates were recruited annually from each school using private email addresses that were collected from students in the first, second, and third year of high school. Unlike the United States, where most students attend high school for four years, Chinese students typically attend high school for three years. Once students turned 18 years old and graduated from high school, a web-based survey was distributed to them via Qualtrics (Provo, UT).

The survey asked participants about their family background, including ACEs and their current mental health and well-being. A back-translation method was used to translate the survey into Mandarin Chinese. The first author translated the English survey into Mandarin, and then three independent raters translated the survey from Mandarin to English. Discrepancies between different translations were discussed by all translators until consensus was reached. Before the survey was distributed to study participants, the research team conducted pre-testing and cognitive interviewing with 20 Chinese young adults.

To promote participation, notifications were emailed prior to distributing the survey link, and multiple reminder emails with the survey were delivered to non-respondents. Nearly 24 % of the sample (n = 1888) could not be reached because the emails were undeliverable. Of the 6098 individuals to whom an email could be delivered, 1019 completed the questionnaire, yielding a net response rate of 18 %.

Study participation was voluntary and confidential, and no personal identifying information was collected. Respondents received a 25 Yuan (approximately US$3.80) Amazon China gift card after completing the survey. All study protocols were approved by administrators of the six high schools and the institutional review board (IRB) at large public university in the Midwestern United States.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Adverse childhood experiences Participants completed the Childhood Experiences Survey (CES), a measure of 10 conventional ACEs and seven other potential

adversities: family financial hardship, food insecurity, homelessness, peer victimization, parental absence, death of parent or sibling, and violent crime victimization. Previous research found that the CES had good internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and concurrent validity in a low-income sample of women in the US (Mersky et al., 2017).

For this study, the CES was modified in two ways. First, the question about homelessness was omitted because most participants attended boarding school for several years prior to turning age 18. Second, the following question was added to assess problem gambling: “Before age 18, did you live with parent(s) who had a gambling problem?” Participants who indicated that their parent(s) gambled were coded 1; all other participants were coded 0. For all other operational definitions, please see Mersky et al. (2017).

2.2.2. Anxiety symptoms Anxiety symptoms were measured using the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7) scale, which is a brief screen that has been

shown to have good internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and convergent validity (Spitzer, Kroenke, Williams, & Lowe, 2006). A translated version of GAD-7 has been validated in a Chinese sample of patients with epilepsy (Tong, An, McGonigal, Park, & Zhou, 2015). In the present sample, the GAD-7 demonstrated good internal consistency (α = 0.89).

2.2.3. Depressive symptoms Depressive symptoms were measured using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9), a widely used screen that has good internal

reliability and criterion-related validity (Huang, Chung, Kroenke, Delucchi, & Spitzer, 2006; Kroenke, Spitzer, & Williams, 2001). Studies also have shown that the Chinese version of PHQ-9 is a valid and reliable tool (Du, Yu, Ye, & Chen, 2017; Wang et al., 2014). The PHQ-9 demonstrated good internal consistency in the study sample (α = 0.86).

2.2.4. Global perceived stress The 4-item version of the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-4; Cohen & Williamson, 1988) was used as a global measure of perceived

stress. The measure has been validated in English- and Chinese-speaking samples (Lee, 2012; Warttig, Forshaw, South, & White, 2013). In the present sample, internal reliability of the PSS-4 was 0.74.

2.2.5. Posttraumatic stress Posttraumatic stress was measured using the 4-item Primary Care PTSD Screen, a widely used brief screen that has been shown to

have good test-retest reliability (Prins et al., 2003). Participants who answered “yes” to any three items were coded “positive” for probable posttraumatic stress disorder.

2.2.6. Loneliness Loneliness was measured using total scores on the 4-item short form of UCLA Loneliness Scale, which assesses subjective feelings

of loneliness or social isolation (Russell, Peplau, & Cutrona, 1980). Research suggests that the UCLA Loneliness Scale has acceptable internal consistency (Russell, 1980); internal reliability in this study was 0.84.

2.2.7. Suicidal ideation Suicidal ideation was measured by a single question: During the past 12 months, did you ever seriously consider attempting suicide? An

affirmative response to this question indicated suicide intention (1 = yes; 0 = no).

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2.2.8. Covariates Demographic information collected from participants was used to measure several indicators that were modeled as covariates,

including participant sex (1 = male). Participants indicated the education status of their mother and father, yielding separate measures ranging from 1 (elementary school or less) to 6 (some college or more). In addition, participants reported their mother’s and father’s employment status (1 = unemployed; 0 = employed full-time or part-time). An ordinal measure of family economic status was created using an economic ladder question (Koczan, 2016; Stillman, Gibson, McKenzie, & Rohorua, 2015) that asks respondents to compare their family’s status to the status of other families on a scale from 1 (poorest) to 10 (richest). Participants also reported the number of siblings they had (0; 1; 2; 3 or more) and if parent had been a migrant worker (1 = yes).

2.3. Data analysis

Statistical analyses were performed using SPSS version 23 and involved three main procedures. First, a descriptive analysis was conducted to estimate the means and proportions of all study variables. Second, phi (ϕ) coefficients were produced from a correlation analysis of all childhood adversities. Third, three multivariate regression models were run to test associations between ACEs and study outcomes. The first model tested relations between categorical ACEs scores and psychological outcomes, with each value (1, 2, 3, 4 or more) compared against a reference group who reported 0 ACEs. A second model estimated the associations between a cumulative ACEs index score (range 0−10) and psychological outcomes, and a third model replicated this analysis while adding seven other potential adversities, described above. All dichotomous outcomes were analyzed with logistic regression, and continuous measures were analyzed with Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression. All multivariate models controlled for sex, maternal and paternal education, maternal and paternal employment, family economic status, and number of siblings.

3. Results

Results from descriptive analyses are presented in Table 1. Among the 10 conventional ACEs, the most prevalent were physical abuse (52.3 %) and domestic violence (43.2 %), and the least prevalent were emotional abuse (6.0 %) and physical neglect (4.7 %). Altogether, 75.0 % of participants endorsed at least one of the 10 conventional ACEs, 45.9 % endorsed two or more ACEs, and 11.2 % endorsed four or more ACEs (not shown). For the seven other adversities assessed, the prevalence rates were as follows: parental absence (37.4 %), problem gambling (19.7 %), death of parent or sibling (14.3), violent crime victimization (9.5 %), family financial hardship (8.0 %), peer victimization (3.5 %), and food insecurity (3.2 %).

Table 2 shows the correlations between conventional ACEs and other potential childhood adversities. Results indicated that most of the adversities assessed were intercorrelated, although the magnitude of association for most correlations was small (i.e., r ∼ .10). The largest coefficient observed was the correlation between domestic violence and physical abuse (r = 0.34).

Table 3 presents results from two multivariate models, including one that tested relations between categorical ACE scores and indicators of psychological functioning. Results showed that, with increasing ACE values, there was an increased likelihood of poor psychological outcomes. To illustrate, compared to participants with no ACEs, the odds of suicidal ideation was 3.74 (CI = 1.80–7.74) for participants with one ACE, 4.25 (CI = 2.00–9.05) for participants with two ACEs, 5.97 (CI = 2.72–13.10) for participants with three ACEs, and 15.46 (CI = 7.27–32.89) for participants with four or more ACEs. A second regression model also indicated that conventional ACEs index score was associated with anxiety (B = .59; CI = .40–.78), depression (B = .93; CI = .72–1.14), perceived stress (B = .46; CI = .35–.58), loneliness (B = .37; CI = .28–.46), posttraumatic stress (OR = 1.43; CI = 1.29–1.59), and suicidal ideation (OR = 1.62; CI = 1.44–1.83).

Results in Table 4 are from multivariate analyses of psychological outcomes regressed on the conventional ACEs index score and other potential adversities. The total conventional ACE score was significantly associated with all psychological outcomes. Each of the seven potential adversities were significantly related to one or more mental health outcomes.

4. Discussion

This study is the first to describe the prevalence and consequences of ACEs and other potential adversities in a rural sample of young adults in China. Results indicated that 75 % of participants reported at least one of 10 conventional ACEs and 46 % reported exposure to multiple ACEs. These prevalence figures are higher than previously published estimates in China (e.g., Ding et al., 2014; Lee et al., 2011; Xiao et al., 2008) and in the general U.S. population (Green et al., 2010; Merrick, Ford, Ports, & Guinn, 2018), and they are more comparable to rates that have been documented in low-income samples in the U.S. (Mersky et al., 2017; Chung et al., 2010; Topitzes, Pate, Berman, & Medina-Kirchner, 2016). Thus, research suggests that ACEs are widely distributed in China, but they may not be equally distributed by socio-economic status or geographic region.

Among 10 indicators of adversity that are commonly assessed in the ACE literature, physical abuse was the most prevalent (52.3 %). By way of comparison, a meta-analysis by Ji and Finkelhor (2015) estimated that the lifetime prevalence of child physical abuse in China is 36.6 %. The higher prevalence reported in this study may be related to the rural composition of the sample. One recent investigation of rural families in the Shandong province found that the self-reported prevalence of child physical violence was 50.0 % (Wang, Chen, Zhao, Feng, & Song, 2018), and a related analysis showed that rates of child physical violence were higher among rural families than more educated, urban-dwelling families (Wang, Chen, & Lyu, 2019). The findings underscore the need for further research into rural and urban variation in corporal punishment and physical abuse in China along with differences in parenting norms that may help to explain this variation (Yue et al., 2016).

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4

We also found that 43.2 % of participants reported household domestic violence, exceeding prior estimates in China (Ding et al., 2014; Fan et al., 2011; Lee et al., 2011; Xiao et al., 2008). Again, the higher prevalence observed in this study may be attributable to the rural and economically disadvantaged composition of the sample. Research has shown that Chinese women are at increased risk of domestic violence if they are of low socioeconomic status or reside in rural areas (Parish, Wang, Laumann, Pan, & Luo, 2004; Tang & Lai, 2008). The findings are noteworthy given that only 8.0 % of participants reported parental divorce/separation. Research suggests that many Chinese parents avoid divorce/separation due to concerns about social stigma, economic hardship, and fears of harming their children or losing them altogether (Chen & Shu, 2017; Platte, 1988). It is possible that, for some adults, these concerns override the threat of domestic violence.

On the other end of the spectrum, physical neglect was the least prevalent ACE (4.7 %) in this study. This result contradicts the findings of Xiao et al. (2008), who found that physical neglect was the most prevalent ACE (26.9 %). Xiao and colleagues used five statements from the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) to measure physical neglect: 1) I did not have enough to eat; 2) I knew there was someone to take care of me and protect me; 3) My parents were too drunk or too high to take care of me; 4) I had to wear dirty clothes; 5) There was someone to take me to the doctor if I needed it. Compared to the single item used in this study, the CTQ may be a more sensitive measure of physical neglect. Yet, it is also possible that the CTQ items capture not only physical neglect but also other risks that are correlated with physical neglect. For instance, item number two appears to be related to both physical and emotional neglect, while item number three introduces parental substance misuse. Our findings align with another recent study by Wang, Lin, and Cao (2018), who reported that the prevalence of physical neglect was 4.9 %.

Our study also makes a unique contribution to the literature by examining seven other significant adversities that are not typically incorporated in ACE research. Among these items, we found that prolonged parental absence (37.4 %) was the most prevalent, which may be linked to the rapid development of the Chinese economy in the past three decades. During this period, nearly 290 million adults are believed to have moved from rural agricultural areas to metropolitan areas (National Bureau of Statistics, 2019).

Table 1 Description of Study Measures (N = 1019).

Variable % or mean (SD)

Demographics Age (range 18−21) 18.6 (0.8) Sex (male = 1) 53.0 Father education (range 1−6) 3.1 (1.5) Mother education (range 1−6) 2.5 (1.5) Father unemployed 12.0 Mother unemployed 26.9 Father or mother a migrant worker 71.3 Number of siblings (range 0−4) 1.0 (0.9) Family economic status (range 1−10) 4.1 (1.4)

Mental Health Outcomes Anxiety symptoms (range 0−21) 5.6 (4.2) Depressive symptoms (range 0−27) 5.9 (4.8) Perceived stress (range 0−16) 6.1 (2.7) Posttraumatic stress 21.6 Loneliness (range 0−8) 3.3 (2.1) Suicidal ideation 14.2

Conventional ACEs Emotional abuse 6.0 Physical abuse 52.3 Sexual abuse 10.6 Physical neglect 4.7 Emotional neglect 8.2 Domestic violence 43.2 Household mental illness 8.5 Household substance abuse 13.0 Household crime 8.5 Parental divorce or separation 8.0 Cumulative ACE score (range 0−10) 1.6 (1.5)

Other Childhood Adversities Family financial hardship 8.0 Food insecurity 3.2 Problem gambling 19.7 Peer victimization 3.5 Parental absence 37.4 Death of parent or sibling 14.3 Violent crime victimization 9.5

Note. ACEs = adverse childhood experiences.

L. Zhang, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104658

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L. Zhang, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104658

6

Consequently, one in three children in rural China lives without one or both parents (All-China Women’s Federation, 2013). In addition, nearly 20 % of participants reported that at least one of their parents had a problem with gambling, which supports prior research indicating that gambling is prevalent in rural areas of China (Zhao & Peng, 2010).

Most ACEs were intercorrelated, though effect sizes were smaller in this rural, low social economic status (SES) Chinese sample than estimates from studies of low-income samples in the U.S. (Mersky et al., 2017; Larkin & Park, 2012). One potential explanation is that familial and extrafamilial adversities may be more randomly distributed among the rural, low SES population in China than in the U.S., where risk has been shown to concentrate at high levels in low-income groups (Halfon, Larson, Son, Lu, & Bethell, 2017; Slopen et al., 2016). It is also possible that the Childhood Experiences Survey omitted certain salient adversities that accumulate within rural Chinese households, and that further work is needed to develop a culturally validated assessment of ACEs in China.

On the other hand, we replicated a long line of international research that indicates greater ACEs exposure increases the risk of mental health problems, including anxiety and depression (Mersky et al., 2013; De Venter, Demyttenaere, & Bruffaerts, 2013; Hughes et al., 2017) as well as global stress and posttraumatic stress (Mersky et al., 2017; Frewen, Zhu, & Lanius, 2019; Nurius, Green, Logan- Greene, & Borja, 2015). We also confirmed the positive relationship between ACEs scores and loneliness, an important indicator of psychological functioning that has received limited attention in the literature to date (Wong, Dirghangi, & Hart, 2019). Supporting findings from the Adverse Childhood Experiences Study (Dube et al., 2001), we found a particularly strong relationship between childhood adversity and suicidality. Moreover, extending recent investigations of expanded ACE assessments (Cronholm et al., 2015; Finkelhor et al., 2015; Mersky et al., 2017), we found that seven new adversities explained significant variance in psychological outcomes after controlling for a conventional 10-item ACEs score and background characteristics. Taken together, the findings

Table 3 Multivariate Analysis of Associations between ACEs and Mental Health Outcomes.

Outcome Number of ACEs β or OR (95 % CI)

Anxiety symptoms 0 (referent) 1 0.92 (.194–1.64)* 2 0.85 (.07–1.64)* 3 2.11 (1.19–3.03)** ≥4 2.74 (1.77–3.70)** Total Score (0−10) .59 (.40–.78)**

Depressive symptoms 0 (referent) 1 0.92 (.11–1.73)* 2 1.23 (.35–2.11)* 3 2.82 (1.78–3.85)** ≥4 4.29 (3.21–5.36)** Total Score (0−10) .93 (.72–1.14)**

Perceived stress 0 (referent) 1 0.62 (.18–1.06)* 2 0.54 (.06–1.02)* 3 1.48 (.93–2.04)** ≥4 2.24 (1.66–2.82)** Total Score (0−10) .46 (.35–.58)**

Posttraumatic stress 0 (referent) 1 1.42 (.87−2.33) 2 1.71 (1.02−2.87)* 3 4.07 (2.38−6.96)** ≥4 4.32 (2.51−7.45)** Total Score (0−10) 1.43 (1.29–1.59)**

Loneliness 0 (referent) 1 0.41 (.05−0.76)* 2 0.81 (.43–1.20)** 3 1.16 (.71–1.61)** ≥4 1.71 (1.24–2.17)** Total Score (0−10) .37 (.28–.46)**

Suicidal ideation 0 (referent) 1 3.74 (1.80–7.74)** 2 4.25 (2.00–9.05)** 3 5.97 (2.72–13.10)** ≥4 15.46 (7.27–32.89)** Total Score (0−10) 1.62 (1.44–1.83)**

Note. ACEs = adverse childhood experiences. β = unstandardized coefficient. OR = odds ratio. CI = confidence interval. Ten conventional ACEs are analyzed as a cumulative index. Multivariate regressions controlled for sex, parent education and employment, family economic status, and number of siblings. *p < .05, **p < .01.

L. Zhang, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104658

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L. Zhang, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104658

8

confirm that elevated levels of childhood adversity are associated with an array of poor psychological outcomes while also pointing to the need to explore adverse experiences outside of the conventional 10-item ACEs score.

4.1. Limitations

Study limitations include the non-random, convenience sampling frame, which included high school graduates from certain rural areas of China. Although the schools selected typify those that rural children attend, results may not be generalizable to all rural children who attended high school or to older and more urban Chinese samples. Generalizability also may be limited by study’s low response rate (18 %), which is a common challenge with web-based surveys (Sánchez-Fernández, Muñoz-Leiva, & Montoro-Ríos, 2012), and by the fact that sampling frame included only high school graduates. Thus, the sample may not represent the experiences of rural youth who dropped out of school or that did not attend high school at all. The study also relied on self-report data, which have well-known limitations (Hardt & Rutter, 2004). For instance, retrospective accounts of ACEs may be subject to recall bias. More specifically, most participants resided in boarding schools for several years prior to graduating from high school, which raises validity questions about their assessments of certain household conditions. In addition, due to the retrospective, cross-sectional design, causal inferences should be avoided. It is plausible, for example, that participants’ psychological functioning could affect their perception of past events and thus their recollections of childhood.

4.2. Implications & future directions

Despite increasing scientific attention to childhood adversity in China, this is the first known study of ACEs in a rural Chinese population. The higher levels of cumulative adversity reported here as compared to prior studies in urban Chinese samples may imply that children who are raised in poor, rural households in China are at a particularly high risk of ACEs and their associated con- sequences. It is uncertain to what degree these findings generalize to the Chinese population. Representing more than 18 % of the world’s population, there is a great need for a large, nationally representative study in China to generate prevalence estimates of ACEs overall and in various population subgroups.

The rates of interpersonal violence reported here are especially concerning, as more than half the sample indicated that they had been physically abused. Although the Chinese constitution protects children and youth from maltreatment by law (Article 49), it does not define maltreatment or stipulate what penalties caregivers face if they maltreat their children. China also lacks a mandatory reporting system for suspected child maltreatment. Moreover, Article 12 states that child custody may be deprived if parents abuse their children, though there are no guidelines for residential care of children after they have been removed from their caregivers’ custody. The foster care system in China mainly serves orphans and abandoned children rather than abused and neglected children (Xu, Bright, & Ahn, 2018). In recent years, the Chinese government has taken some steps to protect children. For example, in 2011 the government launched the National Program for Child Development, and in 2013 China’s ministry of Civic Affairs initiated a pilot child protection program (Man, Barth, Li, & Wang, 2017). Future work in this area could continue to advance public policy by using ACEs research to marshal a case for stronger child protection policies and programs in China.

Moreover, although psychological health problems were common among rural Chinese young adults in the current study, mental health problems often go undiagnosed and untreated in China. One study estimated that approximately 173 million Chinese adults have a diagnosable mental illness or psychiatric disorder, and that 158 million of these individuals never sought treatment (Xiang, Yu, Ungvari, Lee, & Chiu, 2012). China faces large gaps in mental health service access (Xiang, Ng, Yu, & Wang, 2018), pointing to the need for reform in China’s public health system generally and mental health infrastructure specifically.

In addition to changes at the macro level, specific prevention and intervention strategies that reduce ACEs exposure or mitigate the impact of ACEs should be explored. Luo et al. (2019) called for the dissemination of parenting education messages to rural communities via the Health and Family Planning Commission (HFPC). This recommendation may be feasible given that HFPC is experienced in conducting village outreach and running informational campaigns in rural areas, and its mandate has been changed in 2016 from enforcing China’s one-child-policy to improving children’s quality of life (Luo et al., 2019). Along with parenting edu- cation, the HFPC could offer professional home visiting services and other prevention services for families at high risk of child maltreatment and other ACEs. Since most ACEs take place in the home environment, home visiting services like this have the potential to enhance positive parenting and promote nurturing home environment.

Local health care providers could also collaborate with the HFPC and school social workers or counselors to intervene when child maltreatment is suspected and develop intervention plans to protect children and stabilize families. However, at present, school social work is still in its nascent stage in China (Levine & Zhu, 2010). Although some urban schools in China have counseling offices, most children in rural schools rarely have access to professional school counselor or community-based mental health services (Leuwerke & Shi, 2010). Considering that a substantial proportion of rural Chinese children attend boarding schools, there is a great need for advancements in school-based counseling to address the needs of children who have been exposed to significant adversity and trauma.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declarations of interest.

L. Zhang, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104658

9

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Society, 23, 203–204.

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  • Adverse childhood experiences and psychological well-being in a rural sample of Chinese young adults
    • Introduction
      • ACE research in China
      • Study aims
    • Methods
      • Participants and research design
      • Measures
        • Adverse childhood experiences
        • Anxiety symptoms
        • Depressive symptoms
        • Global perceived stress
        • Posttraumatic stress
        • Loneliness
        • Suicidal ideation
        • Covariates
      • Data analysis
    • Results
    • Discussion
      • Limitations
      • Implications &#x200B;&&#x200B; future directions
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • References

Early-developmental--behavioral--and-quality-of-life-outcom_2020_Child-Abuse.pdf

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Child Abuse & Neglect

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Early developmental, behavioral, and quality of life outcomes following abusive head trauma in infants

Emily A. Eismanna, Jack Theuerlinga, Amy Cassedyb, Patricia A. Curryc, Tracy Colliersa, Kathi L. Makoroffa,d,* a Mayerson Center for Safe and Healthy Children, Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center, 3333 Burnet Avenue, Cincinnati, OH, 45229, USA b Division of Biostatistics and Epidemiology, Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center, 3333 Burnet Avenue, Cincinnati, OH, 45229, USA c Division of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center, 3333 Burnet Avenue, Cincinnati, OH, 45229, USA d Department of Pediatrics, University of Cincinnati College of Medicine, 3230 Eden Avenue, Cincinnati, OH, 45267, USA

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Non-accidental Shaken baby Child maltreatment Physical abuse PICU Trajectory

A B S T R A C T

Background: Developmental delays following pediatric abusive head trauma are common. Objective: To assess early developmental, behavioral, and quality of life outcomes following in- fant abusive head trauma and evaluate injury severity and early therapeutic intervention as potential predictors. Participants and setting: Infants under 12 months old who were admitted to a large pediatric hospital with abusive head trauma between October 2010 and October 2017 and followed at a multidisciplinary post-injury clinic were included. Methods: Injury severity groups were classified based on days in the Pediatric Intensive Care Unit. Participation in early intervention services and/or physical or occupational therapy by the first clinic visit was documented. Development was assessed using the Mullen Scales of Early Learning, which 47 patients completed at approximately 6 month intervals up to 3 years of age (an average of 19 months post-injury). Behavior and quality of life were assessed around age 2 using the Child Behavior Checklist (n = 24) and PedsQL™ (n = 27), respectively. Results: Overall cognitive development, fine motor function, and expressive language sig- nificantly declined with age up to 3 years (p < 0.05). The changes in these developmental scales with age differed significantly between injury severity groups (p < 0.05). Internalizing beha- viors were also greater in patients with moderate than mild injuries (t = 2.37, p = 0.037). Quality of life was comparable to healthy populations. Early therapeutic intervention was not significantly associated with developmental, behavioral, or quality of life outcomes (p > 0.05). Conclusions: Long-term comprehensive follow-up is recommended for children following abusive head trauma, as developmental delays and behavioral problems may present at later ages.

1. Introduction

Pediatric abusive head trauma is an injury to the head of a young child that results from inflicted blunt impact and/or violent shaking (Christian, Block, & the Committee on Child Abuse and Neglect, 2009). Abusive head trauma has an incidence rate of 14–40

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104643 Received 6 April 2020; Received in revised form 20 July 2020; Accepted 22 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: Mayerson Center for Safe and Healthy Children, Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center, Department of Pediatrics, University of Cincinnati College of Medicine, 3333 Burnet Avenue, MLC 3008, Cincinnati, OH, 45229, USA.

E-mail address: [email protected] (K.L. Makoroff).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104643

Available online 30 July 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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per 100,000 infants (Barlow & Minns, 2000; Fanconi & Lips, 2010; Keenan et al., 2003; Talvik et al., 2006) and is the leading cause of traumatic death in infants (Ortega, Vander Velden, Kreykes, & Reid, 2013). The mortality rate has been estimated to be 13–36 % (Barlow, Thompson, Johnson, & Minns, 2004).

Evidence from across studies has found that the majority of children who survive (45–96 %) suffer significant morbidity and neurological impairment (Lind et al., 2016; Nuño et al., 2018), with developmental delays in 47 %, learning disorders in 42 %, epilepsy in 36 %, motor deficits in 34 %, visual impairment in 30 %, behavioral disorders in 30 %, and communication deficits in 11 % (Nuño et al., 2018). Head trauma resulting from abuse is associated with worse functional outcomes than non-inflicted head trauma (Adamo, Drazin, Smith, & Waldman, 2009; Keenan, Runyan, & Nocera, 2006).

Since abusive head trauma occurs most often to infants under one year of age, peaking between 1–3 months of age (Parks, Sugerman, Xu, & Coronado, 2012; Parks, Kegler, Annest, & Mercy, 2012), its full impact on development may not become apparent for years (Bonnier, Nassogne, & Evrard, 1995). Studies have found a delayed presentation of sequelae among children thought to have recovered in infancy, with deficits emerging years later and impacting daily functioning, learning, and behavior (Barlow, Thomson, Johnson, & Minns, 2005; Bonnier et al., 1995; Duhaime, Christian, Moss, & Seidl, 1996; Karandikar, Coles, Jayawant, & Kemp, 2004). Primary medical providers and families often inquire about an infant’s prognosis following injury. Many indicators of severity at the time of injury have been correlated with worse global functional outcomes with age (Barlow et al., 2005; Bonnier et al., 2003; Duhaime et al., 1996; Greiner, Lawrence, Horn, Newmeyer, & Makoroff, 2012; Rhine, Wade, Makoroff, Cassedy, & Michaud, 2012). These prior studies, however, had mostly small sample sizes (under 50 patients), and many evaluated function at inconsistent lengths of follow-up using categorical assessments of disability/recovery (Barlow et al., 2004; Chevignard & Lind, 2014; Lind et al., 2016; McMillan et al., 2016). Children who survive abusive head trauma often utilize long-term rehabilitative services, including physical, occupational, and speech therapies and special education. Little is known about the impact of these services on outcomes.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate developmental trajectories up to 3 years of age among children who suffered abusive head trauma prior to 1 year of age and to characterize behavioral and health-related quality of life outcomes using validated, multidimensional, quantitative assessments. Injury severity was assessed as a potential predictor of these developmental, behavioral, and health-related quality of life outcome measures, given its identified association with functional outcomes following abusive head trauma. Participation in early intervention or physical or occupational therapy shortly after injury and its influence on these out- comes was also investigated. It was hypothesized that children with moderate and severe injuries would show greater loss of de- velopmental function with age than children with mild injuries and that early participation in therapy would preserve developmental function with age.

2. Methods

2.1. Participants

This retrospective longitudinal study included patients under 12.0 months of age who were admitted to a large Midwestern tertiary-care children’s hospital with a diagnosis of abusive head trauma between October 1, 2010 and October 31, 2017 and followed up in a post-injury clinic within a hospital-based child advocacy center. This multidisciplinary clinic evaluates and routinely monitors the physical health and development of children with a history of abusive head trauma from injury to school age with the goal of identifying needs early and connecting families with supports. Patients are followed in post injury clinic first at 3–6 months following injury and then at approximately 6 month intervals. A child abuse pediatrician performs medical examinations; a trained nurse

Fig. 1. Consort Flow Diagram of Infants Admitted with Abusive Head Trauma Who Followed up in Post-Injury Clinic and Completed the Mullen Scales of Early Learning More Than Once.

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practitioner performs developmental testing, and a social worker performs psychosocial assessment and referrals. A consort flow diagram of the patient population included in analyses can be found in Fig. 1. This study was approved by the hospital Institutional Review Board, which granted a waiver of informed consent.

2.2. Data source

The electronic medical records of identified patients were manually reviewed for patient demographics (e.g. age, gender, race, ethnicity, insurance), injury severity at the time of hospital presentation (e.g. Glasgow Coma Scale [GCS] score, number of days hospitalized, number of days in the Pediatric Intensive Care Unit [PICU]), dates of post-injury clinic visits, types of therapies received following injury (e.g. early intervention, physical therapy [PT], occupational therapy [OT]) and outcome measures.

2.3. Outcome variables

The Mullen Scales of Early Learning is a standardized developmental assessment that measures cognitive and motor function in children 0–68 months of age. The assessment is based on the concept that early cognitive development is best measured by a group of distinct cognitive abilities since a global score alone may mask variability in a child’s skills. The Mullen Scales consist of a Gross Motor Scale administered from birth through 33 months and four cognitive scales administered from birth through 68 months: Visual Reception, Fine Motor, Receptive Language, and Expressive Language. Raw scores for each Mullen scale are converted to a normative score (T-score), and T-scores for the four cognitive scales are used to derive a composite score called the Early Learning Composite (Mullen, 1995). The Mullen Scales of Early Learning demonstrate good construct, convergent, and divergent validity (Swineford, Guthrie, & Thurm, 2015). The assessment utilizes responses from both caregiver and child and demonstration of skills by the child. It was completed at post-injury clinic visits by a trained clinician. T-scores were quantified for each scale (mean [M] = 50, standard deviation [SD] = 10) and used in all analyses. An early learning composite was also quantified with a standardized score (M = 100, SD = 15) and used in all analyses. Higher scores indicate better function. Patients were considered to have a delay in a domain if their score was over one SD below the mean for age-based norms. Patients were excluded from this study if they did not complete the Mullen Scales of Early Learning more than once by 36 months of age. For patients who completed the Mullen Scales more than once, up to four assessments were included per patient.

The Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) for Ages 1½ -5 is a 99-item caregiver-report questionnaire that assesses child behavioral and emotional problems (Achenbach & Rescorla, 2001). The CBCL exhibits good construct validity, test-retest and inter-rater reliabilities, and internal consistency (Ha, Kim, Song, Kwak, & Eom, 2011; Pandolfi, Magyar, & Dill, 2009). The CBCL was given to caregivers to complete about their child at an appointment between 18–36 months of age. T-scores for the internalizing behaviors (includes the emotionally reactive, anxious/depressed, somatic complaints, and withdrawn syndrome scales), externalizing behaviors (includes the attention problems and aggressive behaviors syndrome scales), and total problems scales were used in all analyses. Scores range from 28 to 100, with higher scores indicating more behavioral problems. Scores from 60 to 63 are in the borderline clinical range, and scores above 63 are in the clinical range.

The PedsQL™ assesses health-related quality of life in children and exhibits excellent internal consistency and construct validity (Varni, Seid, & Rode, 1999). The PedsQL™ Infant Scale or Generic Core Scale for Toddlers was given to caregivers to complete about their child at an appointment between 12–36 months of age. The Infant Scale (ages 13–24 months) is a 45-item questionnaire that assesses child physical symptoms and physical, emotional, social, and cognitive functioning. The Parent Report for Toddlers (ages 2–4 years) is a 21-item questionnaire that assesses child physical, emotional, social, and school functioning. The psychosocial health, physical health, and total summary scores were used in all analyses. Scores range from 0 to 100, with higher scores indicating better health-related quality of life. Patients were considered at-risk for impaired health-related quality of life if they had scores below 83.3 for physical health, 80.2 for psychosocial health, and 81.3 for the total scale, which is over one SD below the healthy population mean (Varni, Burwinkle, Seid, & Skarr, 2003).

2.4. Predictor variables

Injury severity at the time of injury was classified based on the length of stay in the Pediatric Intensive Care Unit (PICU). The Glasgow Coma Scale (GCS), a more typical measure of severity of acute brain injuries, was not used because it was not available in 10 patients in this sample. Previous research has shown that the GCS score strongly correlates with length of stay in the PICU among children admitted to the PICU after a traumatic brain injury (Natale, Joseph, Helfaer, & Shaffner, 2000; Ongun & Dursun, 2018; White et al., 2001). Using Pearson correlations, the present study found the GCS score at hospital admission to be more highly correlated with days in the PICU (r=-0.62, p < 0.001) than days admitted to the hospital (r=-0.47, p = 0.003). Children with a GCS score ≤8 have previously been found to have 44.8 (9.4–200) times greater odds of having a PICU stay of 4 or more days (p < 0.01, Natale et al., 2000). Therefore, the current study classified severe injuries as 4 or more days in the PICU (value of 2), moderate injuries as 2–3 days in the PICU (value of 1), and mild injuries as 0–1 days in the PICU (value of 0).

Early therapy participation was defined as the patient participating in either home-based early intervention, outpatient physical therapy, or outpatient occupational therapy at the time of their first Mullen Scales assessment and dichotomized as “yes” (value of 1) or “no” (value of 0).

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2.5. Data analysis

Descriptive statistics were used to characterize the sample. Demographic characteristics, injury severity, Mullen Scales at first assessment, and therapy participation at first assessment were compared between patients who did and did not follow-up in post- injury clinic as well as between patients who did and did not complete the Mullen Scales more than once by 36 months of age using independent sample t-tests (for age at injury, days admitted to the hospital, days in the PICU, age at first assessment, and each Mullen Scale score at first assessment), Fisher exact tests (for gender, race, ethnicity, and therapy participation at first assessment), and chi- square tests (for insurance type and injury severity). The prevalence of patients participating in early therapy was compared between injury severity groups using a chi-square test. General Estimating Equations (GEE) were run with age (in months) at Mullen Scale assessment predicting each Mullen Scale score and were fit using an exchangeable correlation matrix structure and an identity link function (normal distribution). Linear regressions were then run for each patient to derive their individual slope of change with age (using the unstandardized beta coefficient) for each Mullen Scale. One-way ANOVAs were run comparing the three injury severity groups on their initial function at the first assessment for each Mullen Scale. For scales where their initial function differed by injury severity, independent sample t-tests were run comparing each of the injury severity groups (mild vs. moderate, mild vs. severe, moderate vs. severe) to determine specifically which groups differed in initial function. Multivariable linear regressions were then run with injury severity and their initial function on each Mullen Scale predicting the slope of change with age for each Mullen Scale to determine whether injury severity influenced their change in function with age. Subsequent regressions were run comparing each of the injury severity groups to determine specifically which groups differed in their change in function with age. Next, early therapy participation was added as a predictor variable to the multivariable linear regression models with injury severity and initial function to determine the influence of early participation in therapy on their slope of change in function with age. After that, an interaction term (therapy participation by injury severity) was added to these models in stepwise fashion to determine if therapy had a dif- ferential effect depending on the degree of injury severity for any of the Mullen Scales. For each of the CBCL and PedsQL™ scales, scores were compared between genders, races, ethnicities, insurance types, and whether or not the patient was living in their home of origin at the time of assessment using independent sample t-tests, between the types of caregivers who completed the surveys (biological parents, kinship caregivers, or foster/adoptive caregivers) using one-way ANOVAs, and by age at the time of injury using linear regression. For each scale, linear regressions were run with the following predictors in three steps: 1) age at assessment, 2) age at assessment and injury severity, then 3) age at assessment, injury severity, and early therapy participation.

3. Results

3.1. Sample characteristics

A total of 116 patients under 12.0 months of age were admitted with abusive head trauma during the study period, nine (8%) of whom died during their hospital admission. The diagnosis of abusive head trauma was made at initial hospitalization by a child abuse pediatrician with a multidisciplinary team review. The demographic characteristics and injury severity of the remaining 107 patients can be found in Table 1. Seventy-two patients (67 %) attended a follow-up appointment at the post-injury clinic. These patients did not significantly differ from those who did not follow-up in terms of demographics and injury severity (Table 1). Forty-seven patients completed the Mullen Scales of Early Learning more than once by 3 years of age and were followed an average of 19 months (SD = 7) after their injury. The Mullen Scales were completed approximately every six months in 25 (53 %) patients, with 13 (28 %) patients missing one assessment and 9 (19 %) patients missing two assessments. The patients who completed the Mullen Scales more than once did not significantly differ from those who did not (Table 1). The final sample size included in analyses was 47 patients.

3.2. Development with age

The Mullen Scales were assessed for the first time an average of 5.3 (SD = 2.6) months after injury at an average age of 9.5 (SD = 3.4) months. At this first assessment, none of the Mullen Scales differed significantly based on patient gender, race, ethnicity, age at the time of injury, or insurance type (p > 0.05), except publicly insured patients had worse visual reception initially (M = 42.5, SD = 9.8) than privately insured (M = 54.5, SD = 11.3, t=-2.97, p = 0.005) or self-pay (M = 52.6, SD = 15.7, t = 2.32, p = 0.026) patients. Greater time between injury and first assessment was associated with significantly lower initial early learning composite (t=-2.30, p = 0.027) and receptive language scores (t=-3.27, p = 0.002), but not with the slope of change with age of any of the Mullen Scales (p > 0.05).

As patients aged, their early learning composite, fine motor, and expressive language scores significantly decreased (Table 2). Estimates indicate that average function on these three scales declined from within one standard deviation (SD) below age-based norms at the first assessment to over one SD below age-based norms by 3 years of age (Table 2). At first assessment, the percentage of patients with scores over one SD below age-based norms was 23 % (n = 11) for the early learning composite, 26 % (n = 12) for gross motor function, 19 % (n = 9) for fine motor function, 30 % (n = 14) for receptive language, 28 % (n = 13) for expressive language, and 30 % (n = 14) for visual reception. At last assessment, the percentage of patients with scores over one SD below age-based norms was 32 % (n = 15) for the early learning composite, 28 % (n = 13) for gross motor function, 30 % (n = 14) for fine motor function, 30 % (n = 14) for receptive language, 40 % (n = 19) for expressive language, and 28 % (n = 13) for visual reception.

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Table 1 Demographic Characteristics and Injury Severity during Hospital Admission among Infants with Abusive Head Trauma and Based on Attendance at Post-Injury Clinic and Completion of Mullen Scales of Early Learning.

Variables Attended Post-Injury Clinic Difference Completed Mullen Scales More than Once Difference

No (n = 35) Yes (n = 72) t or χ2 (p-value) No (n = 25) Yes (n = 47) t or χ2 (p-value)

Demographic Characteristics Age at Injury (months), mean (SD) 4.4 (2.1) 4.0 (2.4) 0.91 (0.37) 3.6 (2.2) 4.2 (2.5) −0.97 (0.34) Gender (0.52) (0.077)

Male, n (%) 24 (69 %) 44 (61 %) 19 (76 %) 25 (53 %) Female, n (%) 11 (31 %) 28 (39 %) 6 (24 %) 22 (47 %) Race (1.00)a (0.55)a

White/Caucasian, n (%) 24 (77 %) 49 (74 %) 19 (83 %) 30 (70 %) Black/African American, n (%) 7 (23 %) 14 (21 %) 4 (17 %) 10 (23 %) More than One Race, n (%) 0 (0%) 3 (5%) 0 (0%) 3 (7%) Ethnicity (0.22) (0.68)

Non-Hispanic/Latino, n (%) 28 (80 %) 63 (90 %) 20 (87 %) 43 (91 %) Hispanic/Latino, n (%) 7 (20 %) 7 (10 %) 3 (13 %) 4 (9%) Insurance Type at First Assessment – 0.52 (0.77)

Public, n (%) – 48 (67 %) 18 (72 %) 30 (64 %) Private, n (%) – 11 (15 %) 3 (12 %) 8 (17 %) Self-pay, n (%) – 13 (18 %) 4 (16 %) 9 (19 %)

Injury Severity Days Admitted to Hospital, mean (SD) 8 (10) 10 (9) −1.01 (0.32) 10 (9) 10 (9) −0.15 (0.88) PICU Days, mean (SD) 3 (4) 4 (4) −0.87 (0.39) 4 (4) 4 (4) 0.62 (0.54) Injury Severity 1.31 (0.52) 0.51 (0.77)

Mild, n (%) 15 (43 %) 23 (32 %) 7 (28 %) 16 (34 %) Moderate, n (%) 9 (26 %) 24 (33 %) 8 (32 %) 16 (34 %) Severe, n (%) 11 (31 %) 25 (35 %) 10 (40 %) 15 (32 %)

Mullen Scales at First Assessment Age at Initial Mullen Scale, mean (SD) – 10.2 (4.7) – 11.6 (6.4) 9.5 (3.4) 1.50 (0.14) Early Learning Composite Score, mean (SD)

– 94.7 (16.9) – 93.9 (18.3) 95.0 (16.5) −0.22 (0.83)

Gross Motor Score, mean (SD) – 45.5 (13.5) – 45.6 (15.3) 45.5 (12.7) 0.04 (0.97) Fine Motor Score, mean (SD) – 46.9 (13.4) – 44.4 (15.1) 48.0 (12.7) −1.01 (0.32) Receptive Language Score, mean (SD) – 46.6 (12.2) – 47.7 (13.9) 46.1 (11.5) 0.48 (0.63) Expressive Language Score, mean (SD) – 45.3 (10.2) – 42.3 (10.2) 46.6 (10.0) −1.61 (0.11) Visual Reception Score, mean (SD) – 46.6 (12.2) – 46.8 (12.0) 46.5 (12.4) 0.09 (0.93)

Therapy Participation at First Assessment Any Therapy, n (%) – 37 (51 %) – 13 (52 %) 24 (51 %) (1.00) Early Intervention, n (%) – 28 (39 %) – 8 (32 %) 20 (43 %) (0.45) Physical or Occupational Therapy, n (%) – 22 (31 %) – 8 (32 %) 14 (30 %) (1.00)

Notes: n (%) or means and standard deviations (SD) are reported. a “More than one race” category was not included in statistical analysis.

Table 2 General Estimating Equations with Age Predicting the Mullen Scales of Early Learning Scores Up to 3 Years of Age among Children Following Abusive Head Trauma (n = 47).

Variables Age Change with Age

12 Months 18 Months 24 Months 30 Months 36 Months M (SE) M (SE) M (SE) M (SE) M (SE) B (95 % CI) t (p-value)

Early Learning Composite 93.3 (5.2) 90.9 (6.1) 88.5 (7.1) 86.1 (8.0) 83.7 (9.0) −0.40 (-0.72, -0.07) −2.41 (0.016)* Gross Motor 45.5 (4.0) 44.7 (4.7) 44.0 (5.5) 43.2 (6.2) 42.4 (6.9) −0.13 (-0.37, 0.11) −1.07 (0.28) Fine Motor 47.9 (3.7) 45.8 (4.4) 43.8 (5.0) 41.8 (5.7) 39.7 (6.3) −0.34 (-0.56, -0.12) −3.05 (0.002)* Receptive Language 44.9 (3.7) 44.4 (4.3) 43.9 (5.0) 43.4 (5.6) 43.0 (6.3) −0.08 (-0.29, 0.14) −0.71 (0.48) Expressive Language 45.0 (4.2) 43.1 (5.0) 41.1 (5.8) 39.1 (6.7) 37.1 (7.5) −0.33 (-0.61, -0.05) −2.31 (0.021)* Visual Reception 46.9 (3.3) 46.0 (3.9) 45.2 (4.5) 44.3 (5.1) 43.5 (5.7) −0.14 (-0.34, 0.06) −1.39 (0.16)

Notes: Means (M) and standard errors (SE) are reported. * p < 0.05 indicates statistical significance.

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3.3. Developmental trajectories based on injury severity

Of the 47 patients, 16 (34 %) were classified as having mild injuries, 16 (34 %) as having moderate injuries, and 15 (32 %) as having severe injuries. Injury severity was found to be a significant predictor of initial development at the first assessment for all Mullen Scales except fine motor function (Table 3). Specifically, patients with severe injuries had worse early learning composite, visual reception, and receptive language scores than patients with mild or moderate injuries, worse gross motor function than patients with mild injuries, and worse expressive language than patients with moderate injuries at their first assessment (Table 3). The mild and moderate injury groups did not significantly differ in any Mullen Scale scores at first assessment (Table 3).

When controlling for their initial function, injury severity was a significant predictor of the slope of change in development with age for the early learning composite, fine motor function, and expressive language scales (Table 3). Specifically, patients with severe injuries had a greater decline in their early learning composite, fine motor function, receptive language, and expressive language with age than patients with mild injuries and a greater decline in gross motor function with age than patients with moderate injuries (Table 3).

Patients with mild injuries stayed within one SD of age-based norms from 12 to 36 months of age for all Mullen Scales (Fig. 2). Patients with moderate injuries were within one SD of age-based norms at 12 months of age on all Mullen Scales and declined to below one SD of age-based norms in their early learning composite, gross motor function, and expressive language by 18 months of age and in visual reception by 30 months of age (Fig. 2). Their early learning composite and expressive language scores continued to decline to over 2 SDs below age-based norms by 30 months of age (Fig. 2). Patients with severe injuries were over one SD below age- based norms at 12 months of age on all Mullen scales and declined to over 2 SDs below age-based norms in their early learning composite and gross motor function and 3 SDs below age-based norms in expressive language by 36 months of age (Fig. 2).

3.4. Developmental trajectories based on early therapy participation

Of the 47 patients, 24 (51 %) were receiving early intervention, physical therapy (PT), or occupational therapy (OT) at the time of their first assessment. Patients were more likely to be receiving one of these interventions/therapies if they were classified as having severe injuries (80 %, 12/15) than moderate injuries (50 %, 8/16) or mild injuries (25 %, 4/16) (X2 = 9.38, p = 0.009). When accounting for their initial function and injury severity, early therapy participation was not found to be a significant predictor of the slope of change in function with age for any of the Mullen Scales (p > 0.05). Neither was the interaction between therapy parti- cipation and injury severity (p > 0.05).

3.5. Behavior based on age, injury severity, and early therapy participation

The CBCL was assessed at an average age of 28 (SD = 7) months in 24 (51 %) of the patients. Two patients (8%) were in the

Table 3 Differences in Initial Function and Slope of Change with Age in Mullen Scales of Early Learning Scores Based on Injury Severity among Children Following Abusive Head Trauma Up to 3 Years of Age (n = 47).

Injury Severity

Variables Mild (n = 16) Moderate (n = 16) Severe (n = 15) Difference between Injury Severity Groups

M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) η2 F (p-value) Initial scores Early Learning Composite 99.8 (13.4) 102.6 (12.6) 81.4 (15.8) 0.32 9.80 (< 0.001)*,†,‡

Gross Motor 52.0 (7.7) 45.8 (14.3) 38.3 (12.1) 0.19 5.39 (0.008)*,†

Fine Motor 51.0 (7.9) 49.6 (13.2) 43.2 (15.4) 0.07 1.69 (0.20) Receptive Language 51.4 (12.9) 47.7 (9.8) 38.8 (7.9) 0.21 5.93 (0.005)*,†,‡

Expressive Language 46.9 (7.8) 51.1 (10.3) 41.6 (10.1) 0.15 3.91 (0.027)*,‡

Visual Reception 50.1 (11.3) 51.4 (11.5) 37.9 (10.1) 0.25 6.99 (0.002)*,†,‡

M (SE) M (SE) M (SE) B (95 % CI) β t (p-value) Slope of change with agea

Early Learning Composite −0.16 (2.47) −1.14 (2.78) −0.67 (2.84) −0.80 (-1.36, -0.24) −0.42 −2.90 (0.006)*,†

Gross Motor −0.28 (1.28) −0.30 (1.43) −0.25 (1.56) −0.33 (-0.76, 0.10) −0.23 −1.54 (0.13)‡

Fine Motor 0.22 (1.20) −0.18 (1.38) −0.33 (1.50) −0.47 (-0.86, -0.08) −0.31 −2.41 (0.020)*,†

Receptive Language 0.18 (1.29) −0.06 (1.28) −0.09 (1.21) −0.39 (-0.80, 0.01) −0.30 −1.95 (0.057)†

Expressive Language −0.07 (1.15) −0.79 (1.35) −0.70 (1.42) −0.47 (-0.80, -0.15) −0.37 −2.92 (0.005)*,†

Visual Reception 0.13 (1.90) −0.44 (2.17) 0.03 (2.14) −0.48 (-0.97, 0.01) −0.27 −1.99 (0.053)

Notes: Means (M) and either standard deviations (SD) or standard errors (SE) are reported. a Estimates are provided of the average slope of change with age for each injury severity group based on the average initial function for that

injury severity group for each scale. * Indicates a significant difference between all three injury severity groups (p < 0.05). † Indicates a significant difference between mild and severe injury groups (p < 0.05). ‡ Indicates a significant difference between moderate and severe injury groups (p < 0.05).

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borderline clinical range for internalizing behaviors. One patient (4%) was in the clinical range and five patients (21 %) in the borderline clinical range for externalizing behaviors. One patient (4%) was in the clinical range and one patient (4%) in the bor- derline clinical range for total behavioral problems. The CBCL scores were not significantly associated with patient ethnicity, patient age at the time of injury, whether the patient was living in their home of origin or not, or what type of caregiver completed the survey (Table 4). Male patients had greater internalizing behaviors, externalizing behaviors, and total behavioral problems than female patients (Table 4). Patients of black race had greater externalizing behaviors than patients of white race (Table 4). Patients with public insurance had greater externalizing behaviors and total behavioral problems than patients with private insurance (Table 4). Older age at assessment was significantly associated with greater externalizing behaviors and total behavioral problems, but not with internalizing behaviors (Table 4). When controlling for age, greater injury severity was found to be a significant predictor of greater internalizing behaviors (Table 4). Specifically, patients with moderate injuries had significantly more internalizing behaviors than patients with mild injuries (t = 2.37, p = 0.037). Early therapy participation was not significantly associated with internalizing behaviors, externalizing behaviors, or total behavioral problems, when controlling for age and injury severity (Table 4).

3.6. Quality of life based on age, injury severity, and early therapy participation

The PedsQL™ was assessed at an average age of 24 (SD = 6) months in 27 (57 %) of the patients. The average physical health (86.8), psychosocial health (85.2), and total health-related quality of life scores (85.9) for this patient sample were slightly higher than the normative scores for the healthy population (84.1, 81.2, and 82.3, respectively; Varni et al., 2003). Eight patients (30 %) were considered at-risk for impaired health-related quality of life (total score), with seven patients (26 %) at-risk on both the physical health and psychosocial health scales. The PedsQL™ scale scores did not significantly differ by patient gender, race, age at the time of

Fig. 2. Change with Age in Mullen Scales of Early Learning Scores Based on Injury Severity among Children Following Abusive Head Trauma Up to 3 Years of Age (n = 47).

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injury, age at assessment, injury severity, or early therapy participation (Table 5). Patients with public insurance had worse physical health scores than patients with private insurance (Table 5). Patients not living in their home of origin at the time of assessment had worse physical health and total health-related quality of life scores than patients living in their home of origin (Table 5). The PedsQL™ scale scores significantly differed based on what type of caregiver completed the survey, such that biological parents rated their children as having better physical health, psychosocial health, and total health-related quality of life than kinship caregivers, fol- lowed by foster/adoptive caregivers (Table 5). These differences based on caregiver type remained statistically significant after controlling for age at assessment, injury severity, and early therapy participation in multivariable linear regressions predicting physical health (t=-2.54, p = 0.019), psychosocial health (t=-2.68, p = 0.014), and total health-related quality of life (t=-2.91, p = 0.008).

4. Discussion

This study evaluated developmental trajectories up to 3 years of age among children who suffered abusive head trauma prior to 1 year of age and characterized their behavioral and health-related quality of life outcomes. The early learning composite score, representing overall cognitive development, as well as both fine motor function and expressive language were found to significantly decline with age. Delays in overall cognitive development were identified in 23 % of patients shortly after injury, which increased to 32 % of patients after 2 years of age. A prior study of 940 children with abusive head trauma found the rate of developmental delays to be 47 % by 5 years of age (Nuño et al., 2018).

Injury severity was found to be a significant predictor of the change in overall cognitive development as well as fine motor function and expressive language with age. Injury severity was measured based on the length of stay in the PICU. Patients who were never admitted to the PICU or stayed for only one day (mild group) had, on average, normal developmental function by 3 years of age. Patients with PICU stays of 2–3 days (moderate group) had, on average, normal developmental function at 12 months of age and

Table 4 Differences in Child Behavior Checklist Scores Based on Demographic Characteristics, Injury Severity, and Early Therapy Participation among Children Following Abusive Head Trauma Up to 3 Years of Age (n = 24).

Variables Internalizing Behaviors Externalizing Behaviors Total Problems

n M (SD) t or F (p-value) M (SD) t or F (p-value) M (SD) t or F (p-value)

All Patients 24 44.9 (9.2) – 48.4 (11.5) – 47.3 (10.3) – Age at Injurya 24 – 1.13 (0.27) – 1.58 (0.13) – 1.28 (0.21) Age at Assessmenta 24 – 1.55 (0.14) – 2.25 (0.035)* – 2.65 (0.015)* Genderb 2.31 (0.031)* 2.57 (0.017)* 2.56 (0.018)* Male 13 48.5 (8.6) 53.4 (9.6) 51.7 (9.6) Female 11 40.6 (8.3) 42.6 (11.1) 42.0 (8.8)

Raceb 1.62 (0.12) 3.39 (0.003)* 1.85 (0.078) White/Caucasian 18 43.8 (8.7) 46.9 (10.9) 46.2 (9.9) Black/African American 5 51.0 (8.8) 58.0 (4.5) 54.8 (5.3)

Ethnicityb 1.28 (0.21) 1.73 (0.097) 1.85 (0.078) Non-Hispanic/Latino 22 45.6 (9.2) 49.6 (11.0) 48.4 (9.8) Hispanic/Latino 2 37.0 (5.7) 35.5 (10.6) 35.0 (9.9)

Insurance Type at First Assessmentb 1.66 (0.11) 3.47 (0.003)* 2.57 (0.019)* Public 16 47.2 (9.5) 52.9 (10.1) 50.6 (10.2) Private 4 39.0 (4.0) 34.5 (5.5) 36.8 (6.6)

Living in Home of Originb −1.66 (0.11) −0.40 (0.70) −0.71 (0.49) Yes 16 42.8 (8.1) 47.8 (10.7) 46.2 (8.5) No 8 49.1 (10.4) 49.8 (13.6) 49.4 (13.7)

Caregiver Typec 0.77 (0.48) 0.91 (0.42) 0.62 (0.55) Biological Parent 15 43.1 (8.2) 46.9 (10.5) 45.7 (8.6) Kinship Caregiver 4 46.5 (14.0) 55.5 (13.8) 52.3 (15.3) Foster/Adoptive Caregiver 5 48.8 (8.6) 47.4 (13.1) 47.8 (12.0)

Injury Severityd 2.25 (0.035)* 1.74 (0.097) 1.82 (0.083) Mild 10 40.4 (7.6) 45.1 (11.7) 44.3 (9.8) Moderate 4 49.3 (6.7) 49.8 (9.1) 48.8 (8.2) Severe 10 47.6 (10.3) 51.2 (12.3) 49.6 (11.7)

Early Therapy Participatione −0.88 (0.39) −0.32 (0.75) −1.23 (0.23) Yes 13 46.0 (9.2) 50.5 (11.5) 48.0 (10.2) No 11 43.6 (9.5) 46.0 (11.5) 46.4 (10.8)

Notes: Sample size (n), means (M), and standard deviations (SD) are reported. a Analyzed using linear regression. b Analyzed using independent samples t-test. c Analyzed using one-way ANOVA. d Analyzed using multivariable linear regression controlling for age at assessment. e Analyzed using multivariable linear regression controlling for age at assessment and injury severity. * p < 0.05 indicates statistical significance.

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then began to show delays in overall cognitive development, expressive language, and gross motor function around 18 months of age. Patients with PICU stays of 4 or more days (severe group) showed developmental delays across all domains immediately, with declines to two to three standard deviations below age-based norms in overall cognitive development, expressive language, and gross motor function by 3 years of age. The average early learning composite scores of patients in the mild and moderate injury groups went from being within 10 points of each other at 12 months of age to the moderate injury group being over 30 points below the mild injury group by 36 months of age. The implications of these findings include the need for continued developmental evaluation of patients following abusive head trauma.

Previous studies have also found greater severity at the time of injury to be correlated with worse developmental outcomes, as indicated by a variety of measures of injury severity including the Pediatric Trauma Score (Barlow et al., 2005), the Glasgow Coma Scale score (Barlow et al., 2005; Bonnier et al., 2003; Rhine et al., 2012), presence of severe retinal hemorrhages, skull fracture, or cranial deceleration (Bonnier et al., 2003), unresponsiveness on admission or diffuse hypodensity on computed tomography scan (Duhaime et al., 1996), intubation (Duhaime et al., 1996; Greiner et al., 2012), seizures (Greiner et al., 2012; Rhine et al., 2012), neurosurgical intervention, mechanical ventilation for more than 10 days, length of PICU stay more than 10 days, initial hy- perglycemia, cerebral edema, and loss of gray-white matter differentiation (Rhine et al., 2012). A benefit of using PICU stay as a measure of injury severity is that it is objective, simple, and available on all patients. Compared to prior studies that assessed development at one cross-sectional follow-up time point, the current study assessed longitudinal changes in development over time and found an association between injury severity and developmental trajectories with age following abusive head trauma.

In general, the prevalence of impairment found in the current study aligns with prior studies on the outcomes of children with abusive head trauma. Visual impairment was identified in 28 % of patients in the current study compared to 23 %–48 % in prior studies (Antonietti et al., 2019; Barlow et al., 2005; Bonnier et al., 1995, 2003; Duhaime et al., 1996; Fischer & Allasio, 1994; Lind et al., 2016; Nuño et al., 2018; Talvik et al., 2007). Receptive language deficits were identified in 30 % of patients and expressive language deficits in 40 % in the current study compared to 11 %–77 % found in prior studies (Barlow et al., 2005; Bonnier et al., 2003; Duhaime et al., 1996; Lind et al., 2016; Nuño et al., 2018; Talvik et al., 2007). Fine motor impairment was identified in 30 % of patients and gross motor impairment in 28 % in the current study, which is slightly less than the range (34 %–70 %) found in prior

Table 5 Differences in Health-Related Quality of Life as Measured by the PedsQL™ Based on Demographic Characteristics, Injury Severity, and Early Therapy Participation among Children Following Abusive Head Trauma Up to 3 Years of Age (n = 27).

Variablesa Physical Health Psychosocial Health Total Quality of Life

n M (SD) t or F (p-value) M (SD) t or F (p-value) M (SD) t or F (p-value)

All Patients 27 86.8 (16.5) – 85.2 (14.4) – 85.9 (14.2) – Age at Injuryb 27 – −1.19 (0.25) – −0.89 (0.38) – −1.08 (0.29) Age at Assessmentb 27 – −0.90 (0.38) – −0.40 (0.69) – −0.68 (0.51) Genderc −0.26 (0.80) −0.36 (0.72) −0.34 (0.74) Male 18 86.2 (17.0) 84.4 (15.7) 85.2 (14.8) Female 9 88.0 (16.6) 86.6 (12.0) 87.2 (13.6)

Racec −0.41 (0.69) 0.38 (0.70) 0.03 (0.98) White/Caucasian 17 86.3 (17.5) 85.9 (12.5) 86.1 (13.8) Black/African American 7 89.4 (14.3) 83.3 (20.0) 85.9 (16.2)

Insurance Type at First Assessmentc −2.66 (0.015)* −0.92 (0.37) −2.00 (0.071) Public 20 84.1 (18.4) 83.3 (15.9) 83.7 (15.7) Private 4 96.4 (4.2) 91.0 (9.4) 93.4 (6.7)

Living in Home of Originc 2.29 (0.040)* 2.09 (0.055) 2.39 (0.032)* Yes 16 93.1 (8.9) 90.1 (9.6) 91.4 (8.3) No 11 77.8 (20.9) 78.0 (17.4) 77.9 (17.3)

Caregiver Typed 3.74 (0.039)* 5.52 (0.011)* 5.82 (0.009)* Biological Parent 15 92.6 (9.0) 90.6 (9.7) 91.4 (8.6) Kinship Caregiver 6 86.5 (21.4) 86.0 (16.0) 86.4 (17.5) Foster/Adoptive Caregiver 6 72.8 (20.0) 70.8 (14.6) 71.5 (13.6)

Injury Severitye −0.65 (0.53) −1.47 (0.15) −1.15 (0.26) Mild 11 87.4 (16.7) 88.4 (11.7) 87.9 (13.1) Moderate 6 96.6 (3.8) 90.0 (8.7) 92.8 (6.5) Severe 10 80.4 (19.0) 78.8 (18.1) 79.5 (16.8)

Early Therapy Participationf 0.21 (0.84) −0.34 (0.74) −0.09 (0.93) Yes 14 86.0 (15.0) 82.5 (15.5) 84.0 (13.8) No 13 87.8 (18.6) 88.0 (13.0) 87.9 (14.8)

Notes: Sample size (n), means (M), and standard deviations (SD) are reported/. a Ethnicity was not evaluated because the PedsQL™ was not completed for any Hispanic patients. b Analyzed using linear regression. c Analyzed using independent samples t-test. d Analyzed using one-way ANOVA. e Analyzed using multivariable linear regression controlling for age at assessment. f Analyzed using multivariable linear regression controlling for age at assessment and injury severity. * p < 0.05 indicates statistical significance.

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studies (Barlow et al., 2005; Bonnier et al., 1995, 2003; Duhaime et al., 1996; Fischer & Allasio, 1994; Lind et al., 2016; Nuño et al., 2018). The variability found in prior studies may be explained by the wide range of follow-up (2–15 years) and the lack of stan- dardized assessment of these outcomes. This study focused on early outcomes at a relatively consistent follow-up of 2–3 years of age using a validated, multi-domain developmental assessment. With the exception of language deficits, the frequency of impairment in the current study was similar but slightly less than the recent larger study of 940 patients with abusive head trauma who were assessed at 5 years of age, suggesting that deficits in all domains may continue to develop with age (Nuño et al., 2018). Further research is needed to understand how early developmental function predicts function into adolescence.

Borderline clinical externalizing behavioral problems were identified in 25 % of patients around 2 years of age, which is within the range (25 %–53 %) of behavioral disorders found in prior studies (Antonietti et al., 2019; Barlow et al., 2005; Bonnier et al., 1995; Duhaime et al., 1996; Lind et al., 2016; Nuño et al., 2018). These studies noted an increased prevalence of issues with temper tantrums, attention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity among children following abusive head trauma (Antonietti et al., 2019; Barlow et al., 2005; Lind et al., 2016). Externalizing behaviors were also found to be more prevalent in older patients in the current study. Barlow et al. (2005) noted that many children did not develop behavioral problems until 2–3 years of age, so it may be that there is a delay in the manifestation of behavioral problems among children following abusive head trauma. Patients with moderate injuries had significantly more internalizing behaviors than patients with mild injuries, which aligns with prior research findings of greater internalizing behaviors among children with developmental delays (Gerstein et al., 2011). Delays in motor and language develop- ment may contribute to impaired social skills. Behavioral problems were also found to be greater in patients who were male, black race, or had public insurance. These gender and racial differences have been identified within the general population (Liu, Cheng, & Leung, 2011; Sandberg, Meyer-Bahlburg, & Yager, 1991). Among children with abusive head trauma, Nuño et al. (2018) found those covered by Medicaid insurance to be at an increased risk of behavioral disorders by age 5 than those covered by private insurance. Considerably more children with abusive head trauma were covered by Medicaid than private insurance (Nuño et al., 2018), similar to our sample.

The health-related quality of life of these children following abusive head trauma was slightly better than the average quality of life of healthy children (Varni et al., 2003). Health-related quality of life scores did not differ statistically based on injury severity or early participation in therapy. This finding is incompatible with a prior study that estimated survivors of abusive head trauma to have a reduction in health-related quality of life of 55.5 % if they had a severe injury and 15.5 % if they had a mild or moderate injury (Miller et al., 2014). These estimates were, however, based on disability-adjusted life-years as compared to our one-time assessment of quality of life based on caregiver report around 2 years of age. It is possible that quality of life is more greatly impacted later in development. Interestingly, health-related quality of life was rated significantly higher by biological parents than kinship caregivers or foster/adoptive caregivers, even after controlling for how severe the patient’s injury initially was. This finding must be interpreted with caution as it is unclear whether the health-related quality of life of children living with their biological parents was actually better than those living with other caregivers or whether biological parents perceived their child’s quality of life differently because of their role in the child’s life or potential role related to the injury. It is therefore recommended that observational measures be used in conjunction with caregiver-reported measures in this patient population.

This study has limitations. Although one of the largest longitudinal studies of children with abusive head trauma, the sample size was relatively small (47 patients). Furthermore, many patients were excluded because they did not follow-up in post-injury clinic or they did not complete the Mullen Scales of Early Learning more than one time. The demographic characteristics and injury severity of those included, however, did not significantly differ from those not included. It is unknown whether the developmental function of patients who did not follow-up in post-injury clinic differed, as their development was not able to be assessed. Future investigation of other patient factors may be necessary to better understand the predictors or barriers of following up in a post-injury clinic after abusive head trauma. Although clinic visits were intended to occur every six months, some patients missed one or two developmental assessments because they either did not complete it for various reasons or they missed their visit. The length of developmental follow- up for this sample was also relatively short (up to 3 years), although in many cases more consistent, when compared to prior studies on long-term outcomes of abusive head trauma. This study did not assess other pre-morbid, social, or environmental factors, so their influence on the developmental, behavioral, and health-related quality of life outcomes of these patients following abusive head trauma is not known. Participation in early intervention or physical/occupational therapy was not found to be significantly asso- ciated with the recovery of developmental function by 3 years of age or behavior or health-related quality of life around 2 years of age. These statistically non-significant results must be interpreted with caution due to the small sample size, the variability in scores, and the limited statistical power to detect differences. Additional research with larger samples is encouraged to better understand the effectiveness of different types of rehabilitative services for patients following abusive head trauma.

5. Conclusion

Given the results of the present study, long-term comprehensive follow-up is recommended for young children following abusive head trauma to routinely monitor their development and behavior and to evaluate the need for and impact of therapeutic inter- ventions. Anticipating developmental and behavioral sequelae earlier will hopefully result in more timely acquisition of therapeutic and supportive services and reduced impairment and burdens upon the child and family in the long-term.

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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Declaration of Competing Interest

None.

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disorders. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 39, 986–995. Parks, S. E., Kegler, S. R., Annest, J. L., & Mercy, J. A. (2012). Characteristics of fatal abusive head trauma among children in the USA, 2003–2007: An application of

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spectrum disorder. Psychological Assessment, 27, 1364–1378. Talvik, I., Metsvaht, T., Leito, K., Põder, H., Kool, P., Väli, M., et al. (2006). Inflicted traumatic brain injury (iTBI) or shaken baby syndrome (SBS) in Estonia. Acta

Paediatrica, 95, 799–804. Talvik, I., Männamaa, M., Jüri, P., Leito, K., Põder, H., Hämarik, M., et al. (2007). Outcome of infants with inflicted traumatic brain injury (shaken baby syndrome) in

Estonia. Acta Paediatrica, 96, 1164–1168. Varni, J. W., Burwinkle, T. M., Seid, M., & Skarr, D. (2003). The PedsQL™ 4.0 as a pediatric population health measure: feasibility, reliability, and validity. Ambulatory

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  • Early developmental, behavioral, and quality of life outcomes following abusive head trauma in infants
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Participants
      • Data source
      • Outcome variables
      • Predictor variables
      • Data analysis
    • Results
      • Sample characteristics
      • Development with age
      • Developmental trajectories based on injury severity
      • Developmental trajectories based on early therapy participation
      • Behavior based on age, injury severity, and early therapy participation
      • Quality of life based on age, injury severity, and early therapy participation
    • Discussion
    • Conclusion
    • Funding
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • References

Childhood-Trauma-and-Premenstrual-Symptoms--The-Role-of_2020_Child-Abuse---N.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Childhood Trauma and Premenstrual Symptoms: The Role of Emotion Regulation

M. Azoulaya,1, I. Reuvenib,1, R. Danc,d,1, G. Goelmand, R. Segmanb, C. Kallab, O. Bonneb,1, L. Canettia,b,*,1

a Department of Psychology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel b Department of Psychiatry, Hadassah Hebrew University Medical Center, Jerusalem, Israel c Edmond and Lily Safra Center for Brain Sciences (ELSC), The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel d Department of Neurology, Hadassah Hebrew University Medical Center, Jerusalem, Israel

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD) Premenstrual syndrome (PMS) Childhood Trauma Emotion Regulation Abuse Neglect

A B S T R A C T

Background: Women with Premenstrual Dysphoric Disorder (PMDD) are more likely to have a history of childhood trauma, and may experience more severe premenstrual symptomatology. However, the pathway in which childhood trauma affects the prevalence and severity of pre- menstrual symptoms remains largely unclear. Objective: To determine whether childhood trauma is associated with increased premenstrual symptoms, and if so, whether emotional dysregulation mediates or moderates this relationship. Participants and settings: A total of 112 women were recruited for the study among students at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Methods: Participants completed the Premenstrual Symptoms Screening Tool (PSST), the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) and the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale (DERS). To test the mediation hypothesis, direct and indirect effects of childhood trauma on premenstrual symptoms were calculated. To test moderation, we performed multiple regression, including the interaction term between childhood trauma and emotion dysregulation Results: Twenty-two women (18.6%) met criteria for premenstrual syndrome (PMS) and sixteen (13.6 %) for PMDD. The number and severity of premenstrual symptoms increased with more childhood trauma (r = .282), and this relationship was completely mediated by emotion reg- ulation difficulties. Specifically, exposure to Sexual abuse (r = .243) and Emotional neglect (r = .198) were significantly associated with premenstrual symptoms. Abuse predicted greater emo- tion dysregulation (r = .33), whereas, neglect did not. Conclusions: This study contributes to the current knowledge on the long-term effects of child- hood trauma. Promoting use of adaptive emotion regulation strategies for women with a history of childhood trauma, could improve their capability to confront and adapt to premenstrual changes.

1. Introduction

Premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD) is a severe form of premenstrual syndrome (PMS) (Kaiser, Janda, Kleinstäuber, & Weise,

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104637 Received 27 April 2020; Received in revised form 5 July 2020; Accepted 17 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: Department of Psychology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus, Jerusalem, 91905, Israel. E-mail address: [email protected] (L. Canetti).

1 These authors contributed equally to the manuscript.

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104637

Available online 05 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

T

2018), which affects 3-8% of women of reproductive age (Rapkin & Akopians, 2012). Women with PMDD experience substantial emotional, occupational and relational impairment comparable to those observed in major depressive disorder (MDD) (Halbreich, Borenstein, Pearlstein, & Kahn, 2003). The cyclical nature of the symptoms is the most salient characteristic of PMDD, suggesting that reproductive hormones play a pivotal role in its underlying etiology (Epperson et al., 2012). However, psychosocial factors, including lack of social support and stressful life events, have also been shown to contribute to the risk for developing PMDD (Halbreich et al., 2003).

The relationship between exposure to trauma and lifetime psychopathology is well known (Felitti & Anda, 2010); Felitti et al., 2019). Women diagnosed with PMDD or PMS are more likely to have experienced childhood trauma, including emotional abuse and/ or neglect, physical abuse and sexual abuse, compared to healthy controls (Soydas, Albayrak, & Sahin, 2014). Women who have experienced abuse in their past are at increased risk for PMS/PMDD (Girdler et al., 2007; Golding, Taylor, Menard, & King, 2000; Perkonigg, Yonkers, Pfister, Lieb, & Wittchen, 2004a), as well as more severe premenstrual symptomatology (Bertone-Johnson et al., 2014; Lustyk, Widman, & de Becker, 2008). Allopregnanolone’s role in modulating stress response was suggested as one of the underlying biological mechanisms (Hantsoo & Epperson, 2015). Three affective temperaments (irritable, cyclothymic, and anxious) were shown to mediate the relationship between childhood maltreatment, particularly neglect, and premenstrual mental symptoms in a nonclinical adult cohort (Wakatsuki et al., 2020). Yet, the pathway in which exposure to childhood trauma affects the prevalence and severity of premenstrual symptoms remains largely unclear.

Research shows that emotional regulation difficulties following childhood trauma are central to the emergence of psycho- pathology later in life (Hopfinger, Berking, Bockting, & Ebert, 2016; Jennissen, Holl, Mai, Wolff, & Barnow, 2016). The concept of emotion regulation encompasses awareness and understanding of one’s emotions, acceptance of emotional responses, and the manner in which one responds and acts upon these emotions (Gratz & Roemer, 2004). Women diagnosed with PMDD and/or PMS have more difficulties regulating their emotions. This has been shown previously in questionnaire-based studies (Petersen et al., 2016; Reuveni et al., 2016), in studies using implicit measures of emotion regulation (Eggert, Witthöft, Hiller, & Kleinstäuber, 2016), as well as during a behavioral task which engages cognitive reappraisal of emotions (Petersen et al., 2018). Dawson et al. (2018) showed that the severity of premenstrual symptoms and the degree of increase in premenstrual symptoms, from the luteal versus follicular phase baseline, were specifically amplified by emotion-related impulsivity and difficulty in pursuing goals when upset. In a more recent study (Beddig, Reinhard, & Kuehner, 2019), women diagnosed with PMDD rated daily stressors as more aversive with a significant increase in high-arousal negative affect states in the late luteal phase of the menstrual cycle, compared to the follicular phase, and compared to healthy controls. Exposure to interpersonal violence impacts children’s ability to process or manage emotions effectively (Glaser, van Os, Portegijs, & Myin-Germeys, 2006; Kim & Cicchetti, 2010; McLaughlin, Peverill, Gold, Alves, & Sheridan, 2015), and promotes engagement in maladaptive emotional regulation strategies (Heleniak, Jenness, Vander Stoep, McCauley, & McLaughlin, 2016; Heleniak, King, Monahan, & McLaughlin, 2018). Exposure to traumatic experiences in childhood, may impair women’s abilities to recognize, regulate and adapt to premenstrual physical and emotional changes, which may in turn increase premenstrual distress and dysfunction.

The aim of this study was to determine whether childhood trauma is associated with increased premenstrual symptoms, and if so, whether emotional dysregulation mediates or moderates this relationship. Understanding the underlying factors contributing to women's sensitivity to normal hormonal fluctuations during the menstrual cycle is crucial for developing interventions that could improve the capability of women with a history of childhood trauma to confront and adapt to premenstrual physical and emotional changes. The current research was guided by the following hypotheses: (1) There is a positive association between childhood trauma and premenstrual symptoms; (2) Women reporting childhood trauma would have greater emotion regulation difficulties; (3) There is a positive association between emotion regulation difficulties and premenstrual symptoms; (4) Emotional regulation difficulties will partially mediate the relationship between childhood trauma and premenstrual symptoms, or alternatively, it will moderate this relationship.

2. Methods

2.1. Participants

Participants were recruited among undergraduate students at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem as part of a larger study on biological and psychological factors in reactive psychiatric disorders. Prior to inclusion 132 women were evaluated by a clinician using the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV (SCID) (First, Spitzer, Gibbon, & Williams, 1995) to exclude past or present psychiatric disorders (N = 12). Additional exclusion criteria were neurological or endocrine disorders, use of hormonal contra- ceptives, pregnancy and/or breast-feeding (N = 2). Finally, a total of 118 female students were included in the study. The mean age of the participants was 23.4 (SD = 3.25). Most women were single (96%), born in Israel (87%) and secular (49%).

2.2. Instruments

Premenstrual Symptoms Screening Tool (PSST) is a validated self-report questionnaire that was developed as a screening tool in order to identify women with PMDD (Steiner, Macdougall, & Brown, 2003). This screening tool does not measure the presence of symptoms for two consecutive months, as required by the DSM-5 to make a definite diagnosis of PMDD, thus the diagnosis in this cohort must be considered provisional. Yet, the PSST is a more practical and less time-consuming method of assessing PMDD. The PSST includes 14 premenstrual symptoms and 5 items that measure impairment in five domains: working capacity, relationships with

M. Azoulay, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104637

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coworkers and family, social activities, and home responsibilities, in accordance with DSM criteria for PMDD. All items are rated on a 4-point scale (“not at all”, “mild”, “moderate” and “severe”). It was translated into Hebrew using a back-translation technique. In the present sample, excellent internal consistency was found for the total score (Cronbach’s α = 0.9).

Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) (Bernstein & Fink, 1998) is a 28-item retrospective self-report questionnaire designed to assess five types of childhood maltreatment: Sexual abuse, Physical abuse, Emotional abuse, Physical neglect, and Emotional neglect (25 clinical items and 3 validity items). Each of the CTQ subscales is made up of five items and rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (never true) to 5 (very often true). Higher scores demonstrate higher levels of childhood trauma. In each subscale, the maximum score is 25 and the maximal overall score is 125. The CTQ has demonstrated reliability including moderate to high internal consistency reliability coefficients ranging from α = .66 to α = .92 across a range of samples, and test-retest reliability coefficients ranging from .79 to .86 over an average of 4 months (Bernstein et al., 2003). We used a slightly modified Hebrew translation of the CTQ. In this version, two items were added (“My family ignored me as if I did not exist” to Emotional neglect and “One of my parents tended to insult me next to my friends” to Emotional abuse) to increase psychometric properties. Excellent internal consistency was found for the total score (Cronbach’s α = 0.90), as were satisfactory to very good internal consistencies for the following subscales: Emotional abuse (α = 0.76), Emotional neglect (α = 0.90), Sexual abuse (α = 0.78). The Internal consistency of the physical subscales were lower: Physical abuse (α = 0.56) and Physical neglect (α = 0.24). The CTQ manual (Bernstein & Fink, 1998) provided cut-off values for moderate or greater exposure that were used to create dichotomous variables of exposure for each CTQ subscale: Emotional abuse 13; Physical abuse 10; Sexual abuse 8; Emotional neglect 15; and Physical neglect 10. In a post-hoc analysis, we divided the CTQ into two dimensions of traumatic experiences: 1. Abuse (the sum of Sexual, Physical, and Emotional abuse scales); and 2. Neglect (the sum of Physical and Emotional neglect). These two dimensions have very good internal con- sistencies: Abuse dimension (α = 0.81) and Neglect dimension (α = 0.85).

Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale (DERS) is a 36-item, self-report measure developed to assess clinically relevant difficulties in emotion regulation (Gratz & Roemer, 2004). The questionnaire includes six dimensions: Non-acceptance of Emotional, Responses Difficulties in Engaging in Goal-Directed Behavior, Impulse Control Difficulties, Lack of Emotional Awareness, Limited Access to Emotion Regulation Strategies and Lack of Emotional Clarity. All items were rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (almost never) to 5 (almost always). The total score range is 36–180. Higher scores indicated higher levels of emotional dysregulation. The scale was translated into Hebrew using the back-translation technique and was previously used in a study of the role of emotional dysregulation as a moderator of the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and eating disorders (Bergman, 2010). Gratz and Roemer have shown high internal consistency for all scales (Cronbach α range: .80 - .89), good test-retest reliability of the DERS scores over a 4 to 8- week period (PI = .88, p < .01), as well as good construct and predictive validity. In the present sample, excellent internal consistency was found for the total score (Cronbach’s α = 0.93).

2.3. Procedure

The study was approved by the ethics committee at Hadassah University Medical Center. The data was collected from April 2014 to June 2017. The data presented is part of a larger longitudinal study; therefore, some participants completed further procedures. All participants who provided written informed consent completed the PSST, CTQ and DERS questionnaires following a clinical inter- view to ensure eligibility. Following the same criteria used by Steiner et al. (Steiner et al., 2003), participants were classified according to the PSST scores into three groups: The "PMDD group" met DSM-5 criteria for the diagnosis of PMDD and consisted of women who reported at least one of the four core symptoms (irritability, dysphoria, tension, lability of mood) as severe and at least four additional symptoms (for a total of five) as moderate to severe. They also had to report that their symptoms interfered severely with their ability to function in at least one of the five domains. A second group that according to the PSST showed partial symptoms of PMDD was designated by us as the "PMS group", and consisted of women who reported at least one of the four core symptoms as moderate to severe and at least four additional symptoms as moderate to severe. They also reported that their symptoms interfered moderately to severely with their ability to function in at least one of the five psychosocial domains. The rest of the women were included in the "no/mild PMS group". For analyzing differences between the groups, the PSST scores were used as an ordinal variable with two possible values (PMS/PMDD and No/Mild PMS); for analyzing Pearson’s correlations, and mediation and moderation models, the PSST total score was calculated by summing up all items.

3. Data Analysis

To examine differences in frequency of premenstrual symptoms between the groups, χ2 tests were calculated for the three groups (PMS, PMDD and No/mild PMS), followed by post hoc χ2 testing of the differences between each pair of groups. To compare continuous variables after collapsing the three groups (see rational below) into two diagnostic groups (PMS/PMDD vs. No/mild PMS), we used t-tests for independent samples. To examine relationships between continuous variables, Pearson's correlation coefficients were calculated. To test the mediation hypothesis, direct and indirect effects of childhood trauma scores on premenstrual symptoms were calculated using the multiple mediation approach proposed by Baron and Kenny (1986) and improved by Preacher and Hayes (2004). We used the macro developed to SPSS by the last authors, which estimates indirect effects and bootstrapped confidence intervals (CIs). To test moderation, we performed multiple regression to premenstrual symptoms (PSST scores), including the in- teraction term between childhood trauma and emotion dysregulation which in case of moderation, will be significant. Effect sizes were calculated for all comparisons. Reported p values are two-sided. All analyses were performed using IBM SPSS 21.0 (IBM Corp 2012) statistical software.

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4. Results

According to the PSST, a total of 16 women (13.6%) were identified as PMDD, 22 (18.6%) were classified in the PMS group, and 80 (67.8%) showed mild or no symptoms (No/mild PMS). The 14 premenstrual symptoms measured by the PSST were categorized as present if participants responded “moderate” or “severe”, and not present if they answered “mild” or “not at all”. The most frequently reported premenstrual symptoms were anger/irritability, tearful/increased sensitivity to rejection, fatigue/lack of energy and phy- sical symptoms (reported by more than 70% of women with PMDD or PMS) and depressed mood and overeating (reported by more than 60%). In the present study, the PMS and PMDD groups were found to be very similar: Chi-square tests yielded no significant differences in the frequency of 13 out of 14 premenstrual symptoms between PMDD and PMS groups. In addition, the rate of premenstrual symptoms in these groups was significantly greater than in the No/mild PMS in 12 out of 14 symptoms (results not shown). Regarding the other variables of the study, there were no significant differences between the PMDD and the PMS groups in CTQ (t (36) = 1.19, p = .24) or DERS (t (36) = 1.06, p = .30) scores. Therefore, it was reasonable to merge the two groups into one group, named ‘PMS/PMDD’ group, in order to increase the statistical power of the analyses (please see study variables by diagnostic group in Table 1). No significant differences were found between the two diagnostic groups in demographic characteristics and no significant associations were found between demographic characteristics and CTQ, PSST and DERS scores. Specifically, since nearly half of the sample was secular (49%), in order to control for the possible impact of religiosity we compared secular women (N = 58) to women with religious background (N = 60). No significant differences were found between these two groups in the CTQ (p = .84), PSST (p = .27) or DERS (p = .75) scores.

4.1. Childhood Trauma and Premenstrual Symptoms

The percentage of women who reported exposure to at least one kind of trauma in the PMS/PMDD group was 28.9% (N = 11), compared to only 10% (N = 8) in the No/mild PMS group, resulting in a significant difference between the groups (χ2(1) = 5.52, p = .015).

As predicted, the average total CTQ score in the PMS/PMDD group was significantly higher than the average score in the No/mild PMS group (See Table 1). According to our hypothesis, CTQ total score was significantly related to PSST total score, indicating a positive correlation between women's reports of traumatic experiences during childhood and women's reports of premenstrual symptoms. In addition, Sexual abuse and Emotional neglect sub-scales were found to be significantly associated to premenstrual symptoms, whereas Emotional abuse, Physical abuse, and Physical neglect scales were not (See Table 2).

In a post-hoc analysis, we calculated two CTQ dimensions: Abuse (the sum of Emotional, Physical and Sexual abuse scales) and Neglect (the sum of Emotional and Physical neglect). These two dimensions yielded very good internal consistencies (α= 0.81 and α= 0.85, respectively). We found significant correlations between the Abuse dimension of the CTQ and premenstrual symptoms (r = .21, p = .02), and the Neglect dimension and premenstrual symptoms (r = .21, p = .02).

4.2. Childhood Trauma and Emotion Regulation Difficulties

As predicted, CTQ total score was significantly related to DERS total score, indicating a positive correlation between women's reports of childhood trauma and women's reports of difficulties in emotion regulation. In addition, Emotional abuse, Physical abuse,

Table 1 Premenstrual symptoms (PSST), childhood trauma (CTQ) and emotion regulation difficulties (DERS) by diagnostic group.

PMS/PMDD (N = 38)

No/mild PMS (N = 80)

t (116) p d

PSST M = 48.02 (SD = 8.48) M = 32.27 (SD = 6.82) 10.82 < .001 2.05 CTQ M = 44.72 (SD = 12.28) M = 38.21 (SD = 8.30) 2.96 .005 .62 DERS M = 85.43 (SD = 18. 83) M = 67.22 (SD = 14.70) 5.25 < .001 1.08

PSST-Premenstrual Symptoms Screening Tool; CTQ-Childhood Trauma Questionnaire; DERS- Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale; PMS- Premenstrual Syndrome; PMDD-Premenstrual Dysphoric Disorder

Table 2 Pearson correlations of childhood trauma total score (CTQ), childhood trauma sub-scale scores, emotion regulation difficulties (DERS) and pre- menstrual symptoms (PSST) (N = 118)

CTQ Emotional abuse Physical abuse Sexual abuse Emotional neglect Physical neglect PSST

PSST .282** .145 .068 .243** .198* .167 DERS .276** .281** .181* .248** .138 .148 .593**

PSST-Premenstrual Symptoms Screening Tool; CTQ-Childhood Trauma Questionnaire; DERS- Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale. * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

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and Sexual abuse scales were also significantly correlated with emotion dysregulation, while Emotional neglect and Physical neglect scales were not (see Table 2). We also found, as expected, significant correlations between the Abuse dimension of the CTQ and emotion dysregulation (r = .33, p < .001), however no significant correlation was found with the Neglect dimension of the CTQ (r = .15, p = .10).

4.3. Emotion Regulation and Premenstrual Symptoms

According to our hypotheses, the average DERS total score in the PMS/PMDD group was significantly higher than the average in the No/mild PMS group (See Table 1). Pearson correlation coefficient was calculated to test the association between emotion reg- ulation difficulties (DERS) and premenstrual symptoms (PSST). As predicted, women's reports of emotion regulation difficulties were positively correlated to women's reports of premenstrual symptoms (Table 2).

4.4. Role of Emotion Regulation Difficulties

Mediation path analysis indicates that the contribution of childhood trauma to premenstrual symptoms was completely mediated by emotion regulation difficulties. As seen in Fig. 1, the standardized regression coefficient between childhood trauma and pre- menstrual symptoms before considering the mediator was statistically significant (β = .282; p = .002), and after accounting for emotion regulation difficulties was not (β = .129; p = .099). The bootstrapping procedure showed that the standardized indirect effect for the contribution of childhood trauma on premenstrual symptoms through emotion regulation difficulties was significant (.15, 95% CI (.05, .26)), but the direct effect of childhood trauma on premenstrual symptoms was not (.13, 95% CI (-.03, .28)), indicating complete mediation. Together, CTQ and DERS accounted for 37% of the variability in premenstrual symptoms (p < .001; See Table 3). The mediation effect size by Preacher and Kelley (2011) Kappa-squared was .16 – meaning a medium effect size. In addition, we analyzed the mediating effects of emotion regulation in each CTQ sub-scale separately. See Table 3 for indirect effects, total variability explained by the model and effects sizes. The Sexual, Physical and Emotional abuse subscales were mediated by emotion regulation difficulties (all indirect effects were significant by bootstrapping procedure), with medium effect sizes. Direct effects were not significant (results not shown), indicating complete mediation. Physical and Emotional neglect sub-scales were not mediated by emotional dysregulation. Accordingly, the Abuse dimension was mediated by emotion regulation difficulties, but the

Fig. 1. Mediation of the relationship between childhood trauma and premenstrual symptoms through emotion regulation difficulties. Standardized coefficients are reported for each path.

Table 3 Mediation model: Emotion regulation difficulties mediates the relationship between childhood trauma (sub-scales and overall scores) to pre- menstrual symptoms

Childhood trauma Model R2 Indirect effect through emotion regulation difficulties Kappa-squared

CTQ overall score .37*** .15, 95% CI (.05, .26) .16 Sexual abuse .36*** .14, 95% CI (.02, .26) .15 Physical abuse .35*** .11, 95% CI (.01, .22) .13 Emotional abuse .35*** .17, 95% CI (.07, .27) .19 Abuse dimension .35*** .19, 95% CI (.09, .31) .20 Physical neglect .36*** .09, 95% CI (-.06, .22) Emotional neglect .37*** .08, 95% CI(-.02, .18) Neglect dimension .37*** .09, 95% CI (-.01, .20)

*** Model R2 is significant at the 0.001 level (2-tailed).

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Neglect dimension was not mediated by emotional dysregulation. In order to examine whether emotion regulation difficulties moderate the association between childhood trauma and pre-

menstrual symptoms, we performed multiple regression including an interaction term. The interaction between CTQ and DERS has shown no significant effect (F (1,114) = .10, p = .75, ΔR2 = .001), indicating that emotion dysregulation is not a moderator of the relationship between childhood trauma and premenstrual symptoms.

5. Discussion

As far as we know, this is the first study to investigate the role and impact of emotional regulation difficulties on the relationship between childhood trauma and premenstrual symptoms. We found that the number and the severity of premenstrual symptoms increases with more exposure to childhood trauma, and that this relationship is completely mediated by emotion regulation diffi- culties. These results indicate that among women with a history of childhood trauma, the emergence of premenstrual symptoms is mediated through the inability to regulate emotions in an adaptive manner. This may suggest that women who have been exposed to traumatic experiences in their childhood have less capabilities to confront and adapt the emotional, cognitive and physical changes that occur before menstruation, contributing to the emergence of PMDD.

The association between emotion dysregulation and premenstrual symptoms is expected and is in line with previous research (Eggert et al., 2016; Petersen et al., 2016; Reuveni et al., 2016). Emotional regulation may be conceptualized as "the processes by which individuals influence which emotions they have, when they have them, and how they experience and express these emotions" (Gross, 1998). Individuals with current and past depression have difficulties in regulating their emotions in an adaptive manner and perceive their emotion regulation as less successful than never-depressed controls (Campbell-Sills, Barlow, Brown, & Hofmann, 2006; Ehring, Tuschen-Caffier, Schnülle, Fischer, & Gross, 2010). In light of the high comorbidity and clinical similarities between MDD and PMDD (Accortt, Kogan, & Allen, 2013; Cohen et al., 2002; Hong et al., 2012), dysfunctional and maladaptive emotional regulation appears to have a role in the underlying of PMDD, as it does in MDD (Larsson et al., 2013; Lippard & Nemeroff, 2020).

As previously reported (Bertone-Johnson et al., 2014; Pilver, Levy, Libby, & Desai, 2011), we found that a history of childhood trauma is associated with diagnosis of PMDD/PMS, according to the PSST. The mediation analysis shows that difficulties in emotion regulation explain the relationship between childhood trauma and premenstrual symptoms. There are several studies showing the relationship between childhood trauma and psychopathology is mediated by emotion regulation capabilities. The inability to regulate one’s emotions in an adaptive manner is probably one of the most prominent features of children who have been exposed to trauma (Bessel & van der Kolk, 2003). These children’s lack of self-regulatory processes leads to poorly modulated affect, reduced impulse control, distrust and uncertainty regarding the reliability and predictability of others (Bessel & van der Kolk, 2003; Cole & Putnam, 1992; van der Kolk & Fisler, 1994). Maughan and Cicchetti (Maughan & Cicchetti, 2002) showed that a maladaptive pattern of emotion regulation mediated the effect of maltreatment on children’s anxious and depressed symptoms. Troubled parent-child re- lationships characterized by neglect, physical and/or sexual abuse are related to an emerging aberration in the organization of affective processes, which later results in psychopathology (Kim & Cicchetti, 2010). Cyclic changes in mood, affect and cognition, which occurs monthly, may be more challenging for women with a history of childhood trauma due to their emotional regulation deficits.

More recently, McLaughlin and colleagues have suggested a dimensional model of adversity and psychopathology that differ- entiates between experiences of deprivation (absence of expected environmental inputs and complexity) and threat (presence of experiences that represent a threat to one’s physical integrity), which are distinctly linked to later psychopathology and altered neural development (Machlin, Miller, Snyder, McLaughlin, & Sheridan, 2019; McLaughlin & Sheridan, 2016; McLaughlin, Sheridan, & Lambert, 2014). To delineate the differential effects of specific traumatic experiences, we proceeded to do an analysis of the CTQ scores according to the different subtypes of childhood trauma. We found that Sexual abuse in particular, as well as Emotional neglect, were significantly associated with premenstrual symptoms. Moreover, Sexual, Physical, and Emotional abuse in childhood predicted greater emotion regulation difficulties among women. However, Physical and Emotional neglect did not. Accordingly, only the Abuse dimension was mediated by emotion dysregulation, while the Neglect dimension was not. Experiences of abuse have been shown to be related to neural changes in circuits of emotion regulation (Heleniak et al., 2016; Kim & Cicchetti, 2010; Peverill, Sheridan, Busso, & McLaughlin, 2019) resulting in enhanced reactivity to negative affective stimuli. Evidence suggests that, in models where both exposures are simultaneously introduced, exposure to threat is selectively associated with increased emotion reactivity, deficits in automatic emotion regulation processes, and disrupted fear learning, while exposure to deprivation is selectively linked to poor cognitive control, working memory, and language ability (Lambert, King, Monahan, & McLaughlin, 2017; McLaughlin et al., 2016; Miller et al., 2018; Sheridan, Peverill, Finn, & McLaughlin, 2017). Similarly, in a community sample of pregnant women, exposure to emotional abuse versus neglect differentially predicted women’s regulation strategy use (O’Mahen, Karl, Moberly, & Fedock, 2015). Future research should focus on parsing apart effects of different types of traumatic experiences on premenstrual symptoms and maladaptive responses to changes in mood, cognition and affect around times of hormonal fluctuations.

This study has several limitations. First, the diagnosis of PMDD was done by a screening questionnaire, although according to the DSM-5 this diagnosis requires the completion of a prospective daily rating of at-least two menstrual cycles. We acknowledge PSST is subject to bias, however, it has been used in numerous studies since its publication (Buttner et al., 2013; Câmara et al., 2016; Hautamäki et al., 2014; Pataky & Ehlert, 2019), and has been recognized as a potential screening tool by the International Society of Premenstrual Disorders (Hall & Steiner, 2015). Second, the study is based on self-report questionnaires retrospectively reporting exposure to traumatic events. Although we should be careful with retrospective reports, a recent paper showed both prospective and retrospective reports of maltreatment were associated with psychiatric problems in adulthood, with the greatest associations found

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when maltreatment was retrospectively self-reported (Newbury et al., 2018). Third, this is a cross-sectional study; therefore, we cannot infer causation. Lastly, the relatively small sample size of this study could affect the generalizability of the results. Future studies applying a longitudinal design with a larger cohort may further improve our understanding of this relationship. Finally, given the small sample size, our results should be interpreted with caution pending further replication with larger samples.

To summarize, our findings contribute to the growing body of research on the long-term effects of childhood trauma on mental health later in life. Exposure to traumatic experiences early in life impairs children’s ability to process and manage emotions ef- fectively, rendering them susceptible to psychopathology under stressful circumstances. Premenstrual symptoms represent a truly stressful trigger in women with a history of childhood trauma and deficient emotion regulation strategies, particularly in women who have undergone experiences of abuse. In light of these findings, interventions that promote use of adaptive emotion regulation strategies for women with a history of childhood trauma, could significantly affect their disease trajectory from menarche to me- nopause.

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sector.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104637.

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  • Childhood Trauma and Premenstrual Symptoms: The Role of Emotion Regulation
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Participants
      • Instruments
      • Procedure
    • Data Analysis
    • Results
      • Childhood Trauma and Premenstrual Symptoms
      • Childhood Trauma and Emotion Regulation Difficulties
      • Emotion Regulation and Premenstrual Symptoms
      • Role of Emotion Regulation Difficulties
    • Discussion
    • Funding
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Establishing-clinically-and-theoretically-grounded-cross-domai_2020_Child-Ab.pdf

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Child Abuse & Neglect

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Establishing clinically and theoretically grounded cross-domain cumulative risk and protection scores in sibling groups exposed prenatally to substances

Bianca C. Bondia,*, Debra J. Peplera, Mary Motzb, Naomi C.Z. Andrewsc

a York University, Department of Psychology, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto, ON, M3J 1P3, Canada b Mothercraft, Early Intervention Department, 860 Richmond Street West, Toronto, ON, M6J 1C9, Canada c Brock University, Department of Child and Youth Studies, 1812 Sir Isaac Brock Way, St. Catharines, ON, L2S 3A1, Canada

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Cumulative risk Cumulative protection Cross-domain Neurodevelopment Child maltreatment Prenatal substance exposure

A B S T R A C T

Background: Prenatal substance exposure is associated with neurodevelopmental deficits. Deficits are exacerbated by cumulative risks yet attenuated by cumulative protective factors. Cross-do- main relative to intra-domain risk exposure presents more neurodevelopmental challenges. Cumulative risk and protection scores must be clinically and theoretically grounded, with cross- domain considerations. Objectives: 1) Create clinically and theoretically grounded, cross-domain cumulative risk and protection scores; 2) Describe the benefits of our methodological approach. Participants & Setting: This study included three sibling groups (N = 8) at Mothercraft’s Breaking the Cycle, a child maltreatment prevention and early intervention program for substance using mothers and their children. Method: We outlined the process of establishing clinically and theoretically grounded, cross- domain cumulative risk and protection scores. Total and cross-domain cumulative risk and protection percentages, and the balance between domains of risk and protection, were explored. Results: Clinically and theoretically grounded, cross-domain cumulative risk and protection scores were established. Total percentages were reported. Cross-domain profiles of cumulative risk and protection, and the number of significant domains of risk relative to protection, were reported. The cross-domain profiles facilitated consideration of intra- and inter-domain risk and protection within and between sibling groups. Conclusions: Emerging patterns indicate the importance of establishing cumulative risk and protection scores that are: 1) clinically and theoretically grounded, 2) cross-domain, and 3) encompass cumulative protection and risk. In understanding profiles of risk and protection, we can inform evidence-based early interventions that address: 1) high-risk children, 2) the full range of risks, 3) vulnerable domains, and 4) protective factors.

1. Introduction

Prenatal substance exposure is a serious public health concern in North America, given that such exposure is associated with

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104631 Received 2 December 2019; Received in revised form 17 June 2020; Accepted 15 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: York University, Department of Psychology, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto, ON, M3J 1P3, Canada. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (B.C. Bondi), [email protected] (D.J. Pepler), [email protected] (M. Motz),

[email protected] (N.C.Z. Andrews).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104631

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deficits across many domains of functioning (Huizink, 2015; McQueen, Murphy-Oikonen, & Desaulniers, 2015). Children with prenatal substance exposure are considered at high risk for a range of biological, neurodevelopmental, and behavioural problems, as well as later psychopathology (Bandstra, Morrow, Mansoor, & Accornero, 2010; Kessler, Davis, & Kendler, 1997, 2010). Research has shown that the adverse consequences of prenatal substance exposure can be exacerbated by risk factors across various domains within the perinatal environment (Carta et al., 2001; Conners et al., 2004). The accumulation of protective factors can also occur across domains and attenuate the negative effects of cumulative risk, resulting in more positive developmental outcomes (Ackerman, Schoff, Levinson, Youngstrom, & Izard, 1999; Crosnoe, Leventhal, Wirth, Pierce, & Pianta, 2010; Furstenberg, Cook, Eccles, Elder, & Sameroff, 1999; Ostaszewski & Zimmerman, 2006; Runyan et al., 1998; Spencer, 2005). This study focused on cumulative risk and protective factors in a sample of substance-exposed children, with a focus on domains of risk and protection and their interactions.

1.1. Cumulative risk factors

A risk factor is defined as an endogenous (e.g., mental health challenges) or exogeneous (e.g., prenatal substance exposure) factor associated with an increased likelihood of developing negative or undesirable outcomes (Kraemer, Lowe, & Kupfer, 2005). Most children exposed to a single physical or psychosocial risk factor suffer minimal enduring consequences (Evans, Li, & Whipple, 2013; Rutter, 1981). In contrast, children concurrently exposed to multiple risk factors are at high risk for poor developmental outcomes and psychological disorders (Kessler et al., 1997, 2010; Rutter, 1979, 1981; Sameroff, 2006). Therefore, cumulative risk is used to conceptualize children’s exposure to multiple risks and the additive impact of risk on development (Evans et al., 2013). Correlations between developmental outcomes and sociodemographic, psychosocial, and biological profiles are often mediated by cumulative risk exposure (Evans et al., 2013; Madigan, Wade, Plamondon, Maguire, & Jenkins, 2017). Furthermore, cumulative risk exposure ac- counts for more of the variance in children’s developmental trajectories than prenatal substance exposure alone (Carta et al., 2001). Children growing up in at-risk families often present with constellations of risk rather than isolated instances of adverse circum- stances; therefore, assessing cumulative risk exposure yields information about children who are at highest risk for impaired de- velopment (Evans et al., 2013).

Cumulative risk models measure the quantity of risk factors rather than the quality of each risk factor, or the degree to which it impacts the outcome of interest (Evans, 2004; Hooper, Burchinal, Roberts, Zeisel, & Neebe, 1998). Two models have been commonly used to conceptualize cumulative risk exposure. First, additive models are based on the number of risk factors experienced overall, with a linear decrease in positive developmental outcomes resulting as the risk exposure increases (Sameroff, Bartko, Baldwin, Baldwin, & Seifer, 1998). Additive cumulative risk models are, therefore, based upon the additivity of risk assumption that implies only a linear relation between the number of risk factors and compromised child developmental outcomes. Two issues with this assumption are that: 1) there is a lack of statistical testing for the additivity assumption in the cumulative risk literature, and 2) risk factors may also interact and increase vulnerability, yet there is a lack of focus on potential nonlinear interactive effects between risk factors using this model (Lamela & Figueiredo, 2015; Sameroff, Seifer, & McDonough, 2004). The second type of model is a threshold model, wherein risk is assessed based on a certain number of risk factors being present and surpassing an arbitrarily assigned level of risk (Appleyard, Egeland, van Dulmen, & Sroufe, 2005). After a certain number of risk factors are experienced, there is said to be an exponentially negative impact on development, with the risk factors potentiating each other such that the effect of all of them together is greater than the sum of their individual effects (Rutter, 1979). Evidence for both additive (i.e., additive model) and exponential (i.e., threshold model) relationships between cumulative risk and developmental outcomes have been reported in the literature (Evans et al., 2013). Nonetheless, the additive cumulative risk models have been found to be more predictive of devel- opmental outcomes over the threshold cumulative risk models (Appleyard et al., 2005). There is, however, a need for further in- vestigation into the potential interactive effects between multiple risks (Evans et al., 2013).

1.1.1. Cross-domain risk factors In a review of cumulative risk and child development, Evans et al. (2013) discussed the need to combine single risk factors into

domains to examine potential main and interactive effects. Some researchers have, indeed, investigated exposure to risk across different life domains and found that risk exposure across multiple domains presents more challenging adaptive demands on children relative to intense but concentrated intra-domain risk exposure (Ackerman et al., 1999; Brennan, Hall, Bor, Najman, & Williams, 2003; Evans et al., 2013; Whipple, Evans, Barry, & Maxwell, 2010). Studies that assess the number of domains of cumulative risk to which a child was exposed have indicated larger effect sizes (average 22.7 % increment in adversity per risk factor exposure) than those found when examining overall cumulative risk scores (average 5.7 % increment in adversity per risk factor exposure) (Evans et al., 2013). Cross-domain cumulative risk models also enable the examination of main and interactive effects of domain-specific cumulative risk exposure on child development, with several studies indicating interactive effects between domains (Ackerman et al., 1999; Brennan et al., 2003; Carta et al., 2001; Mrug, Loosier, & Windle, 2008; Whipple et al., 2010).

1.2. Cumulative protective factors

Most literature on cumulative risk has focused solely on risks or detrimental factors and their impact on development, with limited focus on the effects of cumulative protective factors as well (Evans et al., 2013). A small number of studies, some of which included populations of at-risk children, have indicated that as protective factors accumulate, their benefits accrue and promote positive developmental outcomes (Crosnoe et al., 2010; Furstenberg et al., 1999; Runyan et al., 1998). Some researchers have even found that cumulative protective factors can attenuate the negative effects of cumulative risk (Ackerman et al., 1999; Ostaszewski &

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Zimmerman, 2006; Spencer, 2005). Not only are cumulative protective factor scores associated with more positive developmental outcomes, but cumulative protective factor scores have also been found to interact with cumulative risk scores in predicting de- velopmental outcomes, such that medium and high cumulative protective factor scores have attenuated the relationship between cumulative risk and negative outcomes (Ackerman et al., 1999). Cumulative protective factors are more strongly related to positive developmental outcomes relative to individual protective factors, suggesting that a cumulative conceptualization of exposure to protective factors is advantageous to understanding developmental outcomes (Ackerman et al., 1999). Nonetheless, the accumulation of protective factors, relative to exposure to multiple risk factors, explains minimal variance in developmental outcomes (Gutman, Sameroff, & Cole, 2003; Pollard, Hawkins, & Arthur, 1999; Sameroff & Rosenblum, 2006). Although risk exposure may have a more substantial impact on developmental outcomes relative to protection, it is vital to consider the effects of protection alongside the effects of risk.

1.2.1. Cross-domain protective factors Similar to risk factors, protective factors can include endogenous (e.g., high IQ, good temperament) or exogeneous (e.g., sup-

portive relationships, high socioeconomic status) factors. In the context of children with prenatal substance exposure and histories of risk, early prevention and intervention services for the mother and child can be conceptualized as protective processes designed to promote optimal development (Andrews, Motz, Pepler, Jeong, & Khoury, 2018). Nonetheless, limited work has taken domain-specific protective factors into consideration (Evans et al., 2013). This oversight is problematic in that it fails to provide a holistic perspective of child development within contexts of both risk and protective factors. Combining protective factors into domains allows the potential main and interactive effects of cumulative protective factors to be examined, in addition to allowing the interactive effects between domain-specific risk and protective factors to be examined (Evans et al., 2013).

1.3. Identifying risk and protective domains: a clinically and theoretically grounded approach

Evans et al. (2013) discussed the importance of grounding cumulative risk and protective factor research in a holistic theoretical framework that aids in delineating developmentally salient risk and protective domains. A theoretical foundation provides a rationale to account for the superior predictive power of multiple, relative to singular, risk and protective factor exposure on child develop- mental outcomes (Evans et al., 2013). Pepler (2016) has discussed the need to embed research within clinical and community settings and build trusting relationships as a preemptive step to fostering co-creation. It is thus essential to ground research establishing cumulative risk and protection scores for focal clinical populations within the settings that serve them. Cumulative risk and pro- tection scores must be both clinically and theoretically grounded, with a clinical understanding of the focal population informing the selection of an appropriate theoretical framework. The Developmental Model of Transgenerational Transmission of Psychopathology (Fig. 1; Hosman, van Doesum, & van Santvoort, 2009) was utilized in this study to conceptualize various domains of risk and protective factors in children exposed prenatally to substances and accessing early intervention services. Although Hosman and colleagues’ developmental model outlines the transgenerational transmission of psychopathology, similar developmental and rela- tional domains and processes are relevant to substance-exposed children accessing early intervention.

Hosman and colleagues’ model was founded upon practice- and theory-based empirical knowledge, capturing information on the main domains of malleable risk and protective factors (Hosman et al., 2009). This model differentiates multiple interacting domains and systems of influence (i.e., children, parents, family, social network, professionals, community), recognizing that risk and pro- tective factors are linked across domains and each can serve as a relevant intervention focus. The model also differentiates various mechanisms by which risk factors are transmitted (i.e., genetic risk, prenatal influences, parent-child interactions, family processes and conditions, and social influences; Goodman & Gotlib, 1999). Finally, this developmental model differentiates developmental stages in the child’s life (e.g., pregnancy, early development, lifespan development), with each stage associated with specific de- velopmental processes and sensitive periods requiring stage-specific intervention (Hosman et al., 2009). The strength of this model is that it comprehensively captures both risk factors and the conditions promoting children’s resilience and social-emotional devel- opment.

2. Current study

The primary goal of the current study was to create clinically and theoretically grounded, cross-domain cumulative risk and protective factor measures for three sibling groups with prenatal substance exposure participating in a child maltreatment prevention and early intervention program with their mothers. We outlined the process of establishing comprehensive cumulative risk and protective factor measures that build upon a holistic developmental model of domains of risk and protection that is clinically relevant to consider in this population. This domain-specific description of cumulative risk and protective factors facilitated the consideration of both intra- and inter-domain risk and protective factors across the three sibling groups. Through this examination, we also outline the benefits of taking a clinically and theoretically grounded, cross-domain approach to establishing cumulative risk and protection scores in children exposed prenatally to substances. For a comprehensive qualitative case study description of each sibling group’s cross-domain context of risk and protection, neurodevelopment, and clinical progress, see Bondi, Pepler, Motz, and Andrews (2020a). For a quantitative description of each child’s longitudinal neurodevelopment, and an overview of the patterns between cumulative risk and protection as they relate to neurodevelopment, see Bondi, Pepler, Motz, and Andrews (2020b).

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3. Material and method

3.1. Study design and setting

This was a retrospective study conducted at Mothercraft’s Breaking the Cycle (BTC). BTC is a child maltreatment prevention and early intervention program for substance using mothers and their children from birth to 6 years old in Toronto, Canada. In addition to prenatal substance use, women at BTC have histories of trauma, mental health issues, interpersonal violence, and family instability, making BTC a unique context to evaluate cumulative risk and protective factors in children exposed prenatally to substances. The program supports the development of children with prenatal substance exposure by providing maternal (e.g., addiction counseling), child (e.g., early intervention services), and mother-child relationship-focused (e.g., home-based dyadic developmental services) services. Embedding the present study within a clinical setting that serves this vulnerable population and co-creating research with highly experienced clinicians was essential. These professionals offered a deep understanding and grounded perspectives about developmental processes and change through maltreatment prevention. Attending bi-monthly case formulation team meetings at BTC contributed to a comprehensive clinical understanding of the families accessing services at BTC, enabling us to establish clinically and theoretically grounded cumulative risk and protection scores.

3.2. Sample characteristics

Three pediatric (aged 0–6 years) sibling groups were included in this study: two sibling dyads and one sibling quadrad (N = 8). All sibling groups had substance exposure histories and had received long-term treatment at BTC for a minimum of 2.5 years. The three families, herein referred to as family A, family B, and family C, were selected based on their clinical progress, which lead clinicians at BTC classified as good, fair, and poor, respectively. Clinicians assessed overall clinical progress based on the families’ participation in programming at BTC, child apprehensions from parental care during their involvement, and status at closing. Families with variable levels of clinical progress were included to capture the range of clients seen at BTC. Individual children within each sibling group are referred to according to family letter (e.g., A, B, C) and birth order (e.g., 1–4).

Fig. 1. Theoretical Model. Reprinted from Hosman et al. (2009). Prevention of Emotional Problems and Psychiatric Risks in Children of Parents with a Mental Illness in the Netherlands. I. The Scientific Basis to a Comprehensive Approach. Australian e-Journal for the Advancement of Mental Health, 8(3), 250-63. Copyright 2009 by the Taylor & Francis Ltd (https://www.tandfonline.com). Reprinted with permission.

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To ensure client privacy and confidentiality, the sex of the children, and other highly identifiable sample characteristics, will not be disclosed. A1 entered BTC programming at age 3.5 years and spent 44 % of life in BTC services. A2 entered BTC programming at birth and spent 94 % of life in BTC services. B1 and B2 entered BTC programming at 2 years and spent 64 % of their lives in BTC services. B3 entered BTC programming at 1 year and B4 entered at birth. B3 and B4 spent 77 % and 94 % of life in BTC programming, respectively. C1 spent 39 % of life in BTC programming and C2 spent 46 % of life in BTC programming. Notably, both C1 and C2 entered BTC at older ages relative to the children in the other sibling groups, entering at ages 5 and 4 years, respectively. For comprehensive case studies and qualitative descriptions of each child’s clinical progress, see (Bondi et al., 2020a).

3.3. Study design and development of cross-domain cumulative risk and protective factor scales

This study used archival BTC data collected under a CIHR-funded, multi-year study (Espinet, Motz, Jeong, Jenkins, & Pepler, 2016). Data were obtained from clients’ charts, which include: referral forms, mother and child intake forms, progress notes, medical notes, correspondence, addiction counselling notes, mother-child interactional support notes, clinical team review notes, child de- velopmental assessment measures and reports, and service ending forms. Clients differed in their use of services and their length of involvement with BTC; therefore, available information varied slightly across participants. The study was approved by York Uni- versity’s Ethics Review Board (Approval #: STU2018-134).

To establish the cumulative risk factor score, risk elements were extracted from clients’ charts based on prior measures, including: 1) items from a cumulative risk measure utilized in prior BTC research, 2) measures used clinically at BTC to assess maternal mental health, addiction, and parenting capacity, 3) a measure utilized in studies on adverse childhood experiences, and 4) the Diagnostic Classification of Mental Health and Developmental Disorders of Infancy and Early Childhood, specifically Axis IV on Psychosocial Stressors (Anda et al., 2006; Mothander, 2016; Motz et al., 2011). A cumulative protective factor score was then established based on: 1) existing early intervention components of services at BTC, 2) clinical measures assessing maternal mental health, addiction, and parenting capacity, and 3) known protective factors outlined in the literature. The cumulative risk and cumulative protective factor scores were categorized by domains based on Hosman et al.’ (2009) theoretical model, which was selected based on our clinical understanding of these substance-exposed children undergoing intervention (Fig. 1). Specifically, the following domains of both risk and protective factors were assessed: mother, secondary parent, family, pregnancy, birth, child, parent-child interactions, social networks, and professional services.

3.4. Total and cross-domain cumulative risk and cumulative protection scores

Each risk element was coded dichotomously, with exposure = 1 and no exposure = 0. Risk assignment was accomplished with statistical criteria (e.g., upper quartile of risk exposure = 1; all others = 0) or based on a priori theoretical and conceptual cate- gorization (e.g., being below the poverty line, single parenthood) and pre-existing clinical classifications on the clinical measures used at BTC (e.g., clinically significant anxiety), when appropriate. Similarly, each protective element was coded dichotomously, with exposure = 1 and no exposure = 0. Again, assignment was accomplished with statistical criteria (e.g., lower quartile of risk exposure = 1; all others = 0) or based on a priori theoretical and conceptual categorization (e.g., accessing early intervention services), when appropriate. The sum of the dichotomous elements within each domain was calculated to yield domain-specific cumulative risk and protective factor scores. Total cumulative risk and cumulative protective factor scores were computed by adding the scores across each domain for each child within the three sibling groups. These total scores were converted into percentages to ensure that the denominator was dependent on the number of applicable items per child, with unknown elements removed.

Domain-specific cumulative risk and protective factor scores were also converted to percentages to ensure that the denominator reflected the number of applicable items per domain, with unknown elements removed (see Fig. 2). As an example: in a domain with 7 factors, an individual was coded as having risk exposure on 3 factors and unknown on 2 factors. Using the formula 3/(7−2) results in a domain risk percentage score of 0.60, or 60 %. Domain-specific cumulative risk and protective factor percentages > 25 % were considered clinically significant. Thus, in the example above, the individual would be classified as having clinically significant risk in that domain. The number of clinically significant domains of risk and protection (Fig. 3A) were also subtracted to quantify the balance between cross-domain cumulative risk and protection, with positive numbers (highlighted) indicating more risk domains relative to protection domains (i.e., Net Risk Score; Fig. 3B)

4. Results

Comprehensive, domain-specific, clinically and theoretically grounded cumulative risk and protective factor measures were es- tablished (see Bondi, Pepler, Motz, & Andrews, 2020c). These scores were used to conceptualize the histories of risk experienced by children in the three focal families, both across and within the sibling groups. Additionally, these scores highlighted the protective factors experienced by each child to help promote resilience and healthy development.

4.1. Cross-family comparison of cumulative risk and protection scores

The cross-domain and total cumulative risk and protective factor percentages for each child in the three sibling groups are outlined in Table 1. An overview of the total cumulative risk and protective factor percentages for each child is shown in Fig. 4, indicating the children with the highest and lowest cumulative risk and protection, both within and between the sibling groups.

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Family B had the highest total cumulative risk percentages, particularly B1 and B2 who had notably higher total percentages compared to B3 and B4. Relative to family B, family A and family C had lower total cumulative risk percentages, with fairly stable total percentages found within and between these two sibling groups. Family B also had the highest total cumulative protection percentages, with consistent total percentages within the sibling group. Relative to family B, family A had slightly lower total cumulative protection percentages; however, there was discrepancy within this sibling group, with A2 having a notably higher total percentage relative to A1. Family C had the lowest total cumulative protection percentages, with consistent total percentages within the sibling group. Notably, even within sibling groups, children had differing domains of risk and protection given the changing circumstances across their family’s involvement at BTC.

Fig. 2. Calculating Cross-Domain Cumulative Risk and Protection Percentage.

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4.2. Child-specific description of cumulative risk and protection scores

4.2.1. Family A A1 and A2 both had high cumulative risk scores in the maternal, other parental figure, and family domains (see Table 1, Fig. 3A).

Relative to these domains, A1 and A2 had slightly lower cumulative risk scores in the pre-natal/pregnancy, birth/post-natal, child, and parent-child interaction domains, despite differing degrees of cumulative risk between A1 and A2. A1 and A2 both had low cumulative risk scores in the social network/professional services domain. A1 and A2 both had high cumulative protection scores in the child and social network/professional services domains; relative to these domains, both children had lower cumulative protection scores in the maternal and family domains. A1 and A2 had differing degrees of cumulative protection in the pre-natal/pregnancy and parent-child interaction domains. Both A1 and A2 had low cumulative protection scores in the other parental figure and birth/post- natal domains.

4.2.2. Family B B1, B2, B3, and B4 all had high cumulative risk scores in the maternal and other parental figure domains; relative to these

domains, they had slightly lower cumulative risk scores in the family and pre-natal/pregnancy domains (Table 1, Fig. 3A). B1, B2, B3, and B4 had differing degrees of cumulative risk in the birth/post-natal, child, and parent-child interaction domains. B1, B2, B3, and B4 all had low cumulative risk scores in the social network/professional services domain. B1, B2, B3, and B4 all had high cumulative protection scores in the maternal, other parental figure, child, and social network/professional services domains; relative to these domains, they had slightly lower levels of cumulative protection in the family and parent-child interaction domains. B1, B2, B3, and B4 all had low cumulative protection scores in the pre-natal/pregnancy and birth/post-natal domains.

Fig. 3. Cross-Domain Cumulative Risk and Protection Panel A: Clinically Significant Cumulative Risk and Protection Domains; Panel B: Net Risk Score.

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Table 1 Cross-Family Comparison of Cumulative Risk and Protective Factor Scores.

Domain/Factor n(%)

Family A Family B Family C

A1 A2 B1 B2 B3 B4 C1 C2

PARENT - MOTHER Cumulative Risk (n = 20) 11(55) 11(55) 9(45) 9(45) 9(45) 9(45) 8(42)a 8(42)a

Cumulative Protective (n = 18) 4(22) 4(22) 11(61) 11(61) 11(61) 11(61) 8(44) 8(44) PARENT - OTHER Cumulative Risk (n = 6) 3(50) 4(67) 3(50) 3(50) 3(50) 3(50) 3(50) 3(50) Cumulative Protective (n = 6) 0(0) 0(0) 3(50) 3(50) 3(50) 3(50) 0(0) 0(0) FAMILY Cumulative Risk (n = 25) 14(56) 10(40) 8(32) 8(32) 8(32) 8(32) 12(48) 11(44) Cumulative Protective (n = 7) 2(29) 2(29) 1(14) 1(14) 1(14) 1(14) 0(0) 0(0) PRE-NATAL/PREGNANCY Cumulative Risk (n = 27) 1(4) 10(37) 8(30) 8(30) 9(33) 9(33) 7(26) 3(11) Cumulative Protective (n = 2) 0(0) 1(50) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) BIRTH/POST-NATAL Cumulative Risk (n = 22) 1(5) 4(18) 8(36) 8(36) 2(9) 3(14) 0(0)a 0(0) Cumulative Protective (n = 1) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) CHILD Cumulative Risk (n = 31) 5(16) 1(3) 7(23) 10(32) 7(23) 5(16) 9(29) 7(23) Cumulative Protective (n = 8) 4(50) 5(63) 6(75) 6(75) 5(63) 6(75) 4(50) 7(88) PARENT-CHILD INTERACTION Cumulative Risk (n = 15) 3(20) 0(0)a 3(20) 6(40) 3(20) 5(33) 2(13) 3(20) Cumulative Protective (n = 15) 4(27) 7(47)a 3(20) 3(20) 3(20) 3(20) 2(13) 1(7) SOCIAL NETWORK/ PROFESSIONAL CARE/SERVICES Cumulative Risk (n = 3) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) Cumulative Protective (n = 5) 2(40) 2(40) 3(60) 3(60) 3(60) 3(60) 2(40) 2(40) TOTAL Cumulative Risk (n = 149) 38(26) 40(27)a 46(31) 52(35) 41(28) 42(28) 41(29)a 35(24)a

Cumulative Protective (n = 62) 16(26) 22(37)a 27(44) 27(44) 26(42) 27(44) 16(26) 18(29)

a Adjusted denominator due to removed unknown factors.

Fig. 4. Total Cumulative Risk and Protection Percentage.

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4.2.3. Family C C1 and C2 both had high cumulative risk scores in the maternal, other parental figure, and family domains; relative to these

domains, C1 and C2 had slightly lower cumulative risk scores in the child domain (Table 1, Fig. 3A). C1 and C2 had differing degrees of cumulative risk in the pre-natal/pregnancy and parent-child interaction domains. Both C1 and C2 had low cumulative risk scores in the birth/post-natal and social network/professional services domains. Both C1 and C2 had their highest cumulative protection score in the child domain, despite differing degrees of cumulative protection. Both C1 and C2 had high cumulative protection scores in the maternal and social network/professional services domains; relative to these domains, C1 and C2 had lower cumulative protection scores in the parent-child interaction domains, despite differing degrees of cumulative protection between C1 and C2. C1 and C2 both had low cumulative protection scores in the other parental figure, family, pre-natal/pregnancy, and birth/post-natal domains.

4.3. Balance between domains of cumulative risk and protection

The domains with clinically significant percentages of cumulative risk and/or protection for each child are displayed in Fig. 3A, as well as a quantitative depiction of the number of clinically significant domains of risk relative to protection (i.e., Net Risk Score; Fig. 3B). Four children, namely B1, B2, B4, and C1, experienced more significant risk domains relative to significant protection domains (i.e., highlighted Net Risk Scores in Fig. 3B). All eight children showed clinically significant levels of risk across the mother, other parental figure, and family domains; however, their scores differed across the other domains. The six children who had clinically significant levels of risk in the pre-natal/pregnancy domain were also exposed to substances prenatally, whereas the two children who did not show clinically significant levels of risk in this domain did not have substance exposure. The four children who experienced more significant risk domains relative to significant protection domains, were also the only children who showed sig- nificant levels of risk in the birth/post-natal, child, and parent-child interaction domains. The children in family A were the only children who had clinically significant levels of protection within the family and parent-child interaction domains.

5. Discussion

Within this study, cumulative risk and protective factor measures were established with domains relevant to neurodevelopment in substance-exposed children accessing a child maltreatment prevention and early intervention program. The case study approach in developing the measures enabled an in-depth and clinically grounded analysis of each child and family’s situation. This theoretically grounded domain-specific conceptualization of risk and protective factors facilitated the consideration of both intra- and inter- domain risk and protection within and between three sibling groups. The patterns that emerged indicate the importance of estab- lishing cumulative risk and protection scores: 1) with clinical and theoretical grounding, 2) across domains, and 3) with consideration of cumulative protection in addition to risk.

5.1. Clinically and theoretically grounded cumulative risk and protection

Although cumulative risk and protection measures are often established for use with clinical populations, they are not typically established within the context of clinical and community settings. Notably, in the current study, cumulative risk and protection measures were grounded within a clinical setting that serves the focal population. Another limitation in previous studies using established cumulative risk and protection measures is the lack of theoretical foundation in determining which factors to include in the measures (Evans et al., 2013). In general, key risk factors for the outcome of interest are included in research, as well as risk factors related to proximal processes and salient mediating processes. Additionally, the degree of stability in what constitutes a risk or protective factor may differ across samples, with concerns for the generalizability of the operational definitions for risk and pro- tection (Evans et al., 2013). Given the limited research on measures of cumulative risk and protection for children exposed prenatally to substances, it was essential to take a clinically grounded approach in establishing the cumulative risk and protection measures for children at BTC. Further, given the highly vulnerable population at BTC, the established cumulative risk and protection measures are comprehensive measures applicable for use with lower-risk populations.

The cumulative risk and protection scores were theoretically grounded using the Developmental Model of Transgenerational Transmission of Psychopathology (Hosman et al., 2009; Fig. 1). Our clinical understanding of the clinical profiles of risk and pro- tection that are incorporated into case formulation at BTC was essential in selecting this model and in delineating the salient domains of risk and protection for children exposed prenatally to substances and accessing a child maltreatment prevention and early in- tervention program. This clinically and theoretically grounded approach aided us in identifying the specific factors to incorporate into each domain in these measures. Therefore, although recent literature has outlined the need to establish theoretically grounded cumulative risk and protection measures, the results of this study emphasize the importance of first grounding the research clinically, and using that knowledge to aid in selecting an appropriate theoretical model, as well as relevant domains and factors to be included. Our clinically grounded approach to establishing cumulative risk and protection measures, in addition to ensuring that the measures aligned with clinical case formulation at BTC, also ensured that the completed measures provided clinically accurate scores for each child. In the present study, we attempted to overcome shortcomings in the cumulative risk and protection research, including a lack of information on: contextual factors, risk and protective factor intensity, and the degree of risk and protective factor exposure (Evans et al., 2013; Lima, Caughy, Nettles, & O’Campo, 2010). The present research supports the need to establish cumulative risk and protection measures within a clinically and theoretically grounded framework that is unique to the focal population prior to use in

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larger samples.

5.2. Cross-domain cumulative risk and protection

In the field of cumulative risk, there has been a recent shift towards classifying singular risk factors into domains, given that risk exposure across multiple domains presents more challenging adaptive demands on children relative to intense but concentrated intra- domain risk exposure (Ackerman et al., 1999; Brennan et al., 2003; Evans et al., 2013; Whipple et al., 2010). Limited work has taken domain-specific protective factors into consideration, despite findings that prevention and early intervention services across various domains (i.e., mother and child) can promote optimal child development (Andrews et al., 2018; Evans et al., 2013). Therefore, in this study, cumulative risk and protection were explored across domains relevant to substance exposed children accessing a child mal- treatment prevention and early intervention program, grounded in a theoretical model (Hosman et al., 2009; Fig. 1). In comparison to the total cumulative risk and protection scores, the cross-domain scores provided a more nuanced understanding of each child’s context, also distinguishing key differences within sibling groups. The cross-domain scores, relative to total scores, also aligned more accurately with each child’s clinical profile. Therefore, understanding the full range of risk and protective factors and domains that a child must contend can aid in implementing individualized maltreatment prevention and early intervention programming.

A cross-domain examination of risk and protection provided insight into baseline levels of risk in this sample of children, given that all eight children showed clinically significant levels of risk across the mother, other parental figure, and family domains. In exploring the differences between clinically significant domains of cumulative risk across all children, the results of this study suggest that ongoing risk in the postnatal environment, specifically within the birth/post-natal, child, and parent-child interaction domains, appears to have more influence on clinical progress relative to risk in the maternal and family history domains. However, given that this study involved mothers in the context of treatment, the influence of maternal risk on clinical progress may be underestimated relative to what would be expected in similar populations without access to treatment. Similarly, clinically significant levels of protection in the family and parent-child interaction domains appeared to be unique aspects of protection in family A that may have contributed to the children’s strong clinical progress. A cross-domain examination of cumulative risk and protection thus enables exploration of unique domains of risk and protection in children with developmental challenges who are growing up in vulnerable families experiencing challenges.

Consistent with the results from the present study, the balance between each sibling group’s context of risk and protection has been found to be linked with clinical progress (Bondi et al., 2020a). Specifically, family B’s high risk exposure, when balanced with high protective factors, contributed to fair, rather than poor, clinical progress (Bondi et al., 2020a). Relative to family B, families A and C had slightly fewer risk exposures alongside notably fewer protective factors; however, families A and C differed substantially in their clinical progress, classified as good and poor, respectively (Bondi et al., 2020a). Family A had slightly more protective factors relative to family C, alongside relatively comparable risk exposure (Bondi et al., 2020a). This balance between risk and protection contributed to family A having better clinical progress relative to family C (Bondi et al., 2020a). Therefore, heightened contexts of risk, in the absence of heightened contexts of protection, can result in notable differences in clinical progress (Bondi et al., 2020a). Further consistent with the present study, such balance between contexts of risk and protection, in addition to early intervention, has been found to impact neurodevelopment (Bondi et al., 2020b). Specifically, children who experienced more significant risk domains relative to significant protection domains demonstrated clinically significant neurodevelopmental deficits during their time at BTC (Bondi et al., 2020b).

5.3. Cumulative protection in addition to risk

Given the potential importance of cumulative protective processes in attenuating the negative effects of cumulative risk, cross- domain cumulative protective factors were also examined within this study (Ackerman et al., 1999; Ostaszewski & Zimmerman, 2006; Spencer, 2005). The results highlight the importance of the balance between the number of clinically significant domains of risk and protection; however, it is also important to consider the balance between overall cumulative risk and protection. The results indicate that heightened levels of cumulative risk, in the absence of heightened levels of cumulative protection, can result in notable differences within sibling groups. Although family B was classified as having the highest overall cumulative risk scores, family B was also classified as having the highest overall cumulative protection scores. This balance between risk and protection may have con- tributed to family B being classified as having fair, rather than poor, clinical progress despite being the highest risk family. Families A and C showed slightly lower levels of cumulative risk alongside notably lower levels of cumulative protection relative to family B; however, families A and C differed substantially in their clinical progress, classified as good and poor progress, respectively. Notably, family A had slightly higher levels of protection relative to family C, alongside relatively comparable levels of risk. This balance between risk and protection may have contributed to family A having better clinical progress relative to family C. These results indicate that clinical progress is linked with the balance between cumulative risk and protection; however, a cross-domain con- sideration is essential for a more nuanced understanding.

Overall, comparisons between sibling groups indicated that the balance between cross-domain levels of cumulative risk and protection can impede or contribute to clinical progress. The common domains found to have significant levels of risk in this sample (i.e., mother, other parental figure, and family) seem to portray the baseline level of risk present within this sample, including maternal risk factors and proximal risk factors within the home environment. The presence of significant risk within the pre-natal/ pregnancy domain for children with substance exposure indicates that the established measure of cumulative risk was able to dis- tinguish prenatal substance exposure histories. Given that the four children who experienced more significant risk than protection

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domains also were the only children with significant levels of risk in the birth/post-natal, child, and parent-child interaction domains, these results suggest that ongoing risk in the postnatal environment may be more substantial compared to maternal or family history risks, or risks within the prenatal period. However, the clinically significant levels of risk within the parent-child interaction domain across all children in this study is likely an underestimation given that many of the factors within this domain were dependent on maternal self-report at entry into BTC programming, rather than clinical reports across each child’s time at BTC. Therefore, the children who showed clinically significant levels of risk in the parent-child interaction domain likely had extreme levels of risk in this domain. Given that family A’s children were the only children with clinically significant levels of protection within the family and parent-child interaction domains, these two domains may be an important aspect of protection, or early intervention, that contributed to family A’s superior clinical progress amongst the three families. Overall, our cross-domain approach to considering cumulative protection in addition to risk has allowed us to delineate salient protective factors that can be incorporated into child maltreatment prevention and early intervention services.

5.4. Strengths and limitations

The major strengths of this study include the clinically and theoretically grounded, and cross-domain consideration of both cumulative risk and protection within a vulnerable sample of children exposed prenatally to substances and accessing child mal- treatment prevention and early intervention services through BTC. The case study approach in developing the measures enabled an in-depth analysis of each child and family’s situation. Despite these strengths, this study is limited by a lack of generalizability. The study involved a small sample of moderate to high risk children embedded within a child maltreatment prevention and early in- tervention program. Specifically, given mothers’ and children’s participation in child maltreatment prevention and early intervention services through BTC, all participants had exposure to protective factors that other families struggling with prenatal substance exposure and concurrent contexts of risks may not. As such, results may not generalize to other clinical and typically developing populations; however, this study has yielded comprehensive cumulative risk and protection measures that are capable of capturing the wide range of risk factors typical in this vulnerable population, and protective factors contextualized within prevention and intervention services. Moreover, this study has opened the door for future research on risk and protective factors with other vul- nerable populations. Additionally, given that maternal disclosure of substance use and risk were obtained through self-report, results may be limited by respondent bias. That is, mothers may have been reticent to disclose substance use and other risks such as family violence and challenging parent-child relationships. Although the BTC clinicians are highly skilled at getting to know a woman and her life history, mothers’ self-reported cumulative risk exposure is likely higher than reported. The potential underestimation of cumulative risk in this sample may impact interpretations of the efficacy of our established measures, as well as the impact of our methodological approach. Despite these limitations, this study offers novel information regarding the establishment of compre- hensive measures of cumulative risk and protection.

5.5. Implications and conclusion

In conclusion, cumulative risk and protective factor measures with domains relevant to substance-exposed sibling groups ac- cessing child maltreatment prevention and early intervention services at BTC were established. This domain-specific con- ceptualization of risk and protective factors facilitated the consideration of intra- and inter-domain risk and protection both within and between sibling groups. The present research highlights the importance of a clinically and theoretically grounded, and cross- domain consideration of both risk and protective processes. The measures of cumulative risk and protection established in this study will inform future quantitative research validating these measures in larger samples of children at BTC or other similar programs. Overall, this study provides evidence and direction for future research that can enhance understanding of the risk and protective profiles of children exposed prenatally to substances and at risk for child maltreatment and neglect, when they are able to access services such as BTC. The present research also enhances understanding of how risk and protective processes interact, and points to domains of risk and protection that may be most salient in this population.

In delineating profiles of risk and protection, these findings and future research can begin to inform evidence-based child mal- treatment prevention and early interventions that: 1) serve children identified as having high-risk profiles, 2) address the full range of risk factors impacting child development, 3) provide individualized interventions for children that are specific to vulnerable risk domains, and 4) incorporate the most effective protective factors into practice. Overall, this research contributes to enhancing the clinical services for this highly vulnerable population of children exposed prenatally to substances and at risk for child maltreatment and neglect. Providing individualized, client-centered maltreatment prevention and early intervention can be an important step to improve these children’s development and reduce the social and economic costs for society.

Authorship statement

All authors contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation, data collection and analysis were performed by Bianca Bondi. The first draft of the manuscript was written by Bianca Bondi and all authors commented on previous versions of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Ethical approval

All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institu- tional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards.

Informed consent

Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

Funding

This work was supported by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (grant number 77757) and the Lillian Meighen and Don Wright Foundation. The funding sources had no involvement in the preparation of this manuscript.

Declarations of Competing Interest

None.

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  • Establishing clinically and theoretically grounded cross-domain cumulative risk and protection scores in sibling groups exposed prenatally to substances
    • Introduction
      • Cumulative risk factors
        • Cross-domain risk factors
      • Cumulative protective factors
        • Cross-domain protective factors
      • Identifying risk and protective domains: a clinically and theoretically grounded approach
    • Current study
    • Material and method
      • Study design and setting
      • Sample characteristics
      • Study design and development of cross-domain cumulative risk and protective factor scales
      • Total and cross-domain cumulative risk and cumulative protection scores
    • Results
      • Cross-family comparison of cumulative risk and protection scores
      • Child-specific description of cumulative risk and protection scores
        • Family A
        • Family B
        • Family C
      • Balance between domains of cumulative risk and protection
    • Discussion
      • Clinically and theoretically grounded cumulative risk and protection
      • Cross-domain cumulative risk and protection
      • Cumulative protection in addition to risk
      • Strengths and limitations
      • Implications and conclusion
    • Authorship statement
    • Ethical approval
    • Informed consent
    • Funding
    • Declarations of Competing Interest
    • References

Predictors-of-remaining-in-foster-care-after-age-18-y_2020_Child-Abuse---Neg.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Predictors of remaining in foster care after age 18 years old Sunggeun Park (Ethan)a,*, Nathanael J. Okpychb, Mark E. Courtneyc a University of Michigan, United States b University of Connecticut, United States c University of Chicago, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Foster care Extended foster care Foster youth Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act of 2008

A B S T R A C T

Background: The Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act of 2008 created the option for U.S. states to extend the foster care age limit up to the 21 st birthday. The law provides foster youth extra protections while they transition to adulthood. Objective: To inform states’ efforts to better design and implement extended foster care (EFC), we examine the impact of the policy change on length of EFC stay and factors associated with youth’s time in EFC. Participants and setting: We use two samples of foster youth in California that extended the foster care age limit to 21 in 2012: 37,827 youths who turned 18 between the years 2008 and 2014 and 711 youths who participated in an interview-based panel study. Methods: Leveraging California’s child welfare administrative data and California Youth Transitions to Adulthood Study's (CalYOUTH) survey data, we investigated predictors of months youths remained in EFC with linear regression and Cox proportional hazard regression. Results: Almost half of youth eligible for EFC remained in care until their 21 st birthday. These cohorts stayed in foster care up to 16 months longer (p < .001) than previous cohorts without an EFC option. Multiple individual factors were associated with youths’ length of stay in EFC. However, a youth’s county of placement made a greater difference on their time in EFC—up to 16 months (p < .05). Conclusions: Our findings underscore the importance that placement location has on how long youth remain in EFC, and expands our understanding of how county and state context shape EFC participation.

1. Introduction

One of the most fundamental changes in recent child welfare policy in the United States is the extension of the foster care age limit, which had been in place since federally funded foster care was established in 1961 (Courtney, 2009). Beginning in 2010, the Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act of 2008 (Fostering Connections Act) gave states the option to extend the age limit of foster care from 18 up to age 21 years old. This law was perceived to be an important step to improve the troubling outcomes observed among older adolescents transitioning from foster care to adulthood (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2017).

While the option for extended foster care (EFC) is a promising breakthrough, little is known about the overall level of partici- pation in EFC and the characteristics of youth who remain in EFC. Better understanding of the utilization of EFC is important for

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104629 Received 22 October 2019; Received in revised form 26 June 2020; Accepted 9 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: 1080 S University Ave, Ann Arbor, MI 48109, United States. E-mail address: [email protected] (S. Park).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104629

Available online 18 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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several reasons. Policymakers and program managers need to anticipate the overall level of EFC utilization to anticipate its costs. Child welfare administrators and service providers need to understand the characteristics of the youth most likely to remain in EFC to design services that best meet the needs of the population in EFC. Lastly, scrutiny of the factors associated with participation in EFC can help identify inequities in access to services, including whether there are subpopulations of youth who spend less time in EFC than their peers (Courtney, Hook, & Lee, 2010). To remain in foster care after age 18 years old, the Fostering Connections Act requires the youth to be completing secondary education (or the equivalent credential), enrolled in postsecondary or vocational school, employed for at least 80 hours per month, participating in a program or activity designed to promote or remove barriers to em- ployment, or incapable of satisfying the education and/or employment requirements due to a medical condition (P.L. 110−351. Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act of 2008). Because an inability to meet the eligibility requirements can result in early exit from care, identifying youth who may have a tougher time satisfying these requirements is an important priority for addressing inequities.

1.1. Previous studies of individual and system-level factors associated with EFC stay

Although several studies have examined exits from foster care at age 18 years old prior to Fostering Connections (Courtney & Barth, 1996; Dworsky & Courtney, 2001; McMillen & Tucker, 1999; Mendel, 2000; Nixon & Jones, 2000), little research has in- vestigated factors associated with youths’ likelihood of participating in EFC. Three early studies examined predictors of EFC parti- cipation in states that had extended the foster care age limit prior to the enactment of the Fostering Connections Act, including a study in Missouri (McCoy, McMillen, & Spitznagel, 2008) and two studies in Illinois (Peters, Claussen Bell, Zinn, Goerge, & Courtney, 2008; Peters, 2012). One study found differences by race, with non-White youth spending more time in care than White youth (McCoy et al., 2008). Two studies found that females were more likely than males to remain in EFC (McCoy et al., 2008; Peters, 2012). Some background factors [e.g., a history of juvenile justice involvement, frequent alcohol use in the past six months, foster care placement instability, and exiting to adoption or reunification (vs. youth living in a non-kin foster home)] were also found to predict youth spending less time in care past their 18th birthday (McCoy et al., 2008).

An important finding from these early studies is the presence of regional differences in rates of participation and time spent in extended care (McCoy et al., 2008; Peters et al., 2008; Peters, 2012). One study showed that youths’ likelihood of staying in extended care was associated with professionals’ and youths’ awareness and understanding of laws surrounding the youths’ right to participate in extended care, availability of attractive placements and useful resources in the county, and youth having strong connections to adults associated with the system (e.g., caseworker, foster parent) (Peters et al., 2008). In terms of juvenile dependency court characteristics, judges’ attitudes and practices around extended care and vigilant court advocacy by youths’ designated guardian ad litem played instrumental roles in the decision of whether youths’ dependency case remained open or not after age 18 years old (Peters et al., 2008).

In addition to these three studies, a more recent study investigated factors associated with EFC after the Fostering Connections Act was enacted. Eastman and collegues (2017) included a sample of California foster youth who had been in child welfare-supervised foster care at age 17 years old between 2003 and 2012 (n = 64,724). The authors found that the implementation of California’s EFC law in 2012 had a pronounced effect on the proportion of youth remaining in care past age 18 years old. Results showed that younger age of entry for the current foster care episode, experiencing a high number of foster care placements, and history of certain types of maltreatment (e.g., emotional abuse) increased the expected likelihood of remaining in care until age 19 years old. Finally, current placement type was associated with the likelihood of remaining in care (e.g., youth in nonrelative foster homes were more likely than youth in relative foster homes to remain in care until age 19).

These four studies point to important individual- and system-level factors associated with participation in EFC, but several limitations need to be acknowledged. Three of the studies were conducted before the Fostering Connections Act, and the national policy context has fundamentally changed since then. The fourth study was conducted after Fostering Connections was enacted, but a few of the study features limit the findings (Eastman et al., 2017). First, the study only examined extended care up to age 19 years old, but as indicated below, considerable variation occurs after age 19 years old. Second, although county variation in length of stay in care was controlled for with indicators for each county, it was not a substantive variable to be explored. Third, measures of behavior problems and past involvement in the juvenile justice system were not investigated as predictors (e.g., placement type at age 18 years old, number of placements), despite prior research indicating that externalizing behavior problems significantly decrease months spent in EFC (McCoy et al., 2008). Lastly, the administrative data used in the prior study are limited in the scope and types of youth characteristics that can be included in predictive models.

The current study attempts to address limitations of previous studies by using two sources of data from one of the most extensive ongoing evaluations of EFC. The first data source includes a large sample drawn from state child welfare administrative data, and the second data source includes a panel of foster youth participating in a longitudinal study. These data sources allow us to examine length of EFC stay all the way up to age 21 in the post-Fostering Connections Act era. Between-county variation is examined as a predictor of interest rather than a statistical control. Both data sources include measures of behavioral health problems and criminal justice involvement, and furthermore, the longitudinal study investigates a wide range of additional predictors that may shed light on disparities in time spent in EFC. This paper seeks to build on the existing literature with an analysis of trends in EFC participation over time and an investigation of factors that are associated with how long foster youth remain in EFC.

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2. Methods

2.1. Data and sample

The study was conducted in California, one of the early adopters of EFC. The California Fostering Connections to Success Act or Assembly Bill 12 (AB12) was signed into law in 2012, allowing youths who (1) turned 18 after January 1st, 2012, (2) were in foster care on their 18th birthday, and (3) satisfied the education, employment, and medical condition requirements articulated in the Fostering Connections Act to be eligible for EFC until their 21 st birthday. California is an important place to study EFC due to its large foster care population. Also, California operates a state-supervised county-administered child welfare system, which generally allows for more local variation in service delivery, facilitating examination of how variation in local context influences service delivery. The California Youth Transitions to Adulthood Study (CalYOUTH) is a multiyear study charged with evaluating the impact of California’s EFC program on youth outcomes. The current study uses two primary data sources: state administrative data from the California Department of Social Services and baseline survey data from a longitudinal panel study of older youth in foster care in California. With different sample sizes and scopes of information, the two data sources complement each other. The administrative data include multiple cohorts of foster youth who reached age 18 years old before and after California’s EFC law came into effect. This enables us to estimate the impact of the law on length of stay in care by comparing youths who turned 18 before the law went into effect to those who came of age after that, and the large sample size allows us to identify small effects with greater statistical power than is afforded by the youth survey sample. Although the sample size is smaller and only includes post-EFC era youth, the long- itudinal panel study captures rich information on foster youths’ characteristics. This information can be used to identify subgroup differences in length of EFC stay. Combined, the two datasets facilitate a more comprehensive analysis of the impact of the policy change on EFC stay length.

2.1.1. State administrative data and sample The state child welfare administrative data provide information on foster youths’ demographic characteristics, foster care history,

substantiated maltreatment allegations, and disabilities. The administrative data sample includes young people in foster care before and after the passage of the state’s EFC law, AB12. We used the records of 37,827 youths (“administrative data sample”) who were in California foster care between ages 16 and 18 years old, who had been in care for at least 180 days, and who had turned 18 between the years 2008 and 2014 (including 6,492 in 2008; 6,197 in 2009; 5,718 in 2010; 5,353 in 2011; 5,017 in 2012; 4,578 in 2013; and 4,472 in 2014). To match the sampling frame of the longitudinal youth study described below, we excluded youths who were placed in foster care through probation department only, who left care before 16.75 years of age, or were recorded in state administrative data as having a developmental disability.

2.1.2. Longitudinal panel study data and sample The longitudinal panel study includes multiple waves of in-person interviews conducted with a representative sample of several

hundred adolescents in California foster care. This paper used the data from the baseline survey, which was conducted between March and December 2013 when most participants were 17 years old. Compared to the administrative data, the longitudinal study captured data on a much wider range of areas of functioning such as individual and family background, education and employment, social support, physical and mental health, and youths’ experience in foster care. The study was approved by institutional review boards of the University of Chicago IRB and the California Department of Social Services IRB.

Eligible participants included youth who were under the supervision of a county child welfare agency, who had been in care for more than 180 days, and who were between 16.75 and 17.75 years of age at the time of the sample draw in December 2012. In total, 2,583 youths met the study eligibility criteria. To maximize the number of counties represented in the study, we used a stratified random sampling procedure to select a sample of 880 youths from 51 counties in California (for more information, see Courtney, Charles, Okpych, Napolitano, & Halsted, 2014). Of the 880 youths originally selected into the sample, 117 youths were deemed ineligible for the study during the field interview period (e.g., had returned home, had moved out of state, etc.). Out of the 763 eligible youths, in-person interviews were completed with 727 young people (response rate = 95.3%) (Courtney, Charles, Okpych, Napolitano, & Halsted, 2014). For the present analysis we used information on 711 youths. The analysis excluded twelve youths who completed the baseline survey but did not grant CalYOUTH access to their administrative data, three youths whose administrative data were not available, and one youth who became deceased prior to their 21 st birthday.

2.2. Dependent variable

The number of (30-day) months youths remained in EFC is the dependent variable of the current study. This is a continuous measure of the number of months a youth was in care between their 18th birthday and 21st birthday (range 0.0–36.0 months), calculated from administrative data records. For youth who left care after age 18 years old and then later re-entered care, only the months they were in foster care were counted toward their EFC month total. Youth who exited foster care before their 18th birthday were assigned zero months in EFC.

2.3. Independent variables

For the analyses using the administrative data sample, we examined several groups of youth attributes (e.g., demographics, foster

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care history, substantiated maltreatment history, and health and risk factors) from state administrative records. For the analysis using the longitudinal study sample, we used self-reported information gathered from CalYOUTH's baseline interview (Courtney, Charles, Okpych, Napolitano, & Halsted, 2014) and the state administrative records as explanatory variables. Some variables in the long- itudinal study were created from child welfare administrative data, including information on youths’ foster care history and last placement county before age 18 years old. Table 1 describes the independent variables included in our analyses.

2.4. Analytic approach

We first report descriptive statistics of variables used in this study. For the longitudinal study sample, we weighted means and standard deviations using survey weights to maintain representativeness of the target population.

Our first analysis examines the impact of California’s policy change on the number of years youth stayed in foster care past their 18th birthday. This analysis is conducted with the administrative data sample, and uses the year youth turned age 18 years old as the primary explanatory variable. A univariate Cox proportional hazard regression and multivariable linear regression with robust standard errors were used for this analysis.

Our second analysis identifies factors that are associated with the amount of time youth spent in EFC. We conducted two re- gression analyses, one using the administrative data sample and the other using the longitudinal study sample. These analyses included only youth who reached the age of majority after the California’s EFC policy change (i.e., youths turned age 18 years old after January 1st, 2012). In the administrative data sample, this includes 14,067 youths who turned age 18 years old between January 1st, 2012 and December 31 st 2014. In the longitudinal study sample, all 711 youths had reached the age of majority after the implementation of the state policy and were included in the analysis. Multivariable linear regression with robust standard errors was used for these two analyses.

Given that many youths left care before age 18 years old and were coded as zero on our dependent variable, we ran Tobit regression models as a robustness check, which produced results substantively the same as those found in the linear regression analyses. Multiple imputation by chained equations was conducted to address missing data in the youth survey dataset. Approximately 29 percent of the longitudinal study sample had at least one missing value, which mostly stemmed from the self- reported sexual and physical maltreatment items. Following a general guideline for multiple imputation (Sterne et al., 2009), 30 imputed datasets were created and analyzed.

3. Results

3.1. Descriptive statistics

Descriptive statistics for the administrative data sample show that the average length of EFC stay significantly increased after the implementation of the extended care law (see Table 2). On average, youth who turned 18 in the years between 2008 and 2010 (pre- EFC cohorts) stayed in care for about four months after their 18th birthday. The average number of months in care after the 18th birthday increased up to 19 months among EFC-era cohorts. However, the EFC-era group includes youth who turned age 18 years old in 2011, the so-called “gap youth” because of a gap in extended care coverage written in to the California’s initial extended care legislation. These youth were eligible for EFC under the original law, but upon turning 19 years old in 2012 (i.e., their 19th birthday) they lost EFC eligibility due to a phased-in approach of increasing the age limit. They could re-enter foster care on January 1st 2013 until they turned 20 (i.e., their 20th birthday). As foster care placements are a share of state/county and federal funding, many counties did not utilize their own funding to keep gap youths (no longer eligible for the federal share) in care (Courtney, Dworsky, & Napolitano, 2013). Although the policy was later amended to fix this funding gap, it is clear that the average EFC stay was lower for these youths than for subsequent cohorts. The full impact of the policy change can be observed in later cohorts who turned 18 in 2012 and beyond. These youth stayed in extended care for approximately 19 months, an almost 15-month increase compared to youth who turned 18 before 2011. Youth in the longitudinal study sample stayed in EFC for an average of 26 months after their 18th birthday.

In both data sets, most youth were female and about 40 % were Hispanic. Although the figures vary slightly between the two datasets, approximately half of the youth entered the foster care system before age 10 years old, and treatment foster care and relative foster family homes were the most common placement types that youth spend most of their time in. About 26 % of the administrative sample was reported to have a physical disability and 40 % were reported to have a behavioral health problem. The longitudinal study survey captured a wide range of additional information on the youth. About one-quarter of the longitudinal study sample reported they were not “100 % heterosexual” and 5% were born outside of the U.S. A significant proportion (20 %) of youth reported a history of pregnancy (or impregnated female) and 7% were parents at the time of the baseline interview. Youth reported a stan- dardized Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT)(Wilkinson and Robertson, 2006) score of 89.4, which is about two-thirds of a standard deviation below the age-level norm, and more than a third had ever repeated a grade. On average, youth nominated 3.7 distinct people who they said offered them emotional support, guidance/advice, and/or tangible support.

3.2. Impact of the California Fostering Connections to Success Act or Assembly Bill 12 (AB12) on youths’ EFC stay length: Administrative data sample

The Kaplan-Meier survival estimates are shown in Fig. 1. This figure displays the expected proportions of youth still in care after 18th birthday, between the ages of 18–21 (or 0–36 months). Youth were grouped into cohorts based on the year in which they turned

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Table 1 List of independent variables included in regression analysis.

Variables Description Included in admin. data sample analysis

Included in panel study sample analysis

Demographics Gender (Male) Binary variable of youth’s gender (0=female, 1=male) Yes Yes Race/Ethnicity Categorical variable of youth’s race/ethnicity (White, Black, Hispanic,

Asian/Pacific Islander/Native American, Multi-racial) Yes Yes

Cohort Categorical variable indicating the year youth turned 18 Yes Age at wave 1 interview Continuous variable of the age of the youth at the baseline interview Yes Born in the U.S. Binary variable of youth’s U.S. nativity status Yes Not 100 % Heterosexual Binary variable indicating whether youth identified their sexual

orientation as 100 % heterosexual or another sexual orientation Yes

Foster care history Age of foster care system entry Categorical variable of youth’s age when they first entered the foster

care (birth to 10 years old, 10−14 years old, 14−16 years old, 16−18 years old)

Yes Yes

Main placement type before age 18 Categorical variable of the placement type youth spent the most time in foster care until age 18 (non-relative foster family home, relative foster family home, treatment foster care (FFA home), group care, other)

Yes Yes

Number of placement change per year

Continuous variable of the average number of foster care placements per year the youth was in care until 18th birthday

Yes Yes

Satisfaction in the FC system experience

Categorical variable indicating youth’s self-reported satisfaction in the foster care system experience (not satisfied, neutral, satisfied)

Yes

Last placement county County youth was last placed before or on their 18th birthday. Thirty counties with the smallest foster care populations (approximately 2,300 youths in total across the entire study period, or 6.2% of the administrative sample) were grouped into a “small counties” category. Indicator variables were created for the remaining counties.

Yes Yes

Substantiated maltreatment Sexual abuse Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of sexual abuse Yes

Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of sexual abuse in the administrative data or if the youth reported sexual abuse experience in the youth survey

Yes

Physical abuse Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of physical abuse

Yes

Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of physical abuse in the administrative data or if the youth reported physical abuse experience in the youth survey

Yes

Severe neglect Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of severe neglect

Yes

Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of severe neglect/neglect in the administrative data or if the youth reported neglect experience in the youth survey

Yes

Neglect Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of neglect Yes Emotional abuse Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of emotional

abuse Yes

Other abuse Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of other abuse Yes Emotional and Other abuse Binary variable of if the youth has a substantiated case of emotional

abuse or another type of abuse (from administrative records) Yes

Health and risk factors Physical disability Binary variable of whether the youth have any vision hearing and

other physical disability, reported by the youth’s child welfare worker (s)

Yes

Behavioral health problem Binary variable of whether the youth ever had a history of mental health and/or substance use disorder problems, reported by the youth’s child welfare worker(s)

Yes

Probation history Binary variable of whether the youth was ever supervised by the probation department/officer

Yes

Health status Categorical variable of youth’s self-appraisal of their general health condition (poor/fair, good, very good, excellent)

Yes

Mental health issue Binary variable indicating whether the youth screened positive for selected mental health disorders (i.e., major depressive episode, dysthymia, mania, social phobia, obsessive compulsive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, conduct disorder, and symptoms of psychotic thinking.) using the Mini International Neuropsychiatric Interview for Children and Adolescents (MINI-KID) (Sheehan et al., 2010).

Yes

Substance use disorder issue Yes

(continued on next page)

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age 18 (e.g., youth with an 18th birthday in 2010 were in the 2010 cohort). Each cohort is represented by a separate line, including pre-EFC era youth (solid gray lines), “gap youth” (dashed gray line), and post-EFC era youth (solid black lines).

As seen in Fig. 1, all cohorts of youth who turned 18 in the pre-EFC era (cohorts 2008, 2009, and 2010) exhibited similar patterns of exit from care. Youth left care at a fairly stable rate until their 19th birthday. At age 19 years old, about 20 % of pre-EFC era youth were in care, and at this point they all exited care. Youth in the EFC cohorts (youth turned 18 in 2012, 2013, and 2014) also exhibited similar patterns of exit to each other, but their pattern of exit differed markedly from that of earlier cohorts. Post-EFC era youth left care at a steady but lower rate than earlier cohorts and almost half of them remained in care for 36 months (or until their 21 st birthday).1 The gap youth cohort had a distinctive pattern that differed from the Pre-EFC era cohorts and post-EFC era cohorts, likely reflecting the policy change that removed the phased-in age limit extension.

The regression analysis confirms the impact of the extended care law on youths’ average length of stay in EFC that is displayed in Fig. 1, even after controlling for multiple individual- and system-level factors (see Table 3). Youth who turned age 18 years old in 2008–2010 had similar average lengths of stay after their 18th birthdays. In contrast, gap youth spent an estimated 6 months longer in care than the pre-EFC cohorts. Youth in the EFC-era spent an estimated 14–16 months longer in care after their 18th birthdays than did those in the pre-EFC period. It is worth noting that the cohort variable explained a significant proportion of variation in EFC length of stay. Compared to a separate model with only individual- and county-level variables, the R-squared value increased almost fivefold when the cohort variable was added to the model (from 0.07 to 0.33).

3.3. Factors associated with youth’s EFC stay length: Administrative data sample

The second set of regression analyses examines factors that are associated with months in EFC among youth who reached 18 in the EFC era (see Table 4). The results when analyzing the administrative data sample (n = 14,067) show multiple youth-level factors that are significantly associated with the amount of time spent in EFC. Compared to White youth, Black, Hispanic, and multiracial youth were estimated to have spent between one and three additional months in EFC. Youth who first entered foster care at age 10 or older were found to spend significantly less time in care than youth who first entered care before the age of 10. Having a substantiated case of severe neglect was associated with a 1.4-month shorter stay in EFC, and having a vision, hearing, or other physical disability was associated with an additional 2.4 months in EFC.

There were also statistically significant between-county differences in length of EFC stay. At the extremes, the estimated length of stay in care after the 18th birthday differed by 9.5 months between the county with the shortest average length of stay and the county with the longest. Moreover, the interquartile range was approximately 4.5 months, meaning that the average length of EFC stay in counties at the 25th percentile of length of EFC stay was about five months shorter than it was in counties at the 75th percentile.

3.4. Factors associated with youths’ EFC stay length: Longitudinal study sample

Table 5 displays findings from the analysis of predictors of time in EFC using the longitudinal youth study sample. Entering care at

Table 1 (continued)

Variables Description Included in admin. data sample analysis

Included in panel study sample analysis

Binary variable indicating whether the youth screened positive for an alcohol or substance abuse or dependence using the MINI-KID

Pregnant or impregnated female Binary variable of whether the youth had ever gotten pregnant or ever impregnated a female

Yes

Parent (have any living children) Binary variable of whether the youth had ever given birth to a living child or ever fathered a child that was born

Yes

Average delinquency score Continuous variable of a delinquency measure created from 12 items capturing youth’s frequency of engaging in delinquent behaviors (e.g., damaged property) in the past 12 months (Cronbach's alpha = 0.83)

Yes

Ever been incarcerated Binary variable of whether the youth had ever spent a night in jail Yes Ever put in a special education

classroom Binary variable of if the youth had ever been placed in a special education classroom

Yes

Ever repeated a grade Binary variable of if the youth had ever been held back a grade Yes Standard WRAT score Continuous variable indicating youth’s reading proficiency, measured

in standard deviations above/below the reading score norm for their age. This was assessed with the Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT) (Wilkinson & Robertson, 2006).

Yes

Ever worked for pay Binary variable of whether the youth had ever worked for pay Yes Number of nominated individuals

for social support Count variable of the number of individuals nominated by the youth who could be turned to for emotional support, tangible support, and/ or advice. We used a modified version of the Social Support Network Questionnaire (Gee & Rhodes, 2008).

Yes

1 Youth can leave and re-enter care during this time frame.

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Table 2 Descriptive statistics.

Variables Administrative data sample (n = 37,827)

Youth survey sample (n = 711)

Mean (SD) Range Weighted mean (SD) Range

Months in extended foster care 10.5 (13.3) 0–36 26.3 (13.4)1 0–36 Cohort

Youths turned 18 in 2008 (n = 6,492) 3.9 (4.6) 0–12 Youths turned 18 in 2009 (n = 6,197) 4.0 (4.6) 0–12 Youths turned 18 in 2010 (n = 5,718) 4.0 (4.6) 0–12 Youths turned 18 in 2011 (n = 5,353) 10.6 (13.9) 0–36 Youths turned 18 in 2012 (n = 5,017) 18.5 (15.8) 0–36 Youths turned 18 in 2013 (n = 4,578) 19.2 (15.8) 0–36 Youths turned 18 in 2014 (n = 4,472) 19.9 (15.87) 0–36

Demographics Male, % 46.8 40.1 Race/Ethnicity

White 23.8 18.0 Black 28.3 17.4 Hispanic 39.9 46.7 Asian/Pacific Islander/Native American 3.0 2.5 Multi-racial 4.9 15.4

Age at wave 1 interview 17.0 (0.3) 16–18 Born in the U.S., % 95.1 Not 100 % Heterosexual, % 23.6 Foster care history Age of foster care system entry, %

Birth to 10 years old 48.9 43.8 10−14 years old 20.5 22.2 14−16 years old 16.2 21.6 16−18 years old 14.4 12.5

Main placement type before age 18, % Non-relative foster family home 7.7 8.1 Relative foster family home 27.4 31.0 Treatment foster care (FFA home) 28.3 36.6 Group care 19.8 20.4 Other 16.8 3.9

Number of placement change per year in care 1.4 (1.2) 0.1–26.6 1.4 (1.0) 0.1–9.3 Satisfaction in the FC system experience, %

Not satisfied 22.8 Neutral 20.5 Satisfied 56.7

Substantiated maltreatment, % Sexual abuse 13.4 45.6 Physical abuse 23.8 31.7 Severe neglect 5.3 92.6 Neglect 75.6 Emotional abuse 18.1 Other abuse 23.2 Emotional and Other abuse 42.3 Health and risk factors (Admin. data) Physical disability, % 25.9 Behavioral health problem, % 39.9 Ever supervised by probation agency, % 12.6 Health and risk factors (Youth survey) Health status, %

Poor/Fair 12.1 Good 27.8 Very good 35.4 Excellent 24.7

Mental health issue, % 43.1 Substance use disorder issue, % 25.2 Pregnant or impregnated female, % 20.2 Parent (have any living children), % 6.7 Average delinquency score 0.3 (0.4) 0–2.8 Ever been incarcerated, % 25.2 Ever put in a special education classroom, % 33.5 Ever repeated a grade, % 33.4 Standard WRAT score 89.4 (11.3) 57–124 Ever worked for pay, % 32.4

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a later age was associated with shorter stays in EFC. Compared to the youth whose main placement type before age 18 years old was congregate care, youth whose main placement type was foster family agencies (FFA home) spent longer estimated time in EFC. As was the case in the analysis of the administrative data sample, youths’ estimated EFC stays varied significantly based on their placement county (interquartile range = 6.5 months).

4. Discussion

As a measure to promote improved outcomes for foster youth transitioning to adulthood, many states have extended the foster care age limit to age 21 years old under the provisions of the federal Fostering Connections Act. However, limited knowledge on the overall EFC participation level and subgroups of youth remaining in EFC caused multiple challenges in estimating costs, preparing responsive services, and ensuring equitable access to services. Most previous studies were conducted prior to the implementation of the Fostering Connections Act, focused on individual-level factors, and/or examined the impact of the policy until youths’ 19th birthdays. Leveraging state administrative data and data collected from a longitudinal study, this paper found that the AB12 in- creased the length of youths’ EFC stay and identified multiple factors associated with EFC stay length among transition-age foster youths in California.

The first analysis showed that, after adjusting for many youth-level characteristics, the policy change increased the expected amount of time youth stayed in EFC by over a year. Several youth-level predictors in this model were found to be statistically significantly associated with EFC (see Table 3), however, the magnitude of these associations was relatively small, with each youth characteristics accounting for no more than a few months of variation in length of stay. In contrast, the change in policy was associated with a substantial increase in the estimated length of time transition-age foster youth in California remained in care past their 18th birthday, increasing average length of stay by 14–16 months. Given the positive associations between youths’ time in EFC and many outcomes in early adulthood (Courtney, Okpych, & Park, 2018), this finding suggests that the AB12 was effective in keeping youth in EFC during the transition to adulthood, which may potentially translate into improved outcomes in multiple domains.

The second set of analyses examined factors associated with the amount of time youth spent in EFC among youth who turned 18 years old after the state’s EFC policy had been implemented. Some findings from these analyses were consistent with those from past research investigating EFC stay (Eastman et al., 2017). Youth who entered foster care at a younger age tended to spend longer time in EFC. Youth who spent the majority of their time in foster care in congregate care settings spent less time in EFC than did youth whose main placement type was relative or non-relative foster family care. And certain types of substantiated maltreatment histories (e.g., neglect and other abuse) were significantly associated with youths’ time spent in EFC. Our analysis also identified contributors of EFC stay that have not been found in previous studies. For instance, physical disabilities and behavioral health issues (as documented by the caseworker) were associated with longer stays in EFC. The extra time in care associated with these youth characteristics was modest—about one month for youth with a behavioral health issue and 2.4 months for youth with a physical disability—but it is encouraging that time in extended care was not shorter for these vulnerable youth since they might be expected to have greater

Table 2 (continued)

Variables Administrative data sample (n = 37,827)

Youth survey sample (n = 711)

Mean (SD) Range Weighted mean (SD) Range

Number of nominated individuals for social support 3.7 (1.4) 1–9

1 57% of youth turned 18 in 2013 and 43 % of youth turned 18 in 2014.

Fig. 1. Kaplan-Meier survival curves: Months Spent in EFC, by Cohort (Administrative data sample, n = 37,827).

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difficulty than youth without these challenges in meeting the EFC eligibility criteria based on employment or continuing education. A more worrisome finding is that youth in child-welfare-supervised foster care with a history of probation department involvement were expected to spend about nine months less in extended care than peers without probation supervision history. It is not clear from this study why these youth exit care so much earlier, but one possibility is that they were discharged from EFC due to involvement with the adult criminal justice system. Alternatively, juvenile justice system involvement may have served as a proxy for more serious behavioral problems than those otherwise captured in the administrative data, problems that contributed to these youths’ shorter stays in care. Future research should further examine the influence of juvenile justice system involvement on EFC participation, since EFC may serve as a protective factor for youth with the kinds of behavioral health problems associated with involvement in the juvenile and adult justice systems.

How long a youth remained in care is also strongly associated with their placement county. Youth who lived in the bottom- quartile counties as measured by average length of stay after the 18th birthday remained in care an estimated 5–7 months less than did those in the top-quartile counties. There are likely multiple reasons for these county-level differences. For instance, if the level of youths’ participation in EFC and the associated costs of care significantly exceeded county officials’ expectations, that might help explain some of the between-county variation in length of stay. Under a decentralized child welfare system, counties in California receive a fixed amount of funds from the state government to provide child welfare services with considerable discretion in how they provide child welfare services, including EFC. Youth may opt out of care earlier in counties that end up more financially stretched than others to provide the kinds of services that encourage youth to remain in care. More generally, some counties may be better prepared than others to facilitate youths’ the transition to adulthood with a wide range of support services and training in multiple domains (e.g., secondary education programs, job training and placement supports) and through better collaboration with other service systems (e.g., housing, health care, behavioral disorder treatment) (Courtney, Park, Harty, & Feng, 2019). Youth from more rural counties may move to cities that provide more opportunities, including the presence of postsecondary educational institutions. If youth from some counties are more likely than others to move out of state, and those counties cannot arrange for supervision of

Table 3 Predictors of average length of time in extended foster care after the 18th birthday (Administrative data sample, n = 37,827).

Coefficient (95 % CI)

Cohort (ref. Youths turned 18 in 2008) Youths turned 18 in 2009 −0.05 (−0.23, 0.12) Youths turned 18 in 2010 −0.10 (−0.28, 0.08) Youths turned 18 in 2011 6.24*** (5.86, 6.23) Youths turned 18 in 2012 14.50*** (14.06, 14.95) Youths turned 18 in 2013 15.29*** (14.83, 15.75) Youths turned 18 in 2014 15.85*** (15.38, 16.32)

Demographics Male 0.06 (−0.18, 0.31) Race/Ethnicity (ref. White)

Black 1.78*** (1.43, 2.12) Hispanic 0.76*** (0.45, 1.06) Asian/Pacific Islander/Native American 0.42 (−0.30, 1.14) Multi-racial 0.95** (0.38, 1.52)

Foster care history Age of foster care system entry (ref. Birth to 10 years old)

10−14 years old −0.59*** (−0.90, −0.28) 14−16 years old −1.21*** (−1.57, −0.86) 16−18 years old −0.98*** (−1.37, −0.58)

Main placement type before age 18 (ref. Group care) Non-relative foster family home 1.65*** (1.17, 2.14) Relative foster family home 0.88*** (0.52, 1.25) Treatment foster care (FFA home) 2.46*** (2.10, 2.82) Other −0.99*** (−1.43, −0.55)

Number of placement change per year in care −0.61*** (−0.72, −0.50) Substantiated maltreatment Sexual abuse −0.04 (−0.39, 0.31) Physical abuse −0.13 (−0.41, 0.15) Severe neglect −0.26 (−0.81, 0.27) Neglect 0.50*** (0.24, 0.77) Emotional abuse 0.22 (−0.11, 0.54) Other abuse −0.30* (−0.58, −0.02) Health and risk factors Physical disability 1.42*** (1.14, 1.70) Behavioral health problem 0.93*** (0.67, 1.19) Ever supervised by probation agency −5.61*** (−5.96, −5.26) Placement county dummies (ref. Los Angeles County)

County A (highest coefficient) 3.10*** (2.39, 3.81) County B (lowest coefficient) −3.09*** (−4.50, −1.68)

Note: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

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youths’ cases in those states, that too could contribute to between-county differences in length of stay. Counties may also differ in how philosophically committed their child welfare agency staff are to extended care as a policy; length of stay in EFC is likely to be longer in counties whose caseworkers and casework supervisors view EFC as a right than in counties where these child welfare professionals view EFC as an optional program. The level of commitment to EFC may be reflected in whether counties have developed specialized case management structures (e.g., specialized caseworkers assigned to work with young adults) and in counties’ in- vestments in involving other care providers (e.g., biological parents, foster parents) to address transition-age foster youth’s unique needs and concerns (McDaniel, Dasgupta, & Park, 2019; Park, Powers, Okpych, & Courtney, 2020). And, as previous studies have shown (Peters et al., 2008; Peters, 2012), the supportiveness of county court personnel for EFC is an important predictor of youths’ length of stay. Some of the difference in EFC stay length may also be attributable to other county-level contextual factors that influence the availability of services (e.g., housing costs) and the ability and desire of youth to meet the eligibility criteria for remaining in care (e.g., labor market conditions).

4.1. Limitations

Our findings should be viewed in the context of several study limitations. First, the findings may not be generalizable to other foster care systems. California has a decentralized foster care system run by county child welfare offices whereas most states have state-administered child welfare systems. Second, the administrative data capture limited information on youths’ psychosocial, de- velopmental, and experiential attributes, which can influence their decisions to stay or leave the care in meaningful ways. Third, the youth survey data does not include the pre-EFC era youth and has a relatively small sample size, limiting its ability to explore EFC stay trend across cohorts and capture relatively smaller effects of variables we tested here. Besides, measures from the youth survey rely on the accuracy of youth's self-report. Fourth, our analysis does not include county-level attributes (e.g., unemployment rate and support service availability) and caseworker-youth relational factors (e.g., degrees of collaboration and mutual decision-making) that could influence youth’s EFC participation decision.

Table 4 Administrative data sample: Factors associated with length of time in extended foster care after 18th birthday among EFC eligible youths (Administrative data sample, n = 14,067).

Coefficient (95 % CI)

Demographics Male −0.90 (−1.43, −0.37) Race/Ethnicity (ref. White)

Black 2.93*** (2.15, 3.71) Hispanic 1.05** (0.36, 1.74) Asian/Pacific Islander/Native American 0.25 (−1.28, 1.79) Multi-racial 1.23* (0.00, 2.46)

Foster care history Age of foster care system entry (ref. Birth to 10 years old)

10−14 years old −1.05** (−1.72, −0.39) 14−16 years old −2.28*** (−3.04, −1.51) 16−18 years old −1.55*** (−2.38, −0.72)

Main placement type before age 18 (ref. Congregate care) Non-relative foster family home 2.27*** (1.11, 3.43) Relative foster family home 1.75*** (0.95, 2.55) Treatment foster care (FFA home) 3.90*** (3.13, 4.67) Other −2.57*** (−3.53, −1.62)

Number of placement changes per year in care −1.10*** (−1.35, −0.86) Substantiated maltreatment Sexual abuse −0.23 (−1.00, 0.54) Physical abuse −0.19 (−0.79, 0.40) Severe neglect −1.42* (−2.49, −0.35) Neglect 1.31*** (0.64, 1.97) Emotional abuse 0.60 (−0.06, 1.25) Other abuse −0.68* (−1.28, −0.08) Health and risk factors Physical disability 2.39*** (1.83, 2.95) Behavioral health problem 0.98*** (0.43, 1.52) Ever supervised by probation agency −9.25*** (−10.03, −8.47) Placement county dummies (ref. Los Angeles County)

County A (highest coefficient) 6.62*** (3.96, 9.27) County B (lowest coefficient) −2.89*** (−3.96, 1.81)

Cohort (ref. Youths turned 18 in 2012) Youths turned 18 in 2013 0.85** (0.24, 1.45) Youths turned 18 in 2014 1.34*** (0.73, 1.94)

Note: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

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4.2. Implications

Despite the limitations, this study provides important policy, practice, and research implications. First, the proportions of youths staying in care after age 18 years old and until age 21 years old have significant budgetary implications for jurisdictions intending to implement an inclusive program of EFC. Adding an additional year in care on average to the stays of youth approaching the age of majority is a significant investment for states to make, even with the federal government’s contribution to the cost of that care through Title IV-E foster care funding. During the study period, nearly half of the youth who were in care on their 18th birthday were also in care as they approached their 21st birthday. This likely reflects California’s policies influencing the implementation of ex- tended care, which tend to support the right of youth to take advantage of EFC benefits (Courtney, Dworsky, & Napolitano, 2013), but it is likely that other states are adopting similarly inclusive policies. For example, the length of stay patterns observed in an earlier study of EFC in Illinois (Courtney et al., 2007) were similar to those observed here. Thus, our results provide an important benchmark for more reasonable cost estimates.

Second, between-county variation in expected EFC stay length needs further investigation. Our results suggest that where youth live has more of an effect on their access to EFC than do many of the youth characteristics we investigated. This finding is important,

Table 5 Youth survey sample: Factors associated with length of time in extended foster care after 18th birthday among EFC eligible youths (Youth survey sample, n = 711).

Coefficient (95 % CI)

Demographics Male −1.90 (−4.30, 0.49) Race/Ethnicity (ref. White)

Black −0.07 (−3.55, 3.41) Hispanic 1.11 (−1.63, 3.84) Asian/Pacific Islander/Native American 1.03 (−4.64, 6.70) Multi-racial −0.52 (−4.01, 2.97)

Age at wave 1 interview 1.71 (−2.22, 5.64) Born in the U.S. −1.39 (−5.88, 3.10) Not 100 % Heterosexual 0.40 (−2.12, 2.93) Foster care history Age of foster care system entry (ref. Birth to 10 years old)

10−14 years old −0.96 (−3.36, 1.44) 14−16 years old −2.17 (−5.17, 0.83) 16−18 years old −4.73* (−8.42, −1.04)

Main placement type before age 18 (ref. Congregate care) Non-relative foster family home 4.10 (−0.16, 8.35) Relative foster family home 2.64 (−0.57, 5.85) Treatment foster care (FFA home) 3.40* (0.32, 6.49) Other 3.40 (−1.66, 8.47)

Number of placement change per year in care −0.06 (−1.23, 1.12) Satisfaction in the FC system experience (ref. Not satisfied)

Neutral −1.31 (−4.38, 1.75) Satisfied 1.05 (−1.56, 3.67)

Substantiated maltreatment Sexual abuse −1.78 (−4.41, 0.86) Physical abuse −0.25 (−2.52, 2.01) Neglect (including Severe neglect) 0.19 (−3.93, 4.30) Emotional and Other abuse −0.90 (−2.98, 1.18) Health and risk factors (Youth survey) Health status (ref. Poor/Fair)

Good 1.73 (−1.66, 5.12) Very good 1.17 (−2.24, 4.58) Excellent −0.46 (−4.11, 3.18)

Mental health issue 0.19 (−1.96, 2.33) Substance use disorder issue −0.24 (−2.77, 2.30) Pregnant or impregnated female −0.45 (−3.57, 2.67) Parent (have any living children) −3.10 (−7.94, 1.74) Average delinquency score −1.06 (−3.94, 1.82) Ever been incarcerated −2.22 (−4.88, 0.44) Ever put in a special education classroom −2.21 (−4.63, 0.21) Ever repeated a grade 0.08 (−2.03, 2.19) Standard WRAT score 0.08 (−0.03, 0.18) Ever worked for pay 1.44 (−0.70, 3.57) Number of nominated individuals for social support −0.02 (−0.74, 0.70) Placement county dummies (ref. Los Angeles County) County A (highest coefficient) 8.51*** (4.65, 12.36) County B (lowest coefficient) −7.55* (−13.55, −1.56)

Note: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

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given previous evidence of the benefits for youth associated with EFC (Courtney, Okpych, & Park, 2018). Counties’ discretionary practices and county-level environmental factors (e.g., political atmosphere, employment and housing market conditions, county child welfare department’s collaboration with education and employment support systems, support services and training availability) that contribute to between-county variation in EFC participation warrant further investigation. Such a line of research could help state and county officials identify strategies for reducing between-county disparities in EFC participation.

Third, efforts to identify obstacles to EFC participation for youth who are particularly likely to experience a difficult transition to adulthood seem necessary. Encouragingly, we found that youth with disabilities and behavioral health issues spent more time on average in EFC than did youth without those challenges. Similarly, marginalized racial and ethnic minority groups spent longer in EFC than did White youth. However, youth who had spent most of their foster care time before age 18 years old in congregate care settings, as well as youth whose care had previously been supervised by probation agencies, were likely to leave the care earlier than peers without those experiences. The reasons for the relatively low rates of EFC participation among youth with these prior care experiences need to be better understood so that child welfare agencies and child welfare workers can better engage populations that arguably need more support during the transition to adulthood.

Lastly, this study provides additional directions for future research on extended foster care. Our findings provide important insight into how youth- and system-level factors are associated with length of EFC stay, but additional research is needed to assess the influence of time spent in EFC on various youth outcomes during the transition to adulthood. Moreover, given the significant var- iation between youth in their length of time in EFC, future research should employ a variety of methods to examine the ways that socio-structural, organizational, relational, and individual factors shape youth’s experience of EFC. For instance, qualitative studies of how relationship with adult care providers (e.g., caseworkers, foster parents) influence youth’s participation in the EFC planning process and analyses of data collected from other key stakeholders such as caseworkers, child welfare administrators, and court personnel would be promising next steps.

Authors’ note

The findings reported herein were performed with the permission of California Department of Social Services. The opinions and conclusions expressed herein are solely those of the authors and should not be considered as representing the policy of the colla- borating agency or any agency of the California government.

Disclaimer

The findings reported herein were performed with the permission of California Department of Social Services. The opinions and conclusions expressed herein are solely those of the authors and should not be considered as representing the policy of the colla- borating agency or any agency of the California government.

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to acknowledge the California Department of Social Services and California County Welfare Directors Association for their collaboration of the CalYOUTH study. We would like to recognize our project funders: the Conrad N. Hilton Foundation, the Reissa Foundation, the Walter S. Johnson Foundation, the Zellerbach Family Foundation, the William T. Grant Foundation, and the California Wellness Foundation.

References

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Courtney, M. E., & Barth, R. P. (1996). Pathways of older adolescents out of foster care: Implications for independent living services. Social Work, 41(1), 75–83. Courtney, M. E., Charles, P., Okpych, N. J., Napolitano, L., & Halsted, K. (2014). Findings from the California Youth Transitions to Adulthood Study (CalYOUTH):

Conditions of foster youth at age 17. Chicago, ILChicago: Chapin Hall at the University of. Courtney, M. E., Dworsky, A., Cusick, G. R., Havlicek, J., Perez, A., & Keller, T. (2007). Midwest evaluation of the adult functioning of former foster youth from Illinois:

Outcomes at age 21. Chapin Hall at the University of Chicago. Courtney, M. E., Dworsky, A., & Napolitano, L. (2013). Providing foster care for young adults: Early implementation of California’s Fostering Connections Act. Chicago,

ILChicago: Chapin Hall at the University of. Courtney, M. E., Hook, J. L., & Lee, J. S. (2010). Distinct subgroups of former foster youth during the transition to adulthood: Implications for policy and practice. Chapin Hall

at the University of Chicago. Courtney, M. E., Okpych, N. J., & Park, S. (2018). Report from CalYOUTH: Findings on the relationships between extended foster care and youths. outcomes at age 21.

Chicago, ILChicago: Chapin Hall at the University of. Courtney, M. E., Park, S., Harty, J., & Feng, H. (2019). Memo from CalYOUTH: Relationships between youth and caseworker perceptions of the service context and foster youth

outcomes. Chicago, ILChicago: Chapin Hall at the University of. Dworsky, A., & Courtney, M. E. (2001). Self-sufficiency of former foster youth in Wisconsin: Analysis of unemployment insurance wage data and public assistance data.

Institute for Research on Poverty. Eastman, A. L., Putnam-Hornstein, E., Magruder, J., Mitchell, M. N., & Courtney, M. E. (2017). Characteristics of youth remaining in foster care through age 19: A pre-

and post-policy cohort analysis of California data. Journal of Public Child Welfare, 11(1), 40–57. Gee, C. B., & Rhodes, J. E. (2008). A social support and social strain measure for minority adolescent mothers: A confirmatory factor analytic study. Child: Care, Health

and Development, 34(1), 87–97. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2007.00754.x. McCoy, H., McMillen, J. C., & Spitznagel, E. L. (2008). Older youth leaving the foster care system: Who, what, when, where, and why? Children and Youth Services

Review, 30(7), 735–745. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2007.12.003.

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McDaniel, M., Dasgupta, D., & Park, Y. (2019). Specialized case management for young adults in extended federal foster care (OPRE report No. 2019-105; p. 16). Office of Planning, Research and Evaluation, Administration for Children and Families, US Department of Health and Human Services.

McMillen, J. C., & Tucker, J. (1999). The status of older adolescents at exit from out-of-home care. Child Welfare; Arlington, 78(3), 339–360. Mendel, R. A. (2000). Less hype, more help: Reducing juvenile crime, what works-and what doesn’t. American Youth Policy Forum. National Conference of State Legislatures (2017). Extending foster care beyond 18. http://www.ncsl.org/research/human-services/extending-foster-care-to-18.aspx. Nixon, R., & Jones, M. G. (2000). Improving transitions to adulthood for youth served by the foster care system: A report on the strengths and needs of existing aftercare services.

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plan (TILP) development: Calling for collaborative case plan decision-making processes. Children and Youth Services Review, 115. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. childyouth.2020.105051 In press.

Peters, C. M. (2012). Examining regional variation in extending foster care beyond 18: Evidence from Illinois. Children and Youth Services Review, 34(9), 1709–1719. Peters, C. M., Claussen Bell, K. S., Zinn, A., Goerge, R. M., & Courtney, M. E. (2008). Continuing in foster care beyond age 18: How courts can help. Chapin Hall at the

University of Chicago. Sheehan, David V., Sheehan, Kathy H., Shytle, R. Douglas, Janavs, Juris, Bannon, Yvonne, Rogers, Jamison E., ... Wilkinson, Berney (2010). Reliability and Validity of

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  • Predictors of remaining in foster care after age 18 years old
    • Introduction
      • Previous studies of individual and system-level factors associated with EFC stay
    • Methods
      • Data and sample
        • State administrative data and sample
        • Longitudinal panel study data and sample
      • Dependent variable
      • Independent variables
      • Analytic approach
    • Results
      • Descriptive statistics
      • Impact of the California Fostering Connections to Success Act or Assembly Bill 12 (AB12) on youths’ EFC stay length: Administrative data sample
      • Factors associated with youth’s EFC stay length: Administrative data sample
      • Factors associated with youths’ EFC stay length: Longitudinal study sample
    • Discussion
      • Limitations
      • Implications
    • Authors’ note
    • Disclaimer
    • Acknowledgements
    • References

Trends-in-Adverse-Childhood-Experiences--ACEs--in-the-_2020_Child-Abuse---Ne.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Trends in Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) in the United States David Finkelhor Crimes Against Children Research Center, University of New Hampshire, 125 McConnell Hall, 15 Academic Way, Durham, NH, 03824, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Trauma Development Indicators

A B S T R A C T

Background: It is important for those called upon to discuss major social determinants of health such as adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) to have accurate knowledge about generational trends in their prevalence. Objective: To review available trend data on major forms of ACEs. Methods: A search of academic data bases was conducted by combining the term “trend” with a variety of terms referring to childhood adversities. Results: Available trend data on ACEs from the 20th century show multi-decade declines in parental death, parental illness, sibling death, and poverty, but multi-decade increases in par- ental divorce, parental drug abuse and parental incarceration. More recent trend data on ACEs for the first fifteen to eighteen years of the 21st century show declines in parental illness, sibling death, exposure to domestic violence, childhood poverty, parental divorce, serious childhood illness, physical abuse, sexual abuse, physical and emotional bullying and exposure to commu- nity violence. Two 21st century ACE increases were for parental alcohol and drug abuse. Overall, there appear to have been more historical and recent improvements in ACEs than deteriorations. But the US still lags conspicuously behind other developed countries on many of these indicators. Conclusion: Awareness of improvements, as well as persistent challenges, are important to mo- tivate policy makers and practitioners and to prompt them to recognize the feasibility of success in the prevention of ACEs.

1. Introduction

The idea that children face unprecedented burdens in today’s world is an opinion frequently heard from advocates, journalists, practitioners and policy-makers. Not surprisingly, the public shares this pessimism. In a survey of the general population of the US over 80% of adults said that the well-being of children has worsened over time (Freed et al., 2018).

In recent years, research on child well-being has increasingly focused on a cluster of childhood experiences thought to be par- ticularly damaging to healthy development, what have been termed Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) (Javier, Hoffman, Shah, & Pediatric Policy, 2019). ACEs are a subset of childhood conditions that have been consistently associated with many long-term negative effects, both behavioral problems like substance abuse and depression and physical health problems such as heart disease (Felitti et al., 1998; Nurius, Green, Logan-Greene, & Borja, 2015; Nurius, Fleming, & Brindle, 2019; Petruccelli, Davis, & Berman, 2019; Schilling, Aseltine, & Gore, 2007; Shonkoff et al., 2012). The working model to explain such effects is that ACEs have particular developmental toxicity and reprogram the stress response system and neuro-developmental processes.

Some commentators have asserted that these toxic stressors in particular have been multiplying. For example, observing an

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104641 Received 20 December 2019; Received in revised form 15 July 2020; Accepted 20 July 2020

E-mail address: [email protected].

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104641

Available online 30 July 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

T

increase in some childhood conditions like obesity, asthma and ADHD, Halfon and Newacheck (2010) wrote that, “The epidemiologic shift …seems to be associated with a shift in the social ecology of childhood. This changing ecology includes exposures to higher levels of toxic stress…” Increases in suicides and school shootings have led other researchers to connect those current trends with a “time when childhood trauma is rising” (Densley & Peterson, 2019). But is this true? While public discussion of ACEs has grown in recent years, this does not necessarily mean their prevalence has been on the rise.

2. Methods

There is no fully agreed upon list of ACEs. ACEs are generally considered developmental experiences that are not typical in child development and often overwhelm the normal coping resources of a typical child. They generally include various forms of violence and threat exposure (physical and sexual abuse, bullying, domestic violence and crime) and various forms of deprivation and loss exposure (parental death, incapacitation, and absence).

Trend data about certain ACEs are available from a variety of sources, including vital statistics, US Census, repeated population surveys and nationally compiled agency sources like child protection and police. This article relied on a literature search for trend analyses without any new calculations from unanalyzed data. The search was conducted in academic search data bases by combining the term “trend” with a variety of terms referring to childhood adversities listed in Table 1. Articles were limited to those using national data for the US from government-collected or supported data sources. The included indicators, however, are not necessarily systematic representations of the adversity types and may be vulnerable to bias since indicators with dramatic increases or decreases may be more prone to analysis and publication. Some of the identified sources covered a single generation period of the last 20–25 years, but some sources covered several generations extending back to the early 20th century or before. Given the variability in the source articles, it was not possible to impose a standardized set of time periods for all adversities. Where available, we have tried to distinguish between trends in the 20th century and those applying primarily to the first fifteen to twenty years of the 21st century.

Table 1 presents a list of exposures that are common to many ACE inventories. There is currently no formally agreed ACE set, but all the widely used ACE measures include items concerning parental death, absence or incapacitation and children’s exposure to violence and maltreatment in the home and the community (Koita et al., 2018). Some relevant trend data are available on each of these 15 ACEs. The designation of an increase or decrease is limited to a change of at least 20% across the time frame.

Table 1 Childhood Adversities Trends.

Adversity: Indicator Pre-2000 Post-2000 Source

Parental death: Maternal mortality 1900−2000 2000−2017 Flaherty (2000); World Health Organization (2015); Woolf and Schoomaker (2019)

Parental illness, incapacity: TB mortality 1900−2000 2000−2014 Iskrant and Rogot (1953); Barnes et al. (2011); el Bcheraoui et al. (2018)

Sibling death: Child mortality 1900−2000 2000−2016 Guyer et al. (2000); Child Trends (2019)

Parental alcohol abuse: Cirrhosis mortality, Alcohol related deaths

1973−1997 2000−2016 Yoon et al. (2012); Spillane et al. (2020)

Parental drug abuse: Overdose /Poisoning Fatal and nonfatal

1979−2000 2005−2016 Paulozzi et al. (2006); Hempstead and Phillips (2019)

Exposure to domestic violence: Intimate partner violence victimization survey

1990−2000 2000−2013 Lauritsen and Rezey (2018)

Family poverty: Children in poverty 1967−2000 2000−2018 Wimer et al. (2013); Fox (2019); Chaudry et al., 2016

Parental incarceration: Adult incarceration rate

1900−2000 2000−2015 Cahalan (1979); Kaeble, Glaze, Tsoutis, and Minton (2016); Carson (2020)

Parental divorce: Divorce rate 1950−2000 2000−2017 Ellwood and Jencks (2004); Allred (2019)

Serious childhood illness: Child hospitalization rate

NA 2000−2016 Sun et al. (2018); Bucholz et al. (2019)

Physical abuse: Substantiated physical abuse

1992−2000 2000−2018 Finkelhor, Saito et al. (2020)

Sexual abuse: Substantiated sexual abuse 1992−2000 2000−2018 Finkelhor, Saito et al. (2020); Planty et al. (2013)

Neglect: Substantiated neglect 1992−2000 2000−2018 Finkelhor, Saito et al. (2020) Physical and verbal bullying:

Victimization survey rates NA 2005−2016 Kennedy (2019)

Exposure to community violence: Violent crime rate

1992−2000 2000−2017 Lartey and Li (2019)

or indicates a change of at least 20% over the time period. signifies any fluctuation of less than 20%.

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3. Observations

3.1. Parental death

There is little dispute that adults of child-rearing age are far less likely to die today than in the past. The magnitude of the improvement is large. Mothers dying in childbirth, for example, which deprived many children of parents throughout history, dropped 98% from 1900 to 2000 (from 800 to below 20 deaths per 100,000 live births), according to the US Mortality data base and the CDC Wonder data base (Flaherty, 2000). In the 21st century there has been a relatively small increase in maternal mortality (from 18 to 23 per 100,000 live births), which researchers ascribe to a better ascertainment of cases (MacDorman, Declercq, Cabral, & Morton, 2016). Other big mortality risks to child-rearing age adults with available data are motor vehicle accidents, occupational accidents, and infectious diseases, all of which declined markedly over the 20th century (Armstrong, Conn, & Pinner, 1999; Bandi, Silver, Mijanovich, & Macinko, 2015; Kraus, 1985). In the 21st century, there was at first a continuing decline in all-cause mortality for parent-aged adults 25–44, but then an increase from 2010 to 2017 related primarily to drug overdoses, yielding about a 10% increase for the period (Woolf & Schoomaker, 2019).

3.2. Parental incapacitating illness

Many of the same health improvements over the last century that kept parents from dying also saved them from chronic disabling conditions that would impair parenting. Among the formerly widespread incapacitating conditions of parents that have been nearly eliminated in the US is tuberculosis as shown by death certificate data, US Vital statistics and the National Tuberculosis Surveillance System (Barnes et al., 2011; Iskrant & Rogot, 1953). TB deaths declined 93% from 1900 when the rate was 194 per 100 K (75% under age 45) to 13 per 100 K in 1950 (42% under age 45) (Iskrant & Rogot, 1953). TB deaths continued to decline by 83% from 1980 down to only .25 deaths per 100 K in 2014 (el Bcheraoui et al., 2018).

3.3. Sibling death

It is also well recognized that the child death rate has plummeted, reducing the adversity of sibling bereavement. The mortality decline in the 20th century was 98% for ages 1–4, 96% for ages 5–6, 93% for ages 10–14 and 85% for ages 15–19, respectively according to state death record certificates (Guyer, Freedman, Strobino, & Sondik, 2000). Child death from all causes continued a decline in the 21st century for all ages with a small uptick only for ages 15–19 from 2014 to 2017, but an overall 28% decline for children ages 1–14 from 2000 to 2016 (Child Trends, 2019; Woolf & Schoomaker, 2019). The mortality rate by 2016 was below 2 per 1000 (Woolf & Schoomaker, 2019). While the impact of this improved child survival has been discussed in terms of greater parental willingness to invest emotionally in their children and have smaller families, its positive effect on the life course of siblings spared from early traumatic loss has not been as much acknowledged.

3.4. Parental substance abuse: alcohol

Substance abuse is typically subdivided into alcohol and drug abuse. The malign impact on families of alcoholism was a strong motivator for passage of the 18th amendment, which did reduce alcohol consumption, morbidity and mortality in the first part of the 20th century. After a rise with the end the Prohibition Era, the rates then started to fall again beginning in the 1970s as indicated by both cirrhosis deaths assessed from death certificates and alcohol related liver disease from hospital admission data (Singal & Anand, 2013; Yoon, Yi, & Thomson, 2012). From 1973–1997, cirrhosis deaths declined 75% along with a decline in alcohol consumption as well (Singh & Hoyert, 2000). However, from 2000 to 2016, alcohol related deaths rose by about 25% to 12 per 100 K, and parti- cularly in the 2008–2016 period and among those aged 25–35 (Spillane et al., 2020). This suggests a worsening of alcohol abuse in the 21st century in the parent-aged population.

3.5. Parental substance abuse: drugs

Drug abuse among adults increased continuously from the 1970s to the present as indicated by overdose and poisoning deaths according to CDC’s WISQARS data base (Hempstead & Phillips, 2019; Paulozzi, Ballesteros, & Stevens, 2006). In the period 2005–2018, unintentional drug poisoning deaths increased 126% and as did non-fatal poisonings 174% (Paulozzi et al., 2006). Both reflect the exacerbating problem of drug abuse among the adult population, likely resulting in children’s increased exposure to both impaired parenting and traumatic overdose episodes.

3.6. Exposure to domestic violence

Violence between parents and domestic partners living in households has declined substantially since the early 1990s. Rates for intimate partner violence and children exposed to violence in their households have declined over 50% from 1990 through 2013 according to the National Crime Victimization Survey data, from about 35 per 1000 to under 15 per 1000 (40% decline from 1990 to 2000 and 27% decline from 2000 to 2013) (Lauritsen & Rezey, 2018).

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3.7. Growing up in poverty

Poverty for children has been a stubborn problem to reduce in various eras. However, measures of poverty using US Census data that factor in the effect of government programs such as housing subsidies, the earned income tax credit, food stamps and other transfer payments show a decline for children in poverty of 41% from 1967 to 2000 and another 20% from 2000 to 2018 (Chaudry et al., 2016; Fox, 2019; Glaze & Maruschak, 2008; Wimer, Fox, Garfinkel, Kaushal, & Waldfogel, 2013). The rate for children in poverty for 2018 was 13.7%.

3.8. Parental incarceration

The US had an increase in the number of incarcerated adults throughout the 20th century according to studies using US census reports and prison survey data, over 50% between the turn of the century and the 1970s (Cahalan, 1979). Parents in state and federal prison then increased 60% just between 1990 and 2000 (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008). The prison population largely consists of men, and about half of all inmates have at least one child. As of the early years of the 21st century an estimated 7% of children under the age of 18 had experienced the incarceration of a parent (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008). However, from 2007 to 2018, the rate of incarceration began to decline from 506 per million to 431 based on the US Justice Department National Prisoner Statistics Program (Carson, 2020), a drop of 15%.

3.9. Parental divorce

Parental divorce has been widely cited as a major, widespread destabilizing factor for children. The peak of concern coincided with the period from the 1960s to the 1980s, when there was a 30% increase in divorce among parents of children according to the US Census Survey of Income and Program Participation (Ellwood & Jencks, 2004). However, after the 1980s the divorce rate began a slow decline according to the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey (Rotz, 2016). Since 2009, the decline accelerated, dropping over 20% to 2018, and reaching a 40 year low of 15.7 per 1000 women (Allred, 2019). There is also evidence that parental divorce has become less predictive of poor child outcomes, perhaps because the stigma associated with divorce has declined or parents manage divorces in a more child-sensitive fashion (Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, & Hamby, 2013).

3.10. Serious childhood illness

An important measure of serious childhood illness is the rate at which children are hospitalized. The rates of hospitalization of children under 18 years excluding newborns declined 19% from 2000 to 2015 according to National Inpatient Sample gathered by the federal Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (Sun, Karaca, & Wong, 2018) and then further in 2016 according to the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project (Bucholz, Toomey, & Schuster, 2019). The rate was around 2100 per 100 K. This decline may have been influenced by increasing efforts to treat all medical conditions on an outpatient basis. But since hospitalization can be a traumatic experience for children whatever their condition, the reduction in rates may be interpreted as possible reduction in childhood adversities.

3.11. Physical abuse

Physical abuse by parents and caregivers is a clearly established major toxic stressor. Rates of physical abuse substantiated by child protection agencies have declined in the US by 53% starting in 1992 through 2018 to about 17 per 10 K (34% decline from 1990 to 2000 and 28% decline from 2000 to 2018) according to the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS) (Finkelhor, Saito, & Jones, 2020). Other indicators about physical abuse come from surveys of the parents and youth and provide additional evidence of a decline in the frequency of physical abuse and corporal punishment (Finkelhor, Saito, & Jones, 2020; Finkelhor, Turner, Wormuth, Vanderminden, & Hamby, 2019; Ryan, Kalil, Ziol-Guest, & Padilla, 2016).

3.12. Sexual abuse

Although discussion of childhood sexual abuse has increased in recent years, many indicators have shown prevalence declines since the early 1990s. These trends include a 62% decline in substantiated sexual abuse from 1992 to 2018 (down 46% from 1990 to 2000 and down 30% from 2000 to 2018) as shown in NCANDS data to a rate of 8 per 10,000 (Finkelhor, Saito et al., 2020; Finkelhor, Turner et al., 2019). Parallel declines in sex crimes against children appear in victimization surveys such as the Minnesota state student survey (all 6th, 9th and 12th graders in the state) (Minnesota Department of Education, 2019) and the National Crime Victimization Survey (Planty, Langton, Krebs, Berzofsky, & Smiley-McDonald, 2013). The decline evidenced in population surveys of victims strongly suggests that the decline in cases substantiated by child welfare agencies is not primarily an artifact of changing investigation or reporting practices or standards.

3.13. Neglect

Neglect is the most common form of maltreatment reported to child protection agencies. Neglect substantiations by child

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protection authorities have fluctuated but remained relatively stable since the late 1990s at around 75 per 10 K according to NCANDS (Finkelhor, Saito et al., 2020). There is some evidence in the National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect that the rate of neglect has been inflated in recent years as a consequence of a definitional expansion of neglect to include children exposed to domestic violence and parental drug usage (Sedlak, 2012). But it is not possible to confirm a trend for neglect.

3.14. Bullying

Bullying has been frequently measured in repeated youth surveys such as the CDC’s Youth Risk Behavior Survey. A meta-analysis concluded that from 2005 through 2016 physical bullying declined by three-quarters and verbal bullying by about one half (Kennedy, 2019). Increases in cyber-bullying over this same time period complicate the picture, but cyberbullying is not as prevalent as face-to- face bullying used to be. In addition, the research shows that cyber-bullying alone is much less impactful than when combined with face-to-face bullying (Mitchell, Jones, Turner, Shattuck, & Wolak, 2016). The overall trend here is complex but with some en- couraging evidence.

3.15. Exposure to community violence

Community crime rates have fallen dramatically in the US since the early 1990s. Police reports collected by the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting program showed violent crime down 48% from 1992 to 2017 (Lartey & Li, 2019). The National Crime Victimization Survey showed an even larger drop from 1993 to 2018 of over 70% to 23.2 violent victimizations per 1000, although there was a relatively small uptick from 2015 to 2017 (Morgan & Oudekerk, 2019). The drop from 1993 to 2000 was 38% and the drop from 2000 to 2018 was 39%. Surveys of school violence, youth victimization and delinquency show comparable declines from the 1990s through 2017 (Office of Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Prevention, 2019).

3.16. Summary

There were three clearly worsening adversities extending into the later 20th century – parental drug abuse, parental incarceration and parental divorce. Of these, in the most recent generation – the early part of the 21st century – divorce has gone down, in- carceration has plateaued and then declined, but drug abuse has continued to increase and alcohol abuse joined the increase as well. On the other side of the ledger there were 10 adversities with reductions in the late 20th and early 21st century. The declines in the 20th century were for parental death, parental illness, sibling death and child poverty. The more recently documented declines in the 21st century were for exposure to parental illness, sibling death, child poverty, domestic violence, serious childhood illness, parental divorce, physical abuse, sexual abuse, bullying and exposure to community violence. Parent-age alcohol abuse went down in the late 20th century but has risen in the 21st. The overall balance is 10 recent or long-term improvements vs 4 deteriorations, 2 of which (incarceration and divorce) have moderated or reversed more recently.

There were some other worsening, non-ACE child indicators that have received a great deal of attention. Adolescent suicide has climbed (Ruch et al., 2019), as have some, but not all, indicators of suicidal ideation and depression (Child Trends Databank, 2019). Childhood obesity has been increasing (Ogden et al., 2016). These trends raise the question of why improving ACEs have not yielded more beneficial effects on such mental and physical health outcomes. Some features of social disconnection and isolation (Ang, 2019) or other factors not considered in the ACE conceptualization may be at work. At the same time some other measures of childhood problem behavior have improved: juvenile delinquency is down substantially (Office of Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Prevention, 2018; Puzzanchera, C. 2019. Arrests of Juveniles in 2018 Reached Lowest Level in Nearly 4 Decades.), as are illicit drug usage (Child Trends, 2018), problem drinking (Child Trends Databank, 2018) and risky sexual behavior (Child Trends Databank, 2017).

All of the trends highlighted above are vulnerable to critique. They rely on government-collected, national data sources, like the US Census, Vital Statistics and the National Crime Victimization Survey, but even these are subject to methodological or artifactual distortions (Howell & Blondel, 1994). The recording of deaths and diseases, as well as police and child protective standards change over time (Jones, Finkelhor, & Kopiec, 2001). Survey methodology evolves, survey response rates have dropped, and disclosure incentives may change (Czajka & Beyler, 2016). Such possibilities might be alternative explanations for increases or decreases, and add some caution about the trends reported here.

Another serious limitation is the unavailability of trend information by population subgroup and particularly racial categories. In the source material used for this article, only trend information on divorce, poverty and crime victimization are available by race, and not even over the whole time period for all of these. It is well-established that most ACEs are more frequent in communities of color (Sacks & Murphey, 2018). For these reasons, it cannot be assumed that the trends identified in this article apply to minority children. It should be an obvious high priority to acquire and analyze trend information that examines whether such subgroups have similar patterns to the population of children as a whole.

In the public discussions about trends, many of the current alarms about childhood are focused on the impact of technology, no doubt because it has been so visibly transformative of ordinary social life. Concerns are widespread about technology’s potential to promote social isolation, invidious social comparisons, over-usage and negative effects on attention and schoolwork. This is then often linked to the trends in childhood depression and suicide, which have been increasing since about 2010 (Stein, 2019). The literature on the impact of technology is still recent and inconclusive with at least one study showing an association with greater depression (Twenge, 2019), but others finding no effect (Heffer, Good, Daly, MacDonell, & Willoughby, 2019; Orben & Przybylski, 2019; Orben, Dienlin, & Przybylski, 2019). Other speculations about the suicide and depression trends blame the adult opioid

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epidemic, increases in academic and career stress, changes in psychiatric medication usage, media and social contagion, social disconnection and declines in religious belief (Stein, 2019). It is relevant, however, to contrast technology’s possible lifestyle impacts on children with ACE-type adversities like parental death, poverty, serious illness, physical and sexual abuse. The ACE adversities compared to the technology effects have enduring, negative impacts that are well-established and uncontroversial and are not seen as having any countervailing benefits.

Somewhat exaggerated alarmism about a pervasive deteriorating condition of childhood, what I have termed “juvenoia,” has a long history, and may be a cognitive or social normative bias related to reflexive parental concern for the well-being of their children, among a variety of other factors (Finkelhor, 2011). While this bias may have some benefits in mobilizing collective action to protect children, it also can have malign effects to the extent that it increases parental anxiety, catalyzes unnecessary and potentially harmful restraints on children, misallocates resources among problems and perhaps deters people from having children at all. Examples of possibly harmful alarmist mobilizations include the stranger abduction scare of the 1980s (Best, 1993) and the super-predator warnings of the 1990s (Boghani, 2017). Mistaken perceptions about trends may also leave policy makers and practitioners pessimistic about the possibility of change.

But evidence that certain serious childhood adversities have declined should not be mistaken for the idea that the conditions for children in the US are satisfactory. In fact, comparisons with other developed countries show the US ranks 26th out of 30 on a composite indicator of child well-being, and is particularly lagging on measures of infant and child mortality, children in poverty, and overall physical heath (UNICEF-IRC, 2013). US child mortality, for example, is over 6 per 1000 births when most developed countries fall well below 4 per 1000 (Adamson, 2013). These suggest that the US could still reduce childhood adversity considerably based on resources available. The challenge is to sustain and convey an accurate and nuanced picture of child adversities as having improved in some ways but still lagging far behind what is clearly possible.

4. Conclusions and relevance

Some ACEs have improved over the last generation and prior generations as well, although a smaller number have deteriorated. Advocates, practitioners, educators and others who work with and represent children to the public and policy makers need to have an unbiased awareness of progress that has been made in improving the condition of childhood as well as knowledge about the serious challenges they still face.

Funding

No funding was secured for this study.

Ethical approval

NA

Informed consent

NA

Declaration of Competing Interest

The author has no conflict of interest to disclose.

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  • Trends in Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) in the United States
    • Introduction
    • Methods
    • Observations
      • Parental death
      • Parental incapacitating illness
      • Sibling death
      • Parental substance abuse: alcohol
      • Parental substance abuse: drugs
      • Exposure to domestic violence
      • Growing up in poverty
      • Parental incarceration
      • Parental divorce
      • Serious childhood illness
      • Physical abuse
      • Sexual abuse
      • Neglect
      • Bullying
      • Exposure to community violence
      • Summary
    • Conclusions and relevance
    • Funding
    • Ethical approval
    • Informed consent
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • References

Mothers--alexithymia-in-the-context-of-parental-Substance-Us_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104690

Available online 2 September 2020 0145-2134/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Mothers’ alexithymia in the context of parental Substance Use Disorder: Which implications for parenting behaviors?

Alessio Porreca *, Pietro De Carli, Bianca Filippi, Micol Parolin, Alessandra Simonelli Department of Developmental and Social Psychology, University of Padua, Padua, Italy

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Substance Use Disorder Alexithymia Parenting behaviors Emotional availability Mother-child interactions

A B S T R A C T

Background: Maternal substance use disorder (SUD) represents a severe risk for caregiving, affecting diverse domains of parenting behaviors, such as sensitivity, structuring, intrusiveness, and hostility. Various studies highlighted that difficulties in parenting behaviors in the context of SUD are exacerbated by the co-occurrence of psychopathological symptoms. A large body of research points out the presence of high rates of alexithymia in individuals with SUD, and some studies provide evidence of an association between this psychopathological aspect and parenting. Nevertheless, no prior research has explored how alexithymic traits could affect quality of parenting behaviors in mothers with SUD. Objective: To investigate the impact of maternal alexithymia on parenting behaviors in mothers with SUD. Methods: Sixty women in residential treatment for SUD and their children participated in the study. The participants were assessed with respect to alexithymia, quality of parenting behaviors, and depressive symptoms. Results: Forty-three percent of the mothers reported the presence of alexithymia. These mothers presented with significantly low scores on sensitivity (β = -.25, p < .05) and structuring (β = -.32, p < .05). After controlling for depressive symptomatology, the effect of alexithymia on parenting behaviors remained only for structuring (β=.35, p < .05). Conclusions: In the context of SUD, maternal alexithymia significantly impacts the quality of parenting behaviors, specifically structuring, indicating that difficulties in becoming aware of one’s own feelings jeopardize the ability to scaffold interactions and set age-appropriate limits in an emotionally attuned way. Clinical implications of the findings are discussed.

1. Introduction

Maternal substance use disorder (SUD) represents a major public health concern constituting a severe risk for parenting and quality of parent-child relationships, subsequently affecting children’s well-being (Hans & Jeremy, 2001; Johnson, Glassman, Fiks, & Rosen, 1990; Parolin & Simonelli, 2016). Prolonged substance use during pregnancy is associated with medical sequelae for women and complications in fetuses, such as malnutrition, altered placental functioning, and congenital and neurological abnormalities, leading to an increased risk for premature births, reduced growth measures, and neonatal abstinence symptoms at delivery (Behnke & Smith,

* Corresponding author at: Department of Developmental and Social Psychology, University of Padua, Via Venezia, 8 35131 Padova (PD), Italy E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A. Porreca), [email protected] (P. De Carli), [email protected] (B. Filippi),

[email protected] (M. Parolin), [email protected] (A. Simonelli).

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104690 Received 17 March 2020; Received in revised form 7 August 2020; Accepted 11 August 2020

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2013; Kelly, 2002; Patrick et al., 2012). Once discharged from the hospital, women with SUD can rarely rely on stable and supportive households and social environments, which could support parental practices and recovery from drug addiction (Chance & Scanna- pieco, 2002; Connell-Carrick, 2003). In the long run, intoxication and withdrawal from substances might compromise parents’ ability to provide a stable, safe, and nurturing caregiving environment for their offspring (Cleaver, Donald, Tarr, & Cleaver, 2007). Specif- ically, once babies are born, mothers with SUD are more inclined to engage in dysfunctional parenting practices, exposing their offspring to higher risk for neglect and maltreatment, as well as higher involvement with child protective services (Boden, Fergusson, & Horwood, 2013; Minnes, Singer, Humphrey-Wall, & Satayathum, 2008; O’Donnell et al., 2009; Olsen, 2015; Prindle, Hammond, & Putnam-Hornstein, 2018). Indeed, parental substance use doubles the risk of child abuse and is implicated in up to 40% of cases of child maltreatment and up to 80% of cases of foster care in the US (Fernandez & Lee, 2013; Jones, 2004; Prindle et al., 2018; Testa & Smith, 2009).

The consequences to children of drug exposure in utero are widespread, ranging from physical to mental health difficulties. In particular, newborns and infants exposed to substances are at higher risk to develop attentional, emotional, and behavioral difficulties, as well as developmental delays, which can already be detectable in the postpartum period and can show up later on during infancy, toddlerhood, preschool and school age (Griffith, Azuma, & Chasnoff, 1994; Hagan et al., 2016). Short-term effects of prenatal drug exposure mainly involve fetal growth, congenital anomalies, and neurobehavioral difficulties, such as poor alertness and orientation, impaired autonomic regulation, and abnormalities of muscle tone (Eyler & Behnke, 1999; Hulse, Milne, English, & Holman, 1997). In the long run, drug assumption during pregnancy has an impact on offspring’s growth, cognitive and linguistic development, emotional and behavioral regulation, and academic achievement (Bandstra, 2002; Davies & Bledsoe, 2005; Fried, James, & Watkinson, 2001; Goldschmidt, Richardson, Cornelius, & Day, 2004). These difficulties could further compromise parenting attitudes, additionally undermining children’s socioemotional well-being and adjustment (Beeghly & Tronick, 1994).

As far as it concerns parents, difficulties in multiple dimensions of caregiving behaviors, observable during everyday interactions with the child, represent some of the most powerful and immediate evidence of the detrimental effects of substance use on parenting and on the parent-child relationship. The theoretical and empirical frame of Emotional Availability (Biringen & Robinson, 1991; Biringen, Derscheid, Vliegen, Closson, & Easterbrooks, 2014; Saunders et al., 2017), which conceptualizes parenting in terms of emotional connection with the child, suggests that SUD could impact a wide range of caregiving domains, affecting parental sensi- tivity, structuring, nonintrusiveness, and nonhostility (Flykt et al., 2012). This seems especially true for mothers, which were the primary caregivers mostly taken into account in studies on parental SUD (e.g. McMahon, Winkel, & Rounsaville, 2008; McMahon & Rounsaville, 2002). Compared to low-risk populations, mothers with SUD are described as less sensitive toward their infants’ communicative signals, showing less contingent responsiveness and dyadic reciprocity during emotional exchanges (Eiden, 2001; Flykt et al., 2012; Frigerio, Porreca, Simonelli, & Nazzari, 2019; Porreca, De Palo, Simonelli, & Capra, 2016; Salo et al., 2009, 2010; Swanson, Beckwith, & Howard, 2000). In addition, their parenting behaviors are characterized by less positive emotional expression and higher hostility (Fitzgerald, Kaltenbach, & Finnegan, 1990; Johnson et al., 2002; Pajulo et al., 2001), suggesting severe challenges in the possibility to create a healthy and rewarding emotional connection with their children. Furthermore, substance-using mothers show challenges in structuring, being less inclined to provide adequate scaffolding and guidance during teaching interactions, with hurdles in offering clear suggestions, and limited use of praise and encouragement (Blackwell, Lockman, & Kaiser, 1999). These maternal behaviors seem to directly affect children’s later cognitive skills and learning acquisitions (Carr & Pike, 2012; Obradović, Yousafzai, Finch, & Rasheed, 2016). Finally, mothers with SUD are reported as more intrusive, directive, and interfering with chil- dren’s activities during early infancy, preschool, and school age (Bauman & Dougherty, 1983; Bauman & Levine, 1986; Frigerio et al., 2019; Rodning, Beckwith, & Howard, 1991), characteristics often linked to insecure and disorganized attachments (Swanson et al., 2000).

Even though a few studies were not in line with these results, finding minimal or no differences in quality of parenting behaviors between mothers with SUD and low-risk parents (Black, Schuler, & Nair, 1993; Fraser, Harris-Britt, Thakkallapalli, Kurtz-Costes, & Martin, 2010; Johnson & Rosen, 1990; Neuspiel, Hamel, Hochberg, Greene, & Campbell, 1991), most of the literature on high-risk parenting agrees on the presence of severe difficulties in multiple parental domains in this clinical population. It is suggested that these hurdles are liked to deficits in higher order mentalization abilities, especially reflective functioning, which would prevent a correct understanding of the child’s signals in terms of subjective inner mental states, resulting in non-optimal maternal responses (Pajulo et al., 2008; Slade, 2005). Moreover, it has been shown that difficulties in parenting behaviors in this population are exac- erbated by distal risk factors (Suchman & Luthar, 2001). Socio-demographic stressors, as being single parents or minority members living in poor conditions and with limited access to education, predicted poor parenting interactions and restrictive parenting styles in mothers in treatment for SUD (Bernstein, Jeremy, Schuckit, & Marcus, 1984; Suchman & Luthar, 2000).

To comprehend and explain the difficulties in caregiving practices, several studies indicate that complications in parenting are linked to different areas of neurophysiological, cognitive, and psychopathological functioning in the context of SUD, further sup- porting the need to understand the latent mechanisms underlying manifest behaviors (e.g. Håkansson, Söderström, Watten, Skårderud, & Øie, 2018; Kim et al., 2017). At the neural level, brain areas affected by SUD overlap with the reward networks involved in care- giving, undermining parental perceptions and responses to infants’ signals and decreasing the salience of caregiving-related stimuli, finally compromising the ability to organize and modulate adequate parenting behaviors (Kim et al., 2017; Landi et al., 2011; Lowell et al., 2020; Rutherford & Mayes, 2017; Rutherford, Williams, Moy, Mayes, & Johns, 2011). As a consequence, the perception of infant signals can be less rewarding for parents, becoming a source of stress rather than part of a mutually fulfilling system and increasing the risk to perpetrate hostile behaviors (De Carli et al., 2019; Kim et al., 2017). At the cognitive level, substance-related neuropsycho- logical impairments additionally affect parental responses, undermining the capability to organize and perform behaviors attuned to and coherent with the stimuli perceived, and increasing the tendency to enact intrusive and abrupt behaviors (Håkansson et al., 2018;

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Porreca et al., 2018). Finally, in regard to psychopathology, findings highlight that the well-known presence of comorbidities in in- dividuals with SUD (Bays, 1990; Brooks, Zuckerman, Bamforth, Cole, & Kaplan-Sanoff, 1994; Hans, 1999; Zuckerman & Brown, 1993) represents an additional risk factor for caregiving practices, further exacerbating difficulties in parenting behaviors experienced during parent-child interactions(De Palo, Capra, Simonelli, Salcuni, & Di Riso, 2014; Porreca et al., 2018).

Despite this preliminary evidence, still little research has focused on the psychological functioning of these individuals, which could help to understand the mechanisms accounting for dysfunctional parenting practices. Specifically, several studies on non-parents with SUD identified alexithymia as an important psychological construct associated with substance use and co-occurring clinical conditions, such as depression and anxiety (Haviland, Shaw, MacMurray, & Cummings, 1988; Parolin et al., 2018). Specifically, alexithymia is defined as a disorder of affect regulation characterized by difficulties in identifying and communicating feelings, including both their emotional and cognitive components (Sifneos, 1973). Individuals with alexithymia fail in distinguishing feelings from bodily sensations originating from emotional activation, lack of imagination, and limited imaginative processes, and are char- acterized by an externally oriented cognitive style (Luminet, Vermeulen, Demaret, Taylor, & Bagby, 2006; Nemiah, Freyberger, & Sifneos, 1976; Taylor & Bagby, 2000). Alexithymia is considered a vulnerability factor for medical and psychiatric illnesses (Taylor & Bagby, 2004), because various studies found significant associations with depression and anxiety, considering both clinical and nonclinical contexts (Deno, Miyashita, Fujisawa, Nakajima, & Ito, 2011; Honkalampi et al., 2010). Moreover, there is a significant amount of evidence suggesting an association between alexithymia and substance abuse (Thorberg, Young, Sullivan, & Lyvers, 2009), with several studies reporting significant rates of alexithymic traits among both drug-dependent and alcohol-dependent individuals (Cleland, Magura, Foote, Rosenblum, & Kosanke, 2005; Farges et al., 2004; Ghalehban & Besharat, 2011; Lindsay & Ciarrochi, 2009; Oyefeso, Brown, Chiang, & Clancy, 2008; Speranza et al., 2004). While rates of alexithymia in the general adult population are estimated to range between 6 and 17% (Franz et al., 2008; Hintikka, Honkalampi, Lehtonen, & Viinamäki, 2001), a recent review reported prevalence rates ranging between 30 and 49% in individuals with SUD (Cruise & Becerra, 2018).

Given that caregiving practices, especially in early infancy, are largely based on emotional and affective processes (Trevarthen, 2017; Tronick, 1989; Vanheule, Desmet, Meganck, & Bogaerts, 2007), it is suggested that alexithymia could have a significant impact in terms of parenting behaviors. Due to their difficulties in describing and identifying emotions, parents with alexithymia are more likely to experience difficulties in providing healthy emotional support to their children and in responding to them in an emotionally contingent way (Cuzzocrea, Barberis, Costa, & Larcan, 2015). Most of the studies of parental alexithymia, especially in early infancy, focused on mothers (e.g. Schechter et al., 2015; Yürümez, Akça, Uğur, Uslu, & Kılıç, 2014), and only to a less extent involved fathers (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015). Preliminary studies in non-substance-using parents highlight that mothers with higher levels of alexithymia show less sensitivity during interactions with their toddlers (Schechter et al., 2015), discouraging the expression of negative emotions and using an authoritarian communication style (Thompson, 2012). An externally oriented cognitive style might result in excessively strict adherence to social norms and moral rigidity, lacking in adequate responsiveness (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015; Thompson, 2012). Moreover, positive associations were found between parental alexithymia and dependency-oriented control, suggesting that in the face of their difficulty in understanding their children’s emotions, parents with alexithymia cannot respond based on emotional contin- gencies and compensate by adopting authoritarian parenting styles and imposing prohibitions or, on the opposite side, with a lack of limit-setting (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015; Thompson, 2012). This would lead to less emotional connection with their children. Furthermore, the emotional difficulties typically associated with alexithymia might result in an avoidance of the child’s inner experience, task-focused interactions, and achievement-oriented psychological control (Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2010; Thompson, 2012). This suggests that parental difficulties with interpersonal relatedness and closeness may lead to the use of specific controlling strategies (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015). Preliminary studies highlight that the effect of alexithymia on quality of parent-child relationships is observable also beyond infancy (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015; Kliewer et al., 2016) and remains even when controlling for parental psy- chopathology, for example depressive symptoms (Yürümez et al., 2014).

In summary, ample research on parenting has highlighted that alexithymia and SUD are associated with disruptions in parenting behaviors during infancy and later on during childhood. Moreover, research in adults has pointed out that SUD is associated with a higher incidence of alexithymia. Despite this evidence, up to our knowledge, no prior research has explored how alexithymic traits could affect quality of caregiving practices in mothers with SUD. The objective of the present study was to investigate the impact of maternal alexithymia on parenting behaviors in mothers with SUD. Specifically, we refer to the theoretical and empirical domain of Emotional Availability, which focuses on parenting considering the capacity of the parent-child dyad to create a healthy emotional connection and to share a wide range of affective expressions (Biringen & Easterbrooks, 2012; Biringen & Robinson, 1991; Biringen et al., 2014; Porreca, De Palo, & Simonelli, 2015; Saunders, Kraus, Barone, & Biringen, 2015). Given the specific focus on the emotional qualities of parenting, this approach could be particularly helpful in capturing the possible impact of maternal alexithymia on different dimensions of parenting (i.e., sensitivity, structuring, nonintrusiveness, and nonhostility). The focus on mothers is linked both to empirical and health policy reasons. Most of the literature on parenting behaviors in the context of SUDs and alexithymia specifically focuses on mothers and, given that this study represents the first attempt to bridge together these two fields, maintaining the focus on this primary caregiving figure could allow to develop and test more specific hypotheses, also in accordance to previous studies. On the other hand, health policies in Italy often foresee residential programs which take in charge mother-child dyads. In this sense, the attention on maternal parenting behaviors represents a specifically salient focus of investigation in order to better understand care- giving experiences to which children are exposed, especially in the perspective to implement and assess the efficacy of interventions.

In line with prior research on adults with SUD, we hypothesized that we would find high rates of alexithymia in our group of participants. Based on previous studies that focused on alexithymia and parenting, we hypothesized that alexithymia in mothers with SUD would affect 1) the possibility to create an emotional connection and to correctly perceive and appropriately respond to the child’s signals (i.e., sensitivity); 2) the capacity to scaffold activities and to set firm limits (i.e., structuring); and 3) the tendency to control

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interactions and to interfere with ongoing activities (i.e., nonintrusiveness). Moreover, given previous studies highlighting associations between alexithymia and depressive symptoms in both normative and SUD samples (Haviland et al., 1988; Honkalampi, Hintikka, Tanskanen, Lehtonen, & Viinamäki, 2000), we controlled for the effect of the latter when considering the impact of alexithymia on parenting behaviors.

2. Method

2.1. Participants

The study involved 60 women with a diagnosis of SUD and their children, attending a residential rehabilitative program in an Italian Therapeutic Community. The facility offers residential care to mother-child pairs in the context of maternal SUD and other severe psychiatric illness, providing a comprehensive rehabilitation program over a 2-year period. In Italy, entrance in Therapeutic Communities is usually subsequent to Juvenile Court decrees that imply mandatory intervention for the mother, in order not to lose parental responsibility. An integrated intervention program is provided to the mother-child dyad, combining both therapeutic (group, individual, and mother-child therapy) and educational strategies. The diagnosis of SUD was based on the patients’ medical history and on urine toxicology. Sample characteristics are presented in Table 1.

2.2. Procedure

The recruitment began after the mothers entered the facility. Participation to the study was voluntary. Mothers who agreed to participate to the research signed written informed consent and underwent an assessment protocol that took place during two one-hour sessions within the first 3-4 weeks after enrollment. The assessment included measures aimed at investigating socio-demographic and clinical information, alexithymia and depression. Moreover, mother-child dyads were videotaped during 15-minute free-play sessions, in order to assess the quality of parenting behaviors.

The research protocol was approved by Institutional board and carried out in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki.

2.3. Measures

2.3.1. Alexithymia Toronto Alexithymia Scale (TAS-20; Bagby, Parker, & Taylor, 1994; Bressi et al., 1996). To investigate the presence of alexithymia,

the mothers were administered the 20-items TAS-20. Each item is scored on a 5-point Likert scale and can be grouped into three subscales representing the main factors of alexithymia: Difficulty in identifying feelings, Difficulty in describing feelings, and Exter- nally oriented thinking. The scoring system also provides a Total alexithymia Score according to which each individual can be identified as non-alexithymic, borderline, or alexithymic with respect to cut-off values (<51, 52-60, and >61 respectively). The in- strument has been previously validated in samples of substance abusers, resulting in a reliable and valid measure of the construct (Haviland, Hendryx, Shaw, & Henry, 1994). According to previous research (see Yürümez et al., 2014), for the purpose of the present study the participants were divided into two groups according to the Total alexithymia score (α = .725): mothers with and without alexithymia, with a Total TAS score higher/lower than 51 respectively.

2.3.2. Depression Symptom Checklist-90 Revised (SCL-90-R, Derogatis, 1994; Sarno, Preti, Prunas, & Madeddu, 2011). The presence of depressive

Table 1 Sample characteristics (N = 60)

Maternal characteristics

Age (years) 29.20 (7.47) Education (years) 9.32 (2.41) Familiar history of SUD 28 (47) Significant losses 39 (65) Experience of maltreatment 17 (28) Age of the onset of drug use (years) 16.10 (2.41) Poly drug use 50 (83) Primary substance of abuse:

Cocaine 5 (8) Heroin 42 (70)

Drug related illness (e.g., hepatitis C.) 31 (52) Children’s characteristics Gender (male) 30 (50) Age (months) 19.37 (23.62) Desired pregnancy 25 (42) Prenatal drug exposure 46 (77)

Note: Data are given as n (%), mean (standard deviation).

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symptoms in the mothers was investigated through the 13-item Depression scale of the SCL-90-R, a self-report questionnaire aimed at evaluating the presence of psychological distress and a wide range of psychopathological symptoms in clinical and non-clinical populations. Raw scores are converted into T-scores that are compared to norms and that aid the identification of clinically severe symptoms.

2.3.3. Parenting behaviors Emotional Availability Scales (EAS, Biringen, 2008). Mothers with SUD and their children were videotaped while interacting

together during a 15-min free-play condition with a standardized set of toys. Quality of parenting behaviors was coded according to the fourth version of the EAS which consider four maternal dimensions: sensitivity, structuring, nonintrusiveness, and nonhostility.

Sensitivity considers adult’s affects, perception and responsiveness to child’s signals, awareness of timing, flexibility, variety, and creativity during interactions, acceptance of the child, amount of interaction, and handling of conflict situations.

Structuring refers to the adult’s ability to offer successful guidance with the right amount, integrating both verbal and nonverbal channels of structuring, limit setting, remaining firm in front of child’s pressure, and maintaining an adult role.

Nonintrusiveness considers the parent’s ability to follow the child’s lead, the adoption of optimal ports of entry into interaction, the use of commands, directives, and didactic teaching, quality of adult talking, the presence of verbal and physical interferences, and the child’s reactions to adult’s behaviors.

Nonhostility refers to the regulation of negative affects, to the absence of mocking and disrespectful behaviors towards the child, to the lack of threats of separation and of frightening behaviors, to the ability to show composure during stressful situations, and to the absence of silences and hostile play themes during interactions.

The coding system can be applied from infancy to adolescence and considers the global quality of the interaction observed rather than discrete behaviors. Each scale is rated on a global score, ranging from 1 to 7 with higher scores referring to more functional behaviors; specifically, scores between 5.5 and 7 are considered functional, scores around 4 indicate inconsistency, and scores of 3 or below refer to more difficult/problematic behaviors. The instrument has shown good psychometric properties both in normative and clinical populations, proving to be a valid and sensitive measure of parenting and of relational dyadic affective quality (Biringen et al., 2014). For the purpose of the present study the videos were coded by two independent raters reliable to the system. Inter-rater reliability was calculated using Intraclass Correlation Coefficients on a randomly selected subsample of 20% of the cases, with values ranging from 0.80 to 0.95.

2.4. Statistical Analyses

First, descriptive statistics were run on the data, in order to examine mean scores, frequencies, and percentages. Secondly, the total sample of mother-child dyads was split into two groups depending on mothers’ alexithymia scores, resulting in a group with maternal alexithymia and a group without maternal alexithymia. Distributions of the parental behaviors that scored below 4 in each of the EAS were reported in the total sample as well as in the two groups, with or without alexithymia. Logistic regressions were used to test whether alexithymic mothers were more at risk for at risk parenting behaviors or not. Differences between alexithymic and non- alexithymic mothers were then assessed on the EAS expressed in their continuous form, as well as other relevant variables. T tests were used for the continuous variables (i.e., child’s and mother’s age) and logistic regressions for the dichotomous variables (child’s gender and maternal depression SCL-90-R score above the clinical cut-off). Thus, the differences in the EAS between alexithymic and non-alexithymic mothers were controlled for potentially confounding variables, by means of linear regressions. In a first step, maternal alexithymia, mother’s and child’s age were listed as predictors and in a second step also the depression subscale of SCL-90-R was added to the model, since the known overlap between TAS-20 and depressive symptomatology. In addition, in supplementary materials, we provide also the same regression models controlling for global psychopathology and anxious symptomatology. Finally, in supple- mentary materials, we provide also a correlation table between the continuous variables used in the study (i.e., maternal alexithymia, mother’s and child’s age, depressive symptomatology and the EAS).

Table 2 Distribution of the parental behaviors at risk within the sample

Parenting behaviors at risk (EAS scores ≤ 4)

Total (n = 60)

Mothers without alexithymia (n = 34) Mothers with alexithymia (n = 26) OR

Sensitivity 47 (78) 25 (74) 22 (85) 1.96 Nonhostility 14 (23) 5 (15) 9 (35) 3.01 Structuring 40 (67) 19 (56) 21 (81) 2.30* Nonintrusiveness 40 (67) 20 (59) 20 (77) 3.30

Note. Data are given as n (%). * p < .05 OR = Odd Ratio resulted from Fisher’s Exact Test

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3. Results

The results highlighted that 43% of the mothers reached thresholds for the presence of alexithymia. Table 2 presents the distri- bution of parental behaviors at risk within the full sample of the study and in the groups of mothers with or without alexithymia. All the EAS, except for Nonhostility, show scores below 4 and therefore can be considered at risk, both in the global sample and in the two groups. Structuring scores show difference in distribution between groups, since more at risk behaviors are shown by the mothers with alexithymia. No significant differences were found for the other scales.

Table 3 presents the differences between groups in the main variables of the study. Mothers in the alexithymic group present higher odds for dysfunctional structuring behaviors, while Sensitivity as well as children’s age present lower scores in the alexithymic group that show only a trend toward significance. Depression symptomatology is also more likely to be present in the alexithymic mothers. Then we tested the effect of alexithymia groups on each EA Scale, controlling for the potential confounding role of mothers’ and children’s age. Results are presented in Table 4, where we also tested the effect of depression in order to determine whether the alexithymia effect was specific, in light of the known overlap between the two constructs. Results show that controlling for mothers’ and children’s age, both Sensitivity and Structuring are predicted by the presence of alexithymia, but only the effect on Structuring survives to the effect of depression symptomatology. Results remain substantially unaltered when we controlled for other SCL-90-R symptomatology scales over the clinical cutoff, such as anxiety and the Global Severity Index (results of the regression models are presented in Tables 2a and 3a in the supplementary materials).

Finally, for sake of completeness, we report also the results of the correlations between the continuous variables in supplementary materials (Table 1a). The EAS scales resulted non-significantly associated with alexithymia. Only the Nonintrusiveness scale was positively correlated with both child’s and mother’s age, while only the Sensitivity scale was negatively associated with depression symptomatology. Alexithymia and depression showed a positive correlation.

4. Discussion

The objective of the present study was to investigate the impact of maternal alexithymia on parenting behaviors in mothers with SUD, a high-risk condition both for caregiving and for child development (Hans & Jeremy, 2001; Parolin & Simonelli, 2016). Although several studies reported a high incidence of alexithymic traits in individuals with substance abuse and dependence (Cleland et al., 2005; Speranza et al., 2004; Thorberg et al., 2009), no previous research has investigated this aspect with respect to the specific domain of parenting.

As expected, we found the dyads in our sample to show relatively low-quality parenting behaviors, mostly characterized by inconsistency, incoherence, and other difficulties, such as detachment and unpredictability, in most of the domains considered. The range of scores we found on the EAS was consistent with other studies on parents with SUD (Frigerio et al., 2019; Salo et al., 2009), and it was systematically lower than what is typically found in normative, low-risk samples (e.g., Licata, Kristen, & Sodian, 2016). Although some studies did not report the presence of interactive difficulties within this population (Black et al., 1993; H. L. Johnson & Rosen, 1990; Neuspiel et al., 1991), the mothers in our sample presented low sensitivity and structuring, as well as high intrusiveness when interacting with their children. These characteristics have been previously linked to more severe forms of dysfunctional care- giving practices in the parent, such as harsh discipline or even maltreatment (e.g., Bauer & Twentyman, 1985; Joosen, Mesman, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van IJzendoorn, 2012), as well as undesired developmental outcomes in children (Swanson et al., 2000), providing evidence of the detrimental effect that prolonged substance abuse can have on parental practices (Johnson et al., 1990).

Differently from previous studies (Fitzgerald et al., 1990; Pajulo et al., 2001), our data did not highlight particular difficulties in the parental domain of negative emotion regulation (i.e., the nonhostility scale). It is possible that the context of free play in which ob- servations were conducted was not stressful enough to elicit plainly hostile behaviors. Another explanation could be that admission to treatment could have buffered more severe forms of difficulties (Fraser et al., 2010).

With respect to alexithymia, as expected, 43% of the mothers in our study presented scores above the TAS-20 cutoff, confirming the

Table 3 Group differences in the variables of the study

Mothers without alexithymia (n = 34) Mothers with alexithymia (n = 26) β Ω20

Sensitivity 4.19 (0.80) 3.85 (0.60) − 0.24† 0.04 Nonhostility 5.38 (1.08) 4.96 (1.03) − 0.14 0.01 Structuring 4.46 (0.73) 4.04 (0.56) − 0.30* 0.07 Nonintrusiveness 4.19 (1.33) 3.83 (1.17) − 0.20 0.02 Child’s Age 19.82 (26.69) 18.77 (19.36) 0.21† 0.03 Mother’s Age 29.74 (7.82) 28.50 (7.07) 0.06 0.01

OR Depression Symptomatology (cutoff) 7 (21) 10 (38) 4.83** Child’s Gender (male) 17 (50) 13 (50) 1

Note. Data are given as n (%), mean (standard deviation) †p< .1; * p < .05; ** p < .01 OR = Odd Ratio resulted from Fisher’s Exact Test Ω20 = Partial Omega Squared

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Table 4 Effect of Alexithymia and Depression on Mother’s Emotional Availability Scales

Emotional Availability Scales - Mother

Sensitivity Nonhostility Structuring Nonintrusiveness

Model 1 Model 2 Model 1 Model 2 Model 1 Model 2 Model 1 Model 2

Predictors β Ω20 β Ω 2 0 β Ω

2 0 β Ω

2 0 β Ω

2 0 β Ω

2 0 β Ω

2 0 β Ω

2 0

Alexithymia − 0.25* 0.04 − 0.19 0.04 − 0.19 0.02 − 0.16 0.02 − 0.32* 0.07 − 0.35* 0.07 − 0.12 0.01 − 0.10 0.01 Child’s Age 0.18 − 0.01 − 0.15 0.02 − 0.25† 0.03 − 0.09 − 0.01 − 0.08 0.01 0.08 − 0.02 0.35** 0.17 − 0.03 − 0.01 Mother’s Age − 0.27† 0.05 0.17 − 0.01 0.12 0.00 − 0.26† 0.02 − 0.19 0.01 − 0.07 0.01 0.22† 0.03 0.35** 0.17 SCL - Depression − 0.23 0.03 0.15 0.00 − 0.21 0.02 0.23 0.03

R2 0.12† 0.14† 0.10† 0.10† 0.14* 0.15† 0.25** 0.25** AIC 134.06 134.73 181.52 183.10 125.73 127.35 190.27 192.21 Model Comparison F(1,55) = 1.23, p = .27 F(1,55) = 0.38, p = .54 F(1,55) = 0.35, p = .55 F(1,55) = 0.06, p = .80

†p< .1; * p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001; Ω20 = Partial Omega Squared.

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high prevalence of this trait in SUD individuals also in the context of motherhood. Several studies indicate alexithymia to be a common trait in adult and young substance abusers (Handelsman et al., 2000; Oyefeso et al., 2008; Parolin et al., 2018; Torrado, Ouakinin, & Bacelar-Nicolau, 2013), suggesting that it could be a potential risk and sustaining factor for SUD (De Rick & Vanheule, 2006; de Timary, Luts, Hers, & Luminet, 2008). Specifically, it has been hypothesized that in the case of alexithymic traits, the assumption of substances could be used to compensate for deficits in emotional self-awareness (Taylor, Bagby, Parker, & Grotstein, 1997). At the same time, various studies have pointed out associations between alexithymia and quality of parenting in infancy (Schechter et al., 2015), childhood (Yürümez et al., 2014), and adolescence (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015; Kliewer et al., 2016), suggesting that it can be an additional risk factor for adequate caregiving in parents with SUD. Differently from what expected, our first hypothesis on the as- sociations between maternal alexithymia and maternal sensitivity was only partially confirmed suggesting that, in our group, diffi- culties in becoming aware of one’s own emotions had only a marginal impact on the ability to affectively attune to children’s emotional signals and to create a healthy and emotional connection with them. It is possible that this lack of significant associations is linked to methodological characteristics, as for example sampling procedures or the conceptualization of maternal sensitivity provided by the EAS, which take into specific account the emotional climate of parent-child interactions rather than discrete parenting behaviors or self-reported parenting attitudes per se. On the other hand, we might wonder whether parental sensitivity as measured by the EAS could be more linked to parental psychopathological characteristics which are different from maternal alexithymia, as for example depression, as highlighted by the results of our study and by previous research (Trapolini, Ungerer, & McMahon, 2008).

On the contrary, in line with our second hypothesis, the mothers in our study who reported the presence of alexithymia presented with significantly lower scores on structuring supporting the expectation that in this clinical group, the presence of alexithymia is associated with difficulties in guiding, scaffolding activities and setting age appropriate limits.

The impact of maternal alexithymia on structuring remained even when controlling for depression (as well as mothers’ and children’s age), suggesting that the difficulties in becoming aware of one’s own feelings could play a specific role in the ability to guide and scaffold interactions in an emotionally attuned way and to subsequently set age-appropriate limits. This result is in line with previous work that suggests a specific effect of alexithymia on parenting, also accounting for maternal psychopathology (Yürümez et al., 2014), and partially extends these results to a SUD clinical sample. Anyway, it seems that besides the partial overlapping be- tween depression and alexithymia, both in terms of psychological disease and of their effect on caregiving, the role of the latter seems specific for the parental domain of structuring rather than other parental characteristics. Appropriate structuring refers not only to the provision of a sufficient amount of suggestions and of guidance but also to its quality, which should be proactive and emotionally attuned to the child’s age, condition, and level of understanding, and also provided through an integration of different channels to be effective (Biringen, 2008; Sullivan & Horowitz, 1983). In other words, to properly guide and scaffold a child’s abilities, the parent’s suggestions should be advanced with the right timing, when the child is ready or prepared to pick them up, and through different verbal and nonverbal modalities to be understandable and to act within the child’s zone of proximal development (Carr & Pike, 2012). Previous studies highlighted that substance-using mothers show difficulties providing adequate guidance during teaching interactions with their children (Blackwell et al., 1999). It is possible that when SUD co-occurs with alexithymia, parents experience additional difficulties in understanding when their suggestions are contingent on the child’s level of comprehension and thereby fail to provide adequate structuring, resulting in a series of attempts that could be too much (i.e., over-structuring), too little (i.e., under-structuring), or incoherent with respect to the child’s needs (Meins, 1997). At the same time, as previously reported in studies on parents without SUD (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015), it is possible that parents with alexithymia attempt to compensate for the lack of emotional under- standing with a lack in limit-setting. These results seem to support studies pointing out deficits in parents’ higher order mentalizing abilities after extended substance use, which would prevent the possibility to assume the children’s perspective, understanding their experience in terms of mental states, and subsequently failing to organize and modulate appropriate scaffolding responses (Håkansson et al., 2018; Pajulo et al., 2008). Notably, these abilities and other processes involved in the understanding of others’ inner emotional experiences, have shown correlations with maternal emotional availability (Möller et al., 2017) and have been found to be further damaged by the presence of alexithymia (Moriguchi et al., 2006; Sonnby-Borgström, 2009)

Finally, differently from what we expected from our third hypothesis, we did not find associations between alexithymia and nonintrusiveness (i.e., the tendency to avoid controlling and intruding into interactions), suggesting that, at least in the case of maternal SUD, the tendency to interfere could be linked to other mechanisms, possibly more dependent on neuropsychological functioning (Porreca et al., 2018).

A final consideration should be addressed to the fact that we found significant differences in parenting behaviors when considering alexithymia a dichotomous variable (i.e., parents with vs. without alexithymia) rather than a continuous one. Although the choice to dichotomize the construct relied on previous work in which this procedure proved to be effective in explaining the relationships between parenting and alexithymia (see Yürümez et al., 2014), it is noteworthy that in our study these two domains presented only a tendency toward a linear relation, which was clearly evident in studies on normative parents (e.g., Cuzzocrea et al., 2015). Some authors suggest being careful in dichotomizing variables during statistical analyses (e.g., MacCallum, Zhang, Preacher, & Rucker, 2002), whereas other authors state that the adoption of this procedure in clinical psychology and psychiatry could be particularly helpful (e.g., Farrington & Loeber, 2000; Flouri, 2008). Specifically, in this field, dichotomization, which helps to identify extreme categories, could help to reveal a specific clinical phenomenon and its effects, which could be otherwise concealed by product-moment correlations between continuous variables (Farrington & Loeber, 2000). Future studies should further investigate this issue in the field of at-risk parenting to understand whether this aspect could be linked to methodological limits in the measures and analyses adopted or rather to the specific clinical condition of the group considered.

Taken together, these data indicate that the presence of alexithymia in parents with SUD is more likely to lead to incoherent or withdrawn patterns of dysfunctional caregiving that in their most extreme form might result in the complete absence of scaffolding, or

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even in child neglect, rather than in physically abusive behaviors.

5. Study limitations

The study presents a series of limitations. First, it is characterized by a relatively small (albeit clinical) sample. The adoption of a larger sample in the future would provide more information on the phenomenon of parental alexithymia and its implications for caregiving behaviors in the context of parental SUD. A second limitation of the study is linked to the absence of a control group, the adoption of which in the future could help to understand whether the mechanisms linking presence of alexithymia and low levels of structuring in parenting behaviors are generalizable to all parents or are specific to parents with SUD. A third limitation concerns the use of a self-report measure to assess alexithymia. Although the results of the present study showed excellent reliability with respect to the TAS-20 total score, and previous literature effectively adopted the instrument with similar research designs (Cuzzocrea et al., 2015; Schechter et al., 2015; Yürümez et al., 2014), it could be critical for an individual with alexithymia, which per definition presents difficulties in acknowledging and describing his or her own emotional states, to accurately describe his or her alexithymic symptoms. Therefore, the adoption of multi-informant assessments in future studies would provide a better and more global understanding of the phenomenon. A fourth limitation concerns the heterogeneity of children’s age, which we tried to compensate for by adopting an instrument (the EAS) that allowed us to assess parenting from infancy to adolescence and controlling for children’s age in statistical analysis. Finally, a limitation is represented by the lack of measures specifically aimed at investigating maternal mentalizing abilities, as reflective functioning, which could be particularly important in the context of SUD. In our study this aspect was captured only to some extent through the EAS coding system and, thus, should be further investigated in future research, to better understand how maternal alexithymia could affect the psychological mechanisms that allow parents to get in touch with their children’s inner ex- periences and feelings.

6. Clinical implications

Despite the limitations, the results of this study provide a series of clinical implications with respect to the implementation of assessment and intervention strategies for parents with SUD. As previously highlighted, parental SUD is a complex clinical condition in which various medical, social, psychological, and relational-behavioral characteristics are involved. The results of this study stress the importance of simultaneously investigating parenting behaviors and individual psychopathological characteristics in the parent, such as alexithymia. As our results highlight, the sample of mothers considered presents general difficulties in almost all domains of parenting behaviors, but when alexithymia is clinically present, caregiving difficulties seem to specifically involve structuring. In this sense, future assessment protocols should try to go beyond the simple identification of challenges in parenting behaviors to understand whether specific difficulties could be better understood by also considering specific psychopathological traits in the parent.This attempt could have important implications for clinical treatment. In the context of high-risk parenting, as in the case of parental SUD, one of the main targets of interventions is represented by highly severe behaviors, such as hostility and intrusiveness, which could be contingently linked to undesired outcomes such as maltreatment and disorganized attachment in the child (Swanson et al., 2000). The results of the present study stress the importance of considering and intervening also in more subtle and less “evident” parenting behaviors, offering support for a wider range of parental strategies in the context of parental SUD. In the specific case of alexithymia, particular attention should be addressed to the possibility of providing parents with effective strategies to structure and scaffold their children’s activities, and to provide adequate and understandable limits where necessary.

7. Conclusions

In conclusion, this is the first study to investigate the impact of maternal alexithymia on quality of caregiving in mothers with SUD, highlighting a specific effect of the first on the parental domain of structuring, even after controlling for psychopathology. Future studies could explore the origins of these alexithymic traits in SUD parents, determining whether they are associated with mothers’ past traumatic experiences (De Carli, Riem Madelon, & Parolin, 2017) or more directly related to drug assumption. Finally, research should focus on testing whether these associations could represent pathways toward more severe forms of parental difficulties (e.g., maltreatment in the form of neglect) and whether they could be sensitive to interventions.

Funding

The study was supported by Comunità di Venezia scs

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declarations of interest.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank the director of the Therapeutic Community (Dr Capra) for giving the permission to conduct the study, the coordinator (Dr Cappelletto) and the Psychotherapists (Dr De Palo, Dr Prandini, Dr Dalla Cia) for helping in recruitment and data

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collection. Special thanks go to the families that took part in the research.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104690.

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Zuckerman, B., & Brown, E. (1993). Maternal substance abuse and infant development. In C. H. Zeanah (Ed.), Handbook of Infant Mental Health (pp. 143–158). Guilford Press.

A. Porreca et al.

  • Mothers’ alexithymia in the context of parental Substance Use Disorder: Which implications for parenting behaviors?
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Method
      • 2.1 Participants
      • 2.2 Procedure
      • 2.3 Measures
        • 2.3.1 Alexithymia
        • 2.3.2 Depression
        • 2.3.3 Parenting behaviors
      • 2.4 Statistical Analyses
    • 3 Results
    • 4 Discussion
    • 5 Study limitations
    • 6 Clinical implications
    • 7 Conclusions
    • Funding
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgments
    • Appendix A Supplementary data
    • References

Examination-of-the-associations-between-young-children-s-tra_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Examination of the associations between young children’s trauma exposure, trauma-symptomatology, and executive function

Emily M. Cohodesa,1,*, Stephen H. Chena,2, Alicia F. Liebermana, Nicole R. Busha,b

a University of California, San Francisco, Department of Psychiatry, Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital, United States b University of California, San Francisco, Department of Pediatrics, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Child trauma Posttraumatic stress Executive function Preschool-age children Child mental health

A B S T R A C T

The present study used a bioecological framework to examine associations between trauma ex- posure, trauma-related symptomatology, and executive function (EF) in an urban sample of 88 predominantly ethnic-minority, low-income preschoolers (age 2–5) exposed to interpersonal trauma. Contrary to hypotheses based on past literature documenting associations between trauma exposure and EF deficits in childhood, in regressions adjusting for child gender, family income, and caregiver education, neither trauma exposure or trauma-related symptoms (post- traumatic stress symptoms, internalizing behaviors, or externalizing behaviors) were sig- nificantly associated with children’s EF performance. Associations between child trauma ex- posure, symptomatology, and executive function were not moderated by parental PTSD symp- tomatology; and EF was not differentially predicted by type of trauma. Results suggest that, within an ethnically-diverse sample of preschool-aged children exposed to multiple traumas, associations between trauma exposure, symptomatology, and EF may be particularly nuanced. Keywords: child trauma, posttraumatic stress, executive function, preschool-age children, child mental health.

1. Introduction

Executive function (EF), a diverse set of complex cognitive processes including working memory, inhibitory control, and cognitive flexibility, is central to children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development (DePrince, Weinzierl, & Combs, 2009; Moriguchi, Chevalier, & Zelazo, 2016). Although there is strong evidence for negative associations between adult trauma exposure and EF (El- Hage, Gaillard, Isingrini, & Belzung, 2006; Stein, Kennedy, & Twamley, 2002), previous empirical examinations of the associations among child trauma exposure, trauma-related symptomatology, and EF have yielded mixed findings, suggesting that these asso- ciations may be nuanced and context-dependent early in development.

Examining this mixed literature regarding EF and trauma across development within a bioecological framework may shed light on the interaction between individual, context-, process, and timing-related factors that inform children’s development of self-regulatory capacities (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104635 Received 29 January 2020; Received in revised form 11 July 2020; Accepted 17 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (E.M. Cohodes).

1 EMC is now at the Department of Psychology, Yale University, 2 Hillhouse Avenue, New Haven, Connecticut 06511. 2 SHC is now at the Department of Psychology, Wellesley College.

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1.1. Context: differential effects of direct and indirect trauma exposure

Contextual components of the bioecological model are particularly relevant in examining how different types of trauma exposure may have varying effects on children’s EF. Specifically, distinct types of traumatic exposures (e.g., familial trauma vs. non-familial trauma) may differentially affect children’s self-regulatory development. Across several studies comparing the effects of familial versus non-familial trauma on executive function, exposure to familial trauma predicted poorer EF in both school-age children (DePrince et al., 2009) as well as younger samples (Nolin & Ethier, 2007), consistent with previous accounts of dissociable effects of exposure to familial versus non-familial trauma on children’s self-regulatory development (Maughan & Cicchetti, 2002). These results emphasize the importance of assessing EF deficits associated with an array of trauma exposures and examining whether associations between child trauma exposure, symptomatology, and EF may differ by a child’s specific type of exposure.

1.2. Process: child and caregiver symptomatology and EF

A modest body of work has investigated associations between children’s trauma-related symptomatology and EF. Given variations in children’s responses to traumatic exposure (Ungar, 2013), investigating associations between trauma-related symptomatology and EF may provide new information about the ways in which the sequelae of exposure to traumatic events (e.g., the development of trauma-related symptomatology) may affect EF.

1.2.1. Associations between child trauma symptomatology and EF deficits Compared to healthy, non-maltreated peers, youth with a history of maltreatment-related PTSD exhibited worse EF, attention,

and abstract reasoning skills (Beers & De Bellis, 2002), which is consistent with additional reports of negative associations between PTSD symptomatology and EF (De Bellis, Hooper, Spratt, & Woolley, 2009; Park et al., 2014). However, multiple studies utilizing case-control designs have failed to find a significant association between trauma-related symptomatology and EF (Augusti & Melinder, 2013; Barrera, Calderón, & Bell, 2013; Kavanaugh & Holler, 2014). In addition, despite finding a negative association between maltreatment history and EF, De Bellis, Woolley, and Hooper (2013) reported no unique effect of maltreatment-related PTSD on EF, suggesting that trauma exposure and trauma-related symptomatology may differentially predict EF across development. More broadly, this pattern of findings suggests equifinal pathways to impairments in EF across development stemming from both exposure to traumatic events and trauma-related symptomatology, with variability in outcomes potentially depending on specific profiles of trauma exposure and resulting symptomatology. These complexities have not been adequately examined within the same sample, highlighting an important area of needed research.

1.2.2. Caregiver symptomatology as a potential moderator Parental histories of trauma, and resulting symptomatology, may interfere with the development of a healthy parent–child re-

lationship and parental attunement to a child’s emotional experiences, which may impact parents’ ability to support their children’s self-regulatory abilities (Fonagy, Steele, Moran, Steele, & Higgitt, 1993; George & Solomon, 2008; Hesse & Main, 1999; Moran, Neufeld Bailey, Gleason, DeOliveira, & Pederson, 2008). Furthermore, parents’ trauma-related symptomatology may impede parents’ ability to structure their children’s emotional experiences, plan effectively, or provide their child with narrative coherence around stressful or triggering events (Fossati, Ergis, & Allilaire, 2001; Leskin & White, 2007), which may, in turn, affect children’s devel- opment of EF following their own traumatic exposure. The effects of abuse and related symptomatology on the parent-child re- lationship; attachment; and parenting; and, further, the effects of these factors on EF development; may be especially salient for parents of preschool-aged children and therefore represent an important area of further research.

1.3. Process: maltreatment and neglect as distinct processes within context

Different types of trauma exposure may represent distinct proximal processes within a single microsystem-level context of familial trauma. Consistent with theories positing that the presence of deprivation versus threat may be a key factor in predicting neuro- biological development following exposure to maltreatment (McLaughlin, Sheridan, & Lambert, 2014), the extant literature ex- amining effects of exposure to maltreatment and neglect suggest that these distinct proximal processes within the context of familial trauma may have distinct effects on children’s EF following trauma exposure.

1.3.1. Neglect-related findings A significant body of literature has documented the severe impact of neglect, particularly exposure to institutionalized care, on

children’s EF across development (Bos, 2009; Hostinar, Stellern, Schaefer, Carlson, & Gunnar, 2012; Pollak et al., 2010). Although the degree of deprivation in institutionalized care settings varies by individual site, institutionalized care settings are characterized by malnutrition, a low caregiver-child ratio (and frequent staff turnover), exposure to infection, and insufficient cognitive and per- ceptual stimulation (Nelson, 2007). Despite a consistent pattern of association between institutionalized care and diminished per- formance on visual memory and EF tasks in school-age children (Bos, 2009; Pollak et al., 2010), previous studies have not examined associations between neglect and EF in early childhood.

1.3.2. Maltreatment-related findings Numerous studies in middle childhood and adolescence have reported associations between trauma exposure and poorer EF,

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including maltreatment-related increases in perseverative errors (Spann et al., 2012), working memory deficits (De Bellis et al., 2013; Perna & Kiefner, 2013), deficits in inhibitory control (Barrera et al., 2013), general deficits in cognitive flexibility (Fishbein et al., 2009), and deficits in visual attention (De Bellis et al., 2009). In contrast, several investigations have failed to find significant associations between trauma exposure and EF. Notably, no between-group differences in inhibitory control or IQ were detected between children with and without histories of abuse (Mezzacappa, Kindlon, & Earls, 2001) and no between group differences were found for cognitive flexibility or task switching among a adolescents with and without histories of maltreatment (Kirke-Smith, Henry, & Messer, 2014). These opposing findings suggest that further investigations of this relationship are needed and that it may be informative to examine potential moderating factors such as specific trauma-related and individual and family-level factors. In addition, among adolescents with a history of maltreatment, subjects’ physical and sexual abuse histories were negatively correlated with cognitive flexibility, problem solving, and planning, as compared to age-matched subjects without a history of maltreatment (Kavanaugh, Holler, & Selke, 2015). However, in the same sample, adolescents’ histories of emotional abuse were negatively cor- related with working memory and attention, suggesting that distinct types of maltreatment may differentially affect multiple domains of EF (Kavanaugh et al., 2015).

The complexity of the association between maltreatment and EF capacities across development exists in early childhood data as well. Two studies to date did not find significant differences in children’s inhibitory control between maltreated and non-maltreated preschool-age children (Cipriano-Essel, Skowron, Stifter, & Teti, 2013; Giuliano, Roos, Farrar, & Skowron, 2018), which is incon- sistent with findings in two other studies that suggested exposure to maltreatment in early childhood was associated with poorer inhibitory control (Fay-Stammbach, Hawes, & Meredith, 2017; Skowron, Cipriano-Essel, Gatzke-Kopp, Teti, & Ammerman, 2014).

1.4. Timing: effects of trauma on EF in early childhood

The preschool period is a time during which the effect of exposure to trauma has been theorized to be particularly salient (Gunnar, Frenn, Wewerka, & Van Ryzin, 2009; McLaughlin et al., 2015; see Gee & Casey, 2015, for a review). Determining associations between trauma exposure and EF in the preschool period is critical given that children experience major improvements in EF between the ages of 3–5 (Diamond, 2006). EF is also implicated in a wide range of developmental tasks in early childhood (Best and Miller, 2010), and self-regulatory deficits resulting from trauma exposure may confer early latent risk for subsequent functioning across the lifespan (Friedman, Miyake, Robinson, & Hewitt, 2011). Given that children are disproportionately exposed to trauma and mal- treatment (Cochran, 1995; Fantuzzo, Boruch, Beriama, Atkins, & Marcus, 1997; Finkelhor, Turner, Ormrod, Hamby, & Kracke, 2009) and early childhood exposure may have particularly pernicious and lasting effects on children’s self-regulatory processes (Lieberman, Chu, Van Horn, & Harris, 2011), further investigation of these effects during this period is of critical importance.

Though limited to date, several studies have focused on testing associations between exposure to maltreatment and EF in samples of preschool-aged children. These studies have yielded mixed findings and have underscored the importance of parenting style and quality of the parent-child interaction style as potential moderators of the association between child exposure to maltreatment and executive function. For example, in a study of 4−5-year-old children with histories of maltreatment, both parental emotion socia- lization (punitive responses to negative child emotions) and history of maltreatment had detrimental effects on children’s executive function, but punitive parenting in response to children’s displays of negative affect exacerbated the risk association between mal- treatment and EF (Fay-Stammbach et al., 2017). In addition, individual differences in child parasympathetic nervous system activity measured during a challenging cooperative parent-child task was found to moderate the effect of child maltreatment status on children’s inhibitory control (Skowron et al., 2014). Taken together, findings from such studies underscore the potential centrality of parenting style and parent-child interaction style in the association between maltreatment and EF development in early childhood and support the importance of examining effects of parental trauma exposure symptomatology on child EF in high-risk contexts.

Despite recent investigation of associations between child exposure to maltreatment and executive function among preschool- aged children, previous studies have not examined these associations in a sample of children with more diverse exposure to various types of traumatic events (i.e., a combined sample of children exposed to maltreatment, neglect, traumatic separation from a caregiver, death of a parent, exposure to community violence). To our knowledge, however, one study to date has examined asso- ciations between a composite index of risk (e.g., child SES, family turmoil, exposure to maltreatment) and child performance on an inhibitory control task and found that higher cumulative risk was associated with lower inhibitory control performance. In addition, evidence suggest that the effects of cumulative risk exposure on inhibitory control were not attributable to maltreatment exposure alone (Giuliano et al., 2018), suggesting that exposure to a broader array of traumatic exposures during the preschool years may similarly have differential effects on EF, as compared to exposure to solely maltreatment.

1.5. Contributions of the present study

The majority of studies examining associations between children’s trauma exposure, trauma-related symptomatology, and EF have utilized samples of maltreated or institutionalized children, leading to a fairly narrow and domain-specific examination of trauma effects on EF. Very few have examined associations between exposure to, and symptomatology resulting from, a broader array of traumatic experiences (e.g., exposure to maltreatment, neglect or separation from a primary caregiver, witnessing domestic violence, death of a family member), and EF. This gap in the existing literature is critical given that this array of exposures is more representative of traumas experienced in a community sample (Crusto et al., 2010). Thus, the present study aimed to fill a major gap in the literature by examining associations between trauma exposure to a wide range of interpersonal traumatic events, trauma- related symptomatology, and EF within a preschool-aged sample. In addition, the majority of studies testing associations between

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exposure to maltreatment and EF have focused specifically on assessing children’s inhibitory control following maltreatment, whereas the present study utilized a broader measure of cognitive flexibility, working memory, and inhibitory control in order to examine associations between early exposure to adversity and a more distributed set of executive functions that are central to children’s functioning across development.

We hypothesized that, among children seeking treatment for trauma exposure and related symptomatology, the degree to which children had been exposed to trauma (i.e. cumulative number of traumatic events experienced from birth—present), as well as children’s trauma-related symptomatology (posttraumatic stress-related symptoms, internalizing problems, and externalizing pro- blems) would be negatively associated with children’s EF. In addition, in order to assess the role of potential contextual effects on the association between trauma exposure and EF, we examined whether caregiver-related trauma symptomatology severity significantly moderated this association. Finally, in order to test for trauma-type-specific effects on child EF, separate models included distinct predictors representing different types of traumatic exposure.

2. Method

2.1. Participants

The current study included 88 children (56.80 % male) aged 27.20–71.50 months (Mage = 51.55 months, SD = 11.64 months) and caregivers (Mage = 34.50, SD = 8.98) who were referred to a community-based trauma clinic for clinical services. Caregivers were 85 % biological mothers, 7% grandmothers, 6% biological fathers, and 2% other female family members and foster mothers. Referral sources included family court, domestic violence service providers, medical providers, preschools, child protective services, and other social service agencies, former clients, and self-referrals. Parent-child dyads were included in the study if the child was between 2–5 years old at the time of referral and the child had been exposed to interpersonal trauma. Exclusion criteria for the larger study from which the present sample was derived included mother or child intellectual disability or autism; substance abuse; chronic or severe mental illness; active suicidal or homicidal ideation; life-threatening medical illness; inability to speak either English or Spanish; confirmed child physical or sexual abuse by the parent referred with the child; and potential traumatic brain injury. Caregivers reported that children in the present study had been exposed to a range of traumatic events, including maltreatment and neglect. Caregivers reported that 36.3 % of children in the sample had been exposed to physical abuse (n = 32), 14.7 % of the children had been exposed to sexual abuse (n = 13), and 20.5 % of children had been exposed to neglect (n = 18). Analyses for the present study were conducted with dyads with complete data (N = 88).

Caregivers and children were primarily low income, with high percentages of minority racial and ethnic groups represented in the sample. Children were 49 % Latino/a (n = 43), 18 % bi/multiracial (n = 16), 13 % Caucasian (n = 11), 9% African American (n = 9), 9% other/mixed ethnicity (n = 7), and 2% Asian (n = 2). The majority of children were English-speaking (60 %) and the rest were monolingual Spanish-speaking or bilingual in English and Spanish. Caregivers had completed an average of 12.99 years of education (SD = 4.03) and had a mean monthly family income of $2,225, with 56 % of families having incomes below the federal poverty line (United States Department of Health & Human Services, 2015).

2.2. Procedure

The Committee for Human Research at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital and the Institutional Review Board at University of California, San Francisco approved all research procedures. Caregivers completed informed consent procedures in their primary language. Children were given an explanation of study procedures and verbal assent was obtained. As part of a broader array of assessments administered as part of a larger, ongoing study, each child completed the EF task while caregivers were administered a semi-structured interview that assessed demographic information, child exposure to traumatic events, child trauma symptomatology, and their own (caregiver) symptomatology. At the end of the intake assessment, dyads were paid for their participation and study- related childcare and transportation costs. Children were also given a small inexpensive toy. All assessments were conducted by post- doctoral fellows pre-doctoral interns, and post-baccalaureate researchers in clinical psychology who were supervised by licensed clinical psychologists.

2.3. Measures

2.3.1. Caregiver measures 2.3.1.1. Family demographic variables. Caregivers reported on ethnicity, education history, family income, and marital status as part of a longer intake assessment interview about the child’s history.

2.3.1.2. Child exposure to traumatic events. The 24-item Traumatic Events Screening Inventory-Parent Report Revised (Ippen et al., 2002) assesses a range of lifetime trauma exposure in children and was administered to the caregiver in interview format, with responses coded as 0 (not exposed) or 1 (exposed). This inventory has been validated against other measures of children’s violence exposure (Berent et al., 2008) and includes items covering a range of traumas, such as maltreatment, prolonged separation from a primary caregiver, and witnessing parental incarceration. A total trauma score was constructed by summing all items.

2.3.1.3. Caregiver-reported child trauma-related symptomatology. The Trauma Symptom Checklist for Young Children (TESI-PRR;

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Briere et al., 2001) is a 90-item parent-report measure of trauma-related symptoms in children ages 3–12 that has demonstrated reliability and predictive validity in a large sample of traumatized children (Briere et al., 2001). Caregivers rated items on a scale of 1 (not at all) to 4 (very often). The total subscale score—a composite of subscales of intrusion, avoidance, and arousal—was used in the present study. One item (“Bad dreams or nightmares”) was removed in order to improve internal consistency (26 items; Cronbach’s α = 0.84).

2.3.1.4. Caregiver-reported child behavior problems. Caregivers completed the Child Behavioral Checklist 1.5–5 version (Y-CBCL; Achenbach & Rescorla, 2000), a 99-item caregiver-report measure of children’s behavioral problems. Caregivers rated each item on a scale of 0 (not true) to 2 (very or often true). The instrument has demonstrated predictive and external validity, has high one-week test- retest reliability (Gross et al., 2006), and has been established to be valid for use in Latino populations (Gross et al., 2006). The externalizing (24 items; Cronbach’s α = 0.90) and internalizing problems (36 items; Cronbach’s α = 0.86) subscales were used in the present study.

2.3.1.5. Caregiver PTSD symptomatology. The PTSD Symptom Scale-Interview (PSS-I; Foa, Riggs, Dancu, & Rothbaum, 1993) is a 17- item interview that assesses PTSD symptomatology that has been shown to have good internal consistency and high concurrent validity. The total PTSD-related symptom severity subscale score—a composite of subscales of re-experiencing, avoidance, and arousal—was used in the present study (17 items; Cronbach’s α = 0.90).

2.4. Child measures

2.4.1. Executive function The Executive Function Scale for Early Childhood™ (EF Scale; Carlson & Harrod, 2013) is a recently-developed measure of

cognitive flexibility adapted for children between the ages of 2.5–7 that administers an age-appropriate card sorting task with seven successive levels of difficulty (Beck, Schaefer, Pang, & Carlson, 2011). The EF Scale integrates previously established, devel- opmentally-appropriate assessments of EF including categorization/reverse categorization (Carlson et al., 2004), separated dimen- sional change card sort (DCCS; Diamond et al., 2005), and integrated and advanced DCCS (Zelazo, 2006; Zelazo et al., 2003) into a single metric of executive function. The EF Scale utilizes a single, graded scale and has been shown to be sensitive to typical development of EF during the preschool stage, is reliable in typically-developing 2.5- to 5-year-olds (Beck et al., 2011; Reflection Sciences, 2017), and has been frequently used in both clinical (e.g., Doom et al., 2014; Hostinar et al., 2012) and at-risk preschool- aged samples (e.g., Chu et al., 2013), making it an optimal choice for assessment of executive function of children in our trauma- exposed, preschool-aged sample.

During the EF Scale administration, children were seated at a table across from the administrator with two boxes. Each box had slots on the top and were labeled with target cards associated with the level of the task they were performing. The EF Scale ad- ministration is adaptive, such that 2–3 levels are administered to determine the child’s basal and ceiling levels. In each level of the task, children sorted a total of 10 cards into boxes based on the rules for that level. Specifically, children were instructed to sort five cards into two boxes according to one rule, and then to switch and sort five additional cards by an opposing or conflicting rule. Of note, during the second portion of each level of the task administered, the child was instructed to inhibit their automatic response to the salient stimulus in order to provide a correct response. For example, during Level 1 of the EF Scale, children were instructed to sort cards that depicted either a “big kitty” or a “little kitty.” During Trials 1–5, children were instructed to place the “little kitty” cards into the box labelled with a card depicting a “little kitty” and to place the “big kitty” cards into the box labelled with a card depicting a “big kitty.” Then, during Trials 6–10 of Level 2, children were instructed to place the “little kitty” cards into the “big kitty” box, and the “big kitty” cards into the “little kitty” box, requiring them to inhibit their prepotent response to follow the pre-switch rule. In order to minimize working memory demands of the task, children were reminded of the relevant rule prior to every trial.

Successful completion of 80 % of the trials (4 out of 5) for both the pre- and post-switch trials was required to pass and advance to the subsequent level. In the present sample, 10.1 % of children completed Level 0, 33.7 % completed Level 1, 7.9 % completed Level 2, 6.7 % completed Level 3, 30.3 % completed Level 4, 6.7 % completed Level 5, 1.1 % completed Level 6, and 3.4 % completed Level 7. On average, preschoolers in the present sample completed 2.55 Levels; in contrast, lab and community samples of preschoolers completed 3.2 and 3.1 levels, on average, respectively, and preschoolers deemed to be “at-risk” in the norming sample completed an average of 2.7 levels (Reflection Sciences, 2017, Figure 10, 2017). Additional norming information is available in the Technical Manual for the EF Scale (Reflection Sciences, 2017). To account for the influence of children’s age at the time of testing, standardized residual scores were obtained by regressing total points from completed trials of the task (levels 0–7) on child age in months at time of testing. 60 % of children (n = 52) completed the task in English and the rest completed the task in Spanish.

2.5. Analyses

SPSS Version 24 was used to conduct four separate hierarchical regression analyses to examine the main effects of trauma–related predictors on children’s EF. In each regression, covariates (caregiver years of education, family monthly income, and child gender) were entered in the first step of each regression, and one of the trauma-related predictor measures (total exposure, trauma-specific symptoms, internalizing problems, or externalizing problems) was entered in the second step. To create interaction terms to test for potential moderation, trauma-related predictor terms were mean-centered (Aiken & West, 1991) and each term was then multiplied by the centered age and separately by the caregiver trauma-related symptomatology variables. The two relevant two-way interaction

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terms for each predictor were entered in the third step of each of the four regression models. Finally, in order to explore whether the child’s exposure to specific types of traumatic events was important in the prediction of

EF, three separate models were run with one of three separate “exposure-type” predictors included as a predictor (coded as 0 or 1 for presence of exposure or not): physical abuse and sexual abuse exposure only; physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, and neglect only; and physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, neglect, and witnessing domestic violence only.

2.5.1. Power For medium-sized effects, similar to those observed in previous studies investigating the impact of trauma on executive function in

developmental samples, power analyses conducted using G*Power statistical software (Faul, Erdfelder, Lang, & Buchner, 2007) indicated that 29 participants would be needed to detect differences with .95 power. For small- sized effects with .95 power, power analyses indicated that 68 participants would be required to detect significant differences. These calculations suggest that our study (N = 88) is adequately powered to detect even a small main effect. Furthermore, specific to the regression models testing interaction effects, for medium-sized effects, power analyses indicated that 35 participants would be needed to detect differences with .95 power and that, for small-sized effects, 81 participants would be needed to detect differences with .95 power, suggesting that our sample of N = 88 is also sufficient to test moderation of the relation between multiple indices of trauma exposure and related-symptomatology and EF.

3. Results

Descriptive statistics for main demographic, predictor, and outcome variables are presented in Table 1. Skew and kurtosis cutoffs (West, Finch, & Curran, 1995) indicated normal distributions across all main study variables except for family monthly income, which was transformed to reduce skew. Zero-order correlations among main study variables are presented in Table 2. Higher level of caregiver education was associated with higher child EF, but neither exposure to traumatic events or trauma symptoms were cor- related with children’s EF.

Results of the four regression models are shown in Table 3. None of the trauma-related measures were significant predictors of children’s EF. Also, none of the tested interaction terms (child total trauma exposure x child age, child total trauma exposure x caregiver trauma-related symptomatology, child trauma-related symptomatology x child age, child trauma-related symptomatology x caregiver trauma-related symptomatology, child internalizing problems x child age, child internalizing problems x caregiver trauma- related symptomatology, child externalizing problems x child age, child externalizing problems x caregiver trauma-related symp- tomatology) were significant predictors of children’s EF. Across the three models testing whether specific traumatic exposure type, rather than a cumulative score, was predictive of EF, results showed that exposure-type was not associated with EF (results not shown).

4. Discussion

Informed by a bioecological framework, the present study tested associations between trauma exposure, and symptomatology and EF in a sample of preschool-aged children. Notably, the present study examined these associations in a community sample exposed to an array of traumatic events in different contexts, rather than in children exposed solely to maltreatment or with histories of in- stitutionalization, in order to assess the effects of a broader array of child abuse- and neglect-related experiences on children’s EF. Within this sample, variation in interpersonal trauma exposure and trauma-related symptomatology are not significantly associated with children’s EF. In addition, variations in type of trauma exposure were not associated with children’s EF. Specifically, there was

Table 1 Descriptive statistics of study variables.

N M Min Max SD Skew Kurtosis

Child age (months) 88 51.55 27.20 71.50 11.64 Child sex 88

56.80 % male 43.2 % female

Caregiver relationship to child 88 85 % biological mothers 7% grandmothers 6% biological fathers 2% other female family

Average monthly family Income 88 3.19 1.00 7.00 1.70 .46 −.87 Caregiver education 88 12.94 1 23 4.03 −.29 .26 Child posttraumatic stress symptomatology 88 41.55 27 73 9.55 .99 .78 Child internalizing problems 88 18.61 0 49 9.850 .42 −.10 Child externalizing problems 88 20.78 3 43 9.76 .06 −.87 Caregiver PTSD symptomatology 88 14.76 0 48 12.68 .65 −.79 Child executive function (age corrected-total points) 88 −.07 −2.48 2.36 .92 .32 −.23 Child exposure to traumatic events 88 6.10 1.00 15.00 2.69 .87 .87

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no difference in the association between trauma exposure, trauma-related symptomatology, and EF for children who had been exposed to solely maltreatment relative to children who had experienced maltreatment and neglect, or relative to children who had experienced a broader array of traumatic exposures. Furthermore, the association between trauma exposure and EF was not mod- erated by severity of caregiver trauma-related symptomatology.

The hypothesized differences in the effect of traumatic exposure on EF due to varying contexts and processes, which were based on previous examinations of these associations in more homogenous trauma-exposure samples of older children, were not observed in the present sample of preschool-aged children. Although findings across previous studies have been mixed, results of the present study are consistent with several reports of null findings in samples of older children (e.g., Kirke-Smith et al., 2014; Mezzacappa et al., 2001), preschool-aged children (e.g., Cipriano-Essel et al., 2013; Giuliano et al., 2018), and in line with development-in-context theories (Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Coll, Akerman, & Cicchetti, 2000), broadens the evidence base for context-specific effects of trauma on EF development within diverse community samples.

The null findings reported in the present study suggest that the association between trauma exposure, trauma-related sympto- matology, and EF may be particularly complex and, furthermore, may vary based on specific dimensions of trauma exposure. Specifically, findings underscore that associations between children’s exposure to maltreatment and neglect, in addition to other traumatic events, and effects on EF are nuanced and likely susceptible to variability in individual factors such as biological sensitivity to context (Bush & Boyce, 2016) or interpersonal factors such as parent-child communication style of parental emotion socialization (e.g., Fay-Stammbach et al., 2017). For example, preschool-aged children’s resting parasympathetic nervous system activity, assessed during a joint parent-child challenge, has been found to moderate the effect of child maltreatment status on children’s inhibitory control, suggesting that individual biological factors may lead to trajectories of risk and resilience for cognitive development fol- lowing childhood trauma exposure (Skowron et al., 2014). Recently, there has been an increasing call for research on the effects of child exposure to maltreatment and neglect on neurodevelopmental outcomes to employ more dimensional approches that test how variability in specific elements of exposure (e.g., severity and timing of exposure, whether an event was characterized by control, whether a caregiver was involved as a perpetrator) may affect associations between exposure and outcomes of interest (e.g., Cohodes, Kitt, Baskin‐Sommers, & Gee, 2020; Sheridan and McLaughlin, 2014). Results of the present study underscore that this may be an important avenue for future studies assessing associations between exposure to maltreatment and neglect and cognitive outcomes in early childhood.

In addition, consistent with previous findings in this age-range (e.g., Blair et al., 2014) and older samples of children (e.g., Farah et al., 2006), results of the present study revealed a significant positive association between parental years of education and child EF. Associations between SES and cognitive function are complex and merit additional future research. Specifically, assessment of contributions of parental EF to children’s EF following exposure to trauma would contribute to our understanding of environmental effects of on children’s EF development following adversity.

4.1. Limitations and future directions

Although the present study assessed the association between trauma exposure and EF in a relatively understudied age range and therefore contributes to the literature on associations between trauma exposure, trauma symptomatology, and EF in a novel age range (preschool-age), the developmental timing of exposure to trauma was not assessed in the present study. The developmental timing of trauma exposure is likely a critical factor in fully understanding the association between trauma and EF and should be assessed in

Table 3 Hierarchical multiple regression models testing effects of child trauma exposure, trauma symptomatology, or mental health symptoms on executive function, adjusted for key covariates.

DV: Executive Function (Age-Corrected Total Points)

Model Predictors B SE(B) β Sig. (p) Δ R2 Sig. (F change)

Step 1 (same across all 4 models) Caregiver education .05 .03 .22 .050 Average monthly family income .02 .06 .04 .741 Child gender −.12 .20 −.06 .593 Step 2 Model 1 .02 .171 Child posttraumatic stress symptoms .00 .00 −.07 .534 Total adjusted R2 .02 Step 2 Model 2 .02 .28 Child trauma exposure −.01 .04 −.04 .730 Total adjusted R2 .01 Step 2 Model 3 .02 .136 Child externalizing problems .01 .01 .15 .16 Total adjusted R2 .04 Step 2 Model 4 .02 .171 Child internalizing problems .02 .01 .16 .13

.04

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future studies. Specifically, research on the role of developmental timing in predicting later EF deficits found that children who had experienced maltreatment during infancy, as well as those who had experienced chronic maltreatment, exhibited poorer performance on working memory and inhibitory control tasks, compared to children who had experienced maltreatment in later developmental periods (Cowell, Cicchetti, Rogosch, & Toth, 2015). Similarly, EF deficits in a sample of previously-institutionalized children have been found to be related to duration of time spent in institutionalized care settings (Colvert et al., 2008; Merz & McCall, 2011) such that children of parents adopted after 18 months reported significantly more EF-related difficulties once their children reached adolescence than parents of children adopted at younger ages (Merz & McCall, 2011). In line with bioecological models, these findings highlight timing and developmental age of exposure as critical variables to consider in future examinations in this realm. In addition, future investigations of associations between exposure to traumatic events, trauma-related symptomatology, and EF should investigate the role of individual differences in coping and family-level factors, such as emotion regulatory capacities (Heleniak, Jenness, Vander Stoep, McCauley, & McLaughlin, 2016), parental EF (Chen, Cohodes, Bush, & Lieberman, in press) alterations in threat processing (McLaughlin & Lambert, 2017), and the caregiver-child attachment relationship (see Williamson et al., 2017 for a review).

Although the present study is one of the first studies to evaluate EF capacities in children exposed to a broad range of traumatic events, the variability in exposure type may make it difficult to understand associations between exposure and cognitive function. Similar to previous findings with at-risk preschoolers, preschoolers in the present sample performed worse on this task of EF com- pared to non-traumatized and low-risk community samples (Hostinar et al., 2012; Reflection Sciences, 2017). As such, the precise mechanisms or conditions through which trauma contributes to lower EF in early childhood remain unknown. Further research in larger samples is needed to clarify trauma severity or chronicity, or other mediating or protective factors, may shape EF following trauma exposure.

Representing another important limitation of the present study, children in the sample were from treatment-seeking families and therefore were not necessarily representative of trauma-exposed children in the general population. In addition, though both chil- dren’s and caregivers’ trauma-related symptomatology was assessed in the present study, diagnostic information was not available for study participants, and there were no significant associations between indices of internalizing, externalizing, or trauma-related symptoms and children’s EF. Future studies that include both dimensional indices of trauma-related symptomatology and diagnostic profiles of PTSD will allow for a more thorough investigation of associations between symptomatology and trauma-related effects on EF. Associations between trauma and EF have also been shown to differ by the specific domain of EF assessed (e.g., Kavanaugh & Holler, 2015; Pollak et al., 2010) and reliance on a single instrument to assess EF represents another limitation of the present study. Future studies should test multiple domains of EF in order to determine whether the null findings reported here are unique to the specific task-based EF data collected. Finally, the cross-sectional nature of the present study precludes full understanding of the effects of exposure to trauma on children’s EF. Future longitudinal studies should follow a sample of children exposed to trauma and re-assess EF frequently in order to delineate the developmental trajectories of children following such experiences. Future research could also make use of carefully selected control groups to compare EF between trauma-exposed and non-trauma-exposed samples of children who are matched on all other demographic variables of interest.

In summary, within a trauma-exposed sample of preschool-aged children, associations between trauma exposure, trauma-related symptomatology and children’s EF were not detected, despite adequate power, suggesting that associations between child mal- treatment, neglect, and other traumas and EF-related outcomes may be particularly nuanced. The null findings here highlight the need for consideration of this complexity in future research examining pathways between trauma exposure and cognitive functioning.

Data availability statement

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, Emily Cohodes (emily.cohodes@ yale.edu), upon reasonable request.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by the Irving Harris Foundation and by Tipping Point Community. A.L. and N.B. both receive support from the Lisa and John Pritzker Family Foundation, and E.C. receives support from the National Science Foundation (DGE-1752134) and from The Society for Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology (Division 53 of the American Psychological Association) in the form of a Routh Dissertation Award.

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  • Examination of the associations between young children’s trauma exposure, trauma-symptomatology, and executive function
    • Introduction
      • Context: differential effects of direct and indirect trauma exposure
      • Process: child and caregiver symptomatology and EF
        • Associations between child trauma symptomatology and EF deficits
        • Caregiver symptomatology as a potential moderator
      • Process: maltreatment and neglect as distinct processes within context
        • Neglect-related findings
        • Maltreatment-related findings
      • Timing: effects of trauma on EF in early childhood
      • Contributions of the present study
    • Method
      • Participants
      • Procedure
      • Measures
        • Caregiver measures
        • Family demographic variables
        • Child exposure to traumatic events
        • Caregiver-reported child trauma-related symptomatology
        • Caregiver-reported child behavior problems
        • Caregiver PTSD symptomatology
      • Child measures
        • Executive function
      • Analyses
        • Power
    • Results
    • Discussion
      • Limitations and future directions
    • Data availability statement
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgements
    • References

Measuring-violence-against-children--The-adequacy-of-the-Interna_2020_Child-.pdf

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104636

Available online 31 July 2020 0145-2134/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Measuring violence against children: The adequacy of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (ISPCAN) child abuse screening tool - Child version in 9 Balkan countries

Franziska Meinck a, b,*, Aja L. Murray c, Michael P. Dunne d, e, Peter Schmidt f, g, the BECAN Consortium a School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom b OPTENTIA, Faculty of Health Sciences, North-West University, Vanderbijlpark, South Africa c Department of Psychology, University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom d Faculty of Health, School of Public Health and Social Work, Queensland University of Technology, Australia e Institute for Community Health Research, Hue University, Viet Nam f Centre for Development and Environment(ZEU), Justus-Liebig-University, Giessen, Germany g Department of Psychosomatic Medicine, Johann Gutenberg University Mainz, Germany

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Child abuse Child maltreatment Measurement Configural Metric and scalar invariance Multi-group confirmatory factor analysis Psychometrics Instrument

A B S T R A C T

Objective: Violence against children is a global public health concern. Researchers are increasingly using self-report measures of physical, psychological, and sexual violence and neglect for population-based surveys. The current gold-standard measure, the 45-item ISPCAN Child Abuse Screening Tool has been used across the world. This study assesses its adequacy for measuring abuse across countries. Methods: Multiple group confirmatory factor analyses were used to assess the configural, metric and scalar invariance of the measure across nine Balkan countries. Data were collected using a three-stage stratified random sampling frame of 42,194 school-attending children in three grades (aged 11,13 and 16 years) from schools in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, and Turkey. Children completed the ICAST-C, which measures children’s exposure to physical, psychological, and sexual violence, neglect and wit- nessing household violence in the past year and across the lifespan. Results: The analyses show partial scalar invariance for the ICAST-C constructs children’s expo- sure to physical and psychological violence, neglect and witnessing household violence across the nine countries and partial scalar invariance for the constructs of children’s exposure to physical, psychological and sexual violence, neglect and witnessing household violence across eight countries (Turkey did not measure sexual violence). Conclusions: The ICAST-C can be used to validly compare levels of physical, psychological, and sexual violence, neglect and witnessing violence in school-aged children across countries. It can also be used to validly compare the relations between these forms of violence and their covariates, predictors, and outcomes across countries.

* Corresponding author at: School of Social and Political Science 15a George Square Edinburgh, EH8 9LD, United Kingdom. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (F. Meinck), [email protected] (A.L. Murray), [email protected] (M.P. Dunne), peter.

[email protected] (P. Schmidt).

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104636 Received 7 May 2020; Received in revised form 10 July 2020; Accepted 17 July 2020

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1. Background

Child abuse and neglect are major public health concerns. Globally, an estimated 1 billion children are victims of violence each year (Hillis, Mercy, Amobi, & Kress, 2016). Exposure to violence and adversity in childhood is associated with short- and long-term negative educational (Fry et al., 2018), physical and mental health outcomes (Hughes et al., 2017). These associations are consistently found independent of country, cultural context and language (Carr, Duff, & Craddock, 2018).

In order to prevent child abuse and neglect, it is important to establish and monitor prevalence of exposure to violence in childhood (Meinck et al., 2016). In recent years, an increasing number of countries have conducted nationally representative surveys with young people to establish the prevalence of child abuse and neglect (Mathews, Pacella, Dunne, Simunovic, & Marston, 2020). In fact, measuring and monitoring prevalence of child maltreatment through surveys is stipulated in the European Child Maltreatment Pre- vention Action Plan 2015–2020 (WHO, 2014). Adolescents and young people are asked to fill in self-report measures detailing specific types of violence exposure and report on the frequency of these exposures. Some studies also use parent reports, particularly for younger children.

There are a large number of self-report child abuse measures (Meinck et al., 2016). Proprietary measures have been predominantly used in high income countries, non-proprietary measures tend to be utilised most in low- and middle- income countries, often due to availability of resources. Self-report measures are divided into current self-report which reflects past-year and lifetime exposure to violence and is commonly used with adolescents aged 12–18 and retrospective self-report used with young adults measuring lifetime exposure to violence prior to their 18th birthday. Within the Balkan countries no self-report child abuse measure had been used in a published study. After the Balkan Epidemiological Study on Child Abuse and Neglect (BECAN) study, the only other self-report child abuse measure applied to research was the Adverse Childhood Experiences Questionnaire, which uses retrospective young adult re- ports of experiences of adversity in childhood (Baban, Cosma, Blazsi, Sethi, & Olsavszky, 2013; Qirjako, Burazeri, Sethi, & Miho, 2013; Raleva, Jordanova Peshevska, Sethi, Peshevska, & Sethi, 2013). No self-report child abuse measures for use with adolescents were available at the time that had been translated or validated for the Balkan context and as such, there was an urgent need for the cultural adaptation, translation and validation of such a measure.

One of the most commonly used non-proprietary measure is the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (ISPCAN) Child Abuse Screening Tool, the ICAST. A child-self report version (ICAST-C), a retrospective self-report version (ICAST-R) and caregiver report version (ICAST-P) were developed following a lengthy consensus process involving a large number of experts on child maltreatment research (Dunne et al., 2009; Runyan et al., 2009; Zolotor et al., 2009). The ICAST-C was developed as a gold-standard measure of children’s exposure to violence across multiple cultures and contexts. It was specifically designed to fill the gap highlighted by the United Nations Secretary General of a shared set of definitions and research tools to be used in a global context to measure violence against children (Zolotor et al., 2009). The ICAST-C was developed by a team of international experts on child abuse research for children aged 12–17 and reviewed by many professionals from more than 40 different countries using a Delphi process. The ICAST-C was then pilot tested in 8 countries using focus group discussions and survey methodology and then further refined. The exact procedures for the development of the ICAST-C and the pilot study can be found in the original publication (Zolotor et al., 2009). The ICAST measures the domains of physical, psychological, and contact and non-contact sexual violence and physical, medical and emotional neglect using individual acts of violence e.g. hitting with an object, calling the child hurtful names, forcing the child to have sex or not taking the child to see a doctor when they are ill. For the purposes of the ICAST, physical violence is defined as acts by a caregiver that cause actual or physical harm or have the potential for harm. Emotional violence includes acts by a caregiver where they fail to provide a supportive environment with a potential or actual detrimental effect on the emotional and developmental health of a child (World Health Organization, 2002). Sexual abuse is defined as acts of a sexual nature where a child is used for sexual gratification without providing consent or while being unable to provide consent (Meinck et al., 2016). Neglect is defined as acts of omission or commission where a parent fails to provide provisions essential for the development of the child where they are in a position to do so such as health care, education, emotional support, or nutrition (World Health Organization, 2002). Witnessing violence is the exposure of children to acts of violence within their immediate environment. This can include intimate partner violence between parents, threatening behaviors between adults within the household or visiting the household and within the community. The original ICAST-C Version 1.0 contains 82 screener questions. These include 14 items on demographics, 38 items about the violence exposure in the home and 44 items on violence exposure at school or work. In the original version, these were divided into an ICAST-CH (home) and ICAST-CI (institution) and both modules can be used either together or separately (Zolotor et al., 2009). The ICAST-C has been used across many different countries and cultures ranging from low-and middle-income countries to high income countries. In 2015, ISPCAN published a new version of the ICAST-C, the ICAST-C Version 3, which now combines the ICAST-CI and ICAST-CH into one version and has been updated to reflect knowledge gained through its use across multiple countries (Runyan, Brandspigel, Zolotor, & Dunne, 2015).

A few studies have investigated the psychometric properties of the ICAST-C Version 1 and found adequate criterion validity and internal consistency in a Chinese translation. Construct validity was adequate for a five-factor solution with the dimensions physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, neglect and exposure to violence/witnessing violence (Chang, Lin, Chang, Tsai, & Feng, 2013). The original pilot study across eight countries found that internal reliability was adequate for most subscale except for witnessing

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violence (Zolotor et al., 2009). Similarly, internal reliability and criterion validity were good in a Lebanese translation of the ICAST-CH (Usta, Farver, & Danachi, 2012) and a Farsi translation of the ICAST-C. The ICAST-CI has demonstrated good criterion validity in a sample of Ugandan primary school children and shown adequate sensitivity to detect change in intervention studies in Uganda (Devries et al., 2014, 2017). Equally, the ICAST-C Trial version has been shown to have adequate construct validity in a six-dimensional model with the factors physical abuse, emotional abuse, witnessing violence, sexual harassment, sexual abuse and neglect in South Africa. In addition, it showed good content validity, internal reliability, criterion validity and ability to detect change following an intervention study (Meinck et al., 2018). A study in Turkey showed good concordance between parent and child-report on the ICAST-C and P Version 1 with parents tending to under-report abusive acts (Sofuoğlu, Sariyer, & Ataman, 2016). The ICAST was specifically designed for use in various cultural contexts, however, thus far no study has investigated its adequacy in measuring abuse across contexts. This study therefore has two aims: 1) to test the psychometric properties of the ICAST-C in 9 countries and 2) to assess the ICAST’s measurement equivalence across 9 countries.

2. Methods

This study utilized data from the Balkan Epidemiological Study on Child Abuse and Neglect (BECAN) study. This was a cross- sectional survey of lifetime and past-year prevalence of children’s exposure to violence in nine countries: Albania, Bosnia and Her- zegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, and Turkey.

2.1. Procedure

School-children aged 11, 13 and 16 were drawn from the general school-going population using a three-stage stratified random sampling frame. First, data were obtained from the Ministries of Education in each country on the child population and number of schools per region. Second, schools were randomly selected using a random number generator within each of the regions until the number of schools was filled for each stratum. Within each school, children in grades equivalent to age groups 11, 13 and 16 who were present on the day selected for the research were recruited and consented. Prior to data collection day, children and their caregivers were informed about the plan to carry out the research following the individual in-country legislation. All children who were present on the day the research was carried out received the questionnaire in the classroom. Apart from children denying participation via not signing their consent form, children who did not fill in a questionnaire or returned a blank questionnaire were also considered to not have given consent to participate. Children received no incentives for participating. The initial target sample was 63,250 children of whom 42,194 filled in a questionnaire (response rate 66.7 %). Please see the publication on prevalence rates for further information about recruitment (Nikolaidis et al., 2018). Due to the anonymous nature of the survey, there is no detailed data by which it would be possible to compare responders and non-responders which are likely to experience a higher burden of childhood violence (Doidge, Edwards, Higgins, & Segal, 2017).

Application of questionnaires followed a standard protocol across the nine participating countries. Field researchers were certified professionals (e.g. social workers or psychologists) and received extensive training in interviewing vulnerable children about sensitive topics. Training focused on confidentiality, neutrality, and privacy. Children who had consented to participate self-administered questionnaires in classrooms with interviewers present to answer any questions or support participants in case of distress. Children with learning and physical disabilities were interviewed face-to face.

2.2. Ethical issues

The educational authorities in each country gave permission to conduct the research in school settings. All children and their caregivers were informed about the research in advance. Active or passive parental consent was given depending on the in-country legislation for each location. Ad-hoc crisis intervention teams were set up in each country to ensure smooth referral processes be- tween agencies where children disclosed risk of significant harm. Independent ethical advisory boards were set up in each country to provide supervision and guidance in matters relating to the rights of disabled children to participate, legislative differences in relation to consent procedures, and the implications of parental refusal to participate for children exposed to severe child abuse. These in- dependent local ethical advisory boards were overseen by an international ethics advisory board.

2.3. Measure

For this present study, the ICAST-C questionnaire was modified to ensure alignment with the parent version in terms of item phrasing. The modified version of the ICAST-C questionnaire used in the BECAN study corresponds to the revised version later used in the ICAST handbook (Runyan et al., 2015). Questionnaires were then translated into the respective languages. Following translation, questionnaires were culturally validated and then back-translated and a protocol developed for the application of the measure. Response options were modified (from just stating an amount of how many times it happened) to a simplified response option (e.g.

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more than 50 times was explained as every week). Further, cultural modifications were made to correctly describe specific practices across the different countries. Overall, three modification rounds were applied: these included a consensus panel, 37 focus groups with 392 children and a pilot study in each of the countries (n = 1331). The final version of the ICAST questionnaire contains 45 items (used with children aged 11) and 51 items (used with children aged 12 and above) structured in 5 scales. These measure exposure to psychological violence (17 items), physical violence (15 items), sexual violence (5 items) and neglect (3 items). Each item measured specific abusive events in the past year with the following response options: ‘once or twice a year’, ‘several times a year’ monthly or every 2 months’, several times a month’, ‘once a week or more often’, ‘not in the past year, but it has happened to me before’, ‘never in my life’ and ‘I don’t want to answer’. The child questionnaire version can be found here http://becan.eu/sites/default/files/uploaded_ images/EN_ICAST-CH.pdf. In order to determine lifetime prevalence, items for each subscale are dichotomized into 0 – ‘never in my life’ and 1 (includes all response options from ‘not in the past year, but it has happened to me before’ to ‘once a week or more often’), then summed per subscale and then dichotomized into 0- never happened and 1 – has happened.

2.4. Data procedures

Data were collected on paper questionnaires from all nine participating countries and entered into the databases by trained pro- fessionals. Data were checked for quality on a regular basis by the research teams.

2.5. Analyses

Analyses followed six steps: First, missing data on individual questionnaire items were examined using STATA 15. Few ques- tionnaires contained no data (n = 7) and these were excluded from the analyses. All missing responses on single items were coded as missing, resulting in a final sample of 42,187 children. Due to zero inflation of variables and small numbers of observations in the response categories monthly and weekly for all items and small numbers of observations on the severe types of violence, all variables were then dichotomized into never experienced vs. ever experienced. This reflects the scoring method of the items as they are used in practice. They were assumed to be ordinal variables. For prevalence rate analyses, these dichotomous variables were summed per sub- scale and then coded into 0-never happened and 1- has happened.

Second, Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) for ordinal items using the WLSMV estimator (Brown, 2015; Liu et al., 2017; Millsap, 2011) tested whether the factor structure hypothesized by the developers of the ICAST fit the data well (Figs. 1 and 2). WLSMV, a robust limited information estimator, has been recommended for estimating CFA models with categorical data (B. Muthen & Muthen, 2012). Missing data were handled in WLSMV using pairwise deletion.

Third, a configural model was tested in which the pattern of loadings was specified to be the same across all groups but their magnitude (and the magnitudes of item thresholds) were free to vary across groups. Scaling and identification were achieved by fixing one loading per latent factor equal across groups. The threshold of the same variable was fixed equal across groups. In addition, the means, and variances of the latent factor in the reference group (Albania) were fixed to 0 and 1, respectively. Finally, scale scores were fixed equal across all groups. Delta parametrization was used for all models (Liu et al., 2017).

Fourth, if the configural model fit was acceptable (CFI and TLI > .95, RMSEA < .05) (Hu & Bentler, 1999), metric invariance constraints were imposed where all loadings were fixed to be equal across groups. Metric invariance was judged to hold if a substantive deterioration of fit was not observed with the addition of metric constraints. To judge this, we drew on Chen’s criteria, which are that metric invariance holds if RMSEA does not increase by more than .015, CFI does not decrease by more than .010 and SRMR does not increase by more than .010 (Chen, 2007). If metric invariance did not hold, modification indices and expected parameter changes were examined and constraints were iteratively released until a partially invariant model could be found.

Fifth, following the establishment of (partial) metric invariance, scalar invariance was tested by fixing all thresholds equal across groups. Scalar constraints were not placed on any items that did not show metric invariance. Scalar invariance was judged to hold if

Fig. 1. Four-dimensional hypothesized model of the ICAST-C excluding sexual abuse.

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RMSEA did not increase by more than .015, CFI did not decrease by more than .010 and SRMR did not increase by .030 (Chen, 2007). As with metric invariance, if scalar invariance did not initially hold then constraints were iteratively released, guided by modification indices, and expected parameter changes until a partially invariant model could be found. Turkey did not measure child sexual violence in their study. Therefore steps two through four were conducted twice, once with all countries but without the sexual violence sub-scale and once with eight countries (excluding Turkey) for all sub-scales.

Sixth, KR20 and McDonald ω were used to assess internal consistency. All models were fit in Mplus 8.3 (Muthen & Muthen, 2017) using WLSMV estimation.

3. Results

All participants who did not complete their questionnaires (n = 6) were removed from the analysis. The study had 5471 missing observations (13 %), with MPlus using pairwise deletion, this resulted in a sample of n = 42,187 child respondents included in the analysis. Non-missingness of data for all pairs of variables can be found in the covariance coverage output in Appendix 1. Missingness ranged from 46 % to 3 % depending on the variable pair. Pairs which involved the sexual abuse variables were most affected by missingness as sexual abuse questions were not asked of children in Turkey.

3.1. Socio demographic characteristics

Participants were 52.1 % female and had a mean age of 13.9 years. 66.5 % reported an instance of exposure to physical violence in their lifetime, 75.1 % reported an instance of exposure to psychological violence, 11.8 % reported an instance of exposure to sexual violence, 39.3 % reported an instance of neglect and 36.2 % reported witnessing an instance of witnessing household violence. The vast majority of children went to schools in urban areas, lived with their mothers and had parents who were married. Some notable dif- ferences could be observed in socio-demographic characteristics between the countries: Participating schools in Albania and Romania were much more likely to be in rural areas. Children in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina had a higher mean age than children in other study countries. The samples in Serbia and Turkey were more than 50 % male while in other countries, the female proportion was larger than 50 %. In Bulgaria, comparatively fewer children lived with their mother and fewer had parents who were married. More information on the sample can be found in the publication on prevalence estimates across the different countries (Nikolaidis et al., 2018). Participant distribution across the nine countries can be seen in Table 1 and socio-demographic characteristics of the sample can be found in Table 2.

Fig. 2. Five-dimensional hypothesized model of the ICAST-C including sexual abuse.

Table 1 Child participant origin and distribution in the BECAN study.

Country Number of Participants Percentage

Albania 3327 7.89 Bosnia 2637 6.25 Bulgaria 2040 4.83 Croatia 3644 8.64 Greece 10,451 24.77 Macedonia 2586 6.13 Romania 5955 14.11 Serbia 4027 9.54 Turkey 7526 17.84

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3.2. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA)

First, a CFA was conducted on the sample as whole, in order to inspect factor loadings and general model fit for the four- dimensional model (CFI 0.953, TLI 0.950, RMSEA 0.029), and the five-dimensional model without Turkey, where sexual violence was not measured (Model fit: CFI 0.954, TLI 0.952, RMSEA 0.026). Correlations of the different constructs with each other ranged from .463 to .871. Detailed information on phrasing of violence questions and item loadings and factor correlations can be found in Table 3 and 4.

3.3. Multigroup confirmatory factor analyses (MGCFA)

Equivalence testing of the ICAST-C was then carried out across the participating BECAN countries in two steps. First, configural, metric and scalar equivalence were tested for all nine countries for exposure to the physical and psychological violence, witnessing household violence and neglect constructs. One item on the exposure to physical violence construct had to be removed because none of the participants in Turkey endorsed it (‘choking the child’). Second, equivalence was tested for the eight countries who measured exposure to sexual violence for the sexual violence construct.

3.4. Step 1: 9 country equivalence for four constructs

The configural model (using the dimensions physical violence, psychological violence, witnessing household violence and neglect) fit well according to most fit indices (CFI = .965, RMSEA = .026, SRMR = .072).

With the addition of metric constraints, fit improved according to most fit indexes (CFI = .970, RMSEA = .023) but not SRMR = .085, suggesting that metric invariance held. Fit worsened as in most cross-cultural studies with the addition of scalar con- straints (CFI = .956; RMSEA = .028; SRMR = .086) and the CFI difference was >.10. Guided by Modification Indices (MIs) and Ex- pected Parameter Changes (EPCs) (Brown, 2015), the following constraints were released in sequence until a partially invariant model was found: the cross-group equality constraint on the threshold of item 28_1 ‘you were hurt or injured because no adult at home was supervising you’ in the Greece group; the cross-group equality constraint on the threshold of item p21 ‘adults said that they wished you were dead or had never been born’ in the Turkey group; the cross-group equality constraint on the threshold of item p33_c ‘spanked you on the bottom with bare hand’ in the Turkey group, and the cross-group equality constraint on the threshold of item p19_b ‘cursed you’ in the Greece group. The release of these constraints led to a partially invariant model (CFI = .960, RMSEA = .027, SRMR = .086). Parameter estimates for this final model are provided in Appendix 2. Please see Table 5 for model fit indices of the different models and Table 6 for latent means of the different sub-scales.

Examining the non-invariant parameters, it can be seen that the thresholds of item p28_1 ‘you were hurt or injured because no adult at home was supervising you’ and p_19b ‘cursed you’ were higher in the Greece group than in the remaining groups. Similarly, in the Turkey group, the thresholds of item p21 ‘adults said that they wished you were dead or had never been born’ was lower than in the remaining groups while the threshold for item p33_c ‘spanked you on the bottom with bare hand’ were higher than in the remaining groups.

3.5. Step 2: 8 country equivalence for five constructs (n = 34,662)

The configural model (using the dimensions physical violence, psychological violence, sexual violence, witnessing household violence and neglect) fit well according to most fit indices (CFI = .964, TLI = 0.962, RMSEA = .021, SRMR = .075).

Table 2 Socio-demographic characteristics of the sample and location of schools.

Country School characteristics Child Characteristics Parental characteristics

In rural area Age Female Lives with mother Married % (n) Mean (SD) % (n) % (n) % (n)

Albania 46.0 % (1530) 13.10 (2.05) 54.2 % (1802) 96.5 % (3212) 94.8 % (3153) Bulgaria 29.0 % (592) 13.48 (2.04) 51.5 % (1049) 88.8 % (1812) 74.5 % (1519) B & H 36.5 % (932) 14.26 (2.19) 53.1 % (1400) 94.0 % (2479) 86.5 % (2282) Croatia 27.5 % (967) 13.59 (2.13) 51.1 % (1863) 95.8 % (3491) 84.9 % (3094) Greece 16.1 % (1682) 13.78 (1.85) 52.4 % (5480) 97.0 % (10,137) 83.8 % (8758) Northern Macedonia 13.6 % (226) 13.90 (2.17) 58.2 % (967) 96.1 % (1597) 87.7 % (1458) Romania 43.7 % (2602) 13.73 (2.19) 55.5 % (3305) 90.2 % (5374) 81.0 % (4825) Serbia 35.8 % (1441) 14.26 (2.12) 48.6 % (1959) 94.9 % (3821) 81.6 % (3287) Turkey 13.1 % (983) 13.45 (2.14) 49.2 % (3703) 93.6 % (7046) 89.1 % (6709)

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Table 3 Standardized results of the total sample confirmatory factor analysis of the ICAST-C four dimensional model among children in the BECAN study (n = 42,187).

Physical Violence

Psychological Violence

Neglect Witnessing household violence

B S.E. β S.E β S.E. β S.E.

Has anyone in your home used alcohol and/or drugs and then behaved in a way that frightened you? P11

.649*** .009

Have you seen adults in your home shouting and yelling at each other (arguing) in a way that frightened you? P12

.834*** .006

Have you seen adults in your home hurt each other physically (e.g. hitting, slapping, kicking)? P13_a

.847*** .007

Have you seen anyone in your home used knives, guns, stick, rocks, or other things to hurt or scare someone else inside home? P14

.852*** .010

Insulted you by calling you dumb, lazy or other names like that? P19_a .734*** .005 Cursed you? P19_b .694*** .006 Refused to speak to you (ignored you)? P19_1 .668*** .005 Blamed you for his/her bad mood? P19_2 .679*** .006 Read your diary, your SMS or e-mail messages without your permission? P19_10 .612*** .006 Went through your bag, drawers, pockets etc. without your permission? P19_11 .690*** .005 Compared you to other children in a way that you felt humiliated? P19_12 .755*** .004 Ashamed or embarrassed you intentionally in front of other people in a way that

made you feel very bad or humiliated? P20_a .772*** .004

Said that they wished you were dead or had never been born? P21 .762*** .006 Threatened to leave you or abandon you? P22 .793*** .005 Threatened to kick you out of house or send you away? P22_1 .820*** .005 Locked you out of the home? P23_a .747*** .007 Threatened to invoke ghosts or evil spirits/the bogyman, or harmful people

against you? P24_a .491*** .008

Threatened to hurt or kill you? P24_b .854*** .005 Did not get enough to eat (went hungry) and/or drink (were thirsty) even though

there was enough for everyone, as a means of punishment? P26_a .793*** .012

Have to wear clothes that were dirty, torn, or inappropriate for the season, as a means of punishment? P27_a

.841*** .015

Not taken care of when you were sick or injured - for example not taken to see a doctor when you were hurt or not given the medicines you needed? P28

.671*** .012

You were hurt or injured because no adult at home was supervising you? P28_1 .627*** .008 You did not feel cared for? P29 .850*** .004 Felt that you were not important? P30 .885*** .004 Felt that there was never anyone looking after you, supporting you, helping you

when you most needed it? P31 .861*** .004

Pushed or kicked you? P32_a .772*** .004 Grabbed you by your clothes or some part of your body and shook you? P32_1 .802*** .004 Slapped you? P33_a .723*** .004 Hit you on head with knuckle or back of the hand? P33_b .773*** .005 Spanked you on the bottom with bare hand? P33_c .529*** .006 Hit you on the buttocks with an object such as a stick, broom, cane, or belt? P34_a .754*** .005 Hit you elsewhere (not buttocks) with an object such as a stick, broom, cane, or

belt? P34_b .840*** .005

Hit you over and over again with object or fist (“beat-up”)? P34_1 .872*** .005 Choked you or smothered you (prevent breathing by use of a hand or pillow) or

squeezed your neck with hands (or something else)? P35_a .846*** .007

Intentionally burned or scalded you? P36_a .803*** .010 Put chilli pepper, hot pepper, or spicy food in your mouth (to cause pain)? P36_b .565*** .011 Locked you up in a small place or in a dark room? P37_a .746*** .007 Tied you up or tied you to something using a rope or a chain? P37_b .824*** .011 Roughly twisted your ear? P38_a .654*** .005 Pulled your hair?" P38_b .735*** .004 Pinched you roughly P38_c .683*** .005 Forced you to hold a position that caused pain or humiliated you as a means of

punishment? P39_a .761*** .009

Threatened you with a knife or a gun? P40 .827*** .009

Physical Violencea 1 Psychological Violencea .871*** Neglecta .694*** .774*** Witnessing Household Violencea .640*** .718*** .628***

Note: *** shows significant correlations at p<0.05, a shows tetrachoric correlations. Model fit: CFI 0.953, TLI 0.950, RMSEA 0.029.

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Table 4 Standardized results of the total sample confirmatory factor analysis of the ICAST-C five-dimensional model among children in the BECAN study (n = 34,662).

Physical Violence

Psychological Violence

Neglect Sexual Violence Witnessing household violence

β S.E. β S.E. β S.E. β S.E. β S.E.

Has anyone in your home used alcohol and/or drugs and then behaved in a way that frightened you? P11

.653*** .009

Have you seen adults in your home shouting and yelling at each other (arguing) in a way that frightened you? P12

.821*** .006

Have you seen adults in your home hurt each other physically (e.g. hitting, slapping, kicking)? P13_a

.846*** .007

Have you seen anyone in your home used knives, guns, stick, rocks, or other things to hurt or scare someone else inside home? P14

.853*** .010

Insulted you by calling you dumb, lazy or other names like that? P19_a

.732*** .005

Cursed you? P19_b .695*** .006 Refused to speak to you (ignored you)? P19_1 .668*** .005 Blamed you for his/her bad mood? P19_2 .678*** .006 Read your diary, your SMS or e-mail messages without

your permission? P19_10 .613*** .006

Went through your bag, drawers, pockets etc. without your permission? P19_11

.691****** .005

Compared you to other children in a way that you felt humiliated? P19_12

.753*** .004

Ashamed or embarrassed you intentionally in front of other people in a way that made you feel very bad or humiliated? P20_a

.772*** .004

Said that they wished you were dead or had never been born? P21

.763*** .006

Threatened to leave you or abandon you? P22 .793*** .005 Threatened to kick you out of house or send you away?

P22_1 .819*** .005

Locked you out of the home? P23_a .748*** .007 Threatened to invoke ghosts or evil spirits/the bogyman,

or harmful people against you? P24_a .492*** .008

Threatened to hurt or kill you? P24_b .856*** .005 Did not get enough to eat (went hungry) and/or drink

(were thirsty) even though there was enough for everyone, as a means of punishment? P26_a

.795*** .012

Have to wear clothes that were dirty, torn, or inappropriate for the season, as a means of punishment? P27_a

.849*** .015

Not taken care of when you were sick or injured - for example not taken to see a doctor when you were hurt or not given the medicines you needed? P28

.677*** .012

You were hurt or injured because no adult at home was supervising you? P28_1

.628*** .008

You did not feel cared for? P29 .849*** .004 Felt that you were not important? P30 .883*** .004 Felt that there was never anyone looking after you,

supporting you, helping you when you most needed it? P31

.860*** .004

Pushed or kicked you? P32_a .771*** .004 Grabbed you by your clothes or some part of your body

and shook you? P32_1 .800*** .004

Slapped you? P33_a .720*** .004 Hit you on head with knuckle or back of the hand? P33_b .772*** .005 Spanked you on the bottom with bare hand? P33_c .529*** .006 Hit you on the buttocks with an object such as a stick,

broom, cane, or belt? P34_a .751*** .005

Hit you elsewhere (not buttocks) with an object such as a stick, broom, cane, or belt? P34_b

.839*** .005

Hit you over and over again with object or fist (“beat- up”)? P34_1

.874*** .005

Choked you or smothered you (prevent breathing by use of a hand or pillow) or squeezed your neck with hands (or something else)? P35_a

.848*** .007

(continued on next page)

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With the addition of metric constraints, fit improved according to most fit indexes (CFI = .967, RMSEA = .020, SRMR = .085), suggesting that metric invariance held. Fit worsened with the addition of scalar constraints (CFI = .956; RMSEA = .023; SRMR = .086). Guided by Modification Indices (MIs) and Expected Parameter Changes (EPCs) (Brown, 2015), the cross-group equality constraint on the threshold of item 28_1 ‘you were hurt or injured because no adult at home was supervising you’ in the Greece group was released to achieve partial scalar invariance (CFI = .957; RMSEA = .022; SRMR = .086). Please see Table 7 for model fit indices of the different models and Table 8 for latent means of the different sub-scales.

Table 4 (continued )

Physical Violence

Psychological Violence

Neglect Sexual Violence Witnessing household violence

β S.E. β S.E. β S.E. β S.E. β S.E.

Intentionally burned or scalded you? P36_a .808*** .010 Put chilli pepper, hot pepper, or spicy food in your

mouth (to cause pain)? P36_b .569*** .011

Locked you up in a small place or in a dark room? P37_a .748*** .007 Tied you up or tied you to something using a rope or a

chain? P37_b .829*** .011

Roughly twisted your ear? P38_a .652*** .005 Pulled your hair?" P38_b .733*** .004 Pinched you roughly P38_c .684*** .005 Forced you to hold a position that caused pain or

humiliated you as a means of punishment? P39_a .765*** .009

Threatened you with a knife or a gun? P40 .833*** .009 Made you upset by speaking to you in a sexual way or

writing sexual things about you? P41 .866*** .010

Made you watch a sex video or look at sexual pictures in a magazine or computer when you did not want to? P42

.791*** .014

Made you look at their private parts or wanted to look at yours? P43

.907*** .008

Touched your private parts in a sexual way, or made you touch theirs? P44

.861*** .008

Made a sex video or took photographs of you alone, or with other people, doing sexual things? P45_a

.842*** .023

Tried to have sex with you when you did not want them to? P46

.821*** .012

Physical Violencea 1 Psychological Violencea .871*** 1 Neglecta .694*** .774*** 1 Sexual Violencea .601*** .569*** .551*** 1 Witnessing Household Violencea .640*** .718*** .628*** .463***

Note: *** shows significant correlations at p<0.05, a shows tetrachoric correlations. Model fit: CFI 0.954, TLI 0.952, RMSEA 0.026.

Table 5 Results from the 9-country measurement invariance test for child self-reported exposure to violence using the ICAST-C in the four-dimensional model (estimator = WLSMV; n = 42, 186).

Robust χ2 goodness of fit

Model Value df p CFI TLI RMSEA SRMR

Configural 31276.945 7686 .000 .959 .960 .026 .072 Metric 28582.494 8002 .000 .970 .969 .023 .085 Scalar 38138.988 8313 .000 .956 .957 .028 .086 Scalar 1 (remove constraint for p28_1 threshold Greece) 37480.537 8313 .000 .957 .958 .027 .087 Scalar 2 (remove constraint for p33_c threshold in Turkey) 36417.835 8312 .000 .959 .960 .027 .086 Scalar 3 (remove constraint for p21 threshold in Turkey) 36142.758 8311 .000 .959 .960 .027 .086 Scalar 4 (remove constraint for p19_b threshold in Greece) 35716.581 8310 .000 .960 .961 .027 .086

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Table 6 Latent mean estimates of the partial scalar invariant four-dimensional CFA model (model vi) across 9 countries when indicators are treated as ordered-categorical (estimator = WLSMV; n = 42186).

Construct Parameter Est. S.E. p-value Std. Est.

Physical Violence α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .118 .024 .000 4.869 α3 − .107 .029 .000 − 3.704 α4 − .039 .022 .074 − 1.784 α5 .226 .016 .000 13.983 α6 − .423 .027 .000 − 15.836 α7 .073 .020 .000 3.620 α8 .005 .021 .801 .252 α9 .000 .000 – –

Psychological Violence α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .081 .025 .001 3.233 α3 − .077 .028 .007 − 2.705 α4 − .012 .022 .602 − .522 α5 .323 .016 .000 20.218 α6 − .264 .025 .000 − 10.472 α7 .181 .020 .000 9.249 α8 − .041 .021 .056 − 1.908 α9 .000 .000 – –

Neglect α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .016 .027 .545 .605 α3 − .465 .039 .000 − 11.992 α4 − .061 .024 .011 − 2.537 α5 − .180 .017 .000 − 10.319 α6 − .396 .030 .000 − 13.168 α7 − .473 .022 .000 − 21.333 α8 − .377 .025 .000 − 15.115 α9 .000 .000 – –

Witnessing Violence α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .175 .032 .000 5.521 α3 .209 .035 .000 5.935 α4 .375 .028 .000 13.397 α5 .229 .020 .000 11.251 α6 − .016 .035 .657 − .445 α7 .338 .024 .000 13.870 α8 .193 .027 .000 7.066 α9 .000 .000 – –

Notes: αx = latent mean for country x (α1 = Albania, α2 = Bosnia, α3 = Bulgaria, α4 = Croatia, α5 = Greece, α6 = North Macedonia, α7 = Romania, α8 =Serbia, α9 =Turkey).

Table 7 Results from the 8-country measurement invariance test for child self-reported exposure to violence using the ICAST-C in the four-dimensional model (estimator = WLSMV; n = 34, 662).

Robust χ2 goodness of fit

Model Value df p CFI TLI RMSEA SRMR

Configural 26329.018 8936 .000 .964 .962 .021 .075 Metric 25000.656 9237 .000 .967 .966 .020 .085 Scalar 30723.604 9545 .000 .956 .956 .023 .086 Scalar 1 (remove constraint for p28_1 threshold Greece) 30075.630 9544 .000 .957 .958 .022 .086

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3.6. Internal consistency

Internal reliability for the ICAST-C across all countries was calculated using the Kuder Richardson (KR20) command in STATA to account for the dichotomous nature of the variables. Internal reliability was good for exposure to physical violence (KR20 = .83) and psychological violence (KR20 = .84), adequate for neglect (KR20 = .69), poor for witnessing household violence (KR20 = .59) across all countries, and good for exposure to sexual violence (KR = .71) across eight countries. Internal reliability was also calculated using McDonald’s ώ in R. Internal reliability was good for physical violence (ώ = .93), psychological violence (ώ = .88), sexual violence (ώ = .97), neglect (ώ = .85) and witnessing household violence (ώ = .72).

Table 8 Latent mean estimates of the scalar invariant five-dimensional CFA model across 8 countries when indicators are treated as ordered-categorical (estimator = WLSMV; n = 34662).

Construct Parameter Est. S.E. p-value Std. Est.

Physical Violence α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .244 .033 .000 7.501 α3 .004 .036 .914 .108 α4 .066 .030 .027 2.214 α5 .410 .027 .000 15.378 α6 − .348 .034 .000 − 10.327 α7 .199 .029 .000 6.906 α8 .116 .030 .000 3.914

Psychological Violence α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .231 .032 .000 7.171 α3 .068 .035 .050 1.961 α4 .133 .030 .000 4.493 α5 .483 .026 .000 18.605 α6 − .127 .032 .000 − 3.998 α7 .335 .028 .000 11.947 α8 .104 .029 .000 3.583

Neglect α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .319 .033 .000 9.544 α3 − .112 .038 .003 − 2.963 α4 .233 .031 .000 7.522 α5 .130 .026 .000 4.958 α6 − .079 .035 .025 − 2.243 α7 − .157 .029 .000 − 5.385 α8 − .062 .031 .048 − 1.980

Witnessing Violence α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .286 .039 .000 7.359 α3 .320 .042 .000 7.673 α4 .479 .037 .000 13.013 α5 .339 .031 .000 10.842 α6 .104 .041 .011 2.543 α7 .445 .034 .000 13.003 α8 .304 .036 .000 8.508

Sexual Violence α1 (fixed) .000 .000 – – α2 .178 .045 .000 3.990 α3 − .183 .053 .001 − 3.440 α4 − .171 .043 .000 − 3.984 α5 .104 .036 .004 2.895 α6 − .244 .053 .000 − 4.608 α7 − .263 .041 .000 − 6.435 α8 − .196 .045 .000 − 4.390

Notes: αx = latent mean for country x (α1 = Albania, α2 = Bosnia, α3 = Bulgaria, α4 = Croatia, α5 = Greece, α6 = North Macedonia, α7 = Romania, α8 =Serbia).

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4. Discussion

This study investigated the factor structure and internal consistency of the ISCPAN Child Abuse Screening Tool (ICAST) Child Version and used multigroup confirmatory factor analysis to test for measurement invariance across countries. Measurement invariance is a required precondition for meaningful comparisons across different groups in which the measure is applied. In particular, scalar invariance is a precondition for meaningful comparisons of mean levels across groups, while metric invariance allows valid comparisons of the relations between children’s exposure to violence and other constructs, including its risk factors and sequelae.

The present study found that the five-dimensional model of the ICAST-C suggested by previous studies fit the data well. It also found that the four-dimensional model of the ICAST-C (without exposure to sexual violence) fit the data well. Correlations between con- structs were high and ranged from .5 to .9 suggesting that some constructs share a considerable overlap. This is particularly true for exposure to physical and psychological violence which tend to be highly correlated in studies, though not generally as highly as in this present study (Meinck et al., 2018). Internal consistency was good across all sub-scales apart from neglect, which was adequate, and witnessing household violence, which was poor using Kuder Richardson 20 test. This may be due to the small number of items contained in these sub-scales and the diversity in behaviors reflected by these sub-scales (Tavakol & Dennick, 2011). However, internal consistency was good using MacDonald ώ, which outperforms KR20 (Revelle & Zinbarg, 2008). MacDonald ώ is considered a superior measure for internal consistency compared to KR20, because it makes fewer assumptions than KR20 and there are fewer problems with inflation (Dunn, Baguley, & Brunsden, 2014).There are considerable differences in internal consistency per subscale across countries in this study as shown in the original BECAN paper using Cronbach’s α (Nikolaidis et al., 2018) and this should be considered when using this measure across different contexts.

The five-dimensional model showed full configural, matric and partial scalar invariance across eight countries after releasing the equality constraint on one item in the Greece group. The four-dimensional model (without exposure to sexual violence) of the ICAST showed full configural and metric invariance across nine countries and showed partial scalar invariance after releasing equality constraints on two item thresholds in the Greece and Turkey group, respectively.

The importance of investigating measurement invariance of survey tools across multiple countries is widely acknowledged (Van De Schoot, Schmidt, De Beuckelaer, Lek, & Zondervan-Zwijnenburg, 2015), yet the present study was the first to examine measurement equivalence of the ICAST-C across multiple countries. However, unless a measure shows at least partial invariance, comparisons of levels of violence across countries cannot be made. Our findings show that the ICAST-C had partial scalar invariance for the four-dimensional model across nine countries and partial scalar invariance for the five-dimensional model across eight countries. This suggests that the ICAST-C can be used to validly measure and compare violence against children across different contexts and cultures. However, studies which employ both cognitive interviews and measurement invariance show that scalar invariance is necessary but not sufficient to be able to compare results across countries (Meitinger, 2017).

4.1. Limitations

This study is subject to several limitations. First, despite the large sample sizes, items had to be dichotomized to avoid empty cells on some of the matrices. This is because some abusive behaviors occur very rarely and are endorsed by few respondents. It affected all severe and sexual violence items as well as the response categories for weekly and monthly across 27 items and it therefore was not possible to collapse into more categories than two. Serbia, North Macedonia, and Bosnia were particularly affected by this problem, but it occurred across all countries. Previous research on the effect of collapsing items for MGCFA suggests that this may have some implications on model fit (Rutkowski, Svetina, & Liaw, 2019). However, the ICAST measure is rarely used as a scale score and mostly used as a dichotomous variable in that it measures the occurrence or non-occurrence of child abuse and as such, dichotomization of items should not be problematic. Second, the ICAST-C is a lengthy measure and takes approximately 20 min to complete. This may discourage participation or response rates for the items at the end of the measure, although this has not been found in previous research nor in this sample (Zolotor et al., 2009). Third, while utmost care was taken in the translation of the measure by the different country teams and also in the testing of the measure in focus groups with children, no cognitive testing on the individual items was performed and as such, the content validity of the ICAST-C is unclear and no previous research has been published to this regards. Fourth, child abuse and neglect are very sensitive and therefore, responses may be subject to social desirability bias. The ICAST does not contain a measure for social desirability bias and future research should explore this more although current research on other child abuse measures has established difficulties in applicability of these measures in different contexts (Liel et al., 2019; Walker & Davies, 2012). The use of list experiments may be an option to get an estimate of social desirability for the whole population (Creighton, Brenner, Schmidt, & Zavala-Rojas, 2019). Finally, missing data ranged from 46 % on some variable pairs to < 3 % on others and this may have affected some of the estimates. Missing data was highest in variable pairs which included sexual abuse variables, partially because these were not asked in the survey in Turkey, due to reluctance of Educational authorities to grant approval for this section of the questionnaire to be delivered in schools. The highest number of refusals and skipped questions were for variable pairs involving the question ‘made a sex video or took photographs of you alone, or with other people, doing sexual things?’. This may be because the question was slightly more complex than others in how it was phrased, or because it was not a very common occurrence at the time of

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the survey. Further, variable pairs with neglect questions were also high in missing data with around 30 % of data missing on some pairs. This is likely due to the ambiguity of these questions which have in recent cognitive interview studies been shown to be confused with questions about poverty (Meinck et al., 2018). All other variable pairs had less than 10 % missing data. The impact of non-participation and missing data on the psychometric properties of child maltreatment measures is rarely examined, and should be the focus of future research (Doidge et al., 2017).

4.2. Implications for research

The results confirm that the ICAST-C is a reliable measure of children’s exposure to physical, psychological, and sexual violence, witnessing household violence and neglect and prevalence results can be compared across different countries. Even with the limita- tions reported, the ICAST-C is supported by a small body of evidence about its psychometric soundness (Chang et al., 2013; Meinck et al., 2018; Zolotor et al., 2009). It is a non-commercialized measure available from ISPCAN and used across multiple countries and cultural contexts. Research with the ICAST consistently achieves high response rates and acceptable amounts of missing data sug- gesting that it is suitable for use in adolescent populations across the globe.

4.3. Future research needs

Despite evidence for the sound psychometric properties of the ICAST-C demonstrated in this study, a dearth of research is available on the content validity of the ICAST-C and participants willingness to respond to the questions. Further, the ICAST-C was developed by experts and has only been piloted and used in samples of adolescents. Adolescents have not provided input into the development of the measure or been asked their experiences of being asked about child abuse and neglect using the measure. In-depth qualitative research, including cognitive interviewing, is needed with adolescent populations to identify areas in which the ICAST-C can be improved and further tailored as a suitable measure in adolescent populations globally. In addition, we would recommend using techniques to control for social desirability. Additionally, with 45 items, the ICAST-C is considered a long measure for violence against children and future research should develop and validate a shorter version of the measure for quicker application and use in multi-component surveys.

5. Conclusions

This study fills an important research gap by demonstrating that the ICAST-C has at least partial scalar invariance and can thus be used to compare levels of violence against children across countries. This gives governments the opportunity to monitor levels of children’s exposure to violence through repeated cross-sectional surveys using an internationally validated and standardized tool. The ICAST-C is therefore a valuable measure for consideration in child maltreatment surveillance efforts. In addition, because full metric invariance is given, explanatory models using regression techniques and structural equation modeling can be used to study de- terminants and consequences of violence against children and thereby provide the foundation for theory driven interventions and their evaluations.

Funding

Franziska Meinck was supported by an Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Future Research Leader Award [ES/ N017447/1]. This paper is part of the BECAN project that was funded by the EU’s 7th Framework Program for Research and Inno- vation (ID: 223478/HEALTH/CALL 2007-B), which was coordinated by the Institute of Child Health (GR) and included the following participating organizations: Children’s Human Rights Centre of Albania (AL), South-West University “N. Rilski” (BG), University of Sarajevo (BH), University of Zagreb (HR), University of Skopje (MK), Babes-Bolyai University (RO), University of Belgrade (RS), Association of Emergency Ambulance Physicians (TK) and Istituto degli Innocenti (IT).

Author contributions

FM conceptualized the paper and analysis and wrote the manuscript. GN and BC led the data collection, FM and AM conducted the analyses, and MD and PS provided feedback on the analyses. AM, MD, PS and GN contributed to the writing of and approved the final manuscript.

Acknowledgements

We thank all the children who have participated in this research across the nine countries. We also thank all the partners in the BECAN consortium for collecting and sharing the data.

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Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104636.

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doi.org/10.1080/10705511.2018.1547640 Sofuoğlu, Z., Sariyer, G., & Ataman, M. (2016). Child maltreatment in Turkey: Comparison of parent and child reports. Central European Journal of Public Health, 24(3),

217–222. Tavakol, M., & Dennick, R. (2011). Making sense of Cronbach’s alpha. International Journal of Medical Education, 1, 53–55. https://doi.org/10.5116/ijme.4dfb.8dfd Usta, J., Farver, J., & Danachi, D. (2012). Child maltreatment: The Lebanese children’s experiences. Child: Care, Health and Development, 39(2), 228–236. Van De Schoot, R., Schmidt, P., De Beuckelaer, A., Lek, K., & Zondervan-Zwijnenburg, M. (2015). Editorial: Measurement invariance. Frontiers in Psychology, 6, 1064.

https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01064 Walker, C. A., & Davies, J. (2012). A cross-cultural validation of the brief child abuse potential inventory (BCAP). Journal of Family Violence, 27(7), 697–705. https://

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WHO. (2014). RC64/R6 investing in children: The European child and adolescent health strategy 2015–2020 and the European child maltreatment prevention action plan 2015–2020. Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe.

World Health Organization. (2002). World Report on Violence and Health: Chapter 3 Child abuse and neglect by parents and other caregivers. Geneva: WHO. Zolotor, A. J., Runyan, D. K., Dunne, M. P., Jain, D., Péturs, H. R., Ramirez, C., … Isaeva, O. (2009). ISPCAN Child Abuse Screening Tool Children’s version (ICAST-C):

Instrument development and multi-national pilot testing. Child Abuse & Neglect, 33, 833–841. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2009.09.004

F. Meinck et al.

  • Measuring violence against children: The adequacy of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglec ...
    • 1 Background
    • 2 Methods
      • 2.1 Procedure
      • 2.2 Ethical issues
      • 2.3 Measure
      • 2.4 Data procedures
      • 2.5 Analyses
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Socio demographic characteristics
      • 3.2 Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA)
      • 3.3 Multigroup confirmatory factor analyses (MGCFA)
      • 3.4 Step 1: 9 country equivalence for four constructs
      • 3.5 Step 2: 8 country equivalence for five constructs (n = 34,662)
      • 3.6 Internal consistency
    • 4 Discussion
      • 4.1 Limitations
      • 4.2 Implications for research
      • 4.3 Future research needs
    • 5 Conclusions
    • Funding
    • Author contributions
    • Acknowledgements
    • Appendix A Supplementary data
    • References

The-association-between-adverse-childhood-experiences-and-_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

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Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

The association between adverse childhood experiences and quality of partnership in adult women

Ina Schützea, Kirsten Geraedtsa, Brigitte Leenersa,b,* a Department of Reproductive Endocrinology, University Hospital Zurich, Switzerland b University of Zurich, Switzerland

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Adverse childhood experiences (ACE) Emotional abuse Emotional neglect Sexual abuse Physical abuse Partnership quality

A B S T R A C T

Background: Adverse childhood experiences (ACE) have a significant effect on psychological and physical child development and represent a risk factor for interpersonal difficulties. Objective: This study aims to investigate the association between ACE, in particular physical, sexual, emotional abuse and neglect, and partnership quality during adulthood in women. Participants and setting: This study is a secondary analysis of a retrospective multi-center study evaluating risk factors and quality of life in women with and without endometriosis, a chronic, disabling gynecological disease. The investigation includes 533 consenting adult women (159 with ACE and 374 women without) recruited from various hospitals in Switzerland, Austria and Germany. Methods: To evaluate the association between ACE and partnership, a questionnaire including the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire and a validated partnership questionnaire were used. Results: Altogether, 29.8 % (N = 159) women experienced maltreatment in childhood, 9.7 % (N = 52) of them more than one type. Women who went through ACE showed a lower level of happiness (P = 0.013) and of quality of partnership (P = 0.001) as well as a higher number of conflict areas (P < 0.001). Emotional (P = 0.03; 95 % CI=-1.27,-0.070) and sexual abuse (P = 0.01; 95 % CI=-1.765,-0.197) had the strongest association with reduced partnership quality. Conclusion: Our study showed a significant association between ACE, in particular sexual and emotional abuse, and reduced partnership quality. As the quality of partnership is a key factor in the quality of life, improvement in social support with a special focus on intimate relationships should be part of the strategy to address the consequences of ACE already during childhood/ adolescence.

1. Introduction

Adverse childhood experiences (ACE) (i.e., physical abuse and neglect, emotional abuse, emotional neglect, and sexual abuse (Bernstein et al., 2003)) significantly affect psychological and physical health in adulthood (Felitti et al., 1998; Monnat & Chandler, 2015; Norman et al., 2012; Springer, Sheridan, Kuo, & Carnes, 2007). In addition, household dysfunction (i.e., physical abuse by the mother, substance abuse in the family, and mentally ill, suicidal or imprisoned family members) are considered stressful childhood experiences with a potential impact on adult wellbeing (Anda et al., 2006; Felitti et al., 1998).

Roughly 55 % of women in the US report having experienced at least one type of ACE, 8.5 % of which experienced all four types

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104653 Received 21 December 2019; Received in revised form 15 April 2020; Accepted 28 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: Department of Reproductive Endocrinology, University Hospital Zurich, Frauenklinikstrasse 10, CH 8091 Zürich, Switzerland.

E-mail address: [email protected] (B. Leeners).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104653

Available online 06 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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(Felitti et al., 1998). Prevalence is estimated to be around 22 % for sexual abuse, 11 % for psychological, and 11 % for physical abuse (Felitti et al., 1998; Springer et al., 2007). Other studies from around the globe report numbers ranging from 2% to 62 % for sexual abuse, 4 % to 28 % for physical abuse, and 10 %–29 % for neglect or emotional abuse (Anda et al., 2006; Hughes et al., 2017; Monnat & Chandler, 2015; Norman et al., 2012). The large variations in prevalence are partly due to a high number of incidents remaining unrecorded or hidden (Norman et al., 2012; Wegman & Stetler, 2009). The frequency of household dysfunction varies from 4.7 % (imprisoned family member) to 26.9 % (substance abuse) (Anda et al., 2006). Generally, the ACE paradigm focuses on the combined effects of ACE (additive), rather than any individual form of maltreatment/abuse.

Unfortunately, effects of childhood abuse and neglect are not limited to childhood but show long-term consequences into adulthood. The combined effects of maltreatment in childhood are associated with poorer psychological wellbeing and physical health (Anda et al., 2006; Hughes et al., 2017; Monnat & Chandler, 2015; Norman et al., 2012; Wegman & Stetler, 2009): ACE increase the risk of mental disorders such as depression and anxiety (Anda et al., 2006; Hughes et al., 2017; Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012; Reiser, Mcmillan, Wright, & Asmundson, 2014; Springer et al., 2007), substance abuse and/or suicidal behavior (Felitti et al., 1998; Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012). ACE can modify central regulatory processes in, for example, the amygdala, the hippocampus, and the prefrontal cortex (Anda et al., 2006). Such modifications impair the activity of major neuroregulatory systems such as the hypothalamic-pituitary adrenal axis and the sympathetic nervous system; such impairments altogether lead to increased responses to stress (Bremner, 1999; Ladd, Owens, & Nemeroff, 1996). ACE can cause developmental interruption of the endocrine and immune system and consequently impair cognition, behavior, emotional regulation, and health (Hughes et al., 2017).

Furthermore, ACE increase the likelihood of risky sexual behavior, resulting in increased prevalence of HIV-infection and other STDs (Anda et al., 2006; Felitti et al., 1998; Hughes et al., 2017; Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012) as well as less preventive healthcare (Leeners et al., 2007b, 2007a) and poor self-rated health (Felitti et al., 1998; Hughes et al., 2017; Monnat & Chandler, 2015; Norman et al., 2012; Wegman & Stetler, 2009). Likewise, a positive relationship between ACE and different diseases or disease symptoms (i.e., cardiovascular diseases, type 2 diabetes, cancer, chronic lung and gastrointestinal diseases, neurological and mus- culoskeletal problems, endometriosis, obstetrical complications, frequent headaches and migraines, sleep disturbances, and chronic pain) has been established (Anda et al., 2006; Anda, Tietjen, Schulman, Felitti, & Croft, 2010; Chapman et al., 2011; Davis, Luecken, & Zautra, 2005; Elfgen, Hagenbuch, Görres, Block, & Leeners, 2017; Leeners, Görres, Block, & Hengartner, 2016; Leeners, Rath, Block, Görres, & Tschudin, 2014; Leeners, Stiller, Block, Görres, & Rath, 2010, 2013; Liebermann et al., 2018; Tietjen et al., 2010; Wegman & Stetler, 2009). Early interventions during childhood and adolescence have been shown to considerably reduce long-term consequences of ACE (Shonkoff, Boyce, & McEwen, 2009). However, it is important to understand the nature of long-term con- sequences to adjust therapeutic strategies. Furthermore, awareness of long-term consequences of ACE will motivate health care professionals in affected disciplines to integrate childhood abuse and neglect experiences into medical care and consequently improve diagnostics, treatment and ultimately prevention.

In addition to the direct effect of ACE, the aforementioned health impairments may have an impact on adult partnerships. Compared to the numerous studies about the impact of ACE on health, only a few of these studies investigated its impact on interpersonal relationships (Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000; Davis, Petretic-Jackson, & Ting, 2001; Finch, Okun, Pool, & Ruehlman, 1999; Poole, Dobson, & Pusch, 2018). However, partnership is a key factor for health and overall quality of life (Chao, 2011; Finch et al., 1999; Shahar, Joiner, Zuroff, & Blatt, 2004). Through their role as a buffer for stress, supportive social relationships are health enhancing (Chao, 2011; Finch et al., 1999). On the contrary, negative social relationships, such as family-related stress or conflicts in partnership, can lead to psychological distress and depression (Finch et al., 1999; Shahar et al., 2004). Therefore, in addition to various direct health consequences ACE can have, negative social relationships in abused women and the lack of support of a partner may add to the impaired health in women with ACE (Monnat & Chandler, 2015; Anda et al., 2006; Felitti et al., 1998; Hughes et al., 2017; Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012; Reiser et al., 2014; Springer et al., 2007). Also, conflicts in relationships increase the risk of abuse and neglect in children raised in such households (Stith et al., 2009), so a better understanding of the relation of ACE and later partnerships might help to prevent abuse and neglect experiences in the following generation.

As ACE may induce emotional dysregulation, they present a risk factor for interpersonal difficulties, such as fear of intimacy, emotional avoidance, difficulties to form trusting relationships in child- and adulthood (Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000; Davis et al., 2001; Jehu, 1989; Poole et al., 2018), and sexual dysfunction (Anda et al., 2006; Davis et al., 2001; Jehu, 1989; Maniglio, 2009). Women with ACE are described as having increased sensitivity to criticism, impaired self-esteem, and increased difficulty to stand up for themselves and as deploying emotional avoidance as a means to cope with their past experiences (Davis et al., 2001; Maniglio, 2009; Poole et al., 2018), which influences not only development throughout puberty but also adult relationships. Due to these difficulties, women with ACE show less interest in serious relationships (Anda et al., 2006; Davis et al., 2001), have lower marriage and higher divorce rates (Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000; Jehu, 1989), and tend to rate the quality of their relationships lower than women without such experiences (Davis et al., 2001; Poole et al., 2018). Additionally, these impairments may affect doctor-patient relationships at any age and should therefore be taken into account. A better understanding of interpersonal relationships after ACE might also facilitate to identify factors increasing the risk for long-term consequences of ACE, which may help to improve medico- social support directly following the detection/disclosure of abuse.

However, there is very little data on the association between ACE and partnership, which was our motivation to conduct this study. The few available studies have focused on sexual (Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000) and physical abuse (Davis et al., 2001), while disregarding other types of ACE such as emotional abuse or neglect.

Therefore, the aim of the present evaluation was to investigate the impact of ACE, both additively and individually, on the quality of adult partnership by comparing women with and without ACE, looking at 4 measures of abuse (emotional abuse, emotional neglect, physical abuse/neglect and sexual abuse) as well as household dysfunction. We hypothesized that ACE are negatively

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associated with being engaged in a serious relationship. Secondly, we expected abused women to engage in less stable and therefore shorter partnerships compared to non-abused women. Thirdly, we hypothesized that the quality of partnership would be lower in women with ACE and that this association would increase with the additive effect of several ACE.

2. Methods

2.1. Study design

This evaluation is a secondary analysis of a multi-center study investigating risk factors and quality of life in couples with and without the woman suffering from endometriosis, a chronic disabling gynecological disease. To avoid any confounding effect of endometriosis-related symptoms, we considered only women from the control group.

2.2. Recruitment of study participants

Women were recruited at university and district hospitals as well as private offices in Switzerland, Austria and Germany (Liebermann et al., 2018; Ramin-Wright et al., 2018). In order to participate in the study, women had to have the mental, psy- chological, and linguistic ability to understand and respond to the questionnaire. After verbal agreement, women received the study documents, including a written patient information sheet, consent forms for participation, and a set of questionnaires covering potential risk factors of endometriosis and different areas of quality of life (Gräfe, Zipfel, Herzog, & Löwe, 2004; Hinz, Stöbel-Richter, & Brähler, 2003; Klinitzke, Romppel, Häuser, Brähler, & Glaesmer, 2012; Kroenke & Spitzer, 2002; Lukas et al., 2018; Schwartz et al., 2019; Sperschneider et al., 2019).

A total of 1259 control women were approached and invited to participate in the study, of which 578 (45.9 %) returned the questionnaires. The two most frequently mentioned reasons for not participating were “lack of time” and “too personal questions.” Only women with complete answers in the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) were included in the present study, leaving 533 (42.3 %) data sets for analysis.

2.3. Questionnaires

Data on different factors potentially associated with quality of life were collected using a structured self-administered ques- tionnaire. The questionnaire covered basic socio-epidemiographic information such as age, nationality, education, current monthly income, and pre-existing health conditions/complaints. Depression was investigated through the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ- 9) (Gräfe et al., 2004; Kroenke & Spitzer, 2002). To evaluate the association between ACE and partnership, a short German-language version of the CTQ (Klinitzke et al., 2012) and a partnership questionnaire (PQ) (Hinz et al., 2003) were used.

The CTQ is a brief self-reporting questionnaire that assesses retrospectively traumatic childhood experiences among adolescents and adults (Bernstein et al., 2003). The results of a principal components analysis yield four factors: emotional abuse (EA), emotional neglect (EN), physical abuse/neglect (PA/N) and sexual abuse (SA). Emotional abuse is defined as “verbal assaults on a child’s sense of worth or well-being or any humiliating or demeaning behavior directed toward a child by an adult or older person.” Emotional neglect means “the failure of caretakers to meet children’s basic emotional and psychological needs, including love, belonging, nurturance, and support.” Physical abuse is considered as “bodily assaults on a child by an adult or older person that posed a risk of or resulted in injury.” Physical neglect is defined as “the failure of caretakers to provide for a child’s basic physical needs, including food, shelter, clothing, safety, and health care.” Poor parental supervision was also included if it placed a child’s safety in jeopardy. Sexual abuse was defined as “sexual contact or conduct between a child younger than 18 years of age and an adult or older person” (Bernstein et al., 2003).

Each subscale was assessed on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (always). Using the participants’ answers, a score of each type of ACE as well as an overall CTQ-score was calculated. Since each type of ACE (i.e. EA, EN, PA/N, SA) was examined separately, the number of different ACE could be assessed. The high validity and reliability of the German-version CTQ was confirmed in several studies (α = 0.55 for physical neglect, α > 0.8 for rest) (Karos, Niederstrasser, Abidi, Bernstein, & Bader, 2014; Klinitzke et al., 2012).

To evaluate the quality of partnership, a scientifically validated, self-reported PQ consisting of 30 questions was used (α = 0.85−0.91) (Hinz et al., 2003). The questionnaire evaluated subjects such as “solidarity and communication” and “affection and argumentative behavior” (10 questions each), from which an overall quality score was calculated. Each question could be ans-wered on a scale from 0 (never) to 3 (very often). For each category and for the total PQ, a sum score between 0 and 90 was calculated. Based on this score, the quality of the partnership was classified as low (0–51), moderate (52–66) or high (67–90). If participants missed one answer, the category in question was evaluated using the mean of the other 9 values of the given category. However, when more than one value was missing, the data were excluded from analysis.

A validated problem list containing 23 questions served to determine conflict areas and evaluate conflict behavior (α = 0.82) (Hahlweg, 1996; Hinz et al., 2003; Lang, Mussel, & Runge, 2018). For each problem, participants could choose answers between 0 (no conflicts), 1 (conflicts, but resolved successfully), 2 (conflict, unresolved, frequent disputes), and 3 (conflict, but no related con- versation) (Hahlweg, 1996). A score adding up answers 2 and 3 was calculated, with a high result indicating many unsolved conflict areas.

The prevalence of depression was assessed with the PHQ-9, on the basis of nine questions each of which could be rated between 0

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(not at all) to 3 (every day) (Kroenke & Spitzer, 2002). Answers were aggregated to yield an overall score between 0 and 27, with up to 5, 6–10, 11–15, and 16–20 representing mild, moderate, moderate-severe, and severe depression respectively. In this analysis, the cutoff for moderate depression was considered to be significant.

2.4. Confounders and definitions

The association of ACE and the quality of partnership was controlled for the influence of age, parity, duration of partnership, and social status (defined by educational level and monthly income). Parity was defined as pregnancy delivered after the 24th gestational week. Sexual satisfaction was defined as the self-rated satisfaction with sexual activity over the previous month. In addition to depression, anxiety, other psychiatric comorbidities (for example, eating disorders, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and schizo- phrenia/ psychosis), chronic pain, sleep disorder, HIV infection/AIDS, and cancer were evaluated as potential mediators of part- nership quality (Anda et al., 2006; Chapman et al., 2011; Davis et al., 2005; Felitti et al., 1998; Hughes et al., 2017; Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012; Springer et al., 2007; Wegman & Stetler, 2009) (see Table 1).

2.5. Ethical approval

The local ethical review committees in Switzerland (KEK_StV-Nr. 05/2008, Cantonal Ethics Committee Zurich), Austria, and Germany approved the study. Data were included only with written informed consent of study participants. To prepare the eva- luation, all data were encrypted and entered into an access database specifically developed for the study. The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki.

2.6. Statistical analysis

Data analysis was performed using SPSS 25. To test for the statistical significance of the differences between women with and without ACE in terms of partnership, we used a two-sided t-test for quantitative data (i.e., age, parity), the Chi-square test for categorical data (i.e., education level, nationality) and the Mann-Whitney U test for ordinal data (i.e., monthly income, quality of partnership), excluding the category “Information lacking” from statistical hypothesis testing. To estimate the corresponding effect sizes, we calculated Hedges’ G (due to the different sample sizes of the two groups), Phi and Cramer’s V, or r respectively. The significance level was set at p < 0.05. There were no adjustments for multiple testing. Our data met the assumptions of linearity, homoscedasticity, multicollinearity and normal distribution. A multiple linear regression model was used to estimate the relationship between partnership quality and ACE. To control for the effect of confounding factors, age, parity, duration of partnership, and social status were included in the regression model.

With a sample size of 533 participants, 159 of whom reported ACE, the power (1-β) for the association between ACE and partnership quality was 0.98.

3. Results

The current analysis included 533 women between 19 and 59 years of age. In total, 159 (29.8 %) of the women reported having experienced ACE (7.9 % sexual abuse, 2.5 % physical abuse, 8.3 % emotional abuse, and 24.8 % emotional neglect); 9.7 % ex- perienced more than one type.

The socio-economic characteristics of the study participants are summarized in Table 1, together with known consequences of ACE and possible confounders. No significant differences between the two groups in terms of nationality, monthly income, BMI, smoking behavior, or drug use were found, but overall, the women with ACE were slightly older. Women without ACE achieved a higher education level, while parity was higher in the ACE group. Furthermore, the ACE group showed a significantly higher pre- valence of depression, anxiety, chronic pain, and sleep disorder than the non-ACE group. For other frequently cited comorbidities, no significant differences could be found between the two groups.

Table 2 presents partnership characteristics in women with and without ACE. No significant differences in the number and duration of partnerships, civil status, or satisfaction with sexual activity were found between groups. However, women with ACE tended to have a lower subjectively stated happiness in their current partnership and have more thoughts about separation than the non-abused women. The quality of partnership as measured with the PQ, including the sub-categories of argumentative behavior, affection, solidarity, and communication, was significantly lower in the ACE group. Women with ACE had a significantly higher number of conflict areas, talked less about and found fewer solutions to their problems. However, the effect sizes for all of these findings are all relatively low.

Table 3 shows a summary of the data on prevalence of different conflict areas. Personal habits, affection, temperament, lack of acceptance/support of partner, and sexuality were the most frequent areas of conflict in the ACE group and show a significantly higher prevalence compared to women without ACE. Other significant differences were found in conflicts about housekeeping, leisure time, friends and relatives, trust, jealousy, diseases and addiction as well as assault.

A comparison of the prevalence of ACE in women with different relationship status is presented in Table 4. A greater incidence of different ACE with significantly more emotional abuse as well as physical abuse/neglect was experienced by single women compared to women in partnerships. The amount of ACE is significantly higher in abused women that are single than of those in a relationship. Again, effect sizes for these findings were low. No significant differences were found for the other types of ACE, including household

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dysfunction, in terms of relationship status. In the multiple linear regression analysis (Table 5), a significant association between emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and the

duration of partnership on impaired partnership quality was found. Other types of ACE as well as the number of ACE and household dysfunction did not show a significant association with reduced partnership quality. All confounders except the duration of part- nership do not show a significant influence on partnership quality.

Table 1 Socio-epidemiographic characteristics of study participants.

Women with ACE [N = 159] Women without ACE [N = 374] p-value a

Age in years (mean[ ± SD]) 39.03 8.7 36.61 8.8 0.004* Nationality (%/N) 0.25

Swiss 51.6 % 82 57.4 % 214 German 33.3 % 53 26.3 % 98 Other b 15.1 % 24 16.6 % 62

Highest Education level (%/N) 0.03* Primary school 1.9 % 3 2.1 % 8 Secondary school 11.9 % 19 4.0 % 15 Qualification for university entrance 14.5 % 23 16.8 % 63 Apprenticeship 30.8 % 49 32.6 % 122 University degree 31.4 % 50 37.4 % 140 No school grade 0.0 % 0 1.1 % 4 Others 3.1 % 5 2.9 % 11 Information lacking 6.3 % 10 2.9 % 11

Monthly income in EUR (%/N) 0.54 < 1000 11.9 % 19 17.4 % 65 1000−1500 30.8 % 49 24.1 % 90 1500−2000 12.6 % 20 9.6 % 36 2000−2500 21.4 % 34 16.0 % 60 > 2500 8.8 % 14 14.2 % 53 No income 11.9 % 19 15.8 % 59 Information lacking 2.5 % 4 2.9 % 11

BMI (%/N) 0.54 < 18.5 5.7 % 9 6.1 % 23 18.5−24.9 68.6 % 109 69.5 % 260 25−29.9 19.5 % 31 16.0 % 60 > 30 5.7 % 9 7.2 % 27 Information lacking 0.6 % 1 1.1 % 4

Smoking behavior (%/N) 0.41 Non-smoker 55.3 % 88 60.7 % 227 Former smoker 23.9 % 38 22.2 % 83 Current smoker 20.8 % 33 16.6 % 62 Information lacking 0.0 % 0 0.5 % 2

Drug use (%/N) 0.33 No 96.9 % 154 98.4 % 368 Yes 2.5 % 4 1.3 % 5 Information lacking 0.6 % 1 0.3 % 1

Parity (%/N) 0.03* 0 40.3 % 64 51.3 % 192 1 18.9 % 30 13.4 % 50 2 27.0 % 43 22.5 % 84 3 5.0 % 8 5.3 % 20 > 4 5.0 % 8 2.7 % 10 Information lacking 3.8 % 6 4.8 % 18

Comorbidities (%/N) Depression 23.6 % 34 6.2 % 21 < 0.001* Anxiety 7.5 % 12 3.5 % 13 0.04* Other psychiatric comorbidities c 10.1 % 16 6.4 % 24 0.14 Chronic pain 19.7 % 31 9.3 % 34 0.001* Sleep disorder 20.4 % 31 9.5 % 35 0.001* HIV infection or AIDS 0.6 % 1 0.5 % 2 0.88 Cancer 1.3 % 2 1.3 % 5 0.96

a Two-sided t-test for age, BMI, parity, Mann-Whitney-U test for monthly income, Chi-squared test for the rest. b Austrian or not further specified. c Eating disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, schizophrenia/psychosis or not further specified. * Statistically significant difference at 5%.

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4. Discussion

Women with and or without ACE are equally often either married or in long-term relationships. Women with ACE report lower partnership quality, with emotional and sexual abuse in childhood showing the strongest association with lower partnership quality.

Table 2 Comparison of partnership in women with and without ACE.

Women with ACE [N = 159]

Women without ACE [N = 374]

Effect size p-value a

Civil status (%/N) ϕc = 0.008 0.85 Married/long-term relationship 79.2 % 126 78.9 % 295 Single 20.8 % 33 19.8 % 74 Information lacking 0.0 % 0 1.3 % 5

Duration of relationship in years (%/N) b r = 0.006 0.90 < 1 8.7 % 11 7.5 % 22 1−3 13.5 % 17 13.2 % 39 3−7 17.5 % 22 21.0 % 62 7−15 29.4 % 37 27.5 % 81 > 15 28.6 % 36 27.8 % 82 Information lacking 2.4 % 3 3.1 % 9

Number of serious relationships (%/N) r = 0.078 0.07 None 3.8 % 6 4.5 % 17 1 34.6 % 55 40.6 % 152 2−3 44.7 % 71 41.2 % 154 > 3 11.9 % 19 7.8 % 29 Information lacking 5.0 % 8 5.9 % 22

Sexual activity in the last month prior to study (%/N) r = 0.013 0.76 No partner 11.9 % 19 13.6 % 51 Less often than desired 27.7 % 44 27.3 % 102 As often as desired 44.7 % 71 49.2 % 184 More often than desired 5.0 % 8 2.9 % 11 Information lacking 10.7 % 17 7.0 % 26

Happiness in relationship (%/N) b r = 0.121 0.01* Very happy 41.3 % 52 52.2 % 154 Happy 44.4 % 56 40.3 % 119 Rather unhappy 9.5 % 12 4.1 % 12 Unhappy 1.6 % 2 0.7 % 2 Very unhappy 1.6 % 2 1.0 % 3 Information lacking 1.6 % 2 1.7 % 5

Quality of partnership (%/N) b r = 0.158 0.001* Low 13.5 % 17 5.8 % 17 Intermediate 28.6 % 36 22.0 % 65 High 53.2 % 67 69.2 % 204 Information lacking 4.8 % 6 3.1 % 9

Good argumentative behavior (%/N) b r = 0.16 0.001* Low 7.9 % 10 4.1 % 12 Intermediate 23.0 % 29 12.9 % 38 High 65.9 % 83 80.7 % 238 Information lacking 3.2 % 4 2.4 % 7

Affection (%/N) b r = 0.107 0.03* Low 9.5 % 12 3.4 % 10 Intermediate 19.0 % 24 16.6 % 49 High 67.5 % 85 76.9 % 227 Information lacking 4.0 % 5 3.1 % 9

Solidarity and communication (%/N) b r = 0.152 0.002* Low 7.1 % 9 5.1 % 15 Intermediate 30.2 % 38 17.6 % 52 High 58.7 % 74 74.9 % 221 Information lacking 4.0 % 5 2.4 % 7

Conflicts (%/N) b 94.4 % 119 92.9 % 274 ϕc = 0.042 0.36 Number (mean [ ± SD]) 8.41 4.967 6.5 4.052 g = 0.179 < 0.001*

Dealing with conflict (%/N) b

Solution 94.3 % 116 93.7 % 269 ϕc = 0.028 0.54 Not resolved 41.5 % 51 26.5 % 76 ϕc = 0.146 0.001* No Conversation 31.7 % 39 18.1 % 52 ϕc = 0.141 0.002*

Thoughts about separation (%/N) b 35.8 % 43 25.2 % 72 ϕc = 0.128 0.009*

a Chi-squared test for civil status, conflicts and separation thoughts, two-sided t-test for number of conflicts, Mann-Whitney-U test for rest. b n = 421 only women in relationship, single women excluded. * Statistically significant difference at 5%.

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They rate partnership happiness as lower and experience a higher number of conflicts than women without ACE. Although some studies found that women with ACE may have difficulties with close relations and consequently engage in shorter,

more casual partnerships, and reflect lower marriage and higher divorce rates (Anda et al., 2006; Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000; Friesen, Woodward, Horwood, & Fergusson, 2010; Jehu, 1989), in the present study the number of women in serious long-term relationships, as well as the duration of the current relationship, were equal in both groups. This finding supports that despite ACE women succeed in maintaining long-term relationships. However, we found a significant association between specific forms of ACE, i.e. emotional abuse, as well as between physical abuse/neglect, and relationship status. This may be explained by avoidance be- havior led by fear of committing to intimate relationships after ACE (Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000; Davis et al., 2001). Other

Table 3 Difference in types of conflicts between women with and without ACE.

Type of conflict (%/N) ACE no ACE Effect size P-value a

Division of monthly income 5.1 % 6 4.3 % 12 ϕc = 0.017 0.74 Occupation 10.7 % 13 6.8 % 20 ϕc = 0.065 0.18 Housekeeping 14.6 % 18 5.7 % 16 ϕc = 0.148 0.003* Concept of parenting 11.2 % 11 5.9 % 13 ϕc = 0.093 0.10 Organization of leisure time 11.3 % 14 5.1 % 15 ϕc = 0.111 0.02* Friends and acquaintances 8.8 % 10 2.1 % 6 ϕc = 0.154 0.002* Temper of partner 17.7 % 22 6.9 % 20 ϕc = 0.165 0.001* Affection of partner 17.7 % 22 6.2 % 18 ϕc = 0.178 < 0.001* Attractiveness 5.7 % 7 2% 6 ϕc = 0.096 0.05 Trust 11.3 % 14 3.4 % 10 ϕc = 0.155 0.002* Jealousy 11.4 % 14 3.8 % 11 ϕc = 0.146 0.003* Granting of personal liberties 7.3 % 9 3.1 % 9 ϕc = 0.094 0.06 Sexuality 24.4 % 30 10.3 % 30 ϕc = 0.183 < 0.001* Extramarital relations 6.1 % 7 3.3 % 8 ϕc = 0.065 0.22 Relatives 14.8 % 18 6.8 % 20 ϕc = 0.126 0.01* Personal habits of partner 20.8 % 26 7.2 % 21 ϕc = 0.197 < 0.001* Communication 11.4 % 14 7.9 % 23 ϕc = 0.056 0.25 Family planning 5.3 % 6 2.7 % 7 ϕc = 0.065 0.20 Lack of acceptance/support of partner 16.3 % 20 5.9 % 17 ϕc = 0.166 0.001* Demands of partner 9.8 % 12 5.1 % 15 ϕc = 0.087 0.08 Diseases / disabilities / mental disorders 8.5 % 10 0.7 % 2 ϕc = 0.207 < 0.001* Dealing with alcohol / medication / drugs 8.5 % 10 2.2 % 6 ϕc = 0.147 0.003* Assault 1.8 % 2 0 % 0 ϕc = 0.112 0.03*

a Chi-squared test for all. * Statistically significant difference at 5%.

Table 4 Prevalence of ACE in women with different civil status.

Married/long-term relationship [N = 547] Single [N = 107] Effect size P-valuea

Type of ACE (%/N) Sexual abuse 7.9 % 33 8.5 % 9 ϕc = 0.009 0.84 Physical abuse and neglect 1.7 % 7 5.7 % 6 ϕc = 0.103 0.02* Emotional abuse 6.7 % 28 15.0 % 16 ϕc = 0.119 0.006* Emotional neglect 25.0 % 105 25.2 % 27 ϕc = 0.002 0.96 Any ACE 29.9 % 126 30.8 % 33 ϕc = 0.03 0.85

Number of ACE (%/N) g = 0.017 0.19 0 70.1 % 295 69.2 % 74 1 21.4 % 90 15.9 % 17 2 6.4 % 27 8.4 % 9 3 1.7 % 7 4.7 % 5 4 0.5 % 2 1.9 % 2 (Mean [ ± SD])b 1.37 0.666 1.76 0.936 g = 0.053 0.03*

Household Dysfunction (%/N)c ϕc = 0.078 0.68 Physical abuse of mother 6.5 % 27 8.7 % 9 Substance abuse of family member 2.4 % 10 3.9 % 4 Mentally ill family member 1.7 % 7 1.9 % 2 Suicidal family member 4.8 % 20 1.9 % 2 Imprisoned family members 0.2 % 1 0.0 % 0 Any 15.6 % 65 16.4 % 17

a Two-sided t-test for Nr. of ACE, Chi-squared test for the rest. b n = 159, only women with ACE. c n = 337, only women with ACE including mild ACE (n = 178). * Statistically significant difference at 5%.

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research comparing different forms of ACE has also shown particularly strong associations between emotional abuse and con- sequences of traumatic experiences (Liebermann et al., 2018; Poole et al., 2018). Therefore, a history of emotional abuse experiences should be addressed in couples experiencing partnership problems and emotional abuse should be addressed in childhood to prevent long-term consequences on partnership. In contrast, no association between sexual abuse experiences and relationship status could be demonstrated. Unfortunately, many studies on the impact of ACE on future well-being and health do not differentiate between different forms of abuse; this hampers comparison among findings.

Even though women with ACE were about 2.4 years elder than women without abuse experiences, both groups have grown up with comparable cultural partnership norms, which is further supported by a comparable ethnic background in women with and without ACE. The small difference of the study participant’s average age makes the decline of ACE reported in some of the current statistics, which has started years ago, unlikely (US Department of Health & Human Services Children’s Bureau, 2019). As the duration of partnership is known to play a stronger role for sexual and related partnership satisfaction than the age of partners (Klusmann, 2002), we think the difference of age does not confound our results concerning ACE but might have the following impact on our findings: the age difference may explain (i) the slightly increased number of lifetime partners in women with ACE and (ii) the higher parity in women with ACE, which is in contrast to previous findings (Bifulco, Brown, & Adler, 1991; Leeners, Neumaier- Wagner, Quarg, & Rath, 2006).

Despite the high number of women with ACE being in a current partnership, they reported lower partnership quality (i.e., showed lower scores in the PQ) in good argumentative behavior, affection, solidarity, and communication. The negative relationship between ACE and good partnership quality is also supported by a lower subjectively reported level of happiness in partnership and a higher number of women with ACE considering separation from their partner. These findings are consistent with other studies describing a lower self-rated quality of partnership in women with ACE (Davis et al., 2001). Results from other authors support the finding that women with ACE may experience difficulties in forming trusting relationships (Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000; Davis et al., 2001; Ducharme, Koverola, & Battle, 1997; Jehu, 1989; Maniglio, 2009). Poole et al. (2018) identified childhood trauma as a main factor leading to interpersonal difficulties. As abuse is most frequently inflicted by caregivers or other closely related persons (Leeners, Richter-Appelt, Imthurn, & Rath, 2006), affected children have to deal with the fact that even people the closest to them – who, according to their role, should be very trustworthy - cannot be trusted. The effects of such very fundamental experiences are often difficult to leave behind in later life and may consequently represent a major challenge in partnerships. Carefully addressing the impact of ACE on interpersonal relationship already within the initial treatment following detection/disclosure of the abuse ex- periences consequently represents an important resource to prevent or at least reduce long-term consequences of ACE. Emotional dysregulation, fear of intimacy, emotional avoidance, and lack of trust may also lead to poor argumentative behavior and bad communication. In line with these associations, women with ACE showed a higher number of problems such as difficulties with temper regulation, trust and affection; they talked less about their problems with their partner and found fewer solutions to these problems. Improvement of communicative skills should thus be part of the treatment after ACE, ideally already during childhood and adolescence. Fear of intimacy may cause lower levels of affection, which might be another reason for the reduced partnership happiness and the increased number of conflicts found in our study. The significant difference in a great number of conflict areas suggest that the consequences of ACE do not only affect one of few specific areas of personal life but are omnipresent in interpersonal relations. Strengthening interpersonal relationships with a focus on conflict management integrating consequences of traumatic childhood experiences could therefore be a key factor to reduce negative consequences of ACE. To build trusting relationships, the differences in communicative behavior and emotional dysregulation are challenges not only in private life but also for doctor-patient relationships and should be considered when combating long-term consequences of ACE.

Table 5 Multiple linear regression to estimate the relationship between ACE and the quality of partnershipa controlled for the effect of different confounders.

B (SE) 95 % CI P-value

Age −0.156 (0.108) −0.369, 0.056 0.15 Duration of partnership −2.196 (0.633) −3.442, -0.950 0.001* Monthly income 0.384 (0.389) −0.381, 1.150 0.32 Education level 0.066 (0.421) −0.761, 0.893 0.88 Parity −0.96 (0.717) −2.371, 0.451 0.18 Sexual abuseb −0.981 (0.398) −1.765, -0.197 0.01* Physical abuse/neglectb −0.186 (0.390) −0.953, 0.581 0.63 Emotional abuseb −0.673 (0.306) −1.275, -0.070 0.03* Emotional neglectb −0.233 (0.201) −0.629, 0.163 0.25 Household Dysfunctionc −0.277 (0.506) −1.223, 0.769 0.65 Number of ACE 2.124 (2.124) −2.054, 6.301 0.32

a PQ total score. b CTQ sum score for each individual type of ACE. c All aspects of household dysfunction together. * Statistically significant difference at 5%.

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4.1. Specific types of ACE

Looking at individual types of ACE, we found ACE of a sexual and emotional nature to have a significant association with impaired partnership quality. Several authors have confirmed interpersonal difficulties as a consequence of sexual and emotional abuse (Davis & Petretic-jackson, 2000; Maniglio, 2009; Poole et al., 2018). The other types of ACE showed no significant association with part- nership quality.

Compared to further research, the prevalence of specific types of ACE in our cohort is relatively low. In particular, frequencies of physical (2.5 %) and sexual abuse (7.9 %) differ from those found in previous studies: Felitti et al. (1998) reported prevalences of 10 % and 22 % respectively, whereas other studies state numbers from 4% to 28 % for physical abuse and 2 %–62 % for sexual abuse (Anda et al., 2006; Monnat & Chandler, 2015; Norman et al., 2012; Springer et al., 2007). As sexual and physical abuse experiences may negatively affect the use of adequate preventive health care (2007a, Leeners et al., 2007b), the recruitment of our study participants in the context of medical consultations might have influenced results. However, numbers for emotional neglect are higher in the present study compared to previous studies (24.8 % compared to 11 % (Felitti et al., 1998)). While the power to evaluate associations for sexual abuse (0.85) and emotional neglect (0.83) was sufficiently high, the sample size was rather small to be able to evaluate reliably an association between physical abuse/neglect (0.55) and partnership quality (Klinitzke et al., 2012). Due to methodological differences, especially with regard to study groups, definitions of specific abuse experiences, methods of in- vestigation, etc., prevalences of abuse experiences are known to vary broadly across studies (Leeners, Neumaier-Wagner et al., 2006, 2006b; Norman et al., 2012). Irrespective of the overall prevalences, our results support that personal implication of different ACE may be high and should consequently systematically addressed within medical care and counselling.

It is possible that women succeed in precluding potential consequences of physical abuse more easily, as physical abuse is often limited to specific situations, while emotional abuse is mostly omnipresent. Out of different forms of abuse, emotional and sexual abuse showed a particularly strong association with psychological disorders such as depression or anxiety (Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012), which may add to the impaired partnership quality. While different aspects of household dysfunction during childhood showed no association with the quality of partnership in adulthood, forms of direct abuse towards children seem to play a more important role for the future than more indirect forms of potentially traumatic experiences.

Sexuality is highly important for a good partnership quality (Fletcher, Simpson, & Thomas, 2000). Even though previous research has demonstrated associations between ACE and sexual dysfunction (Anda et al., 2006; Davis et al., 2001; Jehu, 1989; Maniglio, 2009), our data show no difference in satisfaction with sexual activity between the groups. Yet, women with ACE had significantly more conflicts surrounding sexuality; this suggests that even though sexual satisfaction is equal in both groups, sexual activity seems to be an issue. In general, the level of sexual activity of women with ACE was found to be either less or more than women without such experiences (Anda et al., 2006; Davis et al., 2001; Hughes et al., 2017); the question of level of sexual activity might cause conflicts with the partner. On this background, sexual counselling already during adolescence, when first healthy partnership and sexual relationships are initiated, may be beneficial.

Negative influences of ACE on partnership quality may be worsened by psychiatric disorders such as depression and anxiety; in accordance with other studies, we found higher prevalences of depression and anxiety (Anda et al., 2006; Hughes et al., 2017; Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012; Reiser et al., 2014; Springer et al., 2007), chronic pain (Davis et al., 2005; Wegman & Stetler, 2009), and sleep disorders (Anda et al., 2006; Chapman et al., 2011) in association with ACE. The lack of association with HIV/STDs, cancer, and substance abuse described in other research studies (Anda et al., 2006; Felitti et al., 1998; Hughes et al., 2017; Maniglio, 2009; Norman et al., 2012) is likely to be attributed to the low prevalence of these particular disorders in our cohort.

4.2. Strengths and limitations

This study is one of the few studies that explore the association between ACE and partnership in adult women (Davis & Petretic- jackson, 2000; Davis et al., 2001; Finch et al., 1999; Poole et al., 2018; Shahar et al., 2004) and the only one that differentiates among various forms of abuse. Recruitment in various types of hospitals across three different countries made it possible to obtain reliable information on the relationship of ACE and partnerships of women in a large segment of Europe. However, it is important to note that findings cannot be generalized and applied to other regions around the globe or on women in social situations, as well as physical and/or psychiatric diseases, that might influence partnership quality. The sample size made it possible to conduct sub-analyses of sexual and emotional abuse; however, the association between physical abuse and partnership should be re-evaluated in a larger sample of women having experienced physical abuse. Furthermore, it would be interesting for future studies to investigate both males and females and their experiences with ACE to accurately assess the impact of gender on ACE perception and future relationships. The relatively small effect sizes show that partnership quality cannot be explained with a single variable but is influenced by a number of factors.

The use of internationally validated questionnaires to evaluate traumatic childhood experiences and partnership quality adds to the reliability of the results. Due to the self-reported, retrospective design of the study, recall bias may occur. As the principal aim of the questionnaire was focused on endometriosis, participants were not aware of the existence of the present evaluation, which lowered the potential for response biases. Conversely, the participants might not have been prepared for questions of an intimate nature about their partnerships and childhood and hence abstained from study participation. Since “too personal questions” was one of the most mentioned criteria for not completing the questionnaire, it is possible that women with ACE in particular were excluded from the analysis. This might be applicable especially to women who have not overcome their past abuse experiences, leading to an underestimation in our study of the actual effect of ACE.

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5. Conclusions

Although ACE were not associated with the number and duration of partnership, partnership quality was significantly reduced after ACE, especially in case of sexual and emotional abuse during childhood. Women with ACE reported lower partnership happiness and more areas of conflict, which remained unsolved more often. These findings likely have to be attributed to disturbances in interpersonal relationships as a consequence of ACE during childhood. Training in communicative skills and support for building trusting relationships therefore represent valuable resources to be integrated into currently available programs for combating long- term consequences of ACE in children and adolescents. Additionally, reducing partnership conflicts would help to reduce the in- creased risk for abuse experiences of the following generation and to improve overall conditions for growing up.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors have no competing interests to report.

Acknowledgements

We gratefully acknowledge the women participating in this study and the German self-help group for assisting in patient re- cruitment. The authors thank Harald Schütze for statistical consulting, Kathy Bühler and Laura Mani for language advice, and Brigitte Alvera, Anna Dietlicher, Franka Grischott, Nicole Kuenzle, Judith Kurmann, Karoline Stojanov, Elvira Gross, Lina Looser, Sarah Schaerer, Elena Lupi, and Franziska Graf for for assistance in data collection.

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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Springer, K. W., Sheridan, J., Kuo, D., & Carnes, M. (2007). Long-term physical and mental health consequences of childhood physical abuse: Results from a large population-based sample of men and women. Child Abuse & Neglect, 31, 517–530. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2007.01.003.

Stith, S. M., Liu, T., Davies, L. C., Boykin, E. L., Alder, M. C., Harris, J. M., et al. (2009). Risk factors in child maltreatment: A meta-analytic review of the literature. Aggression and Violent Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2006.03.006.

Tietjen, G. E., Brandes, J. L., Peterlin, B. L., Eloff, A., Dafer, R. M., Stein, M. R., et al. (2010). Childhood maltreatment and migraine (part III). Association with comorbid pain conditions. Headache, 50(1), 42–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1526-4610.2009.01558.x.

US Department of Health & Human Services Children’s Bureau (2019). Child maltreatment - child trends. Retrieved April 9, 2020, fromhttps://www.childtrends.org/ indicators/child-maltreatment.

Wegman, H. L., & Stetler, C. (2009). A meta-analytic review of the effects of childhood abuse on medical outcomes in adulthood. Psychosomatic Medicine, 71(8), 805–812. https://doi.org/10.1097/PSY.0b013e3181bb2b46.

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  • The association between adverse childhood experiences and quality of partnership in adult women
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Study design
      • Recruitment of study participants
      • Questionnaires
      • Confounders and definitions
      • Ethical approval
      • Statistical analysis
    • Results
    • Discussion
      • Specific types of ACE
      • Strengths and limitations
    • Conclusions
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgements
    • Funding
    • mk:H1_18
    • References

Caregiver-and-family-factors-promoting-child-resilience-in_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Caregiver and family factors promoting child resilience in at-risk families living in Lima, Peru

Laura E. Miller-Graffa,*, Caroline R. Scheidb, Danice Brown Guzmánc, Katherine Greinb

a Department of Psychology, Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, 390 Corbett Family Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556, United States b Department of Psychology, 390 Corbett Family Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556, United States c Pulte Institute for Global Development, Ford Program in Human Development and Solidarity, 3150 Jenkins Nanovic Halls, Notre Dame, IN 46556, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: resilience violence South America family

A B S T R A C T

Background: Child victimization is one of the most serious, preventable threats to child health and wellbeing around the world. Contemporary research has demonstrated that polyvictimization, or children’s experience of multiple types of victimization, is particularly detrimental. Objective: The current study aims to evaluate relationships between child victimization and child resilience with a particular focus on caregiver and family promotive factors. Participants and setting: Participants included N = 385 caregiver-child dyads from a high-risk neighborhood in San Juan de Lurigancho district in Lima, Peru. Methods: Data were collected in the context of a representative survey of houses in the neigh- borhood; an index child (ages 4-17) was randomly selected for each household and caregivers provided reports on core study constructs. Results: Child victimization (β = .35, p < .001) and harsh punishment (β = .17, p < .001) were associated with higher levels of child adjustment problems. Caregiver depression was associated with both higher adjustment problems (β = .22, p < .001) and higher prosocial skills (β = .14, p = .003). Caregiver resilience was associated with lower adjustment problems (β = -.15, p = .01) and higher prosocial skills (β = .14, p = .04). Positive parenting was associated with lower adjustment problems (β = -.15, p < .001) and higher prosocial skills (β = .20, p < .001). Family cohesion (β = .23, p = .001) was positively associated only with children’s prosocial skills. Conclusions: Findings suggest that caregiver resilience and positive parenting are consistent promotive factors for child resilience across indicators, including both adjustment problems and prosocial skills. These promotive factors may therefore be promising potential targets address in the context of interventions aimed at promoting child resilience.

Child victimization represents one of the most significant threats to psychological health and development worldwide. Victimization has been conceptualized as a “condition” rather than an event, whereby children are under serious stress or risk, including through exposure to violence, trauma, or interpersonal stressors (e.g., bullying; Finkelhor et al., 2007). Numerous studies have documented short and long-term deleterious effects of victimization in multiple global contexts (Cudmore et al., 2017; Cyr et al., 2012; Itani et al., 2018). Research has highlighted the importance of studying multiple types of victimization (i.e., polyvictimization)

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104639 Received 5 February 2020; Received in revised form 13 July 2020; Accepted 17 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (L.E. Miller-Graff), [email protected] (C.R. Scheid), [email protected] (D.B. Guzmán),

[email protected] (K. Grein).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104639

Available online 03 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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for several reasons. First, among victimized children, the majority have experienced more than one type (Finkelhor et al., 2011). As such, the failure to assess multiple domains of victimization gives an incomplete picture of risk. Further, compelling evidence sug- gests individuals’ accumulation of victimizations across domains more strongly predicts functioning than does assessment of a single domain alone (Hamby & Grych, 2013). Despite comprehensive and well-documented negative effects of child victimization on mental health (Cudmore et al., 2017; Cyr et al., 2012; Itani et al., 2018), many children are able to retain positive adaptation in many areas (Martinez-Torteya et al., 2017).

1. Guiding theoretical framework

There has been increasing attention to children’s ability to survive and thrive in the context of ongoing risk, typically referred to as resilience (Masten, 2015). Contemporary theorists define resilience as a complex, multidimensional construct characterized by dynamic interactions between individuals and their social ecologies (Betancourt & Khan, 2008; Masten, 2015; Ungar, 2012). Im- portantly, research has focused on both observed adaptation, also known as manifested resilience, as well as processes that contribute to adaptation. Typically, manifested resilience is assessed as an observed, adaptive outcome (e.g., success in meeting key developmental milestones; Masten, 2015). Resilience theorists have argued that although the lack of psychopathology may be one indicator of adaptive functioning, manifested resilience must be understood as more than just the absence of distress (Bonanno, 2012; Masten, 2015). Indeed, psychological distress amidst ongoing adversity is to be expected (Masten and Narayan, 2012). As such, several resilience theorists underscore the importance of collecting data on both adaptive and maladaptive outcomes (Bonnano et al, 2011; Luthar et al, 2014).

The social ecological theory of resilience (Ungar, 2012) understands the development of manifested resilience as a transactional process between individuals and various social systems, including people with whom they interact near-daily (e.g., family), social structures that encompass these social microsystems (e.g., neighborhoods) and cultural influences (macrosystems). This theory posits comprehensive understanding of resilience must assess not only manifested adaptive outcomes, but also the availability and con- tribution of surrounding resources and processes across individuals’ social ecologies. This focus on multisystemic resources and processes is also reflected in theoretical work on resilience in Latin America (Kotliarenco et al., 2006).

In the evaluation of multisystemic processes, factors can be tested as promotive of adaptive functioning or protective against maladaptation. Promotive factors provide direct benefit to manifested resilience (i.e., main effects), while protective factors buffer the relationship between adversity and maladaptation (i.e., moderating effects; Masten, 2015). Within family microsystems, theo- retical research has highlighted parental wellbeing, parenting quality, and overall family functioning as key promotive factors contributing to child manifested resilience (Armstrong et al., 2005). The aim of the current study is to explore caregiver and family- level promotive and risk factors associated with children’s manifested resilience in the context of high environmental risk. The current study examines constructs identified in previous theoretical work, including caregiver resilience, caregiver mental health, parenting behaviors and family cohesion as potential factors linked to child resilience.

1.1. Family cohesion

Family cohesion represents the extent to which family members report feelings of closeness and balanced involvement/inter- dependence in each other’s lives. In a systematic review of research on Latino immigrant families, family connectedness and support were identified as one of the most important and culturally relevant factors promoting individual resilience (Cardoso & Thompson, 2010). Empirical research on the promotive effects of family cohesion has found that it is related to lower levels of children’s psychological distress (Rivera et al., 2008), fewer conduct and rule-breaking behaviors (Marsiglia et al., 2009), and lower levels of depressive symptoms (Cumsille & Epstein, 1994). Family climate, including cohesion, is integrated in theoretical models of resilience in Latin America (Kotliarenco et al., 2006) and has been found to be an important predictor of youths’ functioning in Peru (Chaupi et al., 2017).

1.2. Parenting

Parenting behaviors represent a transgenerational and reciprocal process commonly included in studies of child resilience. Parenting is a multi-dimensional construct; commonly assessed behaviors include positive parenting (e.g., warmth, developmentally sensitive responses to child needs), monitoring (i.e., providing developmentally appropriate supervision), discipline (i.e., punishment after misbehavior) and harsh/corporal punishment. Extensive research in multiple contexts supported the promotive role of positive parenting on child adjustment, including in Peru (Jeon & Neppl, 2016; Miller-Graff et al., 2019 Miller-Graff , Nuttall , & Lefever 2019; Nóblega et al., 2016). Negative parenting behaviors, including harsh punishment, have been shown to pose risk for children (Kokkinos, 2013; Lereya et al., 2013). However, studies on sensitive or negative parenting in Peru have primarily focused on infants and toddlers (Nóblega et al., 2016) or older elementary children (Manrique Millones et al., 2014c) and have not examined broader assessments across a range of child ages. Further, while extant studies in Peru have included high-risk groups in their samples, they have not focused on at-risk contexts exclusively.

1.3. Caregiver resilience

Recent research has also identified the relevance of maternal social ecological resilience as promotive of child wellbeing,

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suggesting that the strength of caregivers’ social ecological promotive factors also positively affects children (Miller-Graff et al., 2018). Consistent with social ecological perspectives on resilience, the current study conceptualizes caregiver resilience as the convergence of resources and strengths across multiple social ecological levels, including caregivers’ unique profiles of individual, relational and community assets. Despite recent growth in positive psychology research in Peru and other Latin American countries (e.g., Castro-Solano & Lupano-Perugini, 2013), much of the existing work focuses on the creation and validation of psychological assessments (e.g., Caycho-Rodríguez et al., 2018; Levey, et al., 2019) and has not examined the intergenerational associations be- tween caregiver resilience and child adaptive functioning.

1.4. Caregiver mental health

Caregiver mental health is also an important contributing factor to child resilience: caregiver distress has documented direct, negative effects both on child adjustment and prosocial skills (Apter-Levi et al., 2016; Maruyama et al., 2019). Caregivers’ depression may also indirectly affect child adjustment and resilience through negative effects on dyadic processes, such as parenting and caregiver-child aggression (Apter-Levi et al., 2016; Buckingham-Howes et al., 2017; Cummings & Davies, 1994; Villodas et al., 2018). Despite compelling direct and indirect effects of caregiver depression on child adjustment, as well as availability of other promotive factors (i.e., parenting, family climate), previous research in Peru on parenting and child adjustment has not controlled for the effect of caregiver depression (Manrique Millones et al., 2014c).

2. Study Setting: San Juan de Lurigancho, Lima, Peru

Data are drawn from a representative household survey conducted in a high-crime neighborhood of the San Juan de Lurigancho district of Lima, Peru. San Juan de Lurigancho is Lima’s most populous district, with a population of approximately 1 million people (World Bank, 2019). A recent city census indicated that the majority of individuals in this district identify as Mestizo (70%) and Quechua (17%); additional racial/ethnic backgrounds reported in the district included those identifying as Aymara, Afro-Peruvian, White, and other groups (Lima [City Population], 2017). San Juan de Lurigancho was an agricultural area with increasing settlement beginning in the 1970s, but in the 1980s it had a significant population influx due to internal displacement resulting from ongoing sociopolitical violence . This influx was met with a lack of adequate local infrastructure, including water, sanitation and electrical services . Today, the neighborhood of San Juan de Lurigancho contains a significant proportion of “slum” settlements, which continue to experience significant infrastructure problems, including access to potable water and reliable sanitation and electricity (Cockburn et al., 2015). This weak infrastructure, combined with the presence of poorly constructed housing settlements, makes much of San Juan de Lurigancho disaster-vulnerable, and the district has had several crises related to mudslides and sewage main breaks from rainfall (Cruz, 2019; Pardo, 2017). In addition to these development challenges, San Juan de Lurichango experiences high rates of violence and crime, including both the presence of gangs and high rates of interpersonal violence (El Comerico, 1999; Sandoval & Rosaura, 2017).

3. The Current Study

Previous research, in Peru and other contexts, suggests the relevance of the identified family and caregiver factors that may be associated with child resilience, but existing literature is limited in numerous ways. Although a polyvictimization framework is supported by research on adolescent perceptions of violence in Peru (Oriol et al., 2017), studies on child victimization and adjustment in Peru have largely focused on singular victimization types instead of polyvictimization (e.g., bullying; Crookston et al., 2014; Lister et al., 2015), and studies on parenting and child adjustment in this context have not included assessments of victimization at all. Thus, the current study builds upon previous work by extending research questions to reflect a more comprehensive assessment of child victimization and potential associations between polyvictimization, promotive factors, and child resilience.

Studies on youth in Peru have largely focused on adolescents or very young children and have not studied risk and resilience across a broader age range. Further, many studies have focused on one promotive factor, failing to account for multiple, potentially co-occurring promotive factors. Several studies in Peru have not examined associations of such factors with child resilience, speci- fically. Therefore, the current study aims to provide important insight into family and caregiver promotive factors that might be especially important to understand child resilience in Lima, Peru. Further, the current study incorporates an intergenerational and systems-focused perspective on resilience. This perspective contributes to the broader field of resilience research in its consideration of intergenerational effects. The study’s hypotheses are: (1) child polyvictimization, caregiver depression, and harsh parenting will be associated with lower levels of child resilience (i.e., higher adjustment difficulties and lower prosocial skills) and (2) caregiver resilience, positive parenting, and family cohesion will be significantly associated with higher child resilience (i.e., lower adjustment difficulties and higher prosocial skills).

4. Method

4.1. Participants

Participants (N = 402) were caregivers in a neighborhood of the San Juan de Lurigancho District in Lima, Peru who responded as part of a representative household study. Primary caregivers in San Juan de Lurigancho’s households completed surveys in the

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current study, including self-report measures and questions about a randomly selected index child. The survey team planned for 15% of families to decline participation, but fewer refused; the response rate is similar to other household surveys on violence (Garcia- Moreno et al., 2006). Seventeen participants did not complete the questionnaires about the target children and were therefore omitted from the current analyses; the sample for analysis was therefore (N = 385).

Participants were predominately female (91.90%), and although most primary caregivers were parents of the children included in the current study (78.48%), a substantial minority of caregivers were grandparents (14.43%), siblings (3.04%), other relatives (3.80%) or unknown (0.25%). Caregivers’ ages ranged between 17 and 82 years (M = 42.00, SD = 13.48). Target children included both boys (52.51%) and girls (47.49%), and children’s ages ranged from four to 17 years (M = 11.26, SD = 3.97). For households, 27.61% of caregivers identified as single and 72.39% identified as married and/or cohabitating with a partner. Average household size was 5 members. In terms of socioeconomic status, households on average had a daily wage of 115.28 PEN, approximately 34.31 USD; 48.05% of caregivers reported working, earning an average of 52.85 PEN a day (15.73 USD). On average, caregivers had completed 10 years of education.

4.2. Procedure

Surveys in the current study were initiated by the Instituto de Pastoral de la Familia as a part of their goals to improve and develop social services based on specific needs in the community. Use of the survey data was approved by the Institutional Review Board at the University of Notre Dame. Random allocations from a geographic map of the neighborhood identified participating households to collect a representative sample of households. Enumerators participated in a three-day training in research ethics, mandated re- porting and the collection of sensitive psychological data prior to collecting any data. All enumerators completed a daily “check-out” with supervisors to review their day’s work. Enumerators visited and interviewed the identified head of household at previously identified addresses. Demographic information from the head of household about all household members enabled selection of child- caregiver dyads for participation. Index children were randomly selected by electronic surveys among eligible children whose age fit within the survey measures’ valid age range (i.e., 4-17 years). Then, interviewers asked which household member was the primary caregiver (i.e., person who provided primary care and parenting for the child). If primary caregivers were not available at the first visit, interviewers returned to the households at a different time. Caregivers completed survey measures on resilience, parenting, depression symptoms, child adjustment, and child victimization.

4.3. Measures

4.3.1. Demographic questionnaire Basic information regarding child sex and age was collected from the identified head of household prior to the caregiver inter-

view.

4.3.2. Child victimization Child victimization was assessed using the 12-item Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire, caregiver report (JVQ; Hamby et al.,

2005). The JVQ assesses youth exposure to multiple domains of victimization, including property crime, victimization from siblings and peers, sexual victimization, and witnessed or indirect victimization (e.g., witnessed an attack with a weapon; Hamby et al., 2005). Caregivers were asked to respond whether or not children had experienced each type of victimization (1=Yes” or 0=“No”). Responses were tallied for a total score, indicating the number of different types of child victimization experiences, which could range from 0 to 12. The JVQ has not previously been used in Peru; however, the English version has been widely used (e.g., Finkelhor et al., 2000; Finkelhor, Hamby, Ormrod, & Turner, 2005) and has demonstrated good construct validity. The JVQ-12 was forward trans- lated, discussed by a bilingual research team to confirm semantic equivalence of the items across versions, and reviewed by the survey team for appropriateness to context.

4.3.3. Child adjustment problems Child adjustment difficulties were assessed using the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ; Goodman, 1997), a 25-item

questionnaire that asks caregivers to report on their child’s behavior. The SDQ includes 20 items that capture 4 domains of child behavior problems: emotional symptoms, conduct problems, hyperactivity/inattention and peer relationship problems. For each item, caregivers select the extent to which it is true of their child (0=“Not True”, 1=“Somewhat True”, 2=“Certainly True”). The mean value across items within each subscale is identified and then each subscale is multiplied by the number of items present such that total scores ranged from 0 to 40, with higher scores reflecting more adjustment problems. The SDQ is available in multiple languages, including Spanish, and has been used to assess child adjustment in Peru in prior studies (e.g., Manrique Millones et al., 2014c). The reliability in the current study was α = .80.

4.3.4. Child prosocial skills Child prosocial skills were assessed using the SDQ (Goodman, 1997); the SDQ includes 5 items assessing child prosocial behaviors

(e.g., actions to help or be considerate of others). For each item, caregivers select the extent to which it is true of their child (0=“Not True”, 1=“Somewhat True”, 2=“Certainly True”). The mean value across items was identified and then was multiplied by the number of items (5) such that total scores range from 0 to 10. Higher scores reflect better prosocial skills. The reliability in the current study was α = .72.

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4.3.5. Family cohesion The Family Adaptability and Cohesion Scale (FACES-IV; Olson et al., 2006) was used to assess cohesion within families. The

FACES-IV is a 42-item scale, comprised of six scales that together assess adaptability (e.g., adjust to change) and cohesion (e.g., feelings of closeness) within families. Respondents answered items on a 5-point Likert scale (1=“Strongly Disagree”, 2=“Disagree”, 3=“Undecided”, 4=“Agree”, 5=”Strongly Agree”). The family cohesion subscale (7-items) assesses the extent to which family members report feelings of closeness, and balanced involvement in each other’s lives. Raw scores on the cohesion subscale can therefore range 7 to 35, with higher scores indicating higher levels of cohesion. The Spanish version of the FACES-IV has shown good reliability and demonstrates a factor structure similar to that of the English version (Rivero, Martinez-Pampliega, & Olson, 2010). The reliability of the family cohesion subscale in the current study was α = .78.

4.3.6. Parenting behavior The Parent Behavior Scale (PBS) is a 25-item scale that was used to assess parenting behavior, including positive parenting (e.g.,

spending time with children), monitoring (e.g., supervision of activities), discipline (e.g., consequences following misbehavior), and harsh punishment (e.g., corporal punishment; Van Leeuwen & Vermulst, 2004, 2010; Van Leeuwen, 1999). For each item, caregivers indicate how often they engage in each parenting behavior (1=“never” to 5=“always”). Each subscale was scored as a mean of caregivers’ item responses. This scale has been previously used and validated in Peru and has been found to relate to children’s behavior problems and families’ home environments (Manrique Millones et al., 2014a; Manrique Millones et al., 2014c). Reliabilities for the current study were: Positive Parenting (α = .83), Monitoring (α = .72), Punishment (α = .80), and Discipline (α = .81).

4.3.7. Caregiver resilience Caregiver resilience was assessed using The Resilience Research Centre-Adult Resilience Measure (RRC-ARM; Liebenberg & Moore,

2018), a 28-item measure assessing individual (e.g., awareness of personal strengths), communal (e.g., belongingness), cultural (e.g., pride in ethnic background), and relational (e.g., connections with others) resources that may contribute to the development of resilience. It is best described as a multisystemic assessment of resilience, focused on the extent to which individuals have access to and draw from the resources available in their social ecological context. Participants rate the extent to which each item applies to them (1=“Not at all” to 5 =“A lot”). The RRC-ARM was summed to create a total score, with values ranging from 28 to 140. The RRC-ARM has demonstrated good internal validity and strong convergent validity with measures of well-being (Liebenberg & Moore, 2018). The RRC-ARM has not previously been validated with samples in Peru, but has been used in Spanish (e.g., Hare, Guzman, & Miller-Graff, 2020). The Spanish version of the RRC-ARM was reviewed by the study team for linguistic and contextual relevance prior to administration. The reliability for the current study was α = .87.

4.3.8. Caregivers’ depression Caregivers’ depression symptoms were assessed with the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9), a 9-item assessment which asks

individuals to report on symptom frequency in the past two weeks (0=“Not at all" to 3=“Nearly every day”; Kroenke, Spitzer, & Williams, 2001). Items capture information about common symptoms of depression, such as anhedonia and changes in appetite. Items were summed to create a total score, with higher scores representing higher levels of depression symptoms. The PHQ-9 includes one item assessing self-harm and suicidal ideation, but because of concerns related to this question’s sensitivity in the context of the survey, it was not included. The range of possible scores, including data from 8 items, therefore spanned from 0 to 24. The PHQ-9 has been used successfully with Peruvian samples (Zhong et al., 2014). The reliability for the current study was α = .80.

4.4. Data Analysis

Study hypotheses were examined simultaneously using multiple regression in Stata 15, with child adjustment difficulties and prosocial skills as dependent variables. Patterns of missingness between caregivers completing and not completing the child measures indicated that there were no differences between groups on any variable included in the model. Among those who completed surveys, missingness on scale-level data was low, with no missing data for parenting behaviors, caregiver resilience, and family cohesion. There was some missing data on child victimization (7.53%) and caregiver depression (1.0%). Little’s MCAR test indicated that data were not missing completely at random (χ2 = 52.82, p < .001). Missing data, however, were not related to other missing values (χ2 = 1.77, p = .18) suggesting data were missing at random. Full information maximum likelihood estimation (FIML) is the re- commended method for producing unbiased coefficient estimates in these circumstances (Enders and Bandalos, 2001), and was therefore used in the current study.

5. Results

On average, parents reported that children experienced one type of victimization, with wide variability in total victimization experiences across children (M = 1.25, SD = 1.86). The most commonly endorsed event was being teased or bullied by other children (22.9%) followed by psychological/verbal abuse (21.3%) and being hit by a peer or sibling (17.0%). Total number of victimization types experienced by children in the sample ranged from 0 to 9, and 18.26% of children in the current sample had experienced more than one type of victimization. Full descriptive statistics on child victimization can be found in Table 1. Descriptive statistics and correlations between key study variables can be found in Table 2.

The path model evaluating child adjustment explained 43.1% of the variance in child adjustment problems. Child adjustment

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problems were significantly associated with past victimization (β = .35, p < .001), supporting hypothesis 1. Positive parenting and caregiver resilience were associated with lower levels of adjustment problems (β = -.15, p < .001; β = -.15, p = .01), but family cohesion was not associated with child adjustment, providing partial support for hypothesis 2. Harsh punishment and caregiver depression were associated with higher levels of child adjustment problems (β = .17, p < .001; β = .22, p < .001, respectively). Full model results can be found in Table 3.

The path model evaluating child prosocial skills explained 22.3% of the variance. In contrast to hypothesis 1, past victimization was not significantly associated with child prosocial skills. Positive parenting was associated with better child prosocial skills (β = .20, p < .001), as was caregiver resilience (β = .14, p = .04) and family cohesion (β = .23, p = .001), supporting hypothesis 2. Caregiver depression was associated with child prosocial skills in an unexpected direction, with higher levels of caregiver depression associated with higher levels of child prosocial skills (β = .14, p = .003). The use of discipline was also associated with higher levels of child prosocial skills (β = .13, p = .01). Full model results can be found in Table 3.

6. Discussion

The aim of the current study was to explore caregiver and family-level promotive and risk factors associated with child resilience in the context of high environmental risk. Previous theoretical work has highlighted parental wellbeing, parenting quality, and overall family functioning as key promotive factors contributing to child manifested resilience (Armstrong , Birnie-Lefcovitch , &

Table 1 Child Victimization Prevalence.

Item Prevalence

1. Robbery 15.9% 2. Attacked/mugged with a weapon 7.3% 3. Attacked/mugged without a weapon 7.6% 4. Psychological abuse by a caregiver 21.3% 5. Attacked by a gang or group of children 6.3% 6. Physical assault by peer or sibling 17.0% 7. Teased/bullied by peers/siblings 22.9% 8. Sexual abuse, known adult 1.8% 9. Sexual abuse, unknown adult 1.1% 10. Witnessed domestic violence 8.4% 11. Witnessed attack with a weapon 5.0% 12. Exposed to explosions/shootings/bombs 12.1%

Table 2 Descriptive Statistics and Correlations of Key Study Variables.

Variable M(SD) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1. Child age 11.28 (3.98)

1

2. Child sexa 52.51% male

-.01 1

3. Child victimization 1.25 (1.86)

.10* -.01 1

4. Caregiver depression 3.50 (4.14)

.01 .09 .29*** 1

5. Positive Parenting 4.06 (0.66)

-.13* -.02 .05 -.07 1

6. Monitoring 3.50 (1.11)

-.02 .01 .06 .06 .39*** 1

7. Punishment 1.32 (0.59)

-.03 .01 .24*** .17** -.07 -.06 1

8. Discipline 2.68 (1.01)

.07 -.02 .22*** .07 .17** .27*** .25*** 1

9. Caregiver resilience 117.12 (12.88)

-.02 -.07 -.27*** -.36*** .34*** .18*** -.30*** .04 1

10. Family cohesion 27.62 (3.68)

-.02 -.08 .02 -.16** .30*** .17*** -.26*** .03 .57*** 1

11. Child adjustment problems 9.87 (6.05)

.01 .01 .50*** .42*** -.17*** .02 .37*** .17*** -.41*** -.20*** 1

12. Child prosocial skills 7.93 (2.08)

-.06 -.03 .06 .06 .33*** .19*** .01 .20*** .27*** .34*** -.16**

Note. *p < .05. **p < .01, ***p < .001. a Correlations are point-biserial.

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Ungar 2005), and research in Latin America has underscored family cohesion as an especially relevant aspect of family environments (Chaupi, et al., 2017; Kotliarenco et al., 2006). The current study represents a meaningful contribution to studies of resilience within a social ecological framework, examining common and differential effects of risk and promotive factors for children’s manifested resilience, here assessed using dimensions of both adaptation (prosocial skills) and maladaptation (child adjustment problems). Overall, the selected models explained a significant portion of variance for both child adjustment and prosocial skills.

The first hypothesis posited that child victimization, caregiver depression, and harsh parenting would be associated with lower levels of child resilience (i.e., higher adjustment difficulties and lower prosocial skills). This hypothesis was partially supported. Consistent with the first hypothesis, child victimization was associated with higher levels of child adjustment problems. This finding replicates extensive work from multiple global contexts demonstrating that childhood victimization has significant and adverse effects on children’s health and development (Howell, Barnes, Miller-Graff, & Graham-Bermann 2016; Cudmore et al., 2017; Cyr et al., 2012; Itani et al., 2018; Lister et al., 2015; Sharma, Nam, Kim, & Kim, 2016). In this study, however, child victimization was not associated with child prosocial skills. Previous empirical work has shown decidedly mixed results on the relation between child victimization and child prosocial skills. The lack of association between victimization and child prosocial skills has been noted in other studies (Choi et al., 2011; Holmes, Voith, & Gromske, 2015), though some evidence suggests possible differential effects by child sex (Holmes et al., 2015). From a theoretical perspective, the lack of a significant association between victimization and prosocial skills suggests there are likely other important processes that supported children’s resilience in this context. Future research should employ longitudinal designs to better identify and understand the interplay of possible protective factors that may buffer the expected association between victimization and deficits in prosocial skills.

The first hypothesis also posited that caregiver depression and the use of harsh parenting practices would be associated with higher levels of adjustment problems and lower levels of prosocial skills. For child adjustment problems, findings were significant and in the expected direction, with higher levels of caregiver depression and greater use of harsh punishment being associated with higher levels of child adjustment difficulties. These results are highly consistent with research in other contexts (e.g., Apter-Levi et al., 2016; Buckingham-Howes et al., 2017; Scheid et al., 2020). Although most research on harsh parenting behaviors focuses on child behavior problems (e.g., Masud et al., 2019), the lack of association of harsh punishment and prosocial skills in the current study contrasts with other research on parenting behaviors in Lima, specifically (Manrique Millones et al., 2014b). It should be noted that parental report of harsh punishment was low overall (see Table 2) and it may be that a floor effect on this variable, driven by either low true frequency or socially desirable response patterns, resulted in a loss of predictive power. The association between caregiver depression and child prosocial skills was positive, with higher caregiver depression associated with higher child prosocial skills. This contrasts findings in other contexts, which have pointed to decrements in child prosocial skills associated with caregiver depression (Apter-Levi et al., 2016). This unexpected finding may indicate that other protective processes are at play; previous work, for example, has found that the involvement of other caregivers is associated with positive adaptation in infants with mothers experiencing depression (Lewin et al., 2015). It is worth noting multi-generational households in this context are not uncommon, and it may be that children with caregivers who are experiencing depression are also experiencing an “uptick” in alternative in-home family supports. Future research in this context should consider a deeper exploration on the unique processes at play in multi-generational households that may provide useful insight into such questions.

The use of discipline was also significantly and positively associated with child prosocial skills. It is important to note that the discipline subscale did not include items related to inconsistent discipline (Manrique Millones et al., 2014b) which has been con- sistently linked with child maladaptation across studies (Barry et al., 2009; Cheung et al., 2018). There is significant contention, however, regarding how best to conceptualize disciplinary behaviors as their effectiveness and adaptiveness are highly context dependent, both within and across parent-child relationships and cultures (Locke & Prinz, 2002). This discrepancy might therefore be explained by important differences in sampling and context. The work on parenting, child adjustment and child prosocial skills by Manrique Millones and colleagues, for example (2014c), draws from a much broader sample of regions within Lima, with varying

Table 3 Path Models for Child Adjustment and Child Prosocial Skills.

Child Adjustment Problems Child Prosocial Skills

β(SE) CI p-value β(SE) CI p-value

Child Sex -.02(.04) -.10, .06 .63 -.01(.04) -.10, .08 .78 Child Age -.05(.04) -.12, .03 .22 -.03(.04) -.12, .06 .48 Child Victimization .35(.05) .24, .46 < .001 .001(.06) -.11, .11 .99 Positive Parenting -.15(.04) -.23, -.07 < .001 .20(.06) .09, .32 < .001 Monitoring .09(.05) -.01, .18 .07 .01(.05) -.09, .11 .83 Discipline .04(.05) -.05, .14 .35 .13(.05) .03, .22 .01 Punishment .17(.04) .09, .25 < .001 .08(.05) -.03, .18 .15 Caregiver Depression .22(.06) .11, .33 < .001 .14(.05) .05, .23 .003 Caregiver Resilience -.15(.06) -.27, -.04 .01 .14(.07) .01, .27 .04 Family Cohesion .01(.05) -.10, .11 .16 .23(.07) .10, .37 .001 Model Fit R2 = 43.1% R2 = 22.3%

Note: Coefficients are standardized with bootstrapped estimation with 1,000 replications, missing data handled with FIML. Bolded values are statistically significant.

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levels of risk. It may be that functions of specific disciplinary practices evaluated in the current study (i.e., nonviolent punishment as a consequence for misbehavior) may function differently in a context where risk is persistently high, and the ramifications of child misbehavior are potentially more serious. For example, research in the United States has found that behavior problems are pro- spectively associated with child exposure to community violence (Lambert et al., 2005). As such, some types of prototypically “negative” parenting may take on an adaptive quality in high-risk contexts, with violent forms of punishment retaining their typical associations with child behavior problems, but nonviolent disciplinary methods serving a potentially more adaptive function. It should also be noted that previous studies on parenting in Lima have studied children in a narrower age range (10-13); it may also be possible that the relative adaptive versus maladaptive role of punitive discipline changes across development.

The second hypothesis posited that caregiver resilience, positive parenting, and family cohesion would be significantly associated with higher child resilience (i.e., lower adjustment difficulties and higher prosocial skills). This hypothesis was also partially sup- ported. The model examining child adjustment problems suggested that higher levels of positive parenting and caregiver resilience, but not family cohesion, were associated with lower levels of child adjustment difficulties. For child prosocial skills, caregiver resilience, positive parenting and family cohesion all exhibited significant effects in the expected direction. These findings underscore the critical importance of caregivers for child health and development and are consistent with other empirical and theoretical work suggesting the importance of these family factors in understanding child resilience (Armstrong et al., 2005; Chaupi et al., 2017). Family cohesion, however, was uniquely predictive of child prosocial behaviors. It may be that families who exhibit high levels of cohesion have established relationships through mutual expression of prosociality, and thus, children living in such families are exposed to higher levels of social modeling of this skill. This association is consistent with other work suggesting the importance of family cohesion for resilience in Latino and Latin American families (Cardoso & Thompson, 2010).

Notably, child adjustment problems were most strongly associated with variables assessing adversity and risk, as compared to those variables assessing family strengths and protective factors. In contrast, child prosocial skills were poorly explained by such risk factors – with either null findings or findings in an unexpected direction. Rather, child prosocial skills were most closely associated with environmental promotive factors (i.e., family cohesion, positive parenting). These findings not only suggest that patterns of child adaptation and maladaptation within adverse contexts are complex and multifaceted, but that particular outcomes may be differ- entially associated with risk and promotive factors. This has important implications for theoretical models of resilience (Ungar, 2012) as it suggests that the relative effectiveness of promotive factors may vary across domains of manifested resilience and across contexts. These findings generally reflect results of prior studies in other contexts demonstrating different types and strength of relationships between parenting, victimization, and child behavioral outcomes (e.g., Choi et al., 2011; McMahon et al., 2013; Buckingham-Howes et al., 2017; Villodas et al., 2018).

7. Limitations and Future Directions

This study is subject to several limitations. First, data were cross-sectional, and it is therefore not possible to determine timing or causality in the associations detected. However, models were informed by longitudinal work in other contexts that suggests the selection of independent and dependent variables here is appropriate. Second, the survey was single-informant. Future work in this context should assess caregivers and children over time and with multiple reporters (e.g., both caregivers and children, additional family members, teachers) to allow for evaluations of more robust causal inference models, specifically in relation to victimization and reporting as children age. Multiple informants may also help to address limitations associated with caregivers reporting on child variables, including limitations of caregiver knowledge of or willingness to disclose child and adolescent experiences (e.g., victi- mization adolescents experience outside of the home). The lack of an item to address caregiver physical abuse on the measure used for victimization may further restrict a full picture of child victimization experiences. The range of target child age (from 4 to 17) in this study may also obscure differences in how caregiver-child- relationships, and relationships among parental and family variables and child outcomes, may differ developmentally across time. Focusing on specific age groups, and/or longitudinal research across the child developmental period, may help to clarify these potential differences. In addition, although this study provides valuable findings from San Juan de Lurigancho District of Lima, it is not representative of the entire country of Peru or even of all of Lima. Nonetheless, it provides important context for this under-studied urban area in Peru, an area where youth are particularly at risk of exposure to violence and crime and may be useful in informing work in other at-risk contexts globally. Data from this part of Lima may have important policy implications, as it is an area that might be targeted for interventions to support families. Finally, although most of the selected measures have been previously used and validated in Spanish, and most in Peru, the measures were originally developed in the global North. Future research should consider developing new measures, created in-context, that may provide additional, critical information about promotive factors for child resilience.

8. Conclusions

The current manuscript highlights promotive roles of caregiver and family promotive factors in child resilience. Models also indicate that different indicators of resilience may be differentially affected by risk and promotive factors. Findings underscore the importance of considering both child distress and resilience in adverse contexts. Such findings suggest interventions addressing child adjustment difficulties or promoting child resilience in the context of violence should consider different mechanisms of treatment change, although there is likely to be important translational overlap.

L.E. Miller-Graff, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104639

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Acknowledgments

Funding for the data collection was provided by Holy Cross Family Ministries and the Ford Program in Human Development Studies and Solidarity at the University of Notre Dame. Local researchers Guido Maggi Poisetti and Rubí Rommy Espichán Parker provided crucial support during data collection in collaboration with the team and the Instutito de Pastoral de la Familia.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104639.

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  • Caregiver and family factors promoting child resilience in at-risk families living in Lima, Peru
    • Guiding theoretical framework
      • Family cohesion
      • Parenting
      • Caregiver resilience
      • Caregiver mental health
    • Study Setting: San Juan de Lurigancho, Lima, Peru
    • The Current Study
    • Method
      • Participants
      • Procedure
      • Measures
        • Demographic questionnaire
        • Child victimization
        • Child adjustment problems
        • Child prosocial skills
        • Family cohesion
        • Parenting behavior
        • Caregiver resilience
        • Caregivers’ depression
      • Data Analysis
    • Results
    • Discussion
    • Limitations and Future Directions
    • Conclusions
    • Acknowledgments
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Elementary-School-Aged-Children-in-Therapeutic-Residential-C_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Elementary School-Aged Children in Therapeutic Residential Care: Examining Latent Classes, Service Provision, and Outcomes

Shamra Boel-Studt*, Lisa Schelbe College of Social Work, Florida State University, 296 Champions Way, Tallahassee, FL, 32306, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: therapeutic residential care children child welfare treatment group care foster care

A B S T R A C T

Background: Approximately one-third of children in residential care are elementary-school aged. Yet, little is known about the subset of younger children in residential care and the nature of these placements. Objective: This study identified latent classes of younger children in residential care and com- pared the purposes for placement, treatment processes, and outcomes across classes. Participants and setting: The sample included 216 children (ages 5-10) placed in therapeutic re- sidential care. Methods: A three-step latent class model was used to estimate conditional effects of class mem- bership on impairment at discharge, length of stay, and discharge placement. A content analysis of a randomly selected sample of case records from each class was used to explore placement processes. Results: There were three classes identified (class 1: child welfare/multi-problem families; class 2: mental-health/angry-oppositional; class 3: strong families/attachment). All classes experi- enced large improvements in functioning. Children in class 3 were in care longer (CI95% 1.72, 15.48) and experienced greater reductions in impairment (CI95% -11.17, -32.06) than class 2. Classes did not differ in rates of discharge to family-based care, however, more children in classes 1 (20.9%) and 3 (21.6%) discharged to group-based placements than class 2 (11.1%). The content analysis revealed similarities in reasons for placement and treatment processes across classes with some distinctions. Service goals were similar across classes and focused on emotional management, social skills, and developing trust. Conclusion: The results supported individualized approaches to facilitate discharge to stable, family-based care and reduced risks for re-entry and prolonged out-of-home care for younger children.

1. Introduction

In the United States, therapeutic residential care (TRC) is a necessary child welfare intervention but preference is for family-based placements, especially for young children (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, Administration for Children & Families, Children’s Bureau, 2017). TRC encompasses a broad spectrum of programs that provide multi-dimensional living environments for children and youth with mental or behavioral needs designed to enhance or provide treatment, education, socialization, support, and protection (Whittaker et al., 2014). Provision of care should be in collaboration with family and draw upon the full range of available

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104661 Received 22 November 2019; Received in revised form 24 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (S. Boel-Studt), [email protected] (L. Schelbe).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104661

Available online 18 August 2020 0145-2134/ Published by Elsevier Ltd.

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community-based resources. Nationally, 13% of foster youth are placed in some form of residential care annually and an estimated 31% of children in

residential care are aged 12 and under with state percentages ranging from 5-34% (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, Administration for Children & Families, Children’s Bureau, 2015). Yet, little is known about the subset of younger children served in TRC. Given the percentage of younger children in TRC, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Children’s Bureau (2015) called for “careful examination of this special group of children” (p. 8). Such examinations are needed to ensure their needs are being met in the best, most effective service environment.

Some advocacy groups and scholars have taken a firm stance against placing young children in group care. In a consensus paper, Dozier et al. (2014) stated “group settings should not be used as living arrangements because of their inherently detrimental effects on the healthy development of children… (p. 219)” and that “group care should never be used for young children (age 5 and under) (p. 223)”. Annie E. Casey Foundation (2013) issued a more stringent policy statement recommending eliminating reimbursement for group care for children under 13 with an exception for sibling groups.

Although research findings do not unequivocally support the purported “inherently detrimental effects” of group placements, several studies have shown that placement in impoverished conditions within institutional settings is associated with negative de- velopmental outcomes in children. Early placement in such forms of institutional care has been linked with attachment, relational, and conduct problems (Chisholm, 1998; Dobrova-Krol, Bakermans-Kranenburg, van IJzendoorn, & Juffer, 2010; McLaughlin, Zeanah, Fox, & Nelson, 2012; O’Connor, Marvin, Rutter, Olrick, & Britner, 2003; Rutter et al., 2007; Vorria, Papaligoura, & Dunn, 2003;. Zeanah, Smyke, Koga, Carlson, & BEIP Core Group, 2005). Most of these findings stem from studies of children that spent time in international orphanages during infancy or early childhood (prior to age 4), with the majority using data from the Bucharest Early Intervention Project (BEIP; Zeanah et al., 2003). The study samples are most representative of abandoned infants and children and the focus of this research is on studying the effects of psychosocial deprivation experiences on child development. Inherent design limitations within much of the research, particularly the early studies, leave open questions of causality and often fail to disentangle the conditions preceding institutional placement from behavioral and developmental outcomes measured during or following pla- cement (Oliveira, Fearon, Belsky, Fachada, & Soares, 2015). Despite some limitations, this research demonstrates the connection between the quality of the care environment during early childhood and children’s developmental outcomes.

Findings from other studies suggest the effects of institutional care on young children should be considered in light of the sample, setting, and quality of care (Oliveira et al., 2015). This research shows that among children who were abandoned by their parents living in group placements, those who receive higher quality caregiving had fewer behavioral problems (Gunnar, van Dulmen, & The International Adoption Project Team, 2007; Juffer & van IJzendoorn, 2005). In another study, Oliveira et al. (2015) studied 72 children (ages 3-6) placed in Portuguese institutions primarily for abuse and neglect, finding that quality of the relationship with caregivers predicted reduced attachment issues but not behavioral problems. The authors note that the inconsistency in their findings from other study findings demonstrating a correlation between caregiving quality and behavior may be due to differences in sample characteristics.

In one of the few studies of school-aged children in institutional care, Whetten et al. (2009) compared a large sample of orphaned children ages 6-12 living in institutional settings (n = 1357) and community-living (n = 1480) from five Asian countries. There were no differences between groups on physical indicators (i.e., height and weight). Community-living children scored lower in intellectual functioning and memory and had higher social and emotional difficulties, especially community-living children cared for by neither biological parent. After adjusting for site, age, and gender, institution versus community-living only explained .3-7% of the variance in outcomes. The findings do not support that institutional care is systematically associated with poorer well-being than community care for orphaned children aged 6-12 in these settings. In fact, these authors found that proportionately more of the variance in outcomes was explained by child characteristics than care setting.

There is an observed tendency in the literature to form overgeneralized conclusions about the detrimental effects of group care as a general modality when in reality it is well-understood by most field experts and group care scholars that programs falling under the umbrella of group care vary widely in setting, staffing, policies and procedures, service populations, and services (Ainworth & Thoburn, 2014; Lee & Barth, 2011). The role and use of group care varies widely across jurisdictions and countries such that broad- based policy recommendations likely have varying relevance and impact depending upon locale. In fact, many group homes in the United States more closely resemble well-resourced foster homes designed to provide care for children with higher-level needs than the institutions that served as the setting for much of the previously reviewed literature. The danger of such policy positions, therefore, lies in the possibility of eliminating or severely decreasing access to quality placements that are well-suited to the needs of a subset of youth and, also, limiting opportunities to explore this critical issue further. As Ainworth and Thoburn (2014) so aptly stated, “…policy makers should also have at their disposal more rigorous descriptive, process, and outcomes research on different models of residential care for children with different needs.” (p. 23).

Drawing upon the collective findings from the previously cited studies, the most conclusive implication that avoids over- generalization is that during infancy and early childhood (under age five), early placement in non-permanent settings, especially those providing lower quality care, may interrupt developmental processes that are key to forming healthy attachments. Children do better when cared for in nurturing, stable environments. Further, placement of children in any type of setting that deprives them of basic needs to support positive development is not recommended. Thus, emphasis should be placed on finding permanent homes for orphans and foster children that can support healthy child development. Unfortunately, it is not always possible as the demand exceeds available placements and, in cases where the goal is to reunify children with their parents, temporary placements are often needed. This reality, along with the previously cited research findings, suggests a strong need to examine conditions within non- permanent settings that could impact children’s wellbeing. Further, there is a need to understand the subgroup of younger children in

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TRC and how such placements are being used for these children. This begs the questions of who are the subset of younger children in TRC, why are they placed in these settings, and are negative outcomes inevitable? Such inquiry is important to avoid policies that are based on overgeneralizations or inadequately tested assumptions. Although it is unlikely that these questions can be adequately answered from a single study due to the heterogeneity across group homes, smaller studies that apply a range of methods to gain in- depth insights based on specific populations and settings may be able to capture the diversity and nuance that characterizes the real- world applications of TRC to make meaningful contributions to the knowledge-base.

This study aimed to holistically describe a subset of younger children served in TRC and to explore treatment processes and outcomes. The following research questions guided this study: 1) Can subgroups be identified within the population of children 10 and under in TRC that are distinguished by varying patterns of psychosocial characteristics? 2) What is the purpose of placement and how does it differ between subgroups? 3) In what ways do service plans, goals, and processes differ between subgroups? 4) Are there differences in treatment outcomes between subgroups?

2. Methods

All study procedures were approved by the XXX university institutional review board. Data were drawn from archival records of 447 children who were admitted to TRC between 2007 and 2012. This study utilized a subsample of 216 children aged 10 and under.

2.1. Sample and Setting

The TRC program that served as the study setting was part of large not-for-profit child welfare organization in the Midwest. The two TRC facilities included in this study use the same care model and were located in two cities (population < 130,000). Bed capacity at each site was 45 with units separated by age (children 5-12 and adolescents 13-18) and gender. The program provides intensive psychosocial and psychiatric treatment to manage symptoms and facilitate successful integration back into community care. A multi-modal approach was used that included a level system based on principles of behavior modification, social skills training, individual and family therapy, and on-going psychiatric and medical care. Data were collected by agency-employed master’s level case coordinators. Other professionals (e.g., licensed psychiatrists) collected some information and provided it to case coordinators to include in their assessments. Table 1 contains a program description and Table 2 presents sample characteristics.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Latent class indicators Categories of latent class indicators included child and family characteristics and maltreatment history. Child characteristics were

measured using two checklists adapted from agency-developed measures, the Checklist of Child Strengths and the Checklist of Child Problems (Boel-Studt, 2017), the CAFAS (Hodges & Wong, 1996; Hodges, 2004), and psychiatric diagnoses. The CAFAS measures impairment in daily functioning across eight domains (School/Work, Home, Community, Behavior Toward Others, Moods/Emotions, Self-Harmful Behavior, Substance Use, and Thinking). Items are rated on level of severity (0 = Minimal or no impairment, 10 = Mild significant problems or distress, 20 = Moderate persistent disruption, 30 = Severe disruption). Subscale scores are summed to reflect a total functional impairment score ranging from zero to 240 with higher scores indicating greater severity (0-10 = no noteworthy

Table 1 Characteristics of Study Setting.

Characteristic Description

Outcomes Stabilization and management of severe behavioral health and psychiatric symptoms in preparation for community living Size Program capacity 45 beds total with 8-12 beds units Population Mixed referrals from child welfare, juvenile justice, mental health, community; mostly within the state Setting and Location Small urban cities in the Midwest Program Model Psychiatric-based residential care Practice Elements • 24 -h provision of care

• Basic needs and medical care • Educational services – on-campus and off-campus, public school • Focus on improving self-concept, teaching problem-solving • Weekly 1 -h individual therapy • Family therapy (when feasible) • Psychiatric services • Family-centered services

Staffing Shift-care System Influences Licensing: Public child welfare system

Accreditation: COA Funding: Medicaid, private

Note that the inclusion of Table 1 follows recommendations for improving the quality of studies of residential group care (Lee & Barth, 2011) aimed at facilitating greater transparency in reporting on residential programs comprising study settings and the ability to generate more informed generalizations.

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impairment, 20-40 = can be treated outpatient basis, 50-90 = needs additional services beyond outpatient, 100-130 = needs more intensive care than outpatient including multiple sources of supportive care, 140+ = needs intensive treatment). The internal consistency reliability for the current study was high (α = 0.82).

The Checklist of Child Strengths, is a nine-item assessment of positive child attributes. Example items include “The child uses positive coping skills.” “The child follows directions.” and “The child is respectful toward others.” Items are scored dichotomously (0 = no, 1 = yes) and summed with possible scores ranging from 0 to 9 (α = 0.61). Higher scores indicate a higher number of strengths. Items on the Checklist of Child Problems measure types of behavior problems a child presents with at intake. Example items include “The child has problems with impulsive behavior.” “The child has problems with assaultive behavior.” and “The child has issues in school.” Scores on the 13 items are summed to create a numeric scale with scores ranging from 0 to 13 (α = 0.63). Higher scores indicate a higher number of behavior problems. Scores on the Checklist of Child Problems were positively correlated with CAFAS scores (r = .19, p = .01) whereas higher scores on the Checklist of Child Strengths were negatively correlated with CAFAS scores (r = .22, p = .001) providing evidence of construct validity.

Psychiatric evaluations completed by agency-contracted psychiatrists were used to determine the presence of mental health diagnoses based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Data were extracted from youth psychiatric evaluations to create dichotomous variables representing different diagnoses (e.g., attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, reactive attachment disorder).

Incidents of maltreatment were documented based on Child Protective Services reports. For the present study, suspected and confirmed incidents were combined and coded as ‘1’ if the child's record indicated a confirmed or suspected report and a ‘0’ for no prior reports or evidence of maltreatment. Responses on all four items were summed to create a numeric scale ranging from 0 to 4 where higher scores indicated exposure to more types of maltreatment (α = .70).

Measures of family characteristics included the Checklist of Family Strengths, the Checklist of Family Problems, both adapted by the lead author from agency-developed checklists (Boel-Studt, 2017), and single parent household. The Checklist of Family Strengths, is a seven item assessment completed during interviews with the primary caregivers, the child, and others who are informally (e.g., relative, close family friend) or formally (e.g., case coordinator, caseworker, family therapist) acquainted with the family such that they would be considered a credible source. Examples of items assessing family/parent strengths include “The parent(s) is/are receptive to services.” “The parent(s) demonstrate(s) positive coping skills.” and “The family is able to meet basic needs.” Items are scored dichotomously (0 = No, 1= Yes) and summed to create a numeric scale ranging from 0 to 7 (α = .76). The Checklist of Family Problems assesses nine types of problems that the family/parent(s) experienced (0 = No, 1= Yes). Example items include “The family has had issues with incidents of domestic violence.” “The parent(s) has mental health issues.” and “The family has a history of having a child(ren) removed from the home.” Items are summed with possible scores ranging from 0 to 9 (α = 0.72). A dichotomous item indicating whether the child's primary family was a single parent household was also included (0 = No, 1= Yes). Finally, developmental delay was assessed by a licensed physician in four areas including gross motor skills, fine motor skills, language, and cognitive development. Documentation of a significant delay was reported in assessment records (0 = No evidence of delay, 1= Documented evidence of delay).

2.2.2. Outcomes variables The three outcomes measures included length of stay, CAFAS scores at discharge (impairment), and discharge placement. Length

of stay in TRC was calculated by subtracting the discharge date from the admission date and measured in weeks. Discharge

Table 2 Sample Characteristics (N = 216).

Characteristic Mean Standard Deviation

Age 8.52 1.36 Number Percent

Gender Boy 152 70.4% Girl 64 29.6% Race/Ethnicity White 151 69.9% Black 26 12.0% Multiracial 22 10.2% Hispanic 8 3.7% Other 6 2.8% Native American 2 0.9% Asian 1 0.5% Referral Type Voluntary/Family 145 67.1% Child welfare 58 26.9% Missing 8 3.8% Juvenile justice 5 2.3%

Note: CAFAS = Child and Adolescent Functional Assessment Scale. Sample characteristics adhere to category labels used by the residential agency that served as the study setting.

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placements were categorized as either ‘Family-Based Care’ (e.g., reunification, foster care, adoption) or ‘Group Care’ (any group- based placement).

2.2.3. Qualitative data The data for the qualitative component of the study were drawn from a randomly selected sample of case records and included the

assessment and discharge portions of case records. In the assessment, data came from the narratives within the presenting condition section following the prompts “Why is the client being admitted for treatment” and “Describe presenting symptom(s) or problems.” For the discharge paperwork, the narratives in the following sections were included in the analysis: Collaboration in Discharge Planning; Service Plan Progress; Concerns/Risk Issues Regarding Discharge; and Discharge To. Within the Service Plan Progress section of the case record, we analyzed the identified goals and objectives as well as the progress achieved.

2.3. Data Analysis Plan

Quantitative analyses were performed in SPSS 23 and Mplus 7. In alignment with the goal of providing holistic descriptions, the study used a person-centered analysis (e.g., latent class analysis) to identify subtypes of children in TRC. Latent class analysis is a probabilistic clustering method used to identify homogenous subgroups within populations. Cases are assigned to subgroups based shared variance on sets observed indicators and the probability of group membership. The analysis produces categorical latent classes; however, the indicators may include a mix of categorical and continuous measures. The study used a manual VAM three-step approach to fit a latent class model and estimate conditional effects on impairment at discharge, length of stay, and discharge placement (Asparouhov & Muthén, 2014; McLarnon & O’Neill, 2018; Vermunt, 2010). First, unconditional latent class models were run to identify the number of classes. Second, the optimal model identified in step 1 was re-run fixing values at the logits for classification probabilities to account for classification error. Third, conditional effects models with covariates (age, race, gender) and distal outcomes were examined. Subsequently, separate paired samples t-test were used to examine change from admission to dis- charge within classes as a supplement to the outcomes analyses.

The qualitative component included a content analysis of a randomly selected sample of case records to explore the purpose for placement and differences in treatment processes across classes. Records included the assessments and discharge plans within case records that were linked to the quantitative data collected. Data were analyzed using a content analysis whereby the authors identified and categorized specific concepts in case records. The process was iterative, inductive and driven by questions about the purpose of a child’s placement, treatment goals, treatment experience, and family involvement. Using a conventional process in- formed by Hsieh and Shannon (2005) where the goal is to increase the understanding of a phenomenon, the second author immersed herself in the data, reading the case records multiple times, and identified the domains where the data addressed the questions of interest. The specific domains in the case record were then coded to the broader questions using qualitative data analysis software, NVivo12. For example, all of the notes in the section “precipitating event” in the admissions section of the case record were coded “purpose of placement” in the software. When all of the data were in the broad categories, the second author read through the sections and used language from the case records to develop a list of specific codes within the domains of interest. After the list was developed, the second author coded the data and used NVivo to compare the different classes and determine patterns in the data. The first author reviewed the coding and analysis and through discussion, the authors reached consensus about the findings.

3. Results

3.1. Three-Step Latent Class Mixture Model

When fitting 2-5 classes to the data, both the values of BIC and AIC were smallest for the three-class model. The results of the Vuong-Lo-Mendell-Rubin Likelihood Ratio Test (VLMRT) for a two versus three-class model were statistically significant, favoring rejection of the two-class model. When testing a three versus four-class model the results were no longer statistically significant favoring the three-class model. That is, adding an additional class did not improve model fit. Entropy for all models indicated good class separation (2 classes = .90, 3 classes = .88, 4 classes = .89, 5 classes = .90). To evaluate the assumption of local independence, standardized residuals for the bivariate associations between model indicators were examined. Starting with the three-class model there was one instance of a violation (i.e., z > 1.96) occurring between ADHD and Anger (z = -2.37). The assumption continued to be violated for the four (z = -2.32) and five (z = -2.21) class models. In circumstances where adding a class does not resolve the issue, there is limited guidance beyond dropping the pair of items (Vermunt & Magidson, 2002) or relaxing the assumption and using substantive interpretation to guide model selection (Muthén, 2009). Given that both indicators contributed to the substantive in- terpretation along with the fit statistics (see Table 3), a three-class solution was selected.

Average posterior probabilities were .95 (rounded) for all three classes indicated minimal classification error. Each class was assigned a descriptive label based on the class’ most salient, distinguishing characteristics: Child Welfare/Multi-Problem Families (CWMPF; 19.4%), Mental Health/Angry-Oppositional (MHAO; 63.4%), Class 3: Strong Families/Attachment (SFA; 17.1%). Descriptive results and between class differences on latent class indicators are presented in Table 4. Mean CAFAS scores indicated severe levels of impairment across all classes. The sample presented with multiple behavioral issues and few reported strengths, regardless of class.

3.1.1. Child Welfare/Multi-Problem Families (CWMPF) On average, youths assigned to this class exhibited the widest variety of different types of behavior problems and slightly more

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than the other classes. The most frequently reported behavioral problems included defiance (90.7%), impulsiveness (88.4%), physical assault (83.7%), and poor relational skills (83.7%). The number of family problems was highest (4-5 times higher than other classes) in this class and included the widest range with parent mental health (88.1%), family conflict (83.3%), and limited support (83.3%) being the most frequent. Slightly over half this class were child welfare referrals (54.8%) whereas the majority in both other classes were voluntary placements (MHAO = 73%, SFR = 78.4%). Polyvictimization was highly prevalent, with 81.4% of youth experien- cing 2-4 different forms of maltreatment. Neglect (79.1%) and physical abuse (74.4%) were the most prevalent. ADHD was the most frequent diagnosis in this class followed by ODD.

3.1.2. Mental Health/Angry-Oppositional (MHAO) Representing the largest class, the MHAO classes’ scores on family measures fell between the two other classes who represented

the more extremes. Table 4 shows impairment scores for MHAO were consistent with CWMPF but significantly higher than SFA. Families had fewer and more varied problems compared to the CWMPF class and, although less prevalent, parent mental health (43.1%) and limited support (38%) were reported most frequently. Similar to CWMPF, the most prevalent behavioral problems were defiance (87.5%) and physical assault (80.6%); however, mental health-related symptoms were more frequently reported as un- derlying behavioral issues (72.9%). ADHD and ODD were also the most prevalent psychiatric diagnoses in the class, but the per- centage of children diagnosed as experiencing anger episodes was nearly two-times that of the other classes. This class also stood out as having the highest percentage of children with no prior confirmed/suspected abuse (36.8%) and no one type was most prevalent (sexual = 29.9%, emotional = 34.7%, physical = 36.1%, neglect = 37.5%).

3.1.3. Strong Families/Attachment (SFA) Although the level of impairment was somewhat lower relative to other groups, mean CAFAS scores indicated a need for intensive

treatment. Most notably, this group had the fewest reported family problems and a high number of family strengths. All families (100%) were viewed as receptive to services and the majority reported having adequate supports (91.9%) and were able to meet basic needs (91.9%). The majority were two-parent (86.5%), adoptive (62.2%) families whereas most in both other classes were birth parents (CWMPF = 59.5%, MHOA = 73%). Common child behavioral issues included defiance (91.9%), relationship issues (86.5%), and impulsiveness (83.8%). A little over half of the children assigned to this class were diagnosed with reactive attachment disorder (RAD). Similar to the CWMPF class, polyvictimization was frequently reported with neglect (75.7%) occurring most frequently followed by physical (62.2%) and sexual abuse (51.4%), which was more prevalent in this class relative to others.

Table 3 Latent Class Analysis (N = 216).

Model Log-likelihood BIC AIC VLMR p-value

2 class −3462.99 7126.22 6999.99 .000 3 class −3413.99 7114.79 6933.97 .005 4 class −3373.15 7119.70 6884.29 .429 5 class −3348.72 7157.44 6867.45 .468

Note: VLMR LRT = Vuong-Lo-Mendell-Rubin Likelihood Ratio Test; BIC = Bayesian Information Criterion; AIC = Akaike Information Criterion.

Table 4 Results on latent class indicators for three class model (N = 216).

Indicators CWMPF (n = 42)

MHAO(n = 137) SFA(n = 37) Total (N = 216)

Continuous Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD

CAFAS 137.21 32.9 139.56a 29.62 123.51a 28.89 136.2 30.7 CL – Child Problems 7.21a 1.96 6.35a 2.27 6.92 2.24 6.57 2.21 CL – Child Strengths 1.16 1.36 1.00 1.28 1.51 1.83 1.12 1.42 CL – Family Problems 5.98a 1.24 1.90a 1.27 0.46a 1.09 2.48 2.21 CL Family Strengths 1.13a 1.13 1.99a 1.15 5.70a 1.08 2.49 1.88 CL - Maltreatment 2.65a 1.27 1.38ab 1.33 2.43b 1.38 1.80 1.44 Categorical n % n % n % n % Developmental Delay 6 14.0 16 11.1 4 10.8 24 11.1 Single parent HH 24a 57.1 55a 38.5 5a 13.5 81 37.9 ADHD 31a 77.5 97b 71.9 13ab 40.6 135 67.8 ODD 21ab 52.5 85a 63.0 11b 34.4 111 55.8 RAD 5a 12.5 12b 8.9 17ab 53.1 32 16.1 Anger 7a 17.5 51ab 37.8 4b 12.5 57 26.4

Note: CWMPF = Child Welfare/Multi-Problem Families; MHAO = Mental Health/Angry-Oppositional; SFA = Strong Famlies/Attachment; CAFAS = Child and Adolescent Functional Assessment Scale; Superscripts specify statistically significant differences between groups.

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3.1.4. Latent Class Outcomes Table 5 shows descriptive statistics and results on the differences between classes on length of stay and impairment (CAFAS) at

discharge. On average, the SFA class spent the greatest number of weeks in TRC followed by CWMPF and MOHA, respectively. The Wald test indicated that the overall model for length of stay was not statistically significant. Pairwise comparisons between classes showed length of stay in TRC did not differ between the MHOA and CWMPF classes (95%CI -9.01, 3.05, p = .42) or CWMPF and SFA (95%CI -13.49, 2.29, p = .24) while the difference between MHOA and SFA classes was statistically significant (95%CI -15.45, -1.70, p = .04). The SFA class spent more time in care on average compared to the MHOA class. However, results of the overall model suggested that class membership accounted for a negligible to small portion of the variance in length of stay.

Impairment at discharge was highest among the MHOA class, followed by CWMPF and SFA. The Wald test was statistically significant for the model comparing CAFAS scores at discharge between classes. Differences between CWMPF and MHOA (95% CI -2.34, 25.78, p = .17) and CWMPF and SFA (95%CI -3.61, 23.39) were not statistically significant. Impairment was higher among the MHOA than SFA (95%CI 11.17, 32.06, p =.001). Results of paired samples t-tests (see Table 6) showed that change in impairment levels from admit to discharge were statistically significant with large effects sizes for all classes. Correlations between admission and discharge CAFAS scores were positive and statistically significant for the CWMPF and MHOA classes but not the SFA class.

Finally, the majority of youth in all three classes discharged to family-based care (CWMPF = 79.1%, MHOA = 88.9%, SFA = 78.4%). However, more children in the CWMPF (20.9%) and SFA (21.6%) classes discharged to group-based placements than MHOA (11.1%). The results of a logistic regression on placement outcomes found no differences in the odds of discharging to a family-based placement between CWMPF and SFA (OR = .98, p = .99, CI95% [.33, 2.94]), CWMPF and MHOA (OR = 2.22, p = .10, CI95% [.86, 5.75]), or between SFA and MHOA (OR = .92, p = .12, CI95% [.18, 1.16]).

3.2. Content Analysis

Following the latent class analysis, using the “randomly select cases” function in SPSS, cases were sorted by class and we selected for inclusion in the content analysis. To achieve a balanced representation, 15 cases were randomly selected from each class. Two records were excluded from our final analysis due to missing data. The final sample included 15 of the 144 children in MHOA class (15 assessments, 9 of which had discharge paperwork), 14 of the 43 case records of CWMPF class (14 assessments, 12 of which had discharge paperwork), and 14 of the 37 children in SFA class (13 assessments, 5 of which had discharge paperwork; 1 discharge paperwork without assessment). The analysis of the case records revealed information about the purpose for the placement, treatment goals, the discharge experience, and family involvement at discharge. There were multiple commonalities across classes with a few notable differences.

3.2.1. Purpose of placement The admissions form of the children’s records across all three classes showed that the children entering the TRC program had

serious concerns at the time of admission. No clear distinctions in the purpose of placement across the classes were found within the records; however, there were some trends. Compared to SFA, CWMPF and MHOA had substantially more physical aggression mentioned as well as more reasons for placement per child. The types of physical aggression mentioned included kicking, biting, punching, pulling hair, choking, and assaulting others. In some cases, it was simply written as “physically aggressive” with few details provided. Likewise, CWMPF and MHOA had more mentions of verbal aggression than SFA. CWMPF and MHOA were the only classes that had any mention of property destruction and had notably more mentions of self-harm. No children from SFA had siblings

Table 5 Class Differences on Length of Stay and Impairment at Discharge.

CWMPF MHAO SFA Model χ2 M (SE) M (SE) M (SE)

Length of stay (weeks) 53.57 (9.06)a 50.59 (9.62) 59.16 (9.95)a 4.30 Impairment (CAFAS) 118.84 (18.27) 130.82 (19.13)a 109.38 (19.24)a 11.88**

Note: CWMPF = Child Welfare/Multi-Problem Families; MHAO = Mental Health/Angry-Oppositional; SFA = Strong Families/Attachment; CAFAS = Child and Adolescent Functional Assessment Scale; Statistically significant differences (p < .05) between classes are indicated by alpha- numeric superscripts. Significance level for Model χ2: *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .000; Model adjusted for age, race, and gender.

Table 6 Changes in Functional Impairment within Classes from Admission to Discharge.

Class CAFAS Admission CAFAS Discharge t 95% CI r d M (SD) M (SD)

CWMPF 137.21 (32.9) 72.38 (39.93) 10.12*** 51.01, 76.43 .36* 1.53 MHOA 139.56 (29.80) 79.34 (42.01) 17.70*** 51.70, 64.69 .45* 1.54 SFA 123.51 (28.89) 62.70 (27.85) 8.94*** 47.01, 74.61 -.06 1.47

Note: CWMPF = Child Welfare/Multi-Problem Families; MHAO = Mental Health/Angry-Oppositional; SFA = Strong Families/Attachment; CAFAS = Child and Adolescent Functional Assessment Scale; *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .000.

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mentioned; whereas CWMPF and MHOA had siblings mentioned within the rationale for placement, typically in the context of concerns for siblings’ safety and the child having harmed siblings. SFA had more mentions of family broadly, and specifically, including statements like “behaviorally is unmanageable in the family home” and mentions of acting out against family and others.

Although, most case records included information in the “Precipitating Event” section, almost none mentioned one specific precipitating event. Rather, there was a constellation of information placed there that included similar information listed under the heading “Why is the client being admitted for treatment?”. In about one-third of the records for each class, previous hospitalizations were mentioned. What stood out with MHOA was more mentions of poor judgement, lacking impulse control, and self-abuse. MHOA children were also more likely than the other groups to have school issues mentioned. In some cases, violent outbursts at school were mentioned and, in other cases, it was listed as “problems in school” or specific concerns of teachers or administrators about the child. The MHOA and SFA class records mentioned aggressive behaviors more than the CWMPF class, yet aggression is not mentioned as frequently in the precipitating events as it was in the reason for admission. In many instances, aggression was simply noted as “physical aggression” and “verbal aggression.” Examples of physical aggression include “she will also throw things at others in attempts to hurt them. Often her aggression is unprovoked. She will attack others with no apparent trigger.” and “He has prolonged violent temper tantrums in which he hits, kicks, throws things and destroys property.” For verbal aggression, the following is an example from the case records: “screaming, yelling, school issues, disrespect towards mom & siblings.” SFA were the most likely to have one or two reasons outlined in the precipitating events section, compared to the MHOA and CWMPF classes which had more reasons listed in the precipitating events.

3.2.2. Service plans and goals Children’s service plans included a section outlining their treatment goals and objectives and multiple interventions designed to

help them meet goals and objectives. The service plan summary outlined in the discharge plan indicated similarities in goals across classes with some noted differences. In a third of cases across classes, emotion management was the most frequent first goal listed. Goals (e.g., [Child] will gain emotional management skills), objectives (e.g., [Child] will demonstrate the ability to manage his emotions as demonstrated by verbalizing his feeling rather than hitting, kicking, biting.) and interventions (e.g., Therapist will process with [child] his feelings/emotions. Therapist/youth counselor will teach [child] how to identify emotional triggers through games, role-plays and journaling.) were often similarly worded with some individualization to the child. A frequent goal of ap- proximately half of the children in the CWMPF and MHOA classes was developing coping skills, yet it was not listed as a goal for children in the SFA class. Anger management skill development likewise was listed more in CWFMP and MHOA service goals. An example of an objective listed for anger management included “[Child] will resolve issues of anger as demonstrated by utilizing positive coping skills rather than hurting herself, others, or property” and an example intervention included “Therapist will process with [child] issues of anger and frustration to authority figures rather than hitting, biting, kicking, or throwing things, as observed by [family] and staff.”. Social skills were identified across all classes with approximately half of children in each class having this as a treatment goal. The same was true of trust as a goal. Relationship skills were listed as a goal for a third of the MHOA class records, yet rarely mentioned in the other classes. Objectives and/or interventions related to goals of trust and relationships included family (e.g., Objective: [Child] will positively interact with her family members as demonstrated by respecting them through her interactions with them rather than destroying their property and becoming self-abusive or aggressive. Intervention: Therapist will process with [child] healthy vs. unhealthy relationships. Therapist/[Counselor] will teach [Child] pro-social skills to improve her relationships.). Nearly all of the SFA class had respect and accept authority as a treatment goal, while about half in the CWMPF and MHOA classes had this goal. Impulse control was rarely identified as a goal.

3.2.3. Discharge experience Within the concerns/risks at discharge, few children had specific risks clearly identified however most indicated not all issues

were resolved at the time of discharge. The CWMPF and MHOA classes had more concerns identified at discharge (e.g., interactions and ability to form healthy relationships with peers, dealing with internalizing issues, aggression, negative attention seeking). The MHOA class was the only one where concerns listed were related to the family. For example, for one child following “parents’ directions” and “testing limits” was identified as the “biggest challenge at home”. In this case it was noted that the parents would need to set clear limits to help the child feel safe and to develop “incentives and consequences that match behaviors.” Possible prognoses for success following placement could be rated as good, fair, guarded, or poor. For the prognosis given to the child some were good while at least half of the children are described as “fair” in each class. The CWMPF and MHOA class each had a couple of children with a prognosis of “guarded,” the second lowest level. In the records where it indicated discharge occurred as planned, aftercare services were in place and typically included individual therapy, family therapy, behavioral health intervention services (BHIS) aimed at teaching children social skills, and psychiatric monitoring.

3.2.4. Family involvement at discharge There were a range of people who participated in the discharge meetings. Parents/caregivers were commonly involved across all

classes. CWMPF had no school personnel involved, while MHOA had approximately 20% involved and SFA had approximately 10% involved. Child welfare workers were more likely to be involved with discharge planning of CWMPF children. Most children were discharged to their parents and there were no noticeable differences across classes in the few cases where children were discharged to foster parents, pre-adoptive parents, or a guardian.

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4. Discussion

The aim of this study was to identify and describe subgroups of children aged 10 and under in TRC and to explore service processes and outcomes. Specifically, the addressed following research questions: 1) Can subgroups of children aged 10 and under be identified based on distinct psychosocial characteristics? 2) Why are younger children placed in TRC and do the reasons differ by subgroup? 3) In what ways do services, goals, and treatment processes differ by subgroup? 4) Are there differences in treatment outcomes by subgroup?

A three-step latent class mixture model identified three classes with distinct psychosocial characteristics. Consistent with previous findings, youth across classes exhibited severe levels of impairment with a high prevalence of exposure to adverse childhood ex- periences and trauma (Briggs et al., 2012; Zelechoski et al., 2013). In the family domain, children assigned to the CWMPF class came from multi-problem families above and beyond what was observed in the other classes. Conversely, families of SFA children appeared to be well functioning with a high number of identified strengths while the MHOA class families were more balanced on problems and strengths. In terms of maltreatment, the CWMPF and SFA classes were both characterized by poly-maltreatment. Although mal- treatment was also prevalent in the MHOA class, they experienced fewer different types and were the only class with a proportion of children who had no reported prior maltreatment. Further distinctions emerged in the individual types of maltreatment experienced. Taken together, these findings suggest a subgroup of children falling in the CWMPF class who stand out on a number of risk factors – including extensive maltreatment and high levels of family dysfunction. The MHOA child profile, while displaying seemingly similar types of behaviors, suggests more varied maltreatment experiences and behavioral symptoms that may be more associated with mental health. MHOA children’s families had noted problems and strengths. Families may be a resource for promoting positive treatment outcomes for these children provided they are given adequate supports whereas addressing familial challenges may require more intensive and long-term efforts among CWMPF children. For the SFA children, family appears to be a strong asset. For these children, the issues may be more targeted at the child level and attachment-based. Attachment-focused treatments focus increasing child safety and stability, reducing problem-behaviors and increasing positive parent-child relations (Vega, Cole, & Hill, 2019). General components may include individual, group, or family therapy and parenting classes. Child-parent relational therapy (Bratton, Landreth, Kellam, & Blackard, 2006) and Connect (Moretti, Pasalich, & O’Donnell, 2017) have both demonstrated promise in re- ducing problem behaviors and supporting improved relations between children and their caregivers (e.g., Bratton & Landreth, 1995; Moretti, Obsuth, Mayseless, & Scharf, 2012). Approaches that focus on both the child’s behaviors and supporting parents of children with attachment issues may be options for youth in residential care with similar characteristics to the SFA class. However, more research is needed to examine the effects of attachment treatments in residential care samples who may demonstrate more severe symptoms (Agarwal & Ray, 2018).

Across classes, reasons for placement were primarily related to managing child behaviors. While physical aggression was often stated as a reason for admission among the CWMPF and MHOA classes, it was not for children the SFA class, yet it was sometimes identified among the precipitating events. This suggests that, among SFA children, although physical aggression was part of the behavioral profile leading to placement, it may not have been the primary concern whereas it was noted as a primary concern in the other two classes. This finding hints at differences in the nature of behavioral issues across classes. Although similarly labeled behaviors, such as physical aggression, were identified for each class, there are likely nuances in the frequency or how these be- haviors are expressed that are unique to the class. There were also similarities and differences in the contexts in which behavioral problems were expressed. The reasons for placement for SFA children were narrower and often centered around acting out within the family context. For the CWMPF and MHOA classes, more reasons were given reflecting a range of largely externalizing but also some internalizing behaviors with concerns for sibling safety mentioned in both classes. For children in the MHOA class, the school context appeared to be more problematic compared to other classes. For youth in residential care whose primary behavioral issues include disruptions in school, residential programs that offer on-campus schooling may be a preferred option with some evidence of effec- tiveness (Behrens, Santa, & Gass, 2017).

Children’s treatment goals varied across the classes, but common focal points were teaching children emotion management and social skills and developing a sense of trust in their relationships with others, especially family. Service goals for CWMPF and MHOA children included a focus on anger management and coping skills while SFA children more often had goals centered on accepting and respecting authority. This further suggests the possibility of distinctions in the nature of behavioral issues and how this may have guided the development of treatment goals. CWMPF and MHOA goals suggest externalizing behaviors that may be related to an inability to manage environmental stressors whereas for SFA children behavioral issues may be more related to defiance of authority and/or, as previously mentioned, attachment-based. Themes from the “Precipitating Events” section of the SFA case records suggest defiance may have been largely in relation to their parents (birth and/or adoptive) as it was expressed in this context prior to admittance to TRC.

Impulse control was rarely identified as a treatment goal despite this being a frequently reported behavioral issue across classes. It is possible that impulsivity was viewed as a lower order symptom of a higher order problem. For example, impulsivity has been identified as a dimension (i.e., symptom) of emotion dysregulation (Gratz & Roemer, 2004) and ADHD, a prevalent diagnosis within this sample. It may be that treatment goals focused on developing emotion regulation or coping skills would address impulsive tendencies. Alternatively, and, perhaps, relatedly, although impulsivity was a common part of the behavioral profile of children in this sample, it may not be of primary concern relative to other behavioral issues. As a symptom of ADHD, this may have been addressed through the psychiatric component of treatment and medication.

Although the majority of children were reunified with their families at discharge, documentation of family involvement in treatment was limited. Families were a partial focus of several treatment goals that often focused on repairing relationships, respect,

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or following rules. While family was mentioned in the case records, there were more consistent mentions of families being involved at the time of discharge. Family involvement may be more fully reflected in other treatment records such as family therapy and visitation records which we did not review for this analysis.

On average, children experienced significant improvements in functioning from admission to discharge across classes. Cohen’s d suggested large treatment effects even within relatively small subgroups. For the CWMPF and MHOA classes, correlations between CAFAS scores at admission and discharge were moderately positive, yet they were marginal for SFA. That is, for CWMPF and MHOA, higher scores at admission predicted higher scores at discharge while higher scores at admission for SFA did not predict discharge scores. Thus, change processes may be distinct between groups. The added time in treatment for SFA children may partially account for the greater overall change in impairment than MHOA. If so, SFA children may have benefitted from the additional weeks in treatment. Overall, SFA made the greatest gains but there were minimal practical differences in functioning at the time of discharge between classes. Across classes, functional impairment at discharge was in the moderate range such that after care and community- based supports would be important to maintain treatment gains and placement stability. Examples may include connecting youth and their families with outpatient therapy, parenting classes, respite services, or educational supports for youth. Aftercare models such as On the Way Home (Trout, Tyler, Stewart, & Epstein, 2012) are designed to support adolescents transitioning out of residential care by connecting families with services aimed at supporting family reunification and educational progress. Similar models could be adapted and tested with younger children.

Examining the profiles and treatment process of this subset of school-aged children in TRC yields potential implications for treatment. First, given that the majority of the sample were reunified with their families, efforts should focus on addressing familial/ parental challenges, helping parents to manage and care for their children, and connecting parents with needed supports through aftercare. This recommendation was similarly made by January, Trout, Huscroft, Duppong Hurley, and Thompson (2018)) who identified needs to address healthy relationships, better transition planning, and post-discharge support for the child, family, and schools. These factors may be essential to preventing re-entry but further research is needed. To date, few studies have focused on cultivating a better understanding of the families of youth in residential care beyond generalizing families as a source of youth problems. Still, other research highlights the importance of family involvement as a component of effective residential care (Author, XXXX). A study exploring social views of families of youth in residential care among service providers supported negative attribu- tional biases that may prevent more effective engagement and intervention with family (Patrício, Lopes, Garrido, & Calheiros, 2019). Effective residential interventions may require broadening the approach to encompass whole family interventions especially when reunification is the goal. Distinctions across families suggests a need for providers who can address a range of parental/familial needs.

In addition to family-centered care, effective/efficacious trauma treatments provided in a trauma-informed setting to address the effects of child maltreatment and adversity may be warranted. Trauma-informed care approaches, when implemented with fidelity can supplement and enhance trauma recovery among children in TRC (Abramovitz & Bloom, 2003). Finally, it appears TRC was overall beneficial, at least in the short-term but the results from subgroup analyses and the content analysis suggests there may be ways to further individualize the care approach and, possibly, enhance outcomes. The results of this study call to question the purported inherent detrimental effects of placing younger children in residential care. Differences in the care settings, quality of care, and service populations likely account for observed differences in the result of this study compared to the adverse outcomes reported in the previously cited research (Dobrova-Krol et al., 2010; McLaughlin et al., 2012; Zeanah et al., 2005). Intervention resources can be invested more effectively by matching specific program components to the different subgroups or targeting resources to highest- risk subgroups in intentional ways (Lanza & Rhoades, 2013). Differences between classes observed in this study were not always integrated in a discernable way into the treatment experience at least given the information available within case records.

4.1. Limitations

The implications of the study should be considered in light of the limitations. First, the study design does not establish that the outcomes were the results of the residential program. The outcomes may have been influenced by other factors. This study used a sample from one specific facility, thus, limiting generalizability. The use of case records as data sources has utility (Eastman, Schelbe, & McCroskey, 2019) but the original intent of case records was for practice rather than research. Information may not be included that would be relevant to the study. Within the content analysis, not all case records contained complete assessment and discharge records. Even when the case records were complete, they may not have accurately captured all of the intervention with children or other important factors. Thus, a key limitation of the content analysis is that we can only speak to what is presented within the case plan and acknowledge the limited scope of the service process and experiences captured with the record.

Although both the checklists of child problems and strengths were correlated with the CAFAS scores, providing some evidence of construct validity, the alpha levels were below minimum recommendation of .70 calling to question the reliability of these measures. Every effort was made to strengthen these and, other measures used in the study including conducting an exploratory factor analysis to construct the checklists. However, our measures were limited to what was collected by the agency. The smaller number of cases in the SFA and CWMPF classes may limit representativeness of the classes and the results on outcomes. Small samples may result in insufficient statistical power to detect differences between groups (Type I error). When possible, future subgroup analysis using larger samples may help address this issue and yield results that show between group differences that were undetected in the present study. Unless additional indicators were included, we do not suspect the number of classes would change due to findings from group-based research supporting that the number of classes tends to level off with sample sizes of around 200 (Nagin & Tremblay, 2001). Due to the geographic area where the study occurred, the sample was not very racially diverse which diminishes the ability to account for potential differences across races or if there were differences between subgroups based on race/ethnicity which may emerge in

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samples where non-white children are more prevalent. Considering the well-document racial disparities and disproportionalities within child welfare, future research must prioritize examining more racially diverse samples of younger children in residential care. Finally, the data used for this study were collected between 2007 and 2012. Since then major policies including the Family First Prevention Services Act in the United States have been enacted that will, ultimately, limited States’ reliance on residential care due to increased funding restrictions. The full implications of such policies are unknown and may heighten the need for research to identify effective interventions, residential or otherwise, for the types of youths currently served in residential care settings.

4.2. Conclusion

This study addresses a gap in the literature by addressing questions of who are the subset of younger children in TRC, why are they placed in these settings, and are negative outcomes inevitable? This line of inquiry is important to avoid policy made based on unexamined or inadequately tested assumptions. Based on our findings, placement in TRC resulted in improved functioning for these subgroups of children who were primarily admitted to address severe behavioral health needs and with some notable distinctions.

Financial disclosure

The authors have no financial relationships relevant to this article to disclose.

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  • Elementary School-Aged Children in Therapeutic Residential Care: Examining Latent Classes, Service Provision, and Outcomes
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Sample and Setting
      • Measures
        • Latent class indicators
        • Outcomes variables
        • Qualitative data
      • Data Analysis Plan
    • Results
      • Three-Step Latent Class Mixture Model
        • Child Welfare/Multi-Problem Families (CWMPF)
        • Mental Health/Angry-Oppositional (MHAO)
        • Strong Families/Attachment (SFA)
        • Latent Class Outcomes
      • Content Analysis
        • Purpose of placement
        • Service plans and goals
        • Discharge experience
        • Family involvement at discharge
    • Discussion
      • Limitations
      • Conclusion
    • Financial disclosure
    • References

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Robert Ammerman Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center Ohio, USA Elisabeth Backe-Hansen Norwegian Social Research (NOVA), Norway Oslo, Norway Yu Bai Duke University, USA Rami Benbenishty Bar-Ilan University, Israel Jill Duerr Berrick University of California, Berkeley, USA Erica Bowen University of Worcester, UK C. Boyle Los Angeles, CA, USA Judith Cashmore University of Sydney, Australia Ko Ling Chan The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Ruby Charak The University of Texas Rio Grande Valley, Texas, USA Yvonne Chase University of Alaska Anchorage, USA Jingqi Chen Peking University Health Science Centre, China Annie Cossins Law University, Australia Mark Courtney University of Chicago, USA Theodore P. Cross University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA Isabelle Daigneault Université de Montréal, Montreal, Quebec, Canada Dyann Daley University of Arkansas, Arkansas Alan Detlaff University of Illinois at Chicago, USA Tonino Esposito Université de Montréal, Montreal, Quebec, Canada

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CHILD ABUSE & NEGLECT, Volume 108, 2020

(Continued from Outside Back Cover)

(Contents continued on Back Matter)

Gwenllian   Moody , Elinor   Coulman , Lucy   Brookes-Howell , Rebecca   Cannings-John , Susan   Channon , Mandy   Lau , Alyson   Rees , Jeremy   Segrott , Jonathan   Scourfi eld , Michael   Robling

104646 A pragmatic randomised controlled trial of the fostering changes programme

Ina   Schütze , Kirsten   Geraedts , Brigitte   Leeners 104653 The association between adverse childhood experiences and quality of partnership in adult women

Jutta   Lindert , Marija   Jakubauskiene , Marta   Natan , Annette   Wehrwein , Paul   Bain , Christian   Schmahl , Kaloyan   Kamenov , Mauro   Carta , Maria   Cabello

104530 Psychosocial interventions for violence exposed youth – A systematic review

AliceAnn   Crandall , Eliza   Broadbent , Melissa   Stanfi ll , Brianna M.   Magnusson , M. Lelinneth B.   Novilla , Carl L.   Hanson , Michael D.   Barnes

104644 The influence of adverse and advantageous childhood experiences during adolescence on young adult health

Michael   Fitzgerald , Kami   Gallus 104645 Emotional support as a mechanism linking childhood maltreatment and adult’s depressive and social anxiety symptoms

Lixia   Zhang , Joshua P.   Mersky , James   Topitzes 104658 Adverse childhood experiences and psychological well-being in a rural sample of Chinese young adults

Margaret H.   Lloyd Sieger 104664 Reunification for young children of color with substance removals: An intersectional analysis of longitudinal national data

Danya   Glaser 104649 Fabricated or induced illness: From “Munchausen by proxy” to child and family-oriented action

Aspen D.   Starbird , Paul A.   Story 104656 Consequences of childhood memories: Narcissism, malevolent, and benevolent childhood experiences

Shamra   Boel-Studt , Lisa   Schelbe 104661 Elementary School-Aged Children in Therapeutic Residential Care: Examining Latent Classes, Service Provision, and Outcomes

Sunggeun   Park Ethan , Nathanael J.   Okpych , Mark E.   Courtney

104629 Predictors of remaining in foster care after age 18 years old

Yuhong   Zhu , Chenyang   Xiao , Qiqi   Chen , Qi   Wu , Bin   Zhu

104654 Health effects of repeated victimization among school-aged adolescents in six major cities in China

Sunny H.   Shin , Gabriela Ksinan   Jiskrova , Susan H.   Yoon , Julia M.   Kobulsky

104657 Childhood maltreatment, motives to drink and alcohol-related problems in young adulthood

Jude Mary   Cénat , Pari-Gole   Noorishad , Konrad   Czechowski , Sara-Emilie   McIntee , Joana N.   Mukunzi

104659 Racial disparities in child welfare in Ontario (Canada) and training on ethnocultural diversity: An innovative mixed-methods study

Shelby L.   Clark , Ashley N.   Palmer , Becci A.   Akin , Stacy   Dunkerley , Jody   Brook

104660 Investigating the Relationship between Trauma Symptoms and Placement Instability

Cláudia   Camilo , Margarida Vaz   Garrido , Maria Manuela   Calheiros

104666 The social information processing model in child physical abuse and neglect: A meta-analytic review

Psycho-social-impact-of-COVID-19-pandemic-on-children-i_2020_Child-Abuse---N.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Letter to the Editor

Psycho-social impact of COVID-19 pandemic on children in India: The reality

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Child- abuse Lock-down in India Psycho-social impact of lock-down Physical abuse Sexual abuse

Dear Editor,

Since the emergence of COVID-19 pandemic, the world is facing very unprecedented situation. The COVID-19 pandemic has forced to close down the educational institutions, thus enforcing a lockdown to prevent it’s further spread of the virus. While most adults can understand the implications, it is the children that have become the most vulnerable population. In a country like India, where most of the child abuse cases go unreported has seen increase in the number of calls on the CHILDLINE number. The Government of India called for an draconian lockdown measures to curb the spread of the virus on March 25th, 2020 (The Lancet, 2020). With the most adult population at home along with the children in closed approximation making them the most vulnerable in the household. In addition, financial implications and uncertain situations have put the families on additional strain. This has led to increased number of abuse cases reported on the helpline number. To provide some context in the situation prevailing before the lockdown, National Crime Record Bureau in India estimated that around 40,810 children fell victim to sexual offences and in 95 % cases the perpetrator were known to the victim under regular circumstances prior to pandemic (“COVID19-XIX: Child Abuse in India amidst the Pandemic – Law School Policy Review, ” n.d.). However during the lockdown approximately 300,000 calls were received between March 20th – March 31st, showing almost around 50 % increase in calls in just 10 days to CHILDLINE India. Around 30 % of the calls were just to report child abuse and intervention was made in almost around 4857 calls (“Child Sexual Abuse During Coronavirus Pandemic: Is Child Abuse on the Rise in India’s COVID-19 Lockdown?, ” n.d.). The CHILDLINE India, reported that 11 % calls were related to physical health, 8 % calls were on child labour and additional 8% were on missing children (“CHILDLINE India helpline: Govt helpline platform explodes with SOS calls, 92, 000 seek help on CHILDLINE in 11 days, Government News, ET Government,” n.d.). The impact can be analysed just by the sheer number of help calls received on various helplines.

There have been multiple arrays of reasons in the increase in child abuse cases during the lockdown period. Some of the reasons that have been hypothesized were poor mental health of parents, unemployment and frustration of not stepping out of the house (“Countering child abuse during lockdown | | Citizen Matters, Bengaluru, ” n.d.). During the normal circumstances, child abuse can be noticed by school teachers, school counsellors or friends. Owing to the lockdown measures schools have been shut so this line of defence has been majorly affected. With school system not running effectively and not able to be in the environment has made children very vulnerable psychologically. Thus this pandemic period has posed many questions along with the opportunity to re- evaluate on how we raise our children and effectiveness of the school system of kid’s mental health, which can be implemented throughout the globe. To strengthen the first line of defence in observing signs of abuse, teacher and school staff should be trained properly on how to deal with the abuse kids. We cannot emphasize enough on having school counsellor appointed in each school, especially in India. As they can be really helpful in dealing with complicated issues of abuse as well as forming a bridge for effective communications with children as well as with the parents (“Role of the School Counsellor - Children, ” n.d.).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104663 Received 26 June 2020

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104663

Available online 10 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Funding source

No external funding for this manuscript.

Financial disclosure

No author’s have any financial relationships for this article to disclose.

Clinical trial registration

None required

Table of content summary

In this pandemic era many countries have enforced lockdown, thus making children the most vulnerable population for abuse in India.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declaration of interest.

References

Child Sexual Abuse During Coronavirus Pandemic: Is Child Abuse on the Rise in India’s COVID-19 Lockdown? (n.d.). Retrieved July 24, 2020, from https://fit. thequint.com/coronavirus/is-child-abuse-on-the-rise-in-indias-covid-19-lockdown.

CHILDLINE India helpline: Govt helpline platform explodes with SOS calls, 92,000 seek help on CHILDLINE in 11 days, Government News, ET Government. (n.d.). Retrieved July 24, 2020, from https://government.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/governance/govt-helpline-platform-explodes-with-sos-calls-92000-seek- help-on-childline-in-11-days/75048120.

Countering child abuse during lockdown | | Citizen Matters, Bengaluru. (n.d.). Retrieved July 24, 2020, from https://bengaluru.citizenmatters.in/covid-19-lockdown- child-abuse-cases-spike-low-reporting-44961.

COVID19-XIX: Child Abuse in India amidst the Pandemic – Law School Policy Review. (n.d.). Retrieved July 24, 2020, from https://lawschoolpolicyreview.com/2020/ 05/29/child-abuse-in-india-amidst-covid-19/.

Role of the School Counsellor – Children. (n.d.). Retrieved July 24, 2020, from https://childrenfirstindia.com/role-of-the-school-counsellor/. The Lancet (2020). India under COVID-19 lockdown (2020, April 25) Lancet, 395, 1315. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(20)30938-7.

Hitanshu Dave* Bharati Vidyapeeth Medical College and Hospital, Pune, India

E-mail address: [email protected].

Priyank Yagnik KU School of Pediatrics, Wichita, United States

⁎ Corresponding author at: Department of Pediatrics, Bharati Vidyapeeth Medical College and Hopsital, A 53 Westend Park, Ahmedabad, 380059, India.

Letter to the Editor Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104663

2

  • Psycho-social impact of COVID-19 pandemic on children in India: The reality
    • Funding source
    • Financial disclosure
    • Clinical trial registration
    • Table of content summary
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • References

Epidemiology-of-violence-against-children-in-migration--A_2020_Child-Abuse--.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Epidemiology of violence against children in migration: A systematic literature review Jud A.a,b,*, Pfeiffer E.a, Jarczok M.a a University Hospital Ulm, Ulm University, Department of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry/Psychotherapy, Steinhoevelstraße 1, 89075 Ulm, Germany b Lucerne University of Applied Sciences and Arts, School of Social Work, Lucerne, Switzerland

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Migration Review Violence Prevalence Internally Displaced Refugees

A B S T R A C T

Background: Children in migration experience various forms of violence before, on, and after their migration journey. Epidemiological research on the prevalence of violence in this highly vulnerable group is lacking, however. Method: A PRISMA-guided systematic literature review with a three-tiered search strategy was conducted by searching academic literature databases and gray literature on websites of inter- national organizations and by contacting experts. All empirical studies published within the last 15 years were eligible. Predefined search terms related to violence, children, epidemiology, and migration were used. Findings: Of 1014 records, 17 studies met the inclusion criteria. Sample sizes ranged from 100 to 8,047, with a total of 16,915 children (Mdn = 311). Lifetime prevalence of violence varied considerably: Child physical maltreatment ranged from 9 %–65 % and child sexual abuse from 5 %–20 %. For internally displaced children, violence often occurred at the hands of those who were responsible for their care. Unfortunately, data on the context and country in which the violence occurred—in the country of origin, on route, or in the country of arrival—were lacking. Conclusion: The discrepancy between the importance of the topic and the dearth of data is striking. Filling the gaps requires not only more rigorous methodology but also more research in general on the epidemiology of violence against children in migration. We outline methodolo- gical challenges and draft an agenda for improved data on the topic. There is an urgent need for evidence that supports the development and adaptation of effective, tailored, and child-sensitive prevention and intervention programs for children in migration.

1. Introduction

The number of people in migration is enormous: “In 2015, there were 244 million people worldwide living outside their country of birth; 31 million of them were children” (United Nations Children's Fund [UNICEF], 2016, p. 17). Although it is not always hardship that necessarily leads to migration, a majority of people move to avoid armed conflicts, persecution, the fallout of natural disasters, and economic instability. Fleeing from hardship, refugees regularly cross (multiple) international borders on arduous journeys, often seeking asylum in the country of arrival (UNICEF, 2016, p. 17; United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR, 2016a, p. 2). However, millions of people are also internally displaced and do not cross internationally recognized state borders (UNICEF, 2016, p. 14). Many experience migration in childhood, the arguably most vulnerable stage of life (see Bagattini,

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104634 Received 18 June 2019; Received in revised form 7 July 2020; Accepted 17 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (A. Jud).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104634

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2019): About 10 million children were forcibly displaced from their country of origin in 2015 (UNICEF, 2016, p. 17), and ap- proximately 100,000 unaccompanied or separated children filed claims for asylum in 78 countries (UNHCR, 2016b, p. 8).

In this paper, the term ‘children in migration’ is used as a generic term that describes (unaccompanied and accompanied) children and adolescents on the move in any form—across internationally recognized state borders or within. It also refers to children who have recently arrived in a (potential) host country. Hence, the term includes children who are asylum seekers, refugees, internally displaced or any other type of (im)migrants. Children are defined as persons below the age of 18 (Article 1 of the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of the Child); the terms “refugee” and “internally displaced person” are used in accordance with the UNICEF report Uprooted (UNICEF, 2016, p. 14). Unfortunately, there are no standard and thus no uniformly shared definitions of child maltreatment or child abuse and neglect in the multidisciplinary domain of child protection research (e.g., Herrenkohl, 2005; Jud & Voll, 2019). Meta-analyses and reviews have highlighted major variances in the prevalence of child maltreatment (Sethi, Mitis, Alink et al., 2013; Stoltenborgh, Bakermans-Kranenburg, Alink, & van IJzendoorn, 2015). However, there are examples of a growing consensus on definitions of maltreatment, such as the widely cited definition from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that was developed in a multidisciplinary process (Leeb, Paulozzi, Melanson, Simon, & Arias, 2008): Maltreatment covers any act or series of acts of commission (physical abuse, sexual abuse, psychological abuse) or omission (neglect) by a parent or other caregiver that results in harm, potential for harm, or threat of harm to a child. For this paper, we have additionally included peer- and stranger- perpetrated violence against children, as suggested in the broad definitions of child maltreatment by the World Health Organization (World Health Organization [WHO], 1999 and 2016).

1.1. A cycle of violence

Frequently, children in migration experience violence at the origin of migration. They witness and experience the atrocities of war and terrorism, police brutality, and community violence (UNICEF, 2016, pp. 7, 88). They may face violence within their family, within their community, or by strangers. Children are also regularly exposed to violence, abuse, and exploitation on their journeys (Jensen, Fjermestad, Granly, & Wilhelmsen, 2015; Pfeiffer, Sachser, Rohlmann, & Goldbeck, 2018; UNICEF, 2017, p. 15; Völkl- Kernstock et al., 2014). They are deprived of basic physical and emotional support; they are beaten, kicked, hit, raped, and more. They may spend months in limbo together with their families and may witness their parents or relatives being abused or humiliated (UNICEF, 2017, p. 15). Some of these journeys—unaccompanied or not—even end in death. In 2016, an estimated 700 children lost their lives on the Central Mediterranean route from North Africa to Italy (UNICEF, 2017, p. 15). Besides being accompanied or non- accompanied, a child’s risk of experiencing violence and exploitation in migration probably depends on a number of factors, such as the child’s nationality and legal status, whether they belong to an ethnic or religious minority, or whether they have a disability or psychiatric disorder (UNICEF, 2017, p. 15). Vulnerability probably also varies depending on the gender and age of the child, but this issue has only been marginally explored (UNICEF, 2018).

Unfortunately, the cycle of violence does not necessarily end in the country of arrival. Children may face discrimination and xenophobia from strangers (Gorinas & Pytliková, 2017), elevated risks of bullying by peers (Maynard, Vaughn, Salas-Wright, & Vaughn, 2016), or violence at the hands of their parents, who might lack the resources for the adequate upbringing of their offspring (Timshel, Montgomery, & Dalgaard, 2017). If parents have experienced (war-related) trauma themselves, they may be unable to fulfill their parental responsibilities (e.g., to create a safe environment). Problematic parenting, family dysfunction, and domestic violence are significantly more frequent in traumatized families (Beiser, Hou, Hyman, & Tousignant, 2002; Fegert, Diehl, Leyendecker, Hahlweg, & Prayon-Blum, 2018; Saile, Neuner, Ertl, & Catani, 2013; Saile, Ertl, Neuner, & Catani, 2014).

1.2. Individual consequences of violence

As a consequence of victimization and adverse childhood experiences, children in migration have an elevated risk of developing mental health problems (Blackmore et al., 2020; Curtis, Thompson, & Fairbrother, 2018; El Baba & Colucci, 2018; Jaycox et al., 2002; Reavell & Fazil, 2017). Mental health issues, in turn, have a large impact on the school performance of immigrants and child refugees (e.g., Reavell & Fazil, 2017) and not the least on their successful integration into the host society (Bronstein & Montgomery, 2011; Keles, Friborg, Idsøe, Sirin, & Oppedal, 2016; Oppedal & Idsoe, 2012). In the long run, childhood traumatization has a crucial effect on migrants’ long-term well-being and overall level of functioning and may cause lifelong medical and psychological problems (Dye, 2018; Lansford et al., 2002).

1.3. Gaps in the data on violence against children in migration

Generally, there is still a huge lack of quantitative and qualitative data to deepen understanding of the dynamics of child mi- gration. Methodological issues, such as paucity and poor data quality, missing standardization, lack of consensus regarding defini- tions and their operationalization, and double counting are major barriers to obtaining comparable and consistent data (Humphris & Sigona, 2016; Singleton, 2018). In a joint call to action, “A call to action: Protecting children on the move starts with better data” (UNICEF, 2018), UNICEF, UNHCR, the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Eurostat, and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) all point to alarming gaps in the availability, timeliness, and accessibility of evidence on migration beyond administrative data. The gap is particularly pronounced for children in migration. There is, therefore, an urgent need to improve the evidence base on the devastating experiences of children in migration with a view to developing tailored approaches to improving their lives.

A. Jud, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104634

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1.4. Aims

Both in the professional and political debate on children in migration, there is a dearth of comparable and reliable data. Information on the frequency and types of violence experienced by children at different stages of migration is widely lacking. We endeavor to bridge this gap by compiling a review of epidemiological research on violence against children in migration, analyzing factors that drive prevalence and identifying methodological challenges. In view of the multiple definitions in the context of child victimization and the assumed lack of studies on the frequency of violence against children in migration, we decided to opt for a wide definitional approach, so as to not exclude potentially important contributions. However, findings on prevalence rates will be dif- ferentiated by types of violence (sexual abuse, neglect, physical and psychological maltreatment), perpetrators (caregiver, peer, stranger), severity, and by settings of violence (country of origin, on the move, country of arrival) to adequately enable a transfer of findings into valid recommendations.

Collecting data from the highly vulnerable group of children in migration raises ethical issues, like potential retraumatization or greater pressure for socially desirable responses. Findings on the prevalence of violence and methodological gaps will therefore also be discussed from the angle of ethical challenges.

2. Methods

2.1. Literature search and screening criteria

A systematic search of the literature, in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) statement (Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2009), was conducted and is presented in Fig. 1.

Literature sources. A three-tiered search strategy involved searching for empirical studies in national/international databases, screening gray literature on the websites of specific organizations, and contacting experts.

(1) A total of 10 databases (PubMed, WebOfScience, PsychInfo, Cochrane, Embase, Medline, PsyNDEX,) and the French- or German- only products “Banque de Données en Santé Publique,” “WISO,” and “Dissonline” were screened by one reviewer.

(2) Additionally, the websites of the United Nations, its branches concerned with children (UNICEF, UNHCR, UNFPA), migration (IOM), and health (WHO), the European Commission’s Department of Migration and Home Affairs, key multilateral or national aid

Fig. 1. Prisma flow chart.

A. Jud, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104634

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agencies (Agence Française de Développement, UK Department for International Development, USAID, World Bank, etc.) and other international organizations (Amnesty International, ECPAT international, Save the Children, etc.) were searched for reports and policy papers on violence against children in migration.

(3) In a last step, to avoid any publication bias, the list of articles and reports identified through searches in electronic bibliographic databases and on websites was presented to experts at the symposia and workshops of two conferences, the ISPCAN XXII International Congress on Child Abuse and Neglect in Prague, Czech Republic from September 2–5, 2018 and the XV EUSARF Conference in Porto, Portugal from October 2–5, 2018. The attending scholars suggested additional references for inclusion.

Search strategy. Medical Subject Headings (MesH) or a comparable method was used to identify search terms. No language restrictions were applied to the inclusion of studies on epidemiology of violence and man-made victimization of children in mi- gration. Search algorithms for all sources covered search terms on violence (e.g., war, terrorism, torture, maltreatment, abuse, neglect), combined with keywords on children (child, adolescents, youth, etc.), migration (migration, displacement, refugee), and epidemiology (e.g., prevalence, frequency) in English, German, and French, respectively.

The initial search was conducted in January 2018 by one of the authors of this paper. All empirical studies published in the last 15 years from 2003 to 2017, a period with a steady rise in migration (UNICEF, 2016, p. 18), were considered. The database searches yielded 1486 records, with an additional 19 records identified through citation snowballing and field experts, and 189 records within the gray literature. Duplicates were first automatically searched using Endnote software, then checked and removed. Next, the records were automatically searched by title and author, and then by title only, and duplicates were again removed. The records were then put in order by the author, manually checked, and the last duplicates removed. After removing duplicates that were found in more than one database, 1014 records remained. This process was documented according to the rules of the international PRISMA standard (www.prisma-statement.org) in a flow chart (see Fig. 1).

2.2. Study selection

Studies were considered for inclusion in the systematic review if they represented original research and all of the following a priori eligibility criteria were met:

(1) The children were 0–17 years of age (Article 1, Convention on the Rights of the Child) (2) The children were first-generation migrants (had their own migration experiences) (3) The sample size was N > 100 children (4) Investigators applied a definition of violence (5) The study reported epidemiological data on violence against children in migration (prevalence or incidence data)

To draw conclusions on the prevalence of violence that are not just anecdotal or valid only for specific contexts, the samples covered had to exceed a sample size of n > 100 children and present epidemiological data. Without a documented definition of violence, it would not have been possible to categorize and compare the results of the detected studies.

Studies were included if at least one distinguishable subsample was reported that met the inclusion criteria. For example, if the manuscript reported on a group of native-born children in comparison to a group of first-generation immigrant children, only data from the second group were extracted. By applying the inclusion criteria to the information contained in the article title and abstract, the pool of records was reduced to 380 (see Fig. 1). After reviewing the full text, a total of 17 studies from 19 publications remained (two studies were excluded due to redundancy of the sample).

A second reviewer independently screened 50 % of the studies identified and previously screened by the first reviewer, and agreement was reached in 96 % of cases. Uncertainties were discussed, and consensus was reached in all cases. In the case of any missing or inconclusive information in the full text, the corresponding author of the publication in question was searched electro- nically to retrieve their current e-mail address and then contacted by the last-listed author with a polite request to provide the missing or additional information. In the event that no current address of the corresponding author could be found, we contacted the co- authors directly. Altogether, 45 authors of 47 full-text publications were contacted; 12 authors of 13 publications responded. All details of the publications that remained unspecified are marked with “n/a” (not available) throughout the tables.

2.3. Data extraction

The following data were extracted from all included studies: (1) names of all authors, (2) year of publication, (3) sample size, (4) study region, (5) sample demographics (e.g., mean age, percentage of females), (6) migration status, (7) sampling method, (8) type of rating, (9) type of epidemiological outcome (e.g., lifetime prevalence, incidence), (10) context of victimization, (11) measurement (e.g., instrument name, type, and additional information), (12) perpetrator (caregiver, peer, stranger), and (13) type of violent act(s) (sexual abuse, neglect, physical and psychological maltreatment, witnessing violent events). We used tables to report the act with the highest prevalence. We also intended to present information on the severity of violence. This was not possible, as scarcely any information was available: Studies hardly ever reported on the aspects of chronicity, i.e., age at first incident, frequency, extent, and continuity (see English, Graham, Litrownik, Everson, & Bangdiwala, 2005). Moreover, items regularly lacked the information needed to reliably assess the severity of violence by the nature of an act itself; for instance, an item “experienced sexual abuse” does not differentiate between forced intercourse, touching of breasts, or verbal sexual harassment. In order to distinguish bullying as a form

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A. Jud, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104634

5

of peer-perpetrated violence from ubiquitous ‘friendly teasing,’ however, it was only included if studies applied a power differential: Bullying had to differ from fighting/arguing between students of equal strength or power and exceed a threshold for chronicity of 2–3 or more times a month (see Maynard et al., 2016).

No meta-analysis could be conducted due to the heterogeneity of outcome measures. Narrative synthesis was used to analyze the results. Data were stored for potential future meta-analyses.

3. Findings and discussion

Table 1 summarizes the characteristics of the designs of the studies included in our review. The findings on the subgroups of internally displaced children and refugee/other children with a migration background are discussed separately in the following. To further advance an area with a paucity of research, a third subsection discusses findings on methodological challenges in collecting data on the epidemiology of violence against children in migration (see section 3.3).3.1. The terrors of war and the sufferings of internally displaced children

Context of studies. Internally displaced children lived in a refugee camp in Croatia (Grgić, Vidović, Soldo-Butković, & Koić, 2005), Darfur/Sudan (Depoortere et al., 2004; Morgos, Worden, & Gupta, 2007), or the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) (Stark et al., 2017). All studies measured various violent acts of commission but did not systematically differentiate between the commonly used categories of sexual, physical, or emotional violence. They rather generally listed different war-related experiences, such as shelling, home invasion, or witnessing houses being burnt (Grgić et al., 2005; Morgos et al., 2007; Stark et al., 2017). Child victimization through acts of omission (neglect) was been documented. Due to varying concepts of violence, the rates of violent exposures are hardly comparable (see Table 2). There were no consistent findings on age and gender differences regarding violent experiences. Contrary to popular beliefs, as the most frequent perpetrators two studies reported caregivers and not members of an armed group or other officials (Gao, Atkinson-Sheppard, & Liu, 2017; Stark et al., 2017).

Fatalities. Some particular findings merit further discussion. A highly specific outcome and the ultimately severe consequence were deaths due to violence. In Depoortere et al.’s (2004) study, the percentage of deaths of internally displaced minors in refugee camps due to violence was especially high in the Murnei region (35.4 %) but substantially lower in other nearby West Darfur regions (0 %–5 %). Depoortere et al. argued that this imbalance might be explained by the different start dates of the recall periods. In Niertiti and El Geneina, recall periods only started after the main waves of displacement and arrival.

Child maltreatment. Stark et al. (2017) presented a particularly detailed description of violence against internally displaced adolescent girls in the DR Congo. More than half of the sample reported victimization in the previous 12 months (54.4 %); a majority suffered multiple incidents of victimization. The most frequently reported type of victimization was psychological violence (38.0 %). Approximately one fifth of the girls reported sexual violence, forced sex being the most frequently reported form of sexual abuse. Stark et al. (2017) highlighted the fact that the most frequent perpetrators of all forms of violence, including sexual abuse, were the girls’ intimate partners (husbands or boyfriends) and/or family members. Gao et al. (2017) found parents to be the most frequent perpetrators of violence. A family’s low socioeconomic status and neighborhood disorganization were identified as risk factors. Despite methodological caution, the similarity with Stark et al.’s (2017) findings outlined above, which also highlighted caregiver- perpetrated violence, is at least worth noting, as the two samples differed in many important aspects, such as the reason for migration (armed conflict vs. economic reasons), current living arrangement (refugee camp vs. major city), or geographical location (Asia vs. Africa).

3.1. Lifetime prevalence of violence against refugee and immigrant children

Context of studies. All of the studies on refugee and immigrant children reported at least one category of abuse (see Table 3), but only three refugee studies reported physical or psychological neglect (Feller, 2016 (Greece); Gormez et al., 2017 (Turkey); Izutsu

Table 2 Violence against internally displaced children.

Study Perpetrator Physical violence1

Psychological violence1

Sexual violence1

Witnessing violent events1

Violent deaths

War experience

Grgić et al., 2005 n/a 0.39‡ Yes Morgos et al., 2007 n/a 0.22‡ 0.50‡ 0.15‡ 0.94‡ Yes Stark et al.,

2017_DRC a) family members b) intimate partners c) members of an armed group d) officials with authority in the community

0.35# 0.38# 0.211‡

0.161# Yes

Gao et al., 2017 Parent 0.58# 0.82# No Depoortere et al.,

2004 n/a 0.0-0.352 Yes

Note. All numbers are percentages (e.g., 0.39 = 39 %); 1 act/event with the highest prevalence value; 2 recall periods depend on study region (Murnei and Zialingei: before and after displacement; Niertiti and El Geneina: only after displacement); # 12-month prevalence; ‡lifetime pre- valence.

A. Jud, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104634

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A. Jud, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104634

7

et al., 2005 (Pakistan)). Studies conducted in Europe tended to report higher maltreatment rates than studies on other continents (Derluyn, Broekaert, & Schuyten, 2008; Feller, 2016; Goosen, Stronks, & Kunst, 2014; Montgomery & Foldspang, 2006; Ruf, 2008; Vervliet et al., 2014). Unfortunately, little to no research has been conducted in South America and Oceania up to now. The most common categories of victimization that were recorded are physical abuse (eight studies), witnessing violent events (eight studies), and sexual abuse (five studies). As most of the studies in different parts of the world focus on (war) trauma, a variety of traumatic events was assessed in these studies. The most prevalent events were witnessing explosions, bombing, gun battles, war, or armed conflicts, with a range from 9 %–83 % (Gormez et al., 2017; Izutsu et al., 2005; Montgomery & Foldspang, 2006; Thabet, Abet, & Vostanis, 2004; Vervliet et al., 2014).

Physical violence was highly prevalent among refugee and immigrant children, particularly in the two samples of un- accompanied migrant children (UMC) (Vervliet et al., 2014, Feller, 2016). Two of the studies reporting physical violence investigated this in the context of bullying in samples of immigrant youth in the United States (Maynard et al., 2016; Sulkowski, Bauman, Wright, Nixon, & Davis, 2014); they are the only studies that focused on victimization in the country of arrival and solely on peer victimi- zation. Sulkowski et al. (2014) reported far higher prevalence rates than Maynard et al. (2016); for physical bullying, rates differ by more than 20 %. The mixed findings on the same topic even within one country hamper valid interpretations for this context and beyond.

Sexual abuse. The prevalence rate of sexual abuse among immigrant and refugee children (5 % and 20 %) was comparable to other (worldwide) studies (e.g. Stoltenborgh, van Ijzendoorn, Euser, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2011). A sample with UMC (Vervliet et al., 2014) showed the highest prevalence for hands-on sexual victimization (20 %). Hands-on sexual acts were distinctly lower (5 %) in a German child refugee sample (Ruf, 2008). The bullying study by Maynard et al. (2016) included, in addition, verbal sexual abuse and reported a prevalence of 14 %.

Traumatic experiences. Another publication by Derluyn, Mels, and Broekaert (2009)) analyzed the prevalence rates of the traumatic experiences of the Belgian migrant sample according to separation from parents. Additional analyses by Derluyn et al. for this manuscript revealed that here again, the prevalence rates for the UMC are the highest among all subgroups (physical violence 64 % vs. 26 %–41 %; sexual abuse 18 % vs. 5 %–11 %; witnessing physically mistreatment 67 % vs. 38–48 %).

Neglect. Among the three studies reporting neglectful behavior, the IOM study (Feller, 2016) of Egyptian UMC is the one with the highest proportion measured on the basis of a lack of access to food and water (59 %). The two other studies in Pakistan and Turkey with children accompanied by family members also reported a lack of access to food (19 %; Izutsu et al., 2005) or being left without food or shelter (14 %; Gormez et al., 2017).

In summary, only three studies likewise provided important information on both the context of victimization and the perpetrator (Feller, 2016; Maynard et al., 2016; Sulkowski et al., 2014). Most studies reported lifetime prevalence rates of maltreatment. Con- sequently, there is a lack of information on the context of victimization. The studies also do not contain any information on potential gender differences in victimization experiences of refugees and immigrant children.

3.2. Challenges in measuring violence against children in migration

Research on violence against children in migration is conducted in a multidisciplinary field. It is associated with a multitude of concepts, definitions, and discourses. The authors of the publications included in this review were affiliated with departments of psychiatry and psychology (Bridges, de Arellano, Rheingold, Danielson, & Silcott, 2010; Ruf, 2008), social work (Maynard et al., 2016), sociology (Gao et al., 2017), and others. Some may have engaged in exchanges at the same international conferences and published in the same edited books or journals, but others will have used different channels. The 17 publications in this review were distributed among 15 different journals and books. The variety of backgrounds may also have led to a variability in dependent variables and measurements. The terms used in the publications referred to different concepts and ranged from trauma, hardship, stressful life events, and violent exposures to highly specific violent fatalities. Consequently, the studies probably covered an overly inclusive range of different violent phenomena of varying degrees of severity. Yet, to best inform practice and policy on research findings, definitions should preferably be operationalized at a medium abstraction level, with terms covering similar causes and consequences (e.g., Ammerman, 1998). Our recommendations, therefore, include as a major aim clarification of the phenomena measured under the umbrella term ‘violence against children in migration.’

Instruments. Only one questionnaire (SLE) was used twice across the 17 studies, and many instruments had been developed by the researchers themselves (see Table 1). Only four studies used standardized tools with available population norms (Derluyn et al., 2008; Goosen et al., 2014; Grgić et al., 2005; Vervliet et al., 2014). This is not surprising, as most standardized instruments had been developed in English-speaking countries. Some had been translated into the languages of and validated for high-income countries. Translations into the languages of low- and middle-income countries are often not available, and their cultural sensitivity is ques- tionable. Therefore, several researchers used adapted and self-translated versions of validated instruments. When adapting an in- strument to different study populations, linguistic concerns are also linked with cultural issues, such as the varying acceptability of the disclosure of violence (Montalvo-Liendo, 2009) or the culture-specific use of metaphors to describe health care-related terms (see Wilson & Tang, 2007). The lack of population norms for self-translated versions is yet another challenge, and it is a tricky one. Depending on the context of experiencing violence, norms should probably either refer to the population in the country of origin or the host population. An avenue to achieving increased comparability is the use of easily accessible, non-expensive, validated questionnaires that are available free of charge and have been professionally translated into different languages. The International Society for Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (ISPCAN) ICAST screening tool is one possible option, as it is available in around 20 other languages. However, the ICAST would have to be adapted for collection of data on the different contexts of violence in

A. Jud, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104634

8

migration (country of origin, on the move, country of arrival). Source of information. The validity and reliability of sources of information on violence against children is a tricky issue and not

unique to violence against children in migration (e.g., Jud, Fegert, & Finkelhor, 2016). Indeed, rates of child maltreatment from different sources may vary quite considerably (Baldwin, Reuben, Newbury, & Danese, 2019; Negriff, Schneiderman, & Trickett, 2017; Pfeiffer et al., 2018). Data from parents and other caregivers may be biased for different reasons (Shaffer, Huston, & Egeland, 2008): Some caregivers are perpetrators and may therefore intentionally withhold information; others may be embarrassed about not having protected their child or may fear family disputes or a referral to authorities. Second, data from caregivers and other proxies such as social workers or teachers may also not reveal the full picture even if the proxy is a close confidant (Shaffer et al., 2008). Third, as violence against children is often not reported to authorities or referred to professionals, data from agency records and child pro- tective services are also limited as a source of information, particularly in the context of migration and countries with a lack of infrastructure. Last, both adult survivors and adolescent victims may have memory biases or motives to withhold or fabricate in- formation, e.g., due to embarrassment or not wanting to discuss upsetting events (see Baldwin et al., 2019; see also the paragraph on “Accessibility and ethical issues” below). Self-report measures of child maltreatment, therefore, have imperfect test-retest reliability (Colman et al., 2016). As a consequence, there is no gold standard for measuring child maltreatment (e.g., Child Protection Monitoring & Evaluation Reference Group, 2014). A combination of sources may aid better interpretation of the findings and partly balance the limitations of particular sources.

Sampling procedures and study design are yet another source of variability between studies. In 8 out of 17 publications, the researchers referred to some sort of randomized selection. At a second glance, the randomization of the sampling was questionable, however. For example, authors stated that “education centers were randomly selected due to their proximity and for logistic reasons” (Gormez et al., 2017). Moreover, school principals at camps for internally displaced people may not be completely unbiased when selecting participants according to a predefined quota (Morgos et al., 2007). As in the latter example, a basis for a completely unbiased randomized sampling often cannot be guaranteed in the context of children in migration due to the lack of administrative data from which to sample. A sophisticated multistage area probability sampling approach, such as that adopted by Maynard et al. (2016), is probably only possible in the case of studies on immigrants moving to high-income countries. As unbiased randomized sampling is not always possible, accessing the entire population of children in migration in a refugee camp or in a municipality in the country of arrival might be a methodologically sound alternative.

Context of violence and severity. With two exceptions, the studies on the frequency of violence against children in migration assessed the lifetime prevalence of exposure to violence. The phenomena grouped under the umbrella ‘lifetime prevalence’ may indeed vary markedly. For example, lifetime prevalence of violence does not clearly distinguish between the causes and outcomes of war atrocities in the country of origin, or the risks and sequelae of emotional neglect in the country of arrival. By not identifying the context of violence, researchers also failed to potentially identify the interrelatedness of experiences. The experience of war atrocities may potentially lead to a lack of emotional responsiveness in victimized children. This lack may later turn into an individual risk for emotional neglect: Emotionally non-responsive children live with emotionally non-responsive parents who have probably experi- enced similar atrocities (De Paul & Guibert, 2008). Future research should take into account the context of violent experiences (country of origin, on the move, country of arrival) in order to disentangle the interrelatedness of experiences. Moreover, the lack of information on severity and chronicity of violence is worrying. This information will be urgently needed in future studies to better connect violence with health outcomes. Scholars and, importantly, adult survivors of violence have criticized the fact that solely rating severity by the nature of an act ignores the subjective nature of harm (e.g., Jonzon & Lindblad, 2006; Shaffer et al., 2008). To ensure better consideration of the subjective nature of the severity of an incident, some questionnaires combine items on the chronicity of violent incidents with a follow-up question such as, “How much did this experience hurt or harm you?” (ICAST-R; Dunne et al., 2009).

Accessibility and ethical issues. Difficulties in comparing prevalence findings are also associated with challenges regarding accessibility to children in migration. Accessibility is minimized not only on the journey but also in countries of arrival. Illegal status, lack of (permanent) addresses and telephone numbers, and the need for reliable interpreters are just some of the issues. These methodological and practical barriers are accompanied by the ethical challenge of weighing the gain in knowledge against the potential for individual harm, for instance retraumatization. Disclosing highly sensitive information on experienced violence in a survey can be a challenge for victims. For multiply and severely victimized children, their unmanageable experiences might leave them too frightened to talk (Kohli, 2018). In a meta-analysis of 70 samples, Jaffe, DiLillo, Hoffman, Haikalis, and Dykstra (2015) fortunately presented rather favorable findings concerning participants’ reactions to trauma research: Although participation may in some cases have led to some immediate psychological distress, the level of distress was not extreme. Not surprisingly, the immediate distress was greater for participants who actually reported past trauma. However, both individuals with and without past trauma did not regret participating and perceived benefits from doing so. Questionnaires on violent and traumatic experiences evoked less distress and should, therefore, generally be given priority over verbal disclosures of trauma (Jaffe, DiLillo, Hoffman, Haikalis, & Dykstra, 2015).

Challenges regarding the research perspective. Researchers on violence against children in migration face a special challenge: Many children in migration might also have a functional distrust of researchers and all authoritative persons, which means they are even more likely to provide responses that they perceive as expected or warranted in an asylum-seeking process (Kohli, 2018). Drawing on this line of argument, Derluyn and Watters (2018) pointed out that being diagnosed with mental health issues may not be to the detriment of a child refugee, as the diagnosis can offer protection from detention and deportation. The already extensive literature on refugee children’s psychosocial well-being and mental health (Fazel & Stein, 2002) has also been criticized for its “Western view” of people’s well-being and transference of cultural norms and individual behaviors into psychiatric categories

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(Derluyn & Watters, 2018). These particular challenges have to be addressed with extra care, in terms of both methods and inter- pretation. One of several possible avenues is to include researchers with an ethnic background similar to that of the respondents (e.g., Awaad & Reicherter, 2016). Examples of qualitative participatory research with migrants were presented by Green and Kloos (2009) and Bertozzi (2010). Prevalence research has yet to develop improved methods for respondent participation.

3.3. General implications for research and practice

Prevalence rates of violence against children in migration and the lack thereof. Overall, there is a dearth of epidemiological data on violence against children in migration (see also Singleton, 2018, p. 338). This coincides with the lack of timely and reliable disaggregated data on the scale of child migration in general (Singleton, 2018, p. 334). Available epidemiological data largely differ in terms of concepts, severity of violence, methods, and, consequently, outcomes. Even for internally displaced children, child maltreatment perpetrated by caregivers and family members may be among the most prevalent forms of violence experienced. Overall, percentages of the lifetime prevalence violent experiences vary considerably, between 9 % and 65 % for physical mal- treatment and between 5 % and 20 % for child sexual abuse. Samples with unaccompanied migrant children widely reported the highest prevalence rates. The large variance of findings on the prevalence of violence against children in migration coincides with the generally large variance in prevalence of child maltreatment in epidemiological research (e.g., Stoltenborgh et al., 2011; Stoltenborgh, Bakermans-Kranenburg, van IJzendoorn, & Alink, 2013; Sethi et al., 2013). Given the lack of evidence on the topic, national and supranational stakeholders, therefore, do not have any information on potential effects of tailored intervention and targeted, culture-fair prevention (see Mikton & Butchart, 2009).

A research agenda. Given the striking lack of comparability of the different studies and the plethora of concepts of violence used, we call for an agenda to improve research on this particularly vulnerable and continuously growing group. The major challenges are:

a) Addressing methodological rigor in studies on the epidemiology of violence against children in migration. We outlined some directions in section 3.3 above on challenges in measuring violence against children in migration.

b) To avoid arbitrariness in the comparison of violent acts, all studies should describe and differentiate between types of violence, perpetrators (caregivers, peers, strangers), settings of violence (country of origin, on the move, country of arrival), and severity of acts.

c) The different disciplines and domains involved in this type of research need to move towards a shared discourse on concepts and definitions, as well as the operationalization of thresholds of severity.

d) Not just more methodologically rigorous research but more research in general on the epidemiology of the violent experiences of children in migration is needed. In many countries, the relevance of the topic will likely generate opportunities with new and matching funding calls. As the topic transcends international borders, supranational bodies such as the European Union or UNICEF should preferably also invest more in research to support their policies. Evidence-based approaches are needed to avoid well-meant but potentially damaging policies. Supranational bodies might also be better equipped to support research on in- ternally displaced children. Up to now, this research has been particularly rare and is often conducted in less research-intensive countries.

3.4. Strengths and limitations

To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper to review studies on the epidemiology of violence against children in migration. Even though we have put procedures in place to include reports on the epidemiology of violence against children in different languages, we still might have omitted several publications that matched the inclusion criteria. The last 15 years of research largely coincided with a continuous rise in (child) migration (UNICEF, 2016, p. 18). An additional exploratory search of empirical literature from 1982 to 2002 in databases with the same methodology yielded only around 100 hits (including duplicates), compared to 1486 records in this review’s search period. It is therefore rather unlikely that we missed many important epidemiological studies by restricting the period. Second, even though we used a multitude of keywords for different forms of violence, we may have missed some publications that focused solely on exploitation. On the other hand, the broad definitions that we used so as not to exclude important contributions also led to a potential over-inclusion of concepts of violence. The caveats associated with this approach have been discussed at length above. Third, several studies that focused on young adults were excluded with a cut-off at age 18. However, all studies that covered an age range from below age 18 to young adulthood were included. Fourth, the variability in concepts and measures did not permit a meta-analysis.

4. Conclusion

The dearth of evidence is even more delicate, as migration is not only associated with sometimes harsh individual challenges but also has, at a secondary level, a political fallout. Host governments and societies have to deal with the increased costs of migration, both material and immaterial. Budgetary issues related to refugees and asylum seekers (emergency assistance, initial allocation, staff expenditure, border management, etc.) have increased for many countries (Savage & Siter, 2018). Both individual and societal challenges continue for many years after arrival, as immigrants’ capacities to escape their often economically disadvantageous contexts are limited. Traumatic experiences, legal barriers to job applications or recognition of qualifications, lack of education, training or language skills, but also rising economic inequality, among other issues, have been linked to poor health in the mid- or

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longer term (De Maio & Kemp, 2010; Dinesen, Nielsen, Mortensen, & Krasnik, 2011; Javier, Huffman, Mendoza, & Wise, 2010). Consequently, they may also generate an additional burden for health care or social welfare systems. For some immigrants, the lack of perspective may also lead to delinquency, although empirical studies on delinquency among immigrant youth refute popular beliefs in higher crime rates for non-native born adolescents (Chen & Zhong, 2013; MacDonald & Saunders, 2012).

Unfortunately, immigration also incites fear in many citizens of host countries: fear of the unknown, fear of job loss, fear of losing a perceived national identity, fear of imported religious violence, etc. These fears do not necessarily have to have a factual basis for them to have an impact on society. A potential consequence is the rise of right-wing parties with a political agenda directed against immigrants in many high-income countries, (Halikiopoulou & Vlandas, 2015). In addition, the vulnerable group of immigrants is an easy target for scapegoating and projection of actual and perceived problems onto them (Barbero, 2015).

This systematic review has just begun to accumulate data on the numerous forms of maltreatment that children in migration experience in various contexts. Child-sensitive and child-responsive research is now needed to fill the gaps in the literature on child abuse and neglect in refugees, asylum-seekers, internally displaced children, and children without documents. Only then will we be in a position to develop, implement, and evaluate evidence-informed preventive approaches and interventions tailored to the children’s and their caregivers’ needs to combat the circle of violence.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the scholars who suggested additional references at the ISPCAN conference in Prague, Czech Republic, and the EUSARF conference in Porto, Portugal. We also like to thank all responding authors for their cooperation. We are also grateful for the support of Marc N. Jarczok, Feben Kiflay and Dascha Ritz in data collection.

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Timshel, I., Montgomery, E., & Dalgaard, N. T. (2017). A systematic review of risk and protective factors associated with family related violence in refugee families. Child Abuse & Neglect, 70, 315–330. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2017.06.023.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2016a). “Children on the move”: High commisioner’s dialogue on protection challenges. Author. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2016b). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2015. Author. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) (2018). A call to action: Protecting children on the move starts with better data. Author. United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) (2017). A child is a child - protecting children on the move from violence, abuse and exploitation. Author. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) (2016). Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children. Author. Vervliet, M., Meyer Demott, M. A., Jakobsen, M., Broekaert, E., Heir, T., & Derluyn, I. (2014). The mental health of unaccompanied refugee minors on arrival in the

host country. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 55(1), 33–37. https://doi.org/10.1111/jsop.12094. Völkl-Kernstock, S., Karnik, N., Mitterer-Asadi, M., Granditsch, E., Steiner, H., Friedrich, M. H., et al. (2014). Responses to conflict, family loss and flight: Posttraumatic

stress disorder among unaccompanied refugee minors from Africa. Neuropsychiatrie, 28(1), 6–11. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40211-013-0094-2. Wilson, J. P., & Tang, C. C. S. K. (2007). Cross-cultural assessment of psychological trauma and PTSD. Springer Science & Business Media. World Health Organization (WHO) (1999). Report of the consultation on child abuse prevention, 29-31 March 1999, WHO, Geneva (No. WHO/HSC/PVI/99.1). Author. World Health Organization (WHO) (2016). Child maltreatment. Retrieved from https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/child-maltreatment. Accessed

January 19, 2019.

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  • Epidemiology of violence against children in migration: A systematic literature review
    • Introduction
      • A cycle of violence
      • Individual consequences of violence
      • Gaps in the data on violence against children in migration
      • Aims
    • Methods
      • Literature search and screening criteria
      • Study selection
      • Data extraction
    • Findings and discussion
      • Lifetime prevalence of violence against refugee and immigrant children
      • Challenges in measuring violence against children in migration
      • General implications for research and practice
      • Strengths and limitations
    • Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References

Fabricated-or-induced-illness--From--Munchausen-by-proxy--_2020_Child-Abuse-.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Fabricated or induced illness: From “Munchausen by proxy” to child and family-oriented action Danya Glaser Great Ormond Street Hospital for Children, London, WC1N 3JH, England

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Fabricated or induced illness (FII) Alerting signs Medical child abuse Munchausen by proxy Perplexing presentations

A B S T R A C T

Background: In fabricated or induced illness (FII), a child is harmed due to caregiver(s) behaviour and actions, carried out to convince mainly doctors that the child’s physical and/or psychological health is more impaired than in reality. Harm is caused directly by the caregivers(s) and also often inadvertently by doctors’ responses. Objectives: To describe: dynamics underlying FII; wider definition of FII; alerting signs for early recognition of possible FII; respective responsibilities of health, social care, education. Methods: Literature review, clinical experience, expert opinion. Results and conclusions: Caregivers are motivated by gain from having their child treated as ill, and/or by erroneous beliefs about their child's health, either way needing medical confirmation about their contentions. Their behaviour is therefore directed primarily towards doctors. Most cases of FII present unexplained discrepancies between caregiver reports/actions and in- dependent observations of the child. More rarely, the child has actual signs of illness, induced by the caregiver, occasionally fatal.

Children are harmed in all aspects of life: health, daily functioning including education, and psychologically. Harm emanates directly from the caregiver(s) but also unintentionally from medical responses.

Illness induction and clear deception by the caregiver require immediate child protection. Otherwise, the initial focus is on assessing the child’s current health and functioning rather than caregiver's mental health. If, beyond verified illness, there is no medical explanation for the child’s reported ill-health, the family require help to function better. This requires co-ordinated, multidisciplinary rehabilitation and long-term monitoring. If caregivers refuse rehabilitation, child protection is required. Several unanswered questions remain.

1. Introduction

In 1997, Professor Sir Roy Meadow coined the term Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy (MSbP) in the UK, presenting it as a newly recognised but rare form of child maltreatment (Meadow, 1977). As Meadow described the condition, what differentiates this form of child maltreatment from other forms is the active, if unintended and inadvertent, contribution of doctors to the harm to the child, in response to the parents' presentation of the child. At its core, the caregiver elicits medical (physical or mental health) care for her child, based on her need for the child to be recognised and treated as unwell, rather than on the child's actual state of health. A triangle is thus formed involving caregiver, child and doctor (Bass & Glaser, 2014). As Roesler (2018) outlined, the understanding of the nature of this condition has become far more complex with divergence in nomenclature and differences in management

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104649 Received 5 March 2020; Received in revised form 22 June 2020; Accepted 25 July 2020

E-mail address: [email protected].

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104649

Available online 14 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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approaches, which emphasise different aspects. While it is still regarded by some professionals as rare, its true prevalence with a wider definition awaits research. There have, nevertheless, been reports of this form of maltreatment from different countries (e.g. Al- Haidar, 2008; Feldman & Brown, 2002; Foto-Özdemir et al., 2013; (Fujiwara, Okuyama, Kasahara, & Nakamura, 2008).

Having briefly noted the different terms used to describe the condition, this paper proposes a wider definition of FII, which includes caregiver behaviour which is not deceptive. It describes the position, role and relationships between the three 'members' of the triangle. It then goes on to consider ways of early recognition of FII and intervention, taking into account societal and system adaptions to case management and support. Some aspects of the proposed intervention have been more recently developed. The implementation of this approach has been shown to be acceptable and feasible with good outcomes, at least in more economically developed countries. However, the outcomes await formal evaluation and prospective studies.

2. Terminology

While the original term Munchausen (Syndrome) by Proxy (MbP) continues to be used in the USA (Sanders & Bursch, 2019) and other countries, several other terms have been added en route (e.g. Factitious Disorder by Proxy). Pediatric Condition Falsification (PCF) (Shaw, Dayal, Hartman, & DeMaso, 2008) and Medical Child Abuse (MCA) (Roesler & Jenny, 2009) continue to be in use, especially in the USA, while in the UK, Australia and New Zealand the term in current use is Fabricated or Induced Illness (FII). Factitious Disorder Imposed on Another (FDIoA) was added in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) produced by the American Psychiatric Association (DSM-5) as an adult diagnosis and recently added in the latest International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) (Reed et al., 2019). The various terms reflect a focus on different aspects of the condition, em- phasising variously the mindset or behaviours of the abuser, the setting of the abuse and the paediatric subject.

There is one important distinction between these various terms. While criteria for MbP, FDIoA and PCF require verified deception by the caregiver, this is not required as a criterion in other terminologies such as MCA, and FII. As will be seen, this distinction has important implications for child protection and overall management approaches. In this paper, the term FII will be used, unless otherwise stated.

3. Epidemiology

Since Sheridan's (2003) review describing 451 cases, it is very likely that the current reported prevalence underestimates sig- nificantly the true prevalence of FII (Davis, Murtagh, & Glaser, 2019; Ferrara et al., 2013). This is due mainly to the focus in published literature on cases of illness induction with ever more novel, dramatic or unusual clinical presentations. In practice, these are far less common than the many cases which cause serious, but not life-threatening harm to the child. Munchausen by proxy by internet is a more recently recognised example (McCulloch & Feldman, 2011). The true prevalence depends on the definition used (Roesler, 2018). The reported mortality rates vary according to definitions of FII (e.g. 6 % in Sheridan, 2003) and mostly refer to cases of illness induction (e.g.15 % in McClure, Davis, Meadow, & Sibert, 1996). Prevalence rates of cases falling within the wider definition is awaited.

4. The triangle

The main 'members' of the triangle in FII are, respectively, the primary caregiver(s) who is the instigator of FII, the affected child or children and the health professionals who inadvertently and unintentionally contribute to the harm to the child. Beyond the triangle, there are other persons affected by FII, such as members of the family, particularly siblings or non-abusing caregivers, and other professionals involved.

4.1. The caregiver(s)

FII is a situation which is brought about by the child's primary caregiver or caregivers, nearly always including the mother (Yates & Bass, 2017). Others known to the child are only rarely responsible (2.65 % in Yates & Bass, 2017). The role of fathers varies, from full involvement (Meadow, 1998) to support, to lack of awareness (Morrell & Tilley, 2012). Some mothers are single. The mother may also be supported by other family members (Sanders & Bursch, 2019). The primary caregiver has a need for the child to be recognised and treated as physically and/or psychologically unwell, or more ill than the child actually is, if the child also has a genuine condition. In order to fulfil this need, the caregiver behaves and acts in a number of ways which lead to both direct and indirect harm to the child.

4.1.1. Basis of the caregiver's needs The caregiver's needs are based on one or both motivations (Davis et al., 2019):

(i) The caregiver derives a gain or benefit from having her child recognised as more unwell. The gains include attention, sympathy, support and material gain.

(ii) The caregiver has firmly-held but erroneous beliefs, extreme concern and anxiety about the child’s health which she needs to have confirmed by doctors, but to the detriment of the child.

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These two motivations appear opposite to each other. Under the first, the child's interests are largely ignored, and the child is used for the fulfilment of the caregiver's needs. In the second, there are anxiety, erroneous beliefs and unjustified over-concern about the child’s state of health. Both lead to similar forms of harm to the child (with one notable exception, namely illness induction (see below) which leads to direct physical harm to, and occasionally death of, the child). Furthermore, both face doctors and other professionals with similar requests and pressure to investigate and treat the child. The caregiver is not usually ill-intentioned towards their child per se. Her actions cause the child direct harm but only in order to have her assertions that the child is ill reinforced and confirmed.

4.1.2. Caregiver's behaviour and actions Given that the caregiver wants to be believed, all her actions are primarily geared towards engaging and convincing doctors and

other professionals about the poor state of the child's health. This may invovle any aspect of the child's physical or psychological health (Kelly & Wang, 2018). Caregivers engage doctors and other professionals by one or two ways:

a) Commonly, she presents the child and erroneously reports the child's symptoms, history, results of investigations, medical opi- nions, interventions and diagnoses. Not all the caregiver's reports constitute actual deception. The caregiver may misunderstand or misconstrue the meaning of the child's symptoms on the basis of her anxiety or beliefs; she may exaggerate or distort the child's difficulties; or she may invent symptoms and even lie, when the caregiver is clearly deceiving.

b) A less common way of engaging doctors is by the caregiver's actions (using her hands) to make the child appear or become ill, which are always forms of deception. They include falsifying documents, interfering with investigations and specimens (e.g. putting sugar or blood in the child's urine specimen) and, at the extreme end, illness induction – actually making the child ill by, for instance, withholding food or medication from the child (Gray & Bentovim, 1996) or poisoning the child. Illness induction is a form of physical abuse/inflicted injury which is usually denied by the caregiver. The gain which motivates the caregiver to induce illness may not be initially apparent. In FII, a full pattern of deception will usually only emerge gradually or retrospectively. This pattern does not usually accompany more common forms of physical abuse and inflicted injuries,

The issue of deception is very important. If deception is clearly found, the situation will be recognised as child maltreatment, taking the form of MbP, FDIoA and PCF. However, these terms preclude those many situations of harm to the child which are not brought about by frank deception as under a) above, and many children may thus not be protected unless this is recognised.

4.1.3. Caregiver's mental health While caregiver mental ill-health is not a prerequisite for FII, if present it will help to explain some of the motivations and

behaviours of the caregivers. Several adult mental health disorders are found in association with FII (Bass & Jones, 2011). They include a personality disorder, most likely borderline, histrionic, sociopathic or mixed type, in caregivers who use deception and derive a clear gain from having their child regarded as ill/more ill. An anxiety disorder, including illness anxiety disorder (hy- pochondriasis), may lead the caregiver to have unfounded anxieties about her child's health. Others have somatic symptom disorder, in which the person genuinely feels pain or other symptoms which are, however, not based on any identified pathology. These are usually related to unrecognised or unarticulated underlying emotional difficulties and conflicts. Rarely a psychotic illness or diffi- culties within the autism spectrum may underpin caregivers' fixed beliefs about the child's ill-health. In malingering and factitious disorder, there is unacknowledged deception about the reported symptoms and signs. Both of these are associated with gain for the person, the former material gain and the latter psychosocial gain. As described above, FDIoA is an adult mental health diagnosis.

An understanding of mental health difficulties in the caregiver will be important in indicating ways of changing the situation for the child. However, at the time of recognising possible FII, the question of the caregiver's mental health is not an issue on which to focus (Hoffman & Koocher, 2019).

4.2. The child and siblings

Clinical experience and reported case examples (Petska, Gordon, Jablonski, & Sheets, 2017) indicate that many (74 % in Roesler & Jenny, 2009) of the children also have a variety of pre-existing illness or disorder, including developmental disabilities.

The harm from FII to the child takes several forms (for a comprehensive account see Roesler & Jenny, 2009). While some of these are caused directly by the caregiver but may be supported by the doctor, others are brought about by the doctor's actions, the harm here being caused unintentionally or inadvertently.

4.2.1. Child’s health and experience of health care

• The child undergoes repeated (unnecessary) examinations, investigations, procedures & treatments • Illness may be induced by the caregiver through e.g. poisoning, suffocation, withholding food or medication, potentially threa-

tening the child's health or life with a recognised mortality.

These constitute physical abuse.

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4.2.2. Effects on the child’s development and daily life

• The child has limited / interrupted pre- and school attendance and education • The child's normal daily life activities are limited • The child has a sick role e.g. with the use of unnecessary aids such as wheelchairs or diets • The child is socially isolated.

These constitute educational and social neglect.

4.2.3. The child’s psychological and health-related wellbeing

• The child may be confused or anxious about her/his state of health • The child may develop a false belief about being sick and vulnerable, and adolescents may actively embrace this view • There may be active collusion with the caregiver’s illness deception • The child may be silently trapped in falsification of illness • The child may later develop a psychiatric disorders and psychosocial difficulties (Libow, 1995).

These constitute emotional abuse/psychological maltreatment.

4.2.4. Siblings In some families, only one child is affected by FII; this child may have or had a genuine illness which began the relationship

between the caregiver and doctors. In other families, several children may be affected by FII simultaneously or sequentially. Siblings who are not subject to FII may become very concerned and distressed by the apparent ill-health of their affected sibling or may feel, and actually be, neglected.

4.3. The role of health professionals

In the situation of possible FII, doctors are invariably in a difficult position. They need and wish to trust and work with caregivers of children presented to them. Many children subject to FII also have or had a genuine health condition which makes the task for doctors more complex. The primary concern for doctors is not to miss a treatable cause for the child's reported difficulties. Good medical practice includes ordering investigations to ascertain the correct diagnosis/es; providing treatments; agreeing to further medical opinions; where appropriate supporting the use of aids e.g. wheelchairs, limited school attendance and financial and other material aid; and accepting the caregiver's information about other doctors' involvement and opinions. The problem arises when the doctor is unaware of the caregiver's intentions and responds as she or he would normally do. In cases of FII, good medical practice turns into unintentional harm to the child, by over-investigating, over-treating, making referrals to other doctors, and supporting the child and family in ways which are unnecessary, and harmful, for the child (Stirling, 2007).

5. Recognition of FII and immediate response

Only rarely is action by the caregiver actually observed. Many cases of FII are only recognised after considerable delay during which the child will have been extensively investigated, unnecessarily treated, and physically and psychologically harmed. FII will not have been suspected, recognised or acted upon.

There is a divergence of approaches to recognising and establishing the presence of FII. One approach focuses on seeking evidence of FII based on caregiver behaviour and clear evidence of deception, and focusing on providing evidence for legal child protection and criminal prosecution of the caregiver, as well as on protecting the child, as detailed in recent USA guidance (Taskforce, A. P. S. A. C., 2018). An alternative approach (e.g. Petska et al., 2017; Roesler & Jenny, 2009) and further elaborated here, focuses initially more on the harm to the child, rather than on the caregiver's motivations (Flaherty, MacMillan, & Committee on Child Abuse and Neglect, 2013) which may not be initially apparent. This approach also emphasises ways of earlier recognition of FII (Glaser & Davis, 2019).

5.1. Severity of FII

Severity of FII can be considered in two ways: a) the nature and severity of the caregiver's actions; b) severity of the harm to the child.

a) Nature and Severity of the caregiver's actions. This can be considered on a continuum of severity, from anxiety- and belief- related erroneous reports, through to fabricating by false reporting, interfering with specimens and, ultimately, illness induction.

b) Severity of harm to the child. The different aspects of harm to the child may coexist and are not on a continuum. Instead, severity here needs to be assessed according to both the intensity of each aspect of the harm, and the cumulative effect of all the aspects. Moreover, the nature of the caregiver's motivations, whether there is explicit deception or not, and the severity of her actions bear little relation to severity of harm to the child. This is partly due to the additional harm caused inadvertently by the medical contribution. The exception is illness induction, which can lead to serious illness and even rarely death of the child.

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In assessing the severity of FII the focus needs to be on the effects on the child, rather than to gauge severity by what the caregiver is saying or doing.

5.2. Need for immediate child protection

In a minority of FII cases, with or without alerting signs (see below), observations are made which call for immediate child protection, involving child protective services and law enforcement. They include observed actual illness induction, a caregiver observed to be tampering with the child's medical equipment, caregiver deceptive actions or indicators that the child's health, and rarely life, is at immediate risk of serious harm. At this point, the caregivers would not be told about the concerns. If made aware, there is a risk that the caregiver may intensify their efforts to convince professionals that the child is truly unwell by inducing illness in the child or by removing possible evidence.

Here, child protection should follow the same process as in other acute child abuse situations such as sexual abuse or non- accidental injury. It is preferable to focus initially on the protection of the child rather than seeking and relying on evidence for the prosecution of the caregiver.

Following child protection, the same process of rehabilitation, outlined below, will follow.

5.3. Alerting signs

In practice, recognition of FII is a process which is based on noting alerting signs. (There is no finite number of items as others are added periodically). They indicate or suggest the possibility of FII. At the time of being recognised, they should not be regarded as actual evidence of FII. These alerting signs include unexplained discrepancies between reports, presentations of the child and in- dependent observations of the child, implausible descriptions, apparently unexplained findings and notable caregiver behaviours. Many of the alerting signs can be recognised by professionals who are routinely in contact with families. They include pre-school and school staff (Schreier & Bursch, 2018), primary and community health professsionals, and social workers if they are already in contact with the family. Some of the alerting signs will only be recognised later, in paediatric settings. There are two aspects of alerting signs, which include those in the child and those based on the caregiver's behaviour and actions.

5.3.1. Alerting signs in the child

• Reported symptoms and signs which are not observed independently in the setting in which they are reported to occur (e.g. home) • Reported (or observed) symptoms and signs which are not fully explained by any known medical condition in the child • Reported symptoms or signs which are not explained by results of examination and investigations • Inexplicably poor response to prescribed treatment (e.g. worsening of reported epileptic seizures following increased medication) • Unexplained impairment of child’s daily life, including school attendance, use of mobility aids and social isolation • Unusual results of medical investigations (which may suggest poisoning)

5.3.2. Alerting signs in caregiver behaviour

• Repeated reporting of new symptoms in the child • Repeated presentations of the child to and attendance at medical settings • Seeking multiple medical opinions (doctor shopping) • Repeatedly not bringing the child to, or cancelling certain medical appointments • Insistence on more, clinically unwarranted, investigations, referrals, continuation of, or new treatments (sometimes based on

Internet searches) • Objection to communication between professionals • Frequent vexatious complaints about professionals • Not letting the child be seen on their own • Talking for the child or the child repeatedly referring or deferring to the parent • Repeated changing school, primary health doctor or paediatric team

5.4. Professional response to finding alerting signs

When alerting signs of possible FII are encountered, in whatever setting including school, several steps need to be taken. The first is to look for others; the second is to ask with each one in what way it might indicate harm to the child; the third is to consult a health professional, preferably in paediatrics, with knowledge of child maltreatment. This latter step might well pose difficulties in those countries where there is less awareness of FII. Nevertheless, finding alerting signs, whether within health, education or other settings, calls for action which needs to be led by paediatrics.

5.5. Perplexing presentations

When alerting signs are found with no risk of immediate serious harm to the child's health or life, the alerting signs are termed

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Perplexing Presentations (RCPCH, 2020). The term implies that it is not clear what is or is not wrong with the child. In these cases, while the child might well be experiencing harm, the child's health and life are not at immediate risk of serious physical harm.

6. The process of responding to perplexing presentations

The essence of the response to Perplexing Presentations is not to establish whether there is FII. Instead, it focuses on ascertaining the actual state of health and functioning of the child. It is equally important to exclude FII by identifying a medical condition in the child (Petska et al., 2017; Rand & Feldman, 1999), which would explain the alerting signs as not indicating FII (Rosenberg, 2003). It is, therefore, appropriate to explain the term Perplexing Presentation and its management approach to the caregivers and the child, in an age-appropriate way. This includes explaining the need for inter-professional communication about the child. If the caregivers object to this, it is important to ascertain their concern. It is helpful to reflect with caregivers about the differing perceptions that they, and health and other professionals, have of the child's presenting problems.

At this point, neither the question whether the caregiver is fabricating or inducing illness, nor the caregiver's mental health are immediately relevant.

Responding to Perplexing Presentations is a complex and time-consuming but necessary process, led by paediatric or child and adolescent mental health services. It is a multidisciplinary process, gathering information from many sources, including child pro- tective services if they have already been involved.

6.1. The Child’s health and wellbeing

Information is required

• about the child's investigations and treatments from all medical/health professionals involved with the child, including primary health services. It is vital to note in the information what has been reported and what has been independently observed and by whom

• about the basis of reported diagnoses • possibly from an inpatient admission for direct observations of the child. (If the caregivers refuse the admission to hospital, a

referral to child protective services may be required, in order to enable this) • about the child’s current functioning including at school - attendance, attainments, emotional and behavioural state, peer re-

lationships, mobility, aids, any additional support which the child is receiving at school and on what basis.

Gathering this information may require one or more (actual or virtual) professionals meeting. Notes from meetings can be made available to caregivers.

6.2. Caregivers’ information and views

Information is required about

• the child's health history and observations from all carers, including fathers, day carers • the caregivers' views - explanations, anxieties, fears and hopes for the child’s difficulties • family life and functioning and any effects of the child’s reported difficulties e.g. difficulties for the caregiver in continuing in paid

work • siblings’ health and well-being • current or past involvement of child protective services • current receipt of financial and other material support due to the child's reported ill-health • other sources of support which the caregiver is receiving and using, including social media (Brown et al., 2014).

6.3. Child’s view

It is important to ascertain from the child alone (when of an appropriate developmental level) what her/his views are about her/ his symptoms, and what illness beliefs, anxieties and wishes the child has. (This is enshrined in the UN Convention on Rights of the Child (UNCRC) specifically under Articles 13 and 16).

6.4. Reaching a consensus formulation

A consensus formulation is reached through a virtual or actual consensus meeting. This includes all health and other professionals involved, including education. It summarises all the information collected. The consensus might conclude that the child's difficulties are fully explained by a verified medical condition. In that case, concerns about possible FII are no longer relevant.

Alternatively, agreement needs to be reached about

• any verified diagnoses, which do not, however, explain away all the concerns in the alerting signs

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• any further investigations and medical opinions necessary in the child's interests • the fact that the reported symptoms and signs are not life threatening • the nature of the actual harm to the child and possibly siblings, or the likelihood of harm if there is no change • what the child's needs are for protection from harm and the family's needs are in order to function better, alongside any remaining

symptoms • the elements of a rehabilitation plan • the fact that the child will not come to harm as a result.

The concerns about actual or likely harm to the child and or siblings signify FII. It is important to note that this point can be reached by health and education, without the necessary involvement of child protective or law enforcement services. It is, therefore, independent of local child protective legislation, guidance or practice.

6.4.1. Communication to the caregivers and the child The results of the consensus and the nature of the harm to the child, if any, will be explained fully to the family although use of the

term FII is not necessary. It is also important to explain that a diagnosis may have no implications for the child's functioning, and that genuine symptoms may have no diagnosis. It is important to acknowledge the child's symptoms rather than dispute them. This 'as of now' consensus opinion is offered to the caregivers with the acknowledgment that this may well differ or depart from what they have previously been told by doctors. It may well also diverge from their views, and beliefs and wishes and the caregivers may be displeased with this feedback.

7. Professional response to finding FII

7.1. Referral to child protective and legal services

In some jurisdictions, the consensus finding of FII will need to be reported to child protective services, in order to ensure future protection, and restoring the child to better functioning. The actual harm is caused by psychological maltreatment, physical abuse and/or medical or other neglect, and the term FII may or may not need to be used in the referral. This referral and the reasons for it, can be communicated to the family.

In other jurisdictions, the family's acceptance of the professional consensus and agreement to participating in a rehabilitation plan will not necessitate referral to child protective and law enforcement services. However, if the caregiver(s) denies deception, disagrees with the consensus feedback, disputes the conclusions, requests more investigations, seeks further medical opinions, continues to seek a diagnosis, declines the rehabilitation plan or the rehabilitation is not proceeding fully, a referral to child protective services is indicated. The caregivers will be told about the referral. Without the involvement of child protective services, the child is likely to continue to be harmed.

To ensure that the referral is received appropriately, it includes the following information:

(i) A clear explanation of any verified diagnoses, including the implications for the child's life and functioning. (ii) Details of the alerting signs which have led to concerns, and who had observed them.

(iii) Description of independent observations of the child’s actual functioning, medical investigations and the consensus medical and professional formulation.

(iv) That the consensus formulation has been given to the caregivers. (v) Description of the help offered to the child and the family to improve the child’s functioning and reduce harm (Rehabilitation

Plan). (vi) The caregivers' response.

(vii) A full description of the harm to the child, and possibly to the siblings.

A chronology of the child's health and health care will be useful, providing it specifies with each item what was reported, what was observed and by whom, the impact on the child, and what the caregivers' response was. However, it is not always necessary to submit a full chronology before referral as chronologies take time to complete, and the child should not remain at ongoing risk while a chronology is compiled.

The purpose of referring to child protective services is for them to undertake an assessment. This will determine, from their point of view, the nature of harm to the child and siblings and their needs. It should lead to protective intervention. Specifically, some children will also need to be protected from being taken to doctors by the caregiver, if she continues to be an unreliable informant. Doctors will be obliged to respond to the history which she will present, possibly to the detriment of the child. In order to achieve these results for the child, legal involvement may be required, assisted by expert medical and mental health advice. This will require detailed examination of health records (see Taskforce, A. P. S. A. C., 2018).

A full assessment of the caregiver's mental health will also be important in order to understand the nature of the caregiver’s difficulties, any diagnoses and motivations. It will indicate what treatment is required, prognosis and likelihood of the caregiver's capacity to change (Bass & Glaser, 2014).

The question of criminal prosecution of the caregiver will depend on societal views about its necessity, desirability or usefulness. Criminal prosecution is particularly likely if there has been clear illness induction. If embarked upon, it will require stringent forensic

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investigation for evidence of deceptive actions by the caregivers, conducted by law enforcement/police. However, criminal prose- cution is neither a prerequisite for, nor guarantee of child protection.

7.2. Rehabilitation plan

Regardless of the involvement of child protective services, the child and the family will require a process of rehabilitation, which can proceed without the involvement of child protective services, as long as the caregivers continue to work with professionals. The rehabilitation plan needs to specify timescales and specific intended outcomes. There needs to be agreement about who, in the professional network, will hold responsibility for coordinating and monitoring progress of the plan.

7.2.1. Child’s health and functioning This requires a coordinated multidisciplinary approach which will include paediatrics, community health, education and possibly

child protective services. The plan requires health to rationalise and coordinate further medical care, discontinuing unnecessary medication, where ap-

propriate resuming a more normal eating and feeding pattern and offering graded physical mobilisation if the child has been using a wheelchair or avoiding physical activity.

7.2.2. Education If the child has not been attending school regularly, education needs to re-establish full school attendance with appropriate

support. Additional support in school is often needed.

7.2.3. Child and family psychological work This is an important issue fulfilling several needs. It requires a coordinated child and family mental health approach, which may

be provided by one of several agencies or professionals (Bursch, Emerson, & Sanders, 2019; Sanders & Bursch, 2019).

(i) Helping the child to accept their better state of health, and adjust by using coping strategies for symptoms e.g. a cognitive behavioural approach for pain. The child might also need support for the loss of gains of being a sick child.

(ii) Work with the caregiver(s) to accept the child's true state of health. If the caregiver has been actively involved in deception, an acknowledgment of this is a perquisite for ensuring the future safety of the child, and possibly siblings.

(iii) Exploring the caregiver(s)' motivations - anxiety; compassion; beliefs; using the child for a gain and to fulfil their needs. The change brought about in child by the rehabilitation plan will have implications for the caregiver(s). This change may create a gap in the caregiver's life. ‘Filling the gap’ is part of rehabilitation. It might usefully include the family physician offering regular discussions with the caregiver regarding her concerns about the child's health. It might also include referral to adult mental health services.

(iv) Work with any caregivers and supportive family members who have not been involved in the FII, to enable them to accept the fact of the caregiver's erroneous reporting, fabrication or inducing illness.

(v) Helping the child and any siblings to understand the reasons for the child's previous medical investigations, treatments and limitations and for the new improvement in the child. This needs to be agreed by all caregivers, be truthful and include the caregiver's actions, but without denigration of the caregiver(s).

7.2.4. Regular review The rehabilitation plan needs to be reviewed regularly until the aims have been fulfilled and the child has been restored to optimal

health and functioning.

7.2.5. Long term follow-up Even if the rehabilitation plan has been completed, there can be no certainty that difficulties might not recur, either regarding this

child or other children in the family (Davis, McClure, & Rolfe, 1998), until the caregiver’s motivations are understood, and the caregiver's needs are being otherwise fulfilled or resolved. It will be necessary to continue to be alert to possible recurrence of FII either in the index child(ren) or their siblings. Education and primary health are the appropriate professionals to be monitoring possible alerting signs about these children.

8. Discussion and conclusions

This paper describes a wider conceptualisation of FII, regarding it as a situation which, in its full manifestations is far commoner than the previously reported illness falsification and induction. It is recognised in different countries, although its true epidemiology and world-wide distribution await further study. The wider view presented in this paper includes harmful caregiver behaviour which is based not only on deception and gain but also on extreme anxiety and erroneous beliefs about the child's state of physical or mental health. The considerable harm to the child is not dependent on caregivers' verbal or physical deception. In order to have their needs fulfilled, the caregiver(s) requires doctors and health professionals to confirm the child's reported poor state. In their response, doctors and health professionals may inadvertently and unintentionally contribute to the harm to the child.

Less commonly, recognition of FII will be coupled with indicators that the child's physical health, and possibly life, is at immediate

D. Glaser Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104649

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risk of serious harm. These circumstances call for immediate protection of the child without initially informing the caregivers. Currently, most cases of FII are only recognised after considerable time has elapsed during which the child will have been

extensively investigated, unnecessarily treated and psychologically harmed. This raises the question of how to recognise these cases earlier. One approach, suggested by Greiner, Palusci, Keeshin, Kearns, and Sinal (2013), proposed a preliminary screening instru- ment. However, Crumm, Culotta, Cruz, Camp, and Donaruma-Kwoh (2018) have found that items in the proposed screening tool are not discriminatory for early identification. A comprehensive list of alerting signs for early recognition of possible FII are suggested in this paper.

For most of the cases, in which there is no need for immediate child protection, a more nuanced approach is suggested. This focuses initially on establishing the child's current true state of health and functioining, and the harm to the child, rather than on establishing the nature of the caregiver's behaviour and actions and verifying FII. This approach is best undertaken by paediatric services. A more open approach with the caregivers is possible and desirable unless it is clear that this will lead to further immediate risk to the child or to evidence.

The necessary process of resolving FII is multidisciplinary, time consuming and dependent on open communication between professionals. It may require legal court intervention. Prosecution of the caregivers is not the primary aim of intervention. The principles of the process suggested here require detailed adaptation in each jurisdiction.

8.1. Unanswered questions for further research

The approach described here is largely based on extensive clinical experience and raises many questions. The true epidemiology of FII, and the proportion, respectively, of caregivers motivated by gain and resorting to deceit and those motivated by erroneous beliefs are not known. The predictive validity and comprehensiveness of the alerting signs remains to be tested. It is also not known which caregiver motivation and what proportion of caregivers will embrace the rehabilitation plan in a sustained way and how many cases will ultimately end in legal action. Research regarding these questions is awaited.

Acknowledgment

I would like to acknowledge the contribution of many colleagues, both at Great Ormond Street Hospital and beyond, with whom this work has been developed over many years.

References

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thinking? Child Abuse & Neglect, 38, 488–497. Bursch, B., Emerson, N. D., & Sanders, M. J. (2019). Evaluation and management of factitious disorder imposed on another. Journal of Clinical Psychology in Medical

Settings, 1–11. Crumm, C., Culotta, P., Cruz, A., Camp, E., & Donaruma-Kwoh, M. (2018). Identification of medical child abuse. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.142.1_MeetingAbstract.

758. Davis, P., McClure, R. J., & Rolfe, K. (1998). et alProcedures, placement, and risks of further abuse after Munchausen syndrome by proxy, non-accidental poisoning,

and non-accidental suffocationArchives of Disease in. Childhood, 78, 217–221. Davis, P., Murtagh, U., & Glaser, D. (2019). 40 years of fabricated or induced illness (FII): where next for paediatricians? Paper 1: epidemiology and definition of FII.

Archives of disease in childhood, 104(2), 110–114. Feldman, M. D., & Brown, R. M. (2002). Munchausen by Proxy in an international context. Child Abuse Negl, 26, 509–524. Ferrara, P., Vitelli, O., Bottaro, G., Gatto, A., Liberatore, P., Binetti, P., & Stabile, A. (2013). Factitious disorders and Münchausen syndrome: The tip of the iceberg.

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215–224. Sheridan, M. S. (2003). The deceit continues: An updated literature review of Munchausen syndrome by proxy. Child Abuse & Neglect, 27(4), 431–451. the Committee on Child Abuse and NeglectStirling, J. . (2007). Beyond Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy: Identification and Treatment of Child Abuse in a Medical Setting

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45–53.

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  • Fabricated or induced illness: From “Munchausen by proxy” to child and family-oriented action
    • Introduction
    • Terminology
    • Epidemiology
    • The triangle
      • The caregiver(s)
        • Basis of the caregiver's needs
        • Caregiver's behaviour and actions
        • Caregiver's mental health
      • The child and siblings
        • Child’s health and experience of health care
        • Effects on the child’s development and daily life
        • The child’s psychological and health-related wellbeing
        • Siblings
      • The role of health professionals
    • Recognition of FII and immediate response
      • Severity of FII
      • Need for immediate child protection
      • Alerting signs
        • Alerting signs in the child
        • Alerting signs in caregiver behaviour
      • Professional response to finding alerting signs
      • Perplexing presentations
    • The process of responding to perplexing presentations
      • The Child’s health and wellbeing
      • Caregivers’ information and views
      • Child’s view
      • Reaching a consensus formulation
        • Communication to the caregivers and the child
    • Professional response to finding FII
      • Referral to child protective and legal services
      • Rehabilitation plan
        • Child’s health and functioning
        • Education
        • Child and family psychological work
        • Regular review
        • Long term follow-up
    • Discussion and conclusions
      • Unanswered questions for further research
    • Acknowledgment
    • References

The-influence-of-adverse-and-advantageous-childhood-experie_2020_Child-Abuse.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

The influence of adverse and advantageous childhood experiences during adolescence on young adult health

AliceAnn Crandall*, Eliza Broadbent, Melissa Stanfill, Brianna M. Magnusson, M. Lelinneth B. Novilla, Carl L. Hanson, Michael D. Barnes Brigham Young University, Department of Public Health, 4103 Life Sciences Building, Provo, UT 84602 USA

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Adverse childhood experiences Adolescents Young adults Mental health Structural equation modeling

A B S T R A C T

Background: Research indicates that adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) can lead to poorer adult health, but less is known how advantageous childhood experiences (counter-ACEs) may neutralize the negative effects of ACEs, particularly in young adulthood. Purpose: We examined the independent contributions of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) and Advantageous Childhood Experiences (counter-ACEs) that occur during adolescence on five young adult health indicators: depression, anxiety, risky sexual behaviors, substance abuse, and positive body image. Participants and setting: The sample included 489 adolescents from a large northwestern city in the United States who were 10–13 years at baseline (51 % female). Methods: Flourishing Families Project survey data were used for this secondary analysis using structural equation modeling. Adolescents and their parents completed an annual survey. ACEs and counter-ACEs were measured over the first five years of the study. The five health indicators were measured in wave 10 when participants were 20–23 years old. Results: Participants had on average 2.7 ACEs and 8.2 counter-ACEs. When both ACEs and counter-ACEs were included in the model, ACEs were not predictive of any of the health in- dicators and counter-ACEs were predictive of less risky sex (-.12, p < .05), substance abuse (-.12, p < .05), depression (-.11, p < .05), and a more positive body image (.15, p < .01). Higher ratios of counter-ACEs to ACEs had a particularly strong effect on improved young adult health. Conclusions: Counter-ACEs that occur in adolescence may diminish the negative effects of ACEs on young adult health and independently contribute to better health.

1. Introduction

Research over the past two decades has indicated that adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), such as exposure to abuse, violence, mental illness, and substance abuse in the home, can lead to poorer physical and mental health later in life (Bellis et al., 2019; Felitti et al., 1998; Gilbert et al., 2015; Hughes et al., 2017; Merrick, Ford, Ports, & Guinn, 2018, 2019). Among other health issues, ACEs have been linked with smoking, heavy alcohol use, problematic drug use, sexual risk taking, mental illness, and interpersonal and self-directed violence (Felitti et al., 1998; Hughes et al., 2017; Merrick et al., 2019).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104644 Received 5 May 2020; Received in revised form 22 July 2020; Accepted 24 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A. Crandall), [email protected] (E. Broadbent), [email protected] (M. Stanfill),

[email protected] (B.M. Magnusson), [email protected] (M.L.B. Novilla), [email protected] (C.L. Hanson), [email protected] (M.D. Barnes).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104644

Available online 11 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Young adulthood in particular may be a potent period for ACE effects. Young adults are experiencing several important life transitions (e.g., moving out of their parent’s home or entering college, the workforce, or marriage) and up to 85 % of young adults report having experienced at least one ACE (Karatekin, 2018). Young adults with multiple ACEs are twice as likely to develop depression, anxiety disorders, and suicidal thoughts as their peers with one or no ACEs (Björkenstam et al., 2013; Karatekin, 2018). ACEs have also been linked to chronic low cortisol levels, resistance to PTSD treatment, and ineffective stress response in college students (Kalmakis, Meyer, Chiodo, & Leung, 2015). However, a criticism of the body of work on ACEs is that ACEs are focused solely on adverse experiences and do not include experiences in childhood that may be advantageous (McEwen & Gregerson, 2019).

To address this gap, researchers have recently developed scales that include advantageous childhood experiences (e.g., bene- volent childhood experiences (Narayan, Rivera, Bernstein, Harris, & Lieberman, 2018) and positive childhood experiences (Bethell, Jones, Gombojav, Linkenbach, & Sege, 2019). Advantageous childhood experiences (counter-ACEs) also have the ACE acronym, but they may counter the effects of traditional ACEs, and they appear to have an independent effect on health that is opposite of the effect of ACEs on lifelong health (Crandall et al., 2019). Similar to the measurement of ACEs, counter-ACEs are a cumulative measure of experiences that occur during childhood. The cumulative nature of the measure is important. Rather than identifying the single experience or characteristic that is most important to health, the focus is on the aggregate number of advantages that together lead to resilience and better lifelong health. Thus, even in the absence of one positive experience, the presence of a variety of other ad- vantageous experiences should lead to better health. Counter-ACEs encompass positive parenting, school connectedness, meaningful beliefs, and close relationships with family, friends, and non-parent adults (Bethell et al., 2019; Masten & Barnes, 2018; Narayan et al., 2018).

Preliminary studies have demonstrated that counter-ACEs diminish the negative relationship between ACEs and poor health in adulthood. For example, Narayan et al. (2018) found in a sample of 101 pregnant women that irrespective of ACEs status, counter- ACEs were associated with decreased post-traumatic stress disorder and fewer stressful life events. Likewise, in a study of 250 adults, Crandall et al. (2019) found that counter-ACEs were associated with improved health across a variety of mental and physical health indicators and largely neutralized the negative effects of ACEs on adult health. Data from the 2015 Wisconsin Behavioral Risk Factor Survey indicated that after accounting for ACEs, counter-ACEs were associated with lower rates of depression and poor mental health and with greater social and emotional support in adults (Bethell et al., 2019). These are the first studies to have examined a cu- mulative measure of advantageous experiences against ACEs. However, all of these studies were cross-sectional and none specifically examined young adult health.

There is little information on the effects of counter-ACEs on young adult health, and existing research has focused primarily on individual counter-ACEs rather than the cumulative measure. For example, school connectedness was found to be a protective factor for reducing psychological distress among juvenile offenders, especially in those with high ACE scores (Clements-Nolle & Waddington, 2019). In a sample of 3704 young adults, higher levels of social support, self-efficacy, and emotional stability during adolescence each individually attenuated the negative effects of ACEs on a young adult mental health quality of life (Cohrdes & Mauz, 2020). The gap in the literature examining counter-ACEs cumulatively is important to address in order to be able to better compare the effects of counter-ACEs versus ACEs on young adult health. Additionally, if a cumulative measure of diverse advantageous experiences independently leads to better young adult health and neutralizes the negative effects of adverse experiences, this in- dicates that each family and community can work to build a variety of advantageous practices that are feasible given their unique culture and circumstances. Conversely, a focus on specific advantageous experiences may create inaccurate assumptions that only certain positive conditions lead to better health or that one experience will provide the magic solution.

The timing of when counter-ACEs and ACEs occur may be important based on the child’s developmental stage (Luby, Tillman, & Barch, 2019; Masten & Barnes, 2018). Adolescence is a sensitive period for brain development, including the development of the prefrontal cortex, which houses self-regulation and executive functioning abilities (Harvard Center on the Developing Child, 2014). Thus, ACEs and counter-ACEs occurring during adolescence may have a particular influence on brain development, thereby influ- encing later health behaviors and outcomes (Flaherty et al., 2013).

In the present study, Resiliency Theory (Masten & Cicchetti, 2016) forms the theoretical framework as it posits that multiple interacting systems (e.g., individual, family, neighborhood, school, and so forth) affect development during adolescence and ulti- mately the development of resilience (Zimmerman, 2013). With a focus on strengths rather than deficits, Resiliency Theory gives attention to assets and resources which help adolescents develop to be healthy adults (Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005; Zimmerman, 2013). Assets refer to individual protective factors such as social skills, coping skills, healthy beliefs, and self-efficacy. Resources refer to social and environmental factors of positive influence and acknowledges the important impact the ecological context can have to strengthen adolescents in the face of risk. The integration of the ecological context in Resiliency Theory fosters the notion that resilience is more than individual traits (Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005) as ecological models of human development suggest (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).

The compensatory model of Resiliency Theory is especially appropriate for this study as it posits that positive factors, such as counter-ACEs, will have a direct and independent effect on an outcome that is opposite of risk factors (e.g., ACEs). Additionally, counter-ACEs may defuse the negative effects of adverse factors (Zimmerman, 2013). Strengths-based research is important to the ACEs field as it provides a counter lens to the abundance of research regarding the effects of adversities on health. No study has been identified exploring the impact of ACEs as well as counter-ACEs experienced specifically during adolescence on young adult health. Therefore, the purpose of the current study was to examine the independent contributions of ACEs and counter-ACEs that occur during adolescence on five young adult health indicators: depressive symptoms, anxiety, risky sexual behaviors, substance abuse, and positive body image.

Given the preponderance of evidence indicating that ACEs negatively impact a number of adult health outcomes, we hypothesized

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that (1) ACEs would adversely affect young adult health across all five health indicators, but that this effect would be attenuated in the presence of counter-ACEs. Conversely, we hypothesized that (2) counter-ACEs would contribute to better young adult health across all five health indicators, regardless of ACEs score. Finally, we hypothesized that (3) a higher number of counter-ACEs in comparison to ACEs would predict better young adult health outcomes.

2. Methods

2.1. Sample

The data for this analysis came from the Flourishing Families Project, a 10-year longitudinal study (with annual follow-ups) of 500 adolescents and their families, which began in 2007 when the adolescents were between 10 and 13 years old. The purpose of the Flourishing Families Project was to examine how family life affects young people during key transitions (e.g., into middle school, high school, and young adulthood). The sample was recruited from a large northwestern city using both random and purposive methods to ensure a sample that was representative of the demographics in the local zip codes. Initially, study investigators randomly selected families using Polk Directories/InfoUSA, a survey database with household information based on various records such as telephones, magazine subscriptions, voting records, and so forth. Families with children between 10–13 years old and who lived in zip codes that were racially and socioeconomically representative of local school districts were eligible to be selected. The randomized sample underrepresented lower SES households, and additional lower income families were recruited using referrals and flyers, thereby increasing the sample diversity. Initial waves of data utilized in-home surveying, but later waves (waves 6–10) used online surveys as adolescents transitioned to adulthood and out of the parent’s household. Retention was high between waves, with 480 (96.0 %) adolescents participating in wave 2, 459 (91.8 %) in wave 3, 469 (93.8 %) in wave 4, 463 (92.6 %) in wave 5, and 438 (87.6 %) in wave 10. Some adolescents who did not participate in prior waves returned for later waves. The current analysis was completed using data from 489 participants; 11 participants were excluded due to missing data on key demographic control variables.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Counter-ACEs Counter-ACEs were adapted from the Beneficial Childhood Experiences Scale (Narayan et al., 2018) to the data available in the

Flourishing Families Project. Supplement 1 contains full details about how counter-ACEs were measured. The counter-ACEs score was comprised of 10 variables derived from survey items representing advantageous childhood experiences. Seven experiences were reported by the adolescent including whether the adolescent felt support from teachers at school (waves 1–5), felt happy in school (waves 1–5), reported high self-esteem, had beliefs that provided meaning, purpose, and impacted them and their decisions (waves 2–5), felt socially connected to at least one parent (waves 1,3–5), had a positive peer relationship with their best friend (waves 3–5), and had a good time in the previous week (waves 3–5). Three experiences were reported by a parent, most frequently the mother. These experiences included whether the adolescent’s family had mealtime or weekend routines (waves 1–5), whether the parent knew about the adolescent’s whereabouts and activities (waves 1–5), and whether the adolescent had good neighbors and a safe neighborhood (wave 1). Counter-ACEs were coded as present if they occurred any time during the first five waves of the study when participants were adolescents. The ten counter-ACEs were summed for a possible score ranging from 0 to 10.

2.2.2. ACEs The ACEs were adapted from the original ACE’s study (Felitti et al., 1998) and similar ACEs questionnaires to fit data available in

the Flourishing Families Project. Supplement 2 contains details about the measurement of ACEs for this study. The ACE scale was comprised of eight variables measured through survey items representing adverse childhood experiences. The ACEs included five experiences reported by the adolescent: experience of physical punishment (waves 2–5), experience of psychological control from their parents (waves 1–5), exposure to high levels of parental conflict (waves 1–5), parental substance use (waves 1–5), and parental legal problems (waves 1–5). Three experiences were reported by one or both parents: parental depression (waves 1–4), financial difficulty (waves 1–5), and parental divorce and marital instability (waves 1–5). Consistent with other ACEs measures asked during childhood (e.g., see the ACEs questionnaire in the National Study of Children’s Health), respondents were not asked about sexual abuse. Similar to counter-ACEs, ACEs were coded as present if they occurred any time during the first five waves of the study when participants were adolescents. The eight ACEs were summed, and possible scores ranged from 0 to 8.

2.2.3. Health indicators Five health outcomes—depressive symptoms (called depression for conciseness), anxiety, body image, substance use, and risky

sex—were assessed in wave 10 when participants were young adults. These outcomes were based on participant self-report. Depression was measured using the 20-item Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale for Children (Weissman, Orvaschel, & Padian, 1980). Higher scores indicated more depression. Internal consistency reliability in prior studies has been good with an alpha of 0.77 (Faulstich, Carey, Ruggiero, Enyart, & Gresham, 1986). Anxiety was assessed using the six-item generalized anxiety disorder subscale from the Spence Child Anxiety Inventory (Spence, 1998), with higher scores indicating more anxiety. The Spence Child Anxiety Inventory has been shown to have good internal reliability (Cronbach’s alpha 0.73) (Spence, 1998). Body image was assessed using five items from the Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire (Thompson & Gray, 1995). Higher scores indicated a more positive body image. This scale has been shown to have adequate reliability with a Pearson product-moment

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correlation of r = 0.78 (Thompson & Gray, 1995). Substance use was assessed using five items from the Adolescent Alcohol and Drug Involvement Scale, which has been shown to

have a high Cronbach’s alpha (0.87) (Moberg & Hahn, 1991). The second item related to alcohol use was omitted as the majority of respondents were of legal drinking age in the tenth wave of data collection. Through an 8-point Likert scale, from never to several times a day, participants were asked to rate the frequency of using tobacco, marijuana, other illegal drugs, legal drugs used without a prescription, and binge drinking. For the purposes of this analysis, binge drinking was categorized as 0 = never, 1 = several times a year, and 2 = monthly or more. All other substances were categorized as 0 = never used, 1 = tried, but quit, and 2 = currently use.

Risky sexual behavior was based on items from the Three Cities Studies and National Survey of Family Growth (Turchik & Garske, 2008). The full 8-item scale has been shown to have high reliability (Cronbach’s alpha 0.88) (Turchik & Garske, 2008). Items comprised the number of sexual partners in the last six months in quartiles (none, one, 2–5, 6+), the number of casual sexual partners in tertiles (none, 1–2, and 3+), the number of times the respondent had sex with someone they did not know well or just met (0 vs. 1+), the number of times the respondent had sex with a new partner before discussing sexual histories (0 vs. 1+), and the number of times the respondent had sex with someone they did not trust (0 vs. 1+)

2.2.4. Control variables Demographic variables included adolescent gender (2 = female; 1 = male), adolescent age at baseline (wave 1), and adolescent

race (4 = non-Hispanic White, 3 = Asian, 2 = multi-ethnic, 1 = Black, and 0 = Other). Race was included as a control variable as prior studies have shown a difference in the prevalence of ACEs by race/ethnicity, with non-Hispanic Whites and Asians typically having lower rates as compared to Blacks and other minority races (Bruner, 2017; Sacks & Murphey, 2018). Given that subjects were recruited into the sample through both purposive and random sampling methods, with typically lower income participants recruited through purposive sampling, sampling method was included as a control variable (1 = randomly recruited, 2 = purposive sampling).

2.3. Analytic methods

Descriptive statistics including item means, standard deviations, and correlations were analyzed in Stata version 15. Structural equation modeling in Mplus 7 was used to examine the relationship between childhood experiences and young adult health. To establish the measurement model, we conducted confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to create latent variables for the five health indicators (depression, anxiety, risky sex, substance abuse, and positive body image). Items were retained if factor loadings were > .40. Model fit was ascertained based on the Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA; values less than 0.08 indicated adequate fit) and Comparative Fit Index (CFI; values greater than 0.90 indicated adequate fit). One item for depression was dropped due to a low factor loading, and the resulting model fit for the measurement model was adequate: RMSEA = 0.06; CFI = 0.93.

After confirming the measurement model, we fit a structural model regressing the five health indicator latent variables on the ACEs score. Next, the health indicators were regressed on counter-ACEs. Third, the five health indicators were regressed on both ACEs and counter-ACEs (Table 1). Finally, a difference score was calculated by subtracting the number of ACEs from the number of counter-ACEs, with higher scores indicating a higher number of counter-ACEs as compared to the number of ACEs (Table 2). The five health indicators were then regressed on the difference score. In all structural models, childhood experiences and health indicators were regressed on the controls. The same model fit indicators and cutoffs used in CFA were used for structural models. Given that many of the variables were categorical, all models were estimated using the variance-adjusted weighted least squares approximation. Missing data ranged from 0 % to 12.9 % across study variables and were accounted for in Mplus using Full Information Maximum Likelihood.

Table 1 Adolescent demographics; N = 489.

Variable Mean/%

Female (%) 51.0 Race (%) Non-Hispanic White 69.7 Black or African American 12.9 Multi-Ethnic 11.2 Asian 3.9 Other 2.3

ACEs Score 2.7 Counter-ACEs Score 8.2 Participation by Wave (%) Wave 2 96.0 Wave 3 91.8 Wave 4 93.8 Wave 5 92.6 Wave 10 87.6

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3. Results

Table 1 includes the descriptive data for this study. At baseline, adolescents were on average 11.3 years old. Just over half (51.0 %) reported their gender as female, and 69.7 % reported their race as non-Hispanic White. Participants reported an average of 2.7 ACEs (81.0 % had at least one ACE and 36.0 % had 4 or more ACEs) and 8.2 counter-ACEs during adolescence (additional details are in the supplemental tables). Those who reported their race as White were less likely to report ACEs (−0.33, p < .001) and more likely to report counter-ACEs (−0.33, p < .001) as compared to their peers who reported other races. ACEs and counter-ACEs were negatively correlated (−0.31, p < .001).

3.1. Adverse childhood experiences and young adult health

In the model without counter-ACEs, ACEs were predictive of more risky sex (β = 0.13, p < .05), depression (β = 0.14, p < .05), anxiety (β = 0.13, p < .05), and substance abuse (β = 0.13, p < .05). ACEs were not associated with body image (β = −0.09; NS).

In the model with both counter-ACEs and ACEs included (Table 2; model fit: RMSEA: 0.05; CFI: 0.93), ACEs were not predictive of any of the measured health indicators in young adulthood though they reached near significance with depression (β = 0.11, p < .10) and anxiety (β = 0.10, p < .10).

3.2. Advantageous childhood experiences and young adult health

Counter-ACEs, without controlling for ACEs, were associated with all five health outcomes in the expected direction: risky sex (β = −0.14, p < .05), depression (β = −0.13, p < .01), anxiety (β = −0.12, p < .05), substance abuse (β = −0.14, p < .05), and body image (β = 0.16, p < .01).

When accounting for ACEs (Table 2), Counter-ACEs remained predictive of less risky sex (β = −0.12, p < .05), reduced de- pression (β = −0.11, p < .05), and less substance abuse (β = −0.12, p < .05), but counter-ACEs were not predictive of reduced anxiety (β = −0.10, p < .10). Counter-ACEs also predicted a more positive body image (β = 0.15, p < .01).

3.3. Counter-ACEs and ACEs difference score with young adult health

The greater the number of counter-ACEs as compared to ACEs, the better that participants reported their health to be during young adulthood (Table 3; model fit: RMSEA: 0.05; CFI: 0.93). As the difference score increased, indicating more counter-ACEs relative to ACEs, participants reported less risky sex (β = −0.18, p < .01), depression (β = −0.17, p < .01), anxiety (β = −0.16, p < .01), substance abuse (β = −0.17, p < .01), and better body image (β = −0.15, p < .01).

4. Discussion

The majority of previous studies have focused on the distal impact of ACEs on adult health. Unlike other studies dependent on the retrospective recall of ACEs in the first 18 years of life, this study captured in real time the proximal impact of ACEs and counter-ACEs on 489 adolescents through parent- and adolescent-reported ACEs and counter-ACEs. Furthermore, unlike previous studies that have looked at isolated positive experiences, this study included a cumulative measure of advantageous experiences (counter-ACEs) that can be used to compare against cumulative adverse events. Consistent with our hypotheses, the results of this study showed that ACEs experienced in adolescence were predictive of worse young adult risky sex, depression, anxiety, and substance use but not with body image—however, all were offset by the presence of counter-ACEs (hypothesis 1). When ACEs and counter-ACEs were considered together, ACEs were not associated with any of the negative health outcomes, while the positive effects of counter-ACEs held for all

Table 2 The effects of ACEs and counter-ACEs experienced in adolescence on young adult health; N = 489.

Risky Sex Substance Abuse Depression Anxiety Body Image

Counter-ACEs −.121* −.118* −.107* −0.097† .153** ACEs 0.098 0.095 .106† .100† 0.045 Controls Female −0.016 −.200*** .166** .307*** −.167** Age at Baseline .124* 0.009 −0.096† −0.070 0.049 Race −0.035 .120† 0.036 −0.003 −.157** Sampling −0.027 −0.072 −0.013 −0.071 0.078

Model fit: RMSEA = 0.050; CFI = 0.928. Betas are standardized.

† p < .10. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

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health indicators except for anxiety (hypothesis 2). Further, the higher the number of counter-ACEs compared to ACEs, the stronger the positive effect on young adult health (hypothesis 3).

Similar to other studies (Anda, Porter, & Brown, 2020; Bethell et al., 2019; Crandall et al., 2019; Narayan et al., 2018), the results of this study suggest that the presence of counter-ACEs may be more salient to health than the presence of ACEs. It may be that counter-ACEs positively influence the biology of stress, both counteracting the effects of ACEs through post-traumatic growth and, irrespective of ACEs score, positively influencing development and the management of common daily life stressors (Anda et al., 2020). As shown in this study, the link between adolescent adverse and advantageous experiences and health is already apparent as early as the young adult years. Although prior studies have demonstrated that individual counter-ACEs help to neutralize the negative effects of ACEs on young adult health (Clements-Nolle & Waddington, 2019), one of the contributions of this study is the indication that it is less about the specific advantageous event and more about having a variety advantageous experiences during adolescence that matters more to young adult health. Thus, families and communities can focus less on whether they have provided a specific advantageous experience and instead work to build a variety of advantageous experiences for their children that are appropriate based on individual, family, and cultural circumstances.

Our findings also indicate that ACEs do not irreversibly determine destiny. The brain, which is the key target of stressful ex- periences, responds differently depending on the balance of both risks and protective factors (Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000; Rutter, 1985). This adaptive response (Cicchetti, 2013; Cicchetti and Rogosch, 2009), referred to as resilient functioning, is facilitated by the presence of a multitude of skills and resources, internal and external to the individual, which allow for a successful recovery, adaptation, and compensation despite a history of cumulative stress (Ioannidis, Askelund, Kievit, & Van Harmelen, 2020; Masten, 2015). Contrary to the common error of attributing a single positive trait to resilience, resilient functioning is a result of several promotive and protective factors at various levels of individual functioning—biological, psychological, and social (Ioannidis et al., 2020; Cicchetti, 2002, 2009). Thus, having a set of skills and resources at various levels of interactions becomes far more important later health and functioning compared to focusing on the nature of a single advantageous experience.

Eradicating ACEs, such as mother’s mental illness, may not be feasible. Increasing counter-ACEs may be a more realistic goal. Counter-ACEs can mitigate the deleterious effects of ACEs by building resilience. Counter-ACEs provide adolescents with strong social support networks, within and outside their families, thereby equipping them to experience post-traumatic growth and handle ad- versity (Balistreri & Alvira-Hammond, 2016; Bethell, Newacheck, Hawes, & Halfon, 2014; Centers for Disease Control Prevention, 2014). Furthermore, the results suggest that a greater number of counter-ACEs in comparison to ACEs leads to better health. Given the favorable influence of counter-ACES on health (Crandall et al., 2019) and their apparent importance to building resilience (Ioannidis et al., 2020; Masten, 2015), the lack of such advantageous experiences may be more harmful than the actual presence of ACEs. As such, special emphasis should be placed on interventions that focus on providing adolescents with a variety of advantageous experiences as the lack of such may be deleterious on health.

It is noteworthy that when accounting for ACEs and counter-ACEs in the same model, neither predicted young adult anxiety. Prior studies examining the effects of counter-ACEs on adult health have not examined anxiety as an outcome, which limits our ability to compare the findings of the current study with extant research. Prior ACEs studies have indicated an association between ACEs and more anxiety (Björkenstam et al., 2013; Karatekin, 2018). We likewise found this association in the current study before accounting for counter-ACEs. However, as with other indicators in the current study, counter-ACEs offset the effect of ACEs on anxiety even though they did not independently predict anxiety symptoms. Despite the lack of a significant association between childhood ex- periences and anxiety symptoms in the main model (Table 2), this does not indicate that counter-ACEs had no effect on anxiety. In fact, the difference score of counter-ACEs to ACEs was predictive of anxiety, such that those with a greater number or variety of counter-ACEs compared to number of ACEs experienced less anxiety. Thus, it is likely that counter-ACEs may have a direct, in- dependent effect on reducing anxiety among young adults only when the number of counter-ACEs is markedly higher than the number of ACEs. This finding is consistent with a prior study that indicated that women with high resilience compared to women

Table 3 Childhood experiences difference scorea and young adult health; N = 489.

Risky Sex Substance Abuse Depression Anxiety Body Image

Childhood Experiences Difference Score −.175** −.172** −.173* −.161** .153** Controls Female −0.016 −.200*** .166** .307*** −.167** Age at Baseline .124* −0.009 −.096† −0.071 0.049 Race −0.033 .123† 0.037 −0.001 −.163** Sampling −0.032 −0.076 −0.015 −0.074 0.088

Model fit: RMSEA = 0.051; CFI = 0.928. Betas are standardized.

a The Difference Score was calculated by subtracting ACEs from counter-ACEs. Higher scores indicated more counter-ACEs in comparison to ACEs.

† p < .10. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

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with low resilience were three times less likely to experience an anxiety disorder, but there was no difference between women with high versus intermediate resilience (Scali et al., 2012).

4.1. Implications for programs and policies

The findings of this study provide additional support for investing in the promotion of advantageous experiences at the individual, family, public health, and societal levels to avoid, reduce, and offset the deleterious effects of ACEs. For example, protective efforts should interact across all levels of practice involving upstream, midstream and downstream interventions.

Upstream approaches focus on the social context of health, including disparities and inequities, by building community capacity through prevention-focused childhood and adolescent legislation, policies in public and private sectors, building access to preventive services and programs, and changing societal attitudes and norms around ACEs. In addition, CDC’s Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) ACE module, currently an optional ACE screening, could be made a standard screening. A counter-ACE module could be developed to complement the BRFSS ACE module and assess for trends in advantageous experiences among ado- lescents.

Midstream efforts can focus on individuals and families by providing and reinforcing protective factors, such as counter-ACEs. Evidence-based home visiting programs such as the Nurse-Family Partnership (NFP) for low-income mothers (Olds, 2006) and the online Positive Parenting Program (Triple P) for parents of children and teens (Sanders, 2008) offer strategies for a strong child/ adolescent-parent relationship using positive parentings skills that emphasize supportive relationships, influences, interactions, and a safe home environment. The Health Outcomes from Positive Experiences (HOPE) framework (R. D. Sege & Browne, 2017) has shown promising results in building counter-ACEs and may serve as a model for programmatic and policy efforts to support the promotion of counter-ACEs in families and communities (Sege et al., 2017).

Downstream efforts can focus on addressing trauma prevention and care. Downstream interventions typically focus on the im- mediate health needs of families (Brownson, Seiler, & Eyler, 2010), and is an important level for action because it focuses changing the effects of the causes of family trauma. But, efforts to promote lasting health improvements occur best by moving to midstream and upstream levels to change the causes of family trauma. Regardless, one respected downstream approach for trauma prevention is psychological first aid (PFA). It is often implemented in nonfamily settings, such as schools or health facilities, to address personal adverse experiences such as interpersonal violence and family trauma. PFA identifies children and their caregivers immediately after a life stressor and provides information, education, comfort, and support, to hasten recovery and increase resiliency (Oral et al., 2016). For example, one well-cited study identified PFA being effective in improving connectedness and stress among youth trau- matized by a disaster, bullying, death or illness of a family member, or injury (Ramirez et al., 2013). The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) implements a “system of care” approach for children and youth with a history of ACEs who are likewise at risk for developing serious emotional disturbance (Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration, 2018). Such approach emphasizes trauma-informed care in which care is coordinated across a network of community-based services (Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration, 2018). This is combined with resilience building by identifying resilience factors across various levels of influences to allow for adaptive coping. In situations where individuals and families are embarrassed or fearful of seeking psychological services, a publicly-available free tool, Traumatic Event Screening Inventory for Children (TESI-C), may be used during the patient intake process prior to a formal clinical assessment (Nelson, Cunningham, & Kashikar-Zuck, 2017).

4.2. Limitations and implications for research

ACEs and counter-ACEs were measured over a five-year period in adolescence. Experiences occurring in early or middle childhood may have a profound effect on health, but were not measured in this study. Further, the assessment of ACEs in adolescence does not assess the chronicity of ACE experiences. Chronic exposure to adverse experiences beginning in early to middle childhood and persisting through adolescence is likely associated with increased allostatic load and may have differential impact on young adult health compared to more episodic experiences. Thus, the results of this study should only be interpreted based on how childhood experiences occurring in adolescence may affect young adult health. A study on ACEs and child health demonstrated that ACEs experienced during adolescence had a greater effect on health than ACEs experienced in early or middle childhood (Flaherty et al., 2013), but further research is needed.

The current study used proxy measures of ACEs and counter-ACEs rather than known scales. Although the measures used in this study are largely validated (see measures section), they have not been specifically validated for the measurement of ACEs and counter-ACEs. Thus, we caution against comparing the results to studies using traditional measures. Prevalence of ACEs and counter- ACEs were similar to studies using traditional measures (Karatekin, 2018; Narayan et al., 2018). The measures aligned with existing instruments but were asked in a different format and some questions were based on adolescent report and others on parent report, whereas traditional ACE and counter-ACE measures are typically based on a single reporter. There are especially discrepancies related to the ACEs abuse questions. Parental physical punishment included in the ACE score of the current study may not necessarily meet standards of abuse, though traditional ACE question wording is fairly broad (e.g., “how often did a parent or adult in your home ever hit, beat, kick, or physically hurt you in any way”). Furthermore, we had no measure of sexual abuse. The absence of abuse questions is typical when ACEs questions are asked of children rather than retrospectively as adults (e.g., the National Survey of Children’s health includes no direct questions on sexual or psychological abuse for its ACEs scale). Therefore, the current study may have actually captured more aspects of children’s abuse than some typical ACEs studies involving children. Additionally, it is im- portant to acknowledge that neither traditional measures of ACEs or counter-ACEs nor those used in the current study account for

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length or intensity of exposure to an event or experience or the individual’s response to the event. All of which may influence the degree to which young adult health is affected by either adverse or advantageous experiences. Finally, all ACEs and counter-ACEs are counted as one event and summed for use in this study, as well as traditional measures. This practice assumes that all adverse and all advantageous experiences are equal in their contribution to young adult health. While this may not be true, similar to other ACEs research, this study’s goal was to focus on the accumulation of adverse and advantageous experiences rather than the relative impact of individual experiences.

The study had the advantage of multiple reporters and reporting on childhood experiences as they happened rather than ret- rospectively as happens in most studies. However, it may be that those experiences that are most memorable (e.g., those that are still remembered in adulthood) have a greater impact on lifelong health than less notable experiences. Future directions for research should examine whether concurrent versus later report and subjective versus objective reports of childhood experiences matter more to later health.

The study of counter-ACEs is relatively new. An important next step for the field is to continue to examine the right way to assess them, including the best individual items to include. The Benevolent and Positive Childhood Experiences scales are two measures of counter-ACEs that have been examined to date, but further studies are needed (Bethell et al., 2019; Narayan et al., 2018).

Declaration of Competing Interest

None.

Acknowledgements

We thank the College of Family, Home, and Social Science, and the many donors and supporters of the Family Studies Center at Brigham Young University who provided generous financial assistance for the Flourishing Families Project for many years.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104644.

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  • The influence of adverse and advantageous childhood experiences during adolescence on young adult health
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Sample
      • Measures
        • Counter-ACEs
        • ACEs
        • Health indicators
        • Control variables
      • Analytic methods
    • Results
      • Adverse childhood experiences and young adult health
      • Advantageous childhood experiences and young adult health
      • Counter-ACEs and ACEs difference score with young adult health
    • Discussion
      • Implications for programs and policies
      • Limitations and implications for research
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgements
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Racial-disparities-in-child-welfare-in-Ontario--Canada--and-t_2020_Child-Abu.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Racial disparities in child welfare in Ontario (Canada) and training on ethnocultural diversity: An innovative mixed-methods study Jude Mary Cénat*, Pari-Gole Noorishad, Konrad Czechowski, Sara-Emilie McIntee, Joana N. Mukunzi School of Psychology, University of Ottawa, Ontario, Canada

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Ethnocultural diversity training Racial disparity and Black children overrepresentation Child welfare system Caseworker Community facilitator Ontario-Canada

A B S T R A C T

Background: Despite continuous reports showing the overrepresentation of Black children in the child welfare system in Ontario, Canada’s most populous and ethnically diverse province, knowledge in the factors contributing to this issue remain scarce. Objective: This study aimed to explore questions relating to caseworker’s training on ethno- cultural diversity in connection with racial disparities and overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare services. Participants and settings: This two-fold mixed-methods study included (1) a qualitative metho- dology based on four focus groups with child welfare caseworkers from a Children’s Aid Society (CAS) in Ontario and community facilitators (N = 24), and (2) an analysis of academic curri- culums from all 36 Ontarian colleges and universities offering social work programs. Methods: We used an innovative and complementary mixed-method design based on grounded theory. Results: Results from categorical content analyses with NVivo revealed that community facil- itators perceived a lack of ethnocultural competency amongst CAS caseworkers. Similarly, CAS caseworkers reported inadequate training on ethnocultural diversity during and following their post-secondary education (college or university). Corroborating these findings, results from documentary analyses of Ontarian university and college curriculums in social work revealed that barely one in two programs had a mandatory course on cultural issues. Conclusions: This study reveals a need for additional efforts to provide adequate training to child welfare caseworkers on ethnocultural diversity, starting with undergraduate training programs, in order to understand and tackle the overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare ser- vices. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.

1. Introduction

Racial disparities and the overrepresentation of Black children in the child welfare system are known as persistent problems in North America (Chand, 2000; Clarke, 2011; Hill, 2004; Hogan & Siu, 1988), as well as in other societies where Black populations are minorities (Bywaters, Brady, Sparks, & Bos, 2016; Owen & Statham, 2009). In Canada, studies in different provinces have shown that Black children are more likely to be investigated, transferred to ongoing services, and placed in out-of-home care (Boatswain-Kyte,

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104659 Received 19 April 2020; Received in revised form 10 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: School of Psychology, University of Ottawa, 136 Jean-Jacques-Lussier, 4017, Vanier Hall, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 6N5, Canada.

E-mail address: [email protected] (J.M. Cénat).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104659

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2018; Dufour, Lavergne, Gaudet, & Couture, 2016; King et al., 2017; Lavergne, Dufour, Trocmé, & Larrivée, 2008). Studies in recent years have particularly shown that this is a major problem in Ontario, the most populated province in Canada (Dufour et al., 2016; King et al., 2017; Lavergne et al., 2008).

1.1. Racial disparities in the child welfare system in Ontario

Ontario's population accounts for more than one-third of Canada's total population (38.26 % according to the last census) and is the province with the highest proportion of Black people in the country (Maheux & Do, 2019; Statistics Canada, 2017). In fact, more than one out of two Black people in Canada (52.4 %) live in the province of Ontario (Maheux & Do, 2019). The Black-Ontarian population totals 627,710, with Black immigrants from 150 countries, according to the last census (Maheux & Do, 2019). Although the Ontario Human Rights Commission (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2018) only recently confirmed the overrepresentation of Black children and youth in the child welfare system, this observation is not new (King et al., 2017; Lavergne et al., 2008). Successive reports by the Ontario Incidence Study of Reported Child Abuse and Neglect (OIS) have shown that Black children are over- represented in the child welfare system compared to White children (Fallon et al., 2015). The most recent OIS report showed that in addition to being more likely to being placed in out-of-home care, Black children are also investigated and transferred to permanent services at higher rates than children from other ethnic backgrounds (Antwi-Boasiako et al., 2016; Fallon et al., 2015; King et al., 2017).

One of the rare studies using Canada-wide data revealed that Black children were twice more likely to be investigated by child welfare compared to White children (Lavergne et al., 2008). However, looking specifically at data at the Ontarian level, Black children in Ontario are 41 % more likely to be investigated than White children. Investigations involving Black children are also more likely to be substantiated than those involving White children (64 %), to be transferred to ongoing services (49 %), and to result in out-of-home placements (57 %; Lavergne et al., 2008). It was also observed that racial disparities in child welfare were even worse in large cities with higher concentrations of Black communities. For instance, in Toronto, where 8% of the population is Black, 41 % of children in care are Black (Ontario Association of Children’s Aid Societies – OACAS, 2015). Furthermore, certain studies have highlighted that Black children are most often placed in care for neglect; while still under the care of child welfare, Black children experience racism and isolation, and are often criminalized (Gosine & Pon, 2011; Hill, 2004). The overrepresentation of Black youth in child welfare systems is also associated with negative outcomes for youth and their families. Previous studies have shown that the out-of-home placement of Black youth has significant psychological (e.g., anxiety, depression, anger, low self-esteem, cultural up- rooting) and social (e.g., cessation of sibling relationships, failure and dropping out of school) consequences for youth (Clarke, 2011; Clarke, Mills Minster, & Gudge, 2018). In addition, Black youth who have been placed in care are at much higher risk of being criminalized (Summersett et al., 2019).

The most recent report by the Ontario Human Rights Commission identified several risk factors that may explain the over- representation of Black children in child welfare (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2018). These risk factors include poverty and economic vulnerability, increased reporting of Black populations due to racist stereotyping, racial bias in child welfare agencies, lack of access to resources, and lack of social and economic support for Black families. However, reports by the Ontario Human Rights Commission and One Vision One Voice have shown that the causes associated with the over-representation of Black children in child welfare are cyclical and are fueled by racial discrimination at both individual and systemic levels (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2018; Turner, 2016a, 2016b). Both advocated for antiracist, anti-oppressive, and cross-cultural interventions to help improve the care brought to Black families (Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2018; Turner, 2016a, 2016b). Although such in- terventions require specific training in the child welfare system as a whole and among individual caseworkers, this issue has not been explored in research to date. In fact, the training of caseworkers on issues relating to ethnocultural diversity as a potential cause of racial disparities and overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare has hardly been explored. The training of caseworkers, those who assess and make decisions about removing children from their family environment, could be one of the major issues at hand. Have they received adequate training in college or university to deal with ethnoculturally diverse families? Do colleges and universities have mandatory training regarding ethnocultural diversity? Have caseworkers been made sufficiently aware of the issues relating to racial discrimination and racism, both in their initial education and in their continuing education? Have they received training on antiracist, anti-oppressive, and transcultural practices?

1.2. The current study

The purpose of this study is to examine issues pertaining to the training of caseworkers in association with the overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare. Specifically, this study aims to examine the adequacy of training provided to child welfare caseworkers on issues related to ethnocultural diversity. This study is based on antiracist, anti-oppressive, and transcultural theo- retical frameworks. In fact, various studies carried out in recent years on child welfare have made it possible to understand that the reduction of racial disparities requires interventions based on antiracist, anti-oppressive, and transcultural frameworks (Brewer, 1999; Cénat, 2020; Dei, 2005; König & Rakow, 2016; Strier, 2007). First, antiracist strategies, theories, actions, and practices are ones that counter racism, inequalities, prejudices, and discrimination based on race. Antiracist practices and research focus on the lived experiences of racialized groups and places them at the center of analyses (Brewer, 1999; Cénat, 2020). They aim to understand the effect of social oppression on minority groups, in order to identify and change the values, structures, and behaviors that perpetuate systemic racism (Dei, 2005). Antiracist approaches highlight the interplay between power relations and persistent inequities in communities (Dei, 2005). Second, anti-oppressive approaches involve multidisciplinary approaches that aim to promote values of

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social justice and equality through challenging the power of oppression (Rogers, 2012). This approach, which is predominantly rooted in social work, posits that social service workers are mobilized to fight and/or oppose all forms of injustice and social pollutants in their work. For research to be anti-oppressive, it should include the following main guidelines: 1) incorporate theories of power, privilege, and relationships; 2) involve service users in a meaningful way; 3) reject dominant traditions of social science research and employ a variety of methodological approaches from qualitative, quantitative, participative, and action-oriented fra- meworks; and 4) have the purpose of disseminating knowledge to create opportunities for social change (Rogers, 2012; Strier, 2007). Finally, transcultural perspectives in social work research and practice aim to include multiple dimensions of diversity. Such ap- proaches recognize the importance of culture, the dynamics of power, privilege and oppression, encourage positionality and self- reflexivity to critically evaluate one’s own social location and cultural perspectives, and they promote respectful partnership, cultural competence, and humility (Drabble, Sen, & Oppenheimer, 2012). This approach encourages both practitioners and researchers to analyze cultural phenomena from various angles, perspectives, and dynamics (Cénat & Derivois, 2012; König & Rakow, 2016).

The use of antiracist, anti-oppressive, and transcultural approaches begins with training and raising awareness among child welfare caseworkers about the racial and cultural biases associated with the overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare. This study sheds light on these approaches to examine the overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare with respect to the training of child welfare caseworkers on issues associated with ethnocultural diversity.

2. Methods

2.1. Design and participants

We used an innovative and complementary mixed methodology based on grounded theory (Cénat, Derivois, Hébert, Amédée, & Karray, 2018; Glaser, 2001; Teddlie & Tashakkori, 2003). It includes (1) a qualitative methodology based on focus groups with child welfare caseworkers and community facilitators, and (2) an analysis of academic curriculums from all Ontarian colleges and uni- versities currently offering a program in social work. Grounded theory (GT) employs a systematic methodology to formulate theories that are rooted in observed data (Glaser, 2001; Palmer, 2019). For the present study, this technique is appropriate to analyze the poorly explored phenomena of the ethnocultural diversity training of social workers and will facilitate the elaboration of explanatory theories based on observations.

Caseworkers from a Children’s Aid Society (CAS) in Ontario and Ontarian community facilitators were invited to participate in semi-structured focus groups addressing racial disparities and over-representation of Black youth in child welfare. Children's Aid Societies in Ontario are agencies that have exclusive legal authority to provide child protection services according to the Child, Youth and Family Services Act (Ontario, 2017). Fifty CAS’s in Ontario work with families with the objective of protecting infants, children, and youth who are experiencing, or are at risk of experiencing, all forms of abuse and neglect. Community facilitators are members of associations, organizations, and religious leaders who act as a bridge between the CAS and families when needed. They accompany Black families to help them understand the child welfare system and to try to provide the CAS with information to better serve families. The following inclusion criteria were applied to participants: (1) must be a CAS caseworker or community facilitator; (2) have intervened or currently intervening with Black families that have been involved with child welfare; (3) speak English or French. Researchers that led the focus groups, and the researcher that revised the transcripts of the focus groups are fully bilingual (English and French). Four discussion groups were conducted in December 2019 with: (1) Anglophone caseworkers from a CAS (n = 8); (2) Francophone caseworkers from a CAS (n = 7); (3) Anglophone community facilitators (n = 4); (4) Francophone community fa- cilitators (n = 5). The low number of community facilitators within the sample is due to last minute cancellations from participants. See Table 1 for further information on socio-demographics.

CAS caseworkers from an Ontarian CAS were recruited by the research team via an email script and a formal invitation letter. To recruit community facilitators, we sent emails and invitation letters to five Ontarian community organizations that work with CAS, and requested that the recruitment materials be shared with their networks.

2.2. Procedure

At the beginning of each focus group, the purpose of the study was stated by the researcher. Participants were told that the focus group would be audio-recorded and transcribed. All participants signed informed consent forms. The Research Ethics Board of the (BLIND FOR REVIEW) approved the protocol of this study. They also completed a brief socio-demographic questionnaire (see Table 1 for the evaluated variables). Questions asked to the focus groups addressed participants’ views of the factors contributing to racial disparities and over-representation of Black youth in child welfare, and level of training and cultural competence. Four main questions with 13 sub-questions addressed:

1 Experiences with Black families (e.g., Can you talk about your experiences working with families from Black communities?); 2 Views on the overrepresentation of Black children (e.g., Could racial prejudices [such as Black people often beat their children] of

stakeholders be a part of the potential causes in the overrepresentation?); 3 Training and cultural competence (e.g., Do you think that racial and cultural aspects should be better addressed in training

curriculums of stakeholders [social workers, psychologists, etc.]?), and; 4 Other variables to consider (e.g., Which variables do you find important to evaluate if we would want to have access to a global

view of the causes of overrepresentation of Black children in child welfare?).

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Transcribers listened to the audio recordings of all four focus groups respectively and transcribed speech to text verbatim.

2.3. Analyses

A coder (KC) reviewed all transcripts using NVivo 12 and coded discussions on ethnocultural diversity training broadly, using two different codes and following a grounded coding procedure (Charmaz, 2006). The coding process was then verified by the first author at all stages using the same procedure. One code represented direct references to ethnocultural diversity training, defined broadly to include direct references to cultural training, training related to ethnic or racial diversity, or oppression. The second code was applied to text that referenced such training in a more indirect or implied manner. The purpose of the second code was to capture information that may not have met the definitional threshold of the first code but may still have been useful.

Next, the coder reviewed the codes for categories and organized the data according to each of two groups interviewed, including community facilitators (English + French) or CAS caseworkers (English + French). Given the clear objectives of the coding process, a focus on ethnocultural diversity training, we employed a process of focused coding aimed at pinpointing the more salient themes within the text passages we identified (Charmaz, 2006). The two codes informed the main category “ethnocultural diversity training” through an inductive analysis of the data (Thomas, 2006). This included detailed reading of the data from the main category, ethnocultural diversity training, to derive subcategories based on observed patterns in the data that were frequent, dominant or sig- nificant. During this phase of the analysis, several subcategories emerged. Findings were then organized according to the sub- categories and relevant quotations were identified to illustrate the meaning of a given sub-category (Thomas, 2006).

The subcategories that emerged from the broader ethnocultural diversity training category were insufficient training, sources of education or training, and lack of representation for the community facilitators, and insufficient knowledge and training, importance of diversity training and representation, and informal learning through experience for the CAS caseworkers. The coder kept methodological and analytic documentation throughout the process to share with the research team (Rodgers & Cowles, 1993).

3. Results

3.1. Results from focus groups

The following section displays findings from the analysis of the focus group data. We divided our presentation of the findings into two groups, community facilitators and CAS caseworkers. We chose not to further divide them by language; despite each group having a subgroup of participants who were interviewed in English and one of participants who were interviewed in French, we did not find any meaningful between-group differences by language.

Table 1 Socio-demographic Information of the Sample (N = 24).

CAS caseworkers (n = 15)

Community Facilitators (n = 9)

Age (M; SD) 47.87; 10.44 43.11; 11.11 Sex (%)

Female 86.7 77.8 Male 13.3 22.2

Level of education (%) Bachelor’s degree 80.0 66.7 Master’s degree 20.0 33.3

Race (%) Caucasian 80.0 0.0 Black or African Canadian 13.3 88.9 Other 6.7 11.1

Religion (%) Christian 66.7 22.2 Muslim 0.0 55.6 None 20.0 0.0 Other 13.3 22.2

Relationship status (%) Single 13.3 50.0 Married 46.7 37.5 Divorced 20.0 12.5 Other 20.0 0.0

Number of children (%) 0 13.3 33.3 1 33.3 22.2 2 33.3 33.3 3 20.0 0.0 4+ 0.0 11.1

Years of experience in intervention (M; SD) 15.67; 7.25 7.00; 6.10

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3.1.1. Community facilitators 3.1.1.1. Insufficient training. Community facilitators broadly agreed that the level of ethnocultural diversity training of CAS caseworkers is insufficient. Although they generally spoke about CAS caseworkers, they often broadened their comments to other workers who have regular contact with Black youth: “Agents, workers, caseworkers, they do not have […] the training.” One participant described how the lack of awareness and training regarding cultural issues may lead to a kind of brushing off what amounts to micro- aggressions:

I also think that the source of that information is critical in making sure that, in the training that the culture sensitivity is actually there, because micro-aggression to racism is passed off as oh, ‘this is my blind spot, sorry’, but sorry, and that is completely unacceptable.

Some community facilitators took a more structural perspective and discussed the role of child welfare workers within a system that perpetuates racial disparities. In such instances, they emphasized the structural nature of working within a system that they say is racist, where people within the system may even deny the existence of racism:

I would say no, [not enough training] because I have heard people explicitly say, ‘does racism really exist?’ but is kind of really racist. So, yeah, I would say the training has not adequately prepared them to address the racial disparity that they already walking into with that institution they are inheriting, but then also it has not prepared them to not also perpetrate racial disparities within their work.

This spoke to a common sentiment that the system is one that is generally racist. One respondent reiterated that caseworkers simply do not understand the cultures of those with whom they work:

2 : Yeah I said. There are two things. If the – the caseworkers do not learn to know the cultures of the community. 1 : Culture is complicated! 2 : That’s what laboratories are already for. 1 : Because even. 2 : *inaudible* 1 : If we do educate. 2 : Yes. 1: For ourselves. 2 : Yes exactly so they have to. 4 : It’s. 2 : They have to learn.

However, as the previous quote illustrated, some facilitators did at times acknowledge that culture is complicated. Another echoed this sentiment, stating that

[…] at the end of the day, it’s not easy to learn another culture, another way of life, and it’s not easy sometimes, to take that time in our busy life, as Canadian busy life and or everybody is busy with work and their own life, so it’s not easy to break that barrier and say that, I will be working in that community you know.

After acknowledging how hard it is, that same participant continued by reiterating the effort they themselves will continue to put in, by pledging that they “will learn everything [they] can, to help [black youth] the best way [they] can.”.

3.1.1.2. Sources of education or training. During discussions about the importance of ethnocultural diversity training and education, community facilitators tended to refer to training in the workplace and in education institutions. When discussing education, participants often discussed the importance of having culturally competent education at the university-level:

I would like to think of a course in university that must absolutely do this – a seminar, huh, it’s a seminar on other culture. We help – we put it as a class where it’s immigrants who teach the course. A seminar on other cultures … it takes them [child welfare caseworkers] a class, they can’t complete school curriculums like this, and that’s coming from children of other cultures.

This sentiment was supported by another respondent who argued that this kind of education should be mandatory at the uni- versity-level, and further argued that it should be specific to anti-racism education:

[…] training university courses I think its required … I could be wrong, a lot of classes they’ll do anti-oppression and just general anti- racism but they don’t do specific anti-black, anti-indigenous and then I think it’s usually just an elective that you select so then you choose from one marginalized community, could be disability, could be racism, could be etc., and that’s the one and then you have the generic.

Another respondent described the importance of starting such education as early as high school, commenting on the fact that racism may be reinforced throughout one’s life: “I agree it starts before the university, it starts at the high school, it starts early, yeah, in early education, because racism is then re-enforced consistently with assumptions to biases around communities, its re-enforced.”

Such biases were often discussed in the context of the importance of a broad education that starts early and considers different kinds of oppression. One participant also spoke of the importance of making sure that educators are appropriately trained to deliver the right kind of culturally competent education:

4: I – I think that it’s not only the children’s aid society but I think we have to start in the schools. 2 : We have to. … 4 : With teachers. 2 : Mmhmm. 4 : The school administration. 2 : There must be classes.

3.1.1.3. Lack of representation. In addition to reports of insufficient ethnocultural diversity training at university-level, one participant commented on the lack of visible minority representation in universities, reporting that “there are educated people of colour who can give that information … the systems are not training at work or universities.” This participant noted that the institutions of higher learning “are not seeking out [people of colour] or were just perpetuating an existing problem that we are saying we are fixing but actually not going anywhere.” A lack of representation was a common sentiment shared by many participants, whether at the level of educators who provide diversity education or among front-line staff who provide services to Black youth. Some participants observed that “a lot of staff just across the board in [CAS] do not represent the communities that they serve.”

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One participant went on to situate the need for Black representation and lived experience with racism in the context of education, “I think there could be a collaboration of both to theoretically understand something, and there is the another piece of experience.” This participant referred to first-hand lived experience as important in addition to transmitting theoretical or academic understanding of racism. This refers to an educational framework that requires both theoretical or academic understanding as well as practical first- hand lived experience. Another participant acknowledged this more bluntly, commenting on the lack of Black representation among educators as simply perpetuating what they called blind spots, arguing that “because White people educating other White people about cultural insensitivity with their own blind spot training people just perpetuate the problem. So that has to be taken into consideration when it comes to racial and culture care.” Finally, one participant commented on the systemic issues that tend to reinforce each other. From training, to policies, to anti-black racism, all of which the participant said contributes to Black communities lacking representation:

I just know from my own experience and the other thing is it’s not only that… the trainings, it’s the hiring practices, it’s the accountability, it’s the policies on anti-black racism and then the specific mandates within CAS and all those things have to work and then also the community’s voice and representation at the table with these things.

3.1.2. CAS caseworkers 3.1.2.1. Insufficient knowledge and training. CAS caseworkers who were interviewed were asked if they believed they were sufficiently trained in cultural and racial issues. When asked, many simply stated “no”, indicating they were not. Some indicated they had received some training, such as one individual who said “They [cultural and racial issues] have been addressed but not in depth.” Others simply did not remember their training:

3: Training was so long ago. I don’t remember. 6: Yeah, well, I think we are not prepared. 3: I agree. 6: We haven’t been prepared I mean, how about just let me put it out there. Like, you know what, when I think 10 years back and today. I think things have (its different) improved, definitely.

This caseworker was referring to the fact that their training had happened a decade prior, and that even if they had remembered the training, it was likely outdated. One caseworker from the English group who had been on the job for just several months did indicate they had some specific training offered by CAS, “I just went through the training … (PI: you did this anti-oppressive training) I’ve done, like the full new worker training, Yeah, I have done anti-oppressive.” This caseworker suggested they had done some anti-oppression training as part of their overall training, but only after they were asked explicitly by the PI. However, another caseworker suggested that such anti-oppression training is optional. That same anti-oppressive training was discussed in the French group, where a caseworker said they had trained but when asked to expand on the training, another caseworker clarified that the session mostly served to make them more conscious of the issues: “Well it gives awareness because we may not be aware [of inequalities]” which was reiterated by another participant: 4: As it’s been a long time, yes that I’ve done it, it’s been like what, like eighteen years that I’m here and that makes that training old but it gives us awareness on reality like I’ve told you before.

When asked more broadly, “What do you know about anti-repressive and anti-oppressive intervention practices?” at least one respondent said they have “a training in that too.” When discussing the ethnocultural training they received, caseworkers appeared comfortable acknowledging they lacked training and that they would have liked more. One caseworker simply described the core issue as “an incompetence at the cultural level.”.

3.1.2.2. Importance of ethnocultural diversity training and representation. In addition to acknowledging an inadequate training, many caseworkers were quick to emphasize that such training is important. One caseworker argued that the need to understand the population they are servicing is particularly important because they are in a position of authority:

I have the impression that we represent an authority and if you don’t understand people you perceive them as not wanting to collaborate, but they are scared they are (1: Yeah) they are scared of us, of losing their children, which gives us the impression ah they are not honest. No they are scared… Like the child will unveil and the parent will maintain “No I never used the belt but sir I talked to him and him in private and they all, no man it’s not true. My children are all liars, they say lies and they can say anything” there are buts and they are scared, so it’s about understanding where people come from and how was it back there, how was it, could they trust authority?

This respondent was very mindful of their position as a CAS caseworker endowing them with the power to take children away from their families. They emphasized the importance of a shared cultural understanding as a context that may foster trust between communities. A lack of trust may lead to dishonesty, which is not in the best interest of the children.

Another caseworker emphasized a different consequence that may result of a lack of knowledge. This caseworker gave an example of how the inability to distinguish bruises from birth marks on individuals with a darker skin pigmentation may lead to false-positive identifications of a bruise presumably from physical abuse:

For example, I can tell you I’ve had at least half a dozen, at least half a dozen that I can think of right now where I’ve gotten calls maybe or young toddler has bruising on his back and back area, et cetera, et cetera. And I’m like, all right, go to school or go to the daycare, do it whatever. And, oh, look, there’s another Mongolian spot. Like, I don’t know how many I’ve seen that have been Mongolian spots … where workers aren’t knowledgeable about that necessarily because it’s outside of their race or ashy skin or whatever it might be. Right. If they’re not knowledgeable about those specific sort of things that people with darker skin deal with, then they could look at it and go, yeah, that’s a

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bruise. Like, oh, my gosh. And then, you know, the baby or toddler gets apprehended because of that, because not everybody has that knowledge …

This caseworker was referring to a type of birthmark caused by the pigment of the skin that is colloquially referred to as a Mongolian spot and is typically seen in people of colour. This respondent went on to say that, as a result of these birth marks mistaken for bruises, “you’re going to end up with a higher representation in care. Right, because it’s also a knowledge base as well that those types of things.” The caseworker described two possible ways that someone could distinguish a Mongolian spot from a real bruise: from knowledge gained through lived experience, such as sharing the same racial identity or specific training that accounts for this kind of diversity.

Another caseworker brought up the value of having CAS caseworkers who share the same racial identity as Black youth who are over-represented in the child welfare system. This caseworker, who identified as a racial minority, described their experience when they lived in Montreal, where they said there was a much greater proportion of Black caseworkers. However, when they started their work in the province of Ontario:

I walked into here and I looked around and I didn’t see anybody that looked like me. And, I think even just like, ‘visible minorities’, I think there was a handful It was like me … you could probably count on maybe my head and maybe (name) of the whole agency that split 400 workers. And it has gotten a lot better … but I think that having the experience of more diversity in the pool of workers that work with families is is going to benefit the community that we service and I don’t think we’re at that point right now.

This caseworker spoke to the importance of an organization with a diverse make up of workers that reflects the community which they service. Given their frequent interactions with minority communities, some caseworkers discussed the importance of their racial identities reflecting the communities they serve as it fosters perceptions of greater cultural understanding. The common sentiment was that visible minority CAS caseworkers are more likely than their visible majority colleagues to be viewed as trustworthy and knowledgeable by individuals who share their racial identity.

3.1.2.3. Informal learning through experience. Finally, many CAS caseworkers noted that, for them, experience was a simple and valuable source of information:

8: By experience 4: By experience 8: Ya that’s it 4 : Understanding certain things that I figured out on my own that 8: And the training that we that we received here (4 : Yes) raised awareness 4 : And sometimes it’s exactly by having a good relationship with a family that that family will tell you things and you’re like oh well I was wrong you know (8: I didn’t think I didn’t) it’s that family that will educate you (8: Yeah) that will tell you like us in our country forget about that trust toward the police and you don’t (8: to authority or the government) wow that much huh and I represent that there (CP : Yeah) and I’m not supposed to have good intentions (8: That’s it) understand that all that is is is a lot of things.

Learning through experience was reported as particularly important when the people they service had immigrated from a country with authoritarian tendencies. Gaining the trust of communities with such backgrounds was reportedly as particularly challenging. Some caseworkers reported having simply learned through everyday interactions. Another caseworker held a similar position, ex- plaining that they have “learned more from [their] families than [they] have from this building [at CAS].” Another caseworker went further, describing themselves as their own educational tool:

We are our own work tools as caseworkers, we’re our own people, we’re human when we meet a person and I let the person tell their story, you know we are humans, we are able to create bonds, we are able to understand, I think, we are our own work tools. You could do all the trainings and not have that that that that fiber in you (6 : Yeah) 2: All those trainings are useless if you don’t have that fiber, if you don’t have the fiber of wanting to help people, you can’t do it if you don’t have it with people. You can’t learn that, I’m sorry but you can’t learn that. I have the impression that we do it ourselves, it’s ourselves, our experiences, we learn.

6: Yeah I think that (4 : sighs) like the trainings that we received versus learning from families with with which I got to work with, I learnt more from families than the trainings that I got yeah.

These workers expressed that they learned more on the job through daily experience than through the formal training and education they received from the CAS and the post-secondary institution(s) they attended:

And I think the clients feel it if you’re not transparent and sincere and you want – you’re not there to be against them. You want to understand I think, which makes makes all the difference because I had clients where it was difficult in the beginning and I left there and the hug, you know, you create bonds you know and I think I wouldn’t be able to do that with courses for that you know. But in relations of aid remember that you’re sitting and you have to do role-playing.

This caseworker appeared to even question the usefulness of ethnocultural diversity training, arguing that what they learn on the job may not be teachable in a formal setting. However, most others did express that more formal training is important and necessary. For instance, one caseworker disagreed with their colleague and expressed that the CAS should provide training to its caseworkers on these issues:

I will say that yeah I’m my own work tool, but I think that society has a duty to – to give me information on different cultures. It’s not up to me to learn on the corner of a bench, I would like to have it [the information].

J.M. Cénat, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104659

7

This caseworker went further to say that although they often learn from the families they serve, it may not be sufficient and it may come too late to benefit the caseworkers and the families:

Instead of saying ‘mam tell me about your story’ you know like yes I can have it, but I’m not sure she’ll tell me everything because I’m in a context of authority. I mean all that, a bit I think, that we have to have society diversify diversity. What does that mean? Well you have to help me to get diversity, you have to give me the opportunity to say ‘ok I don’t understand this’ leads to -we had this part- with the Indigenous and Inuits because God we’ve had some, we’ve all worked with some. We’ve had trouble. We’re better now but we need the time to get it and I think sometimes we don’t.

This position taken by the caseworker emphasized a more preventative approach (i.e, education prior to starting the job) rather than a reactive one (i.e., learning on the job). However, a sentiment reflected by a number of respondents was that, in reality, CAS caseworkers tended to report having learned more from their day-to-day experience on the job than trough the formal training they received. One caseworker, however, did report receiving some ongoing training, such as when Canada experienced an influx of Syrian refugees:

Uhh some training though, we get some trainings like how we get to I remember someone came to talk to us about how we’re working with Syrian refugees. (PI: Right) And, you know, we get, you know, anti-oppression. Sometimes we get them to these to have eye opening. It doesn’t teach you reading how to do the work, but opens your eyes how you know what I can, you know, go say these kids are dirty because they don’t have the same hair as you and you walk offended you walk with your shoes.

3.2. Documentary analysis of Ontarian university and college curriculums in social work

To further explore the ethnocultural training provided to social workers during their post-secondary education, we collected information on all mandatory and optional cultural competency courses offered in Ontarian universities and colleges at the un- dergraduate level (see Table 2). Among all 48 institutions, 36 offered social work programs. Of these 36 institutions, 19 have at least one mandatory cultural competency course, 6 have at least one optional cultural competency course, and 11 offer no cultural competency courses. According to this data, 52.78 % of social workers graduate without at least one mandatory course addressing ethnocultural issues in intervention. It should be noted that not every graduate from a social work program enters into the field of social work. In addition, social workers in our sample may have been trained in post-secondary institutions outside of Ontario. Fig. 1 conceptualized the association between ethnocultural diversity training, racial disparities, and overrepresentation of Black children in the child welfare system.

4. Discussion

Based on an innovative mixed methodology and on a grounded, antiracist, anti-oppressive, and cross-cultural theoretical ap- proach, this study aimed to investigate the lack of training relating to cultural diversity among CAS caseworkers as a potential risk factor for racial disparities and the over-representation of Black children in the child welfare system. The results from the different phases of the mixed methodology indicate that although CAS caseworkers were called upon to intervene with around 150 different ethnocultural groups, they were inadequately trained in dealing with ethnocultural diversity (Maheux & Do, 2019).

The mixed methodology used in this study provides us, with the integrative approach, three levels of results. First, with com- munity facilitators; second, with CAS caseworkers; and third, with the analysis of university and college curriculums in social work, in Ontario, the province in which the focus groups were held.

At a first level, findings from the focus groups with community stakeholders who facilitate communication and seek solutions for families involved with child welfare, highlighted their perception of the CAS caseworkers’ lack of ethnocultural competency. This is an important observation that raised strong emotions, often anger and sadness, among community facilitators. Their comments included observations about the lack of training, the lack of ethnocultural representation, and racial discrimination in the child welfare system. These results corroborate those of previous studies conducted with CAS caseworkers, who themselves have indicated the existence of a systemic racial discrimination within child welfare system (Clarke, 2011; Gosine & Pon, 2011).

At a second level, the results of the focus groups conducted with CAS caseworkers showed that they felt inadequately trained on matters relating to ethnocultural diversity. First, CAS caseworkers stated that they had not received enough training during their post- secondary education (college or university) to allow them to provide care that addresses issues relating to ethnocultural diversity. Second, they reported that they had not received ongoing training on these issues while working at the CAS. Although a number of them reported self-education by working with ethnocultural communities on-field, some found that even with years of experience, they still lacked adequate training.

At a third level, results from the documentary analysis of Ontarian university and college curriculums in social work showed that barely one in two institutions of higher education have a mandatory course in culture (Diversity & Cultural Competence; Cross- Cultural Skills; Diversity and Inclusion in Canada). This third level of data supports the first two by providing evidence that when they begin their careers, some caseworkers will not have completed any courses that explicitly address the social and cultural differences and issues that come into play when working with ethnoculturally diverse families. Indeed, this is consistent with focus group members’ reports of inadequate ethnocultural diversity training at university and college level.

The results collected through the mixed methodology indicate that, not only did many CAS caseworkers report they lack the necessary knowledge, but many were not even aware of social and cultural issues related to ethnocultural diversity at the beginning

J.M. Cénat, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104659

8

T ab

le 2

C

ul tu

ra l

C om

pe te

nc y

C ou

rs es

i n

O nt

ar ia

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ni ve

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d C

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nd er

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L ev

el .

In st

it ut

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So

ci al

W or

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o r

N )

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lg on

qu in

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tp s:

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Y

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C

am br

ia n

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s: //

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bo re

al

Y

La d

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M )

TR S1

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ga

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Y

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it y

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s: //

la ur

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an .c

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co ur

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cM as

te r

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it y

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s: //

fu tu

re .m

cm as

te r.

ca /p

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am s/

N

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N ip

is si

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ni ve

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tp s:

// w

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is si

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ca /a

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m ic

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pm en

t Y

N

o co

ur se

s

(c on

tin ue

d on

n ex

t pa

ge )

J.M. Cénat, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104659

9

T ab

le 2

( co

nt in

ue d)

In st

it ut

io n

W eb

A dd

re ss

So

ci al

W or

k (Y

o r

N )

C ul

tu ra

l C

om pe

te nc

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ou rs

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M an

da to

ry o

r O

pt io

na l)

C

ou rs

e C

od es

O C

A D

U ni

ve rs

it y

ht tp

s: //

w w

w .o

ca du

.c a/

ac ad

em ic

s N

N

A

Q ue

en ’s

U ni

ve rs

it y

ht tp

s: //

w w

w .q

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su .c

a/ ac

ad em

ic s/

pr og

ra m

s# se

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-p ro

gr am

s N

N

A

R oy

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ili ta

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ht tp

:/ /w

w w

.r m

c. ca

/ N

N

A

R ye

rs on

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it y

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s: //

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w .r

ye rs

on .c

a/ ca

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02 0-

20 21

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gr am

s/ co

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S et

tl em

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a (O

) PO

L 12

9 Tr

en t

U ni

ve rs

it y

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s: //

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w .t

re nt

u. ca

/s oc

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or k/

pr og

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Y

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pp re

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) SW

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5H

U ni

ve rs

it y

of G

ue lp

ht

tp s:

// w

w w

.g ue

lp hh

um be

r. ca

/f ut

ur es

tu de

nt s/

fc ss

Y

D

ev el

op in

g a

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) FC

SS 30

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of H

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tp :/

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w .u

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N A

U

ni ve

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In

st it

ut e

of T

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tp s:

// on

ta ri

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hu .c

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og ra

m s/

un de

rg ra

du at

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p N

N

A

U ni

ve rs

it y

of O

tt aw

a ht

tp s:

// sc

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es so

ci al

es .u

ot ta

w a.

ca /p

ro gr

am m

es /p

re m

ie r-

cy cl

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co ur

s/ sp

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In te

rv en

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SV S

15 01

SV

S 35

00

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55 34

U

ni ve

rs it

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T or

on to

ht

tp s:

// w

w w

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ro nt

o. ca

/ N

N

A

U ni

ve rs

it y

of W

at er

lo o

ht tp

s: //

uw at

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o. ca

/s ch

oo l-

of -s

oc ia

l- w

or k/

bs w

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l- ti

m e-

co ur

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ty a

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of the career. Yet these issues are crucial for culturally appropriate, antiracist, and anti-oppressive interventions (Cénat & Derivois, 2012; König & Rakow, 2016; Pon, Gosine, & Phillips, 2011; Strier, 2007). Training caseworkers and raising their awareness of cultural differences and issues, and culturally appropriate interventions should be the first step in reducing racial disparities in the child welfare system (Drabble et al., 2012). Beyond child welfare systems, caseworkers' lack of training on issues relating to ethnocultural diversity is a shared responsibility between post-secondary institutions who train social workers and governmental authorities who regulate the child welfare system. How can the province with the greatest ethnocultural diversity in Canada not make cultural issues mandatory in the training of social workers? First, universities and colleges have not played a pioneering role in providing adequate training for social workers. Second, the government, having a role in protecting the population, has failed to protect vulnerable ethnocultural populations by not ensuring that universities and colleges, as well as child welfare systems, adequately train social workers. Although research has already questioned the willingness of governmental authorities in various Canadian provinces to act on this issue (Pon et al., 2011), this study shows that they have a responsibility in when it comes to racial disparities and the over- representation of Black children in the child welfare system.

5. Limitations

While this study broadens our understanding of racial disparities and the over-representation of Black children in child welfare, it contains limitations that may hinder its transferability. To begin with, data were collected from caseworkers from only one Ontarian CAS, and community facilitators came from only one Ontarian city (but working with three distinct CAS). However, the province- wide documentary analysis corroborated findings by revealing that barely one in two universities have a mandatory course on cultural issues. Another limitation of this work is related to the ethnocultural diversity of focus group participants. Indeed, among CAS caseworkers, only three of the 15 participants were visible minorities. This is consistent with reports from community facilitators who indicated a lack of visible minority representation in the child welfare system. However, for the focus groups with community facilitators, participants were from diverse ethnocultural groups and were representative of the Black communities in Ontario and in Canada.

6. Policy and practice implications

The implementation of antiracist, anti-oppressive, and cross-cultural practices and policies requires adequate training of CAS caseworkers on issues relating to ethnocultural diversity (Gosine & Pon, 2011; König & Rakow, 2016; Pon et al., 2011; Rogers, 2012; Strier, 2007). In order to reduce racial disparities and the over-representation of Black children in child welfare, we must raise awareness of the lived experiences of ethnocultural minorities and provide caseworkers knowledge on culturally appropriate prac- tices. This is a prerequisite for all policies aimed at reducing racial disparities in the child welfare system. As such, recommendations are to be taken into account at several levels. First, Ontarian and Canadian colleges and universities must ensure that no social work student graduate without having taken at least one course addressing issues faced by ethnocultural minorities. This training should also be extended to school teachers, who tend to report children from racialized communities to the child welfare system more quickly than other children. Second, the government, through the concerned ministries, and the associations accrediting social work

Fig. 1. Conceptualization of the association between ethnocultural diversity training and racial disparities in the child welfare system.

J.M. Cénat, et al. Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104659

11

trainings, should demand a course in transcultural, antiracist, and anti-oppressive intervention, instead of assuming that broad training sufficiently touches on issues faced by racialized communities. Finally, child welfare systems at the local level also have a crucial role to play. First of all, they must ensure the ongoing training of their caseworkers. Before starting work, every caseworker should receive appropriate training on cross-cultural, antiracist, and anti-oppressive intervention in general, as well as a training on the ethnocultural diversity of the region in which the institution is located. Community facilitators can also play an important role in local training. Second, local child welfare societies should hire more ethnoculturally diverse workers to implement policy and to move beyond the slogan phase. Local bodies should also each put in place an advisory committee with linguistic representation (English and French) to gather community facilitators, researchers, and teachers from ethnocultural minorities who are involved in the training of social workers, parents, and youth and who have been in contact with child. These individuals can share with the CAS their personal experiences and those of their communities. The implementation of these recommendations could allow a response to the issues pertaining to the training of social workers, both in their initial training at the post-secondary level, and in their continuing education in local child welfare systems.

7. Conclusions

This study, based on an innovative mixed methodology, in line with an antiracist, anti-oppressive, transcultural, and grounded theoretical approach, suggests that the training of social workers is inadequate for intervention among ethnocultural diversity (Clarke, 2011; Glaser, 2001; König & Rakow, 2016; Pon et al., 2011; Strier, 2007). This study highlights that the reduction of racial disparities and the overrepresentation of Black children first requires raising awareness among social workers at the beginning of their training on the racial, racist, oppressive, and cultural issues ethnocultural minorities face. In addition to raising awareness, social workers require factual knowledge to ensure culturally appropriate responses to ethnocultural differences. The promotion of cross-cultural, antiracist, and anti-oppressive interventions should ensure more equitable services and supports for Black commu- nities in Canada. The recommendations arising from the findings of this study can only be implemented if solutions are considered equally by universities and colleges, provincial governmental bodies, regulatory bodies in the social work profession, local bodies (e.g., child welfare), and members of ethnocultural minorities.

Funding

Grant # 430-2019-00041 from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declarations of interest.

Acknowledgments

This article was supported by the grant # 430-2019-00041 from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC). We are extremely grateful to all the participants (both CAS caseworkers and community facilitators) and the Children’s Aid Society. We also thank all the Vulnerability, Trauma, Resilience and Culture Research Lab volunteers who transcribed the focus groups.

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Cénat, J. M. (2020). How to provide anti-racist mental health care. The Lancet Psychiatry, 7. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(20)30309-6. Cénat, J. M., & Derivois, D. (2012). Taking account of the vaudou culture when supporting children being vulnerable by HIV/AIDS in Haiti: An exploratory study.

Enfance, 2012, 423–434. Cénat, J. M., Derivois, D., Hébert, M., Amédée, L. M., & Karray, A. (2018). Multiple traumas and resilience among street children in Haiti: Psychopathology of survival.

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67–77. Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative analysis. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Clarke, J. (2011). The challenges of child welfare involvement for Afro-Caribbean families in Toronto. Children and Youth Services Review, 33, 274–283. https://doi.

org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2010.09.010. Clarke, J., Mills Minster, S., & Gudge, L. (2018). Public numbers, private pain: What is hidden behind the disproportionate removal of black children and youth from

families by Ontario child welfare? In S. Pashang, N. Khanlou, & J. Clarke (Eds.). Today’s youth and mental health (pp. 187–209). Gewerbestrasse: Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64838-5_11.

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URLhttp://www.oacas.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/Race-Matters-African-Canadians-Project-August-2015.pdf. Ontario Human Rights Commission (2018). Over-representation of indigenous and black children in Ontario child welfare interrupted childhoods. Toronto. Owen, C., & Statham, J. (2009). Disproportionality in child welfare the prevalence of black and minority ethnic children within the “looked after” and “children in need”

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Turner, T. (2016a). One vision one voice: Changing the Ontario child welfare system to better serve African Canadians. Practice framework part 2: Race equity practices. Toronto.

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  • Racial disparities in child welfare in Ontario (Canada) and training on ethnocultural diversity: An innovative mixed-methods study
    • 1 Introduction
      • 1.1 Racial disparities in the child welfare system in Ontario
      • 1.2 The current study
    • 2 Methods
      • 2.1 Design and participants
      • 2.2 Procedure
      • 2.3 Analyses
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Results from focus groups
        • 3.1.1 Community facilitators
        • 3.1.1.1 Insufficient training
        • 3.1.1.2 Sources of education or training
        • 3.1.1.3 Lack of representation
        • 3.1.2 CAS caseworkers
        • 3.1.2.1 Insufficient knowledge and training
        • 3.1.2.2 Importance of ethnocultural diversity training and representation
        • 3.1.2.3 Informal learning through experience
      • 3.2 Documentary analysis of Ontarian university and college curriculums in social work
    • 4 Discussion
    • 5 Limitations
    • 6 Policy and practice implications
    • 7 Conclusions
    • Funding
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgments
    • References

Investigating-the-Relationship-between-Trauma-Symptoms-a_2020_Child-Abuse---.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Investigating the Relationship between Trauma Symptoms and Placement Instability

Shelby L. Clarka,*, Ashley N. Palmerb, Becci A. Akina, Stacy Dunkerleya, Jody Brooka

a University of Kansas, School of Social Welfare, Twente Hall, 1545 Lilac Lane Lawrence, Kansas, 66045, United States of America b University of Texas at Arlington, School of Social Work, 211 S. Cooper Street, Arlington, Texas, 76019, United States of America

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Placement stability placement instability foster care trauma symptoms trauma assessment

A B S T R A C T

Background: Placement stability while in foster care has important implications for children’s permanency and well-being. Though a majority of youth have adequate placement stability while in foster care, a substantial minority experience multiple moves during their time in care. Research on correlates of placement instability has demonstrated a relationship between ex- ternalizing behaviors and placement instability. Likewise, evidence suggests higher levels of trauma are associated with increased externalizing behaviors. However, few studies have ex- amined the relationship between trauma symptoms and placement instability. Objective: The purpose of this study was to investigate whether children with clinically sig- nificant trauma symptoms had higher odds of placement instability. Participants and setting: Administrative data collected as a part of a summative evaluation for a federally-funded trauma III grant project were used. The sample included 1,668 children ages 5 and older who entered foster care during a 30-month period in a Midwestern state and completed a self-reported trauma screen within 120 days of entering care. Methods: Hierarchical logistic regression was conducted to examine the contributions of trauma symptoms scores to placement instability, above and beyond demographic characteristics and case characteristics. Results: Results from the final analytic model, which controlled for demographic and case characteristics, showed that children with clinically significant trauma symptoms (i.e., scores ≥19) had 46% higher odds of experiencing placement instability (OR = 1.46, 95% CIs [1.16, 1.82], p = .001). Findings support the need to screen for and treat trauma symptomology among youth in foster care.

1. Introduction

Research has found that placement instability among children in foster care has potential short and long-term effects on children’s well-being and permanency outcomes (e.g., (Akin, 2011; Conradi, Wherry, & Kisiel, 2011; Rubin, O'Reilly, Luan, & Localio, 2007). Placement stability may improve psychosocial adjustment and is connected to fewer manifestations of problem behaviors over time (Barber & Delfabbro, 2003; Rubin, O’Reilly, Luan, & Localio, 2007). Further, one of the key child welfare outcomes tracked by the U.S. Children’s Bureau is placement stability (Children's Bureau, 2019). According to the Children’s Bureau (2019), adequate pla- cement stability is defined as having two or fewer placements during a child’s foster care episode. According to a recent federal report

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104660 Received 24 February 2020; Received in revised form 9 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (S.L. Clark), [email protected] (A.N. Palmer), [email protected] (B.A. Akin),

[email protected] (S. Dunkerley), [email protected] (J. Brook).

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of 50 states and the District of Columbia, the national median for adequate placement stability was 84.3% among children in foster care for fewer than 12 months (Children’s Bureau, 2019); however, the national median performance on this outcome was 65.4% for those in care between 12 and 24 months and 39.3% for those in care 24 months or longer. These figures suggest that while many children may experience adequate placement stability, particularly those who are in care for less than one year, a substantial minority continue to experience multiple moves during their time in foster care.

While children experience placement moves for a variety of reasons, several studies have found that children’s externalizing or problematic behaviors are associated with an increase in moves (Chamberlain et al., 2006; Christiansen, Havik, & Anderssen, 2010). Some research has focused on the relationship between trauma experiences and behavioral symptoms. Findings from those studies indicate that children who experience trauma are likely to demonstrate behavioral symptoms and have difficulty with self-regulation (Cloitre et al., 2009; Spilsbury et al., 2007). This makes the association between trauma symptoms and placement instability salient, because evidence suggests that children in foster care have higher rates of posttraumatic stress symptoms than the general population (Kolko et al., 2010).

Children placed in foster care are presumed to have experienced some form of child maltreatment necessitating their removal from their primary caregivers (Child & Family Services Review, 2007). Child maltreatment has been identified as a form of trauma and is associated with increased behavioral problems, which may be viewed as symptomatic of experiencing abuse or neglect (Briere, Kaltman, & Green, 2008; Kisiel, Fehrenbach, Small, & Lyons, 2009). Furthermore, it may be necessary to distinguish between trauma experiences and trauma symptoms because trauma experiences are indicated as a prior event and cannot be changed. In contrast, trauma symptoms may be measured in the present and change over time. A vast range of risk and protective factors may influence how an individual child responds to a traumatic event; thus, trauma symptoms provide for a more nuanced and individualized understanding of the child’s experience. Comprehensive trauma screening and assessment is necessary to better understand a child’s trauma experiences, trauma symptoms, and overall needs, and may assist in providing more adequate placement supports (Conradi et al., 2011; Greeson et al., 2011; Kisiel, Summersett-Ringgold, Weil, & McClelland, 2017; Rosner, Arnold, Groh, & Hagl, 2012). Consistent with recommendations from the National Child Traumatic Stress Network (Conradi et al., 2011), a growing number of states and agencies are administering trauma screens to children in foster care as part of routine child welfare practice (Lang et al., 2017). However, few studies have investigated the relationship between trauma screen scores and placement instability (Kisiel et al., 2014). Such an examination would further inform efforts to integrate trauma-informed care into child welfare settings.

1.1. Placement Stability and Well-being

Placement stability is associated with many positive outcomes while instability is associated with poor outcomes across multiple domains of well-being. (Akin, 2011) found that children who experienced two or fewer placements in the first 100 days of care had a higher probability of being reunified with their families. Children were also more likely to achieve adoption if they experienced early placement stability (Akin, 2011). One study found that behavioral problems increased by 22% for children who had stable place- ments as compared to 63% for children who had unstable placements (Rubin et al., 2004). Additionally, Barber and Delfabbro (2003) found that children who experienced one placement during an eight-month period showed improved psychosocial adjustment over time. Higher number of placements have also been associated with increased rates of attachment disorders and behavioral problems (Strijker, Knorth, & Knot-Dickscheit, 2008) and increased mental health costs (Rubin et al., 2004, 2007).

1.1.1. Correlates of placement instability Considerable research has been conducted to examine correlates of placement instability. Cross, Koh, Rolock, and Eblen-Manning

(2013)) identified three key factors that put children at higher risk of placement instability: a child’s behaviors, caregiver factors, and policy related moves. Correspondingly, studies have indicated the children most likely to have frequent disruptions are those who demonstrate higher behavioral needs (Chamberlain et al., 2006; Newton, Litrownik, & Landsverk, 2000). Additionally, children with clinical level emotional and behavioral disorders (EBD) have been found to be two and a half times more likely to experience four or more placements than children without EBD (Barth et al., 2007; James, Landsverk, & Slymen, 2004). Children with EBD who have siblings in care but are not placed with them also experience increased risk for placement disruptions (Barth et al., 2007). Further, some studies have linked multiple moves to policy-driven decisions such as moving children to be with a sibling(s) or to be with extended family in a kin or relative placement (James et al., 2004; Webster, Barth, & Needell, 2000).

Moreover, certain child characteristics have been associated with increased placement instability. Proximity to resources has been shown to impact placement changes of children in rural and suburban settings (Weiner, Leon, & Stiehl, 2011). Webster, Barth, and Needell (2000) found male children had significantly increased odds of placement instability compared to female children. Children identified as African American, Hispanic, or Other were significantly more likely than White children to experience placement instability with African American children experiencing the greatest risk (Webster et al., 2000). Infants are the least likely to ex- perience placement disruptions, and the risk of changing placements increases with age (Connell et al., 2006; Vreeland et al., 2020; Webster et al., 2000). Additionally, whether a child has a disability has been included in few studies. Connell at al., (2006) found no statistically significant relationship between a child having a diagnosed disability and experiencing placement instability.

Case characteristics have also been examined in the literature on placement instability and have included various aspects of children’s foster care case, such as reason for removal into care, sibling variables (e.g., whether child has siblings in care), whether the child has had prior episodes of child welfare involvement or foster care, and placement type. Reason for removal has been indicated as a risk for placement disruption with children who were removed due to neglect experiencing the highest risk of ex- periencing multiple placements (Connell et al., 2006). Being removed from primary caregivers due to sexual abuse and physical abuse

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has also been indicative of increased number of placements (Webster et al., 2000). One study indicated that having a sibling in foster care increases placement instability (Osterling, D’Andrade, & Hines, 2009). A couple of studies have identified prior child welfare involvement (Rubin et al., 2007) or prior foster care episodes (Connell et al., 2006) as factors that increase the risk for placement changes. Finally, the studies on whether placements are with kin or non-kin have indicated mixed results. Webster and colleagues (2000) found that non-kin placements were associated with higher placement instability; however, Koh and Testa (2008) showed that this stability with kin did not last for children in care longer than one year.

1.1.2. Trauma experiences, trauma symptoms, and placement instability Kisiel, Fegrenbach, Small, and Lyons (2009) found significant proportions of children in foster care had complex trauma exposure.

Children with complex trauma exposure had higher rates of traumatic stress, increased mental health symptoms, risk behaviors, and difficulty with day-to-day functioning (Kisiel et al., 2009). Additionally, complex childhood trauma is associated with decreased strengths in children placed in foster care (Kisiel et al., 2009). Children who are placed in foster care are presumed to have ex- perienced trauma as a result of being maltreated (Child & Family Services Review, 2007). Childhood experiences of abuse and neglect have been associated with increased symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (Briere et al., 2008; Hodges et al., 2013). Further, children in foster care have been shown to have high prevalence of trauma as a result of experiencing abuse and neglect (Salazar, Keller, Gowen, & Courtney, 2013) Yet, while trauma history is associated with internalizing and externalizing problems and increased mental health diagnosis and needs (Greeson et al., 2011; Kisiel et al., 2009), few studies have examined the relationship between trauma symptoms and placement instability.

A meta-analysis of 42 studies completed between 1990 and 2017 identified 10 factors found to be associated with placement instability (Konijn et al., 2019). While some of the identified factors were likely related to trauma (i.e., behavioral problems and history of maltreatment), the analysis did not indicate studies that specifically measured trauma symptoms and their relationship to placement instability. Kisiel et al. (2009), found children who experienced multiple and chronic caregiver trauma were twice as likely to have placement disruptions compared to children with single or non-caregiver trauma. However, not all studies have found a significant association between trauma symptoms and placement stability. For example, in a study of wraparound services and the influence of geographic predictors, researchers found that while trauma experiences were a significant predictor of placement in- stability, trauma symptoms were not significant predictors of placement instability (Weiner et al., 2011).

1.2. Current Study

Despite numerous studies showing a connection between trauma events, social-emotional well-being, and placement stability, few studies have examined the relationship between trauma symptoms and placement stability, particularly with a sample of youth early in their episode of foster care and comprising a wide age range. Thus, this study explored the relationship between trauma symptoms and placement stability. We sought to answer the following research question: Do children with clinically significant trauma symptoms have higher odds of placement instability? We hypothesized that children with clinically significant trauma symptoms would have higher odds of placement instability.

2. Methods

2.1. Project Background

The current study comprised one component of the summative evaluation for a federally-funded trauma III grant project, where trauma screens and functional assessments were integrated into the child welfare system in a Midwestern state. The project was conducted in collaboration with the public child welfare agency, the private child welfare agencies responsible for serving families of children in foster care statewide, and a university. Implementation of the project occurred as part of a staged roll-out. All study procedures were reviewed and approved by the [blinded] Institutional Review Board.

2.2. Data Sources and Sample

The data used for these analyses include administrative and agency data collected for a 30-month period (February 2017 and July 2019). As part of this project, child welfare workers were to administer screening tools that measured traumatic events and symptoms for each child upon entry into foster care and every six months thereafter while still in care. Caseworkers at private foster care agencies administered a self-report trauma symptom assessment with children, ages 5 and older. These assessment data from the private agencies were securely transferred to a web-based portal and then linked with administrative data provided by the state agency in the same portal. Child demographic and basic case data were obtained using the administrative data.

The sampling frame included 6,820 children and youth ages 5 and older who entered foster care during the study period (February 01, 2017 and July 31, 2019). Practice guidelines indicated that the trauma assessment was to occur by day 20 of the child’s entry into foster care; however, many caseworkers were unable to accomplish the trauma assessment during this short time frame. After preliminary analyses and input from an advisory group of program directors, the time frame for including trauma screens in this study was adjusted to 120 days of entering foster care. In sum, the sample was defined as children and youth ages 5 and older who had a trauma symptom assessment completed within 120 days of entering foster care. This resulted in an analytic sample of 1,668 children.

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2.3. Measures

2.3.1. Placement instability According to the Children’s Bureau, adequate placement stability is defined as having two or fewer placements during a single

foster care episode (Children's Bureau, 2019). Accordingly, for this study placement instability was defined as having three or more placements during the foster care episode. The public child welfare administrative data included a variable with the total number of placements. That variable was used to create a binary variable with individuals who had three or more placements during the current foster care episode coded as 1 (i.e., inadequate placement stability) and those with two or fewer placements coded as 0.

2.3.2. Clinically significant trauma symptoms For this project, the Child Report of Post-Traumatic Stress (CROPS) assessment was used to measure self-reported trauma

symptoms experienced by the child. The clinical cut-off for the CROPS instrument is a score of 19 or higher (Greenwald & Rubin, 1999). This CROPS cut-off score also aligned with practice guidance, which suggested that youth may require referral for treatment with CROPS scores at or above the clinical cut-off. For the purpose of this study, clinically significant trauma scores were defined as being at or above that clinical cut-off (≥19). A binary variable was created using the total CROPS score, coding scores of 19 or higher coded as 1 (i.e., having clinically significant trauma scores) and scores of lower than 19 as 0.

2.3.3. Covariates Based on prior research of placement stability, we have included several demographic and case variables as covariates. These

include sex, race, disability status, age at entry into care, runaway episodes, and having been in foster care previously. Below are the definitions of each covariate, most of which follow federal reporting guidelines from the Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System (AFCARS).

2.3.3.1. Sex. The original variable was collected as a binary measure coded as male = 1, female = 2. It was recoded as male = 1, female = 0 for analysis.

2.3.3.2. Race and Latino ethnicity. The original race variable included six race categories: American Indian/Alaskan Native, Asian, Black/African American, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, White, and Other. Only 2% of the sample reported a race other than White or Black/African American. A binary variable was created to reflect White = 1 and Other races = 0 and a three-category variable was created and coded as 0 = White, 1 = Black/African American, and 2 = Other race reported. The Latino ethnicity variable was originally coded as 1 = yes and 2 = no. This variable was coded as 0 = not Latino and 1 = Latino.

2.3.3.3. Disability status. The disability status variable indicated whether any disability diagnosis had been given. The original variable was labeled as yes, no, or not yet determined. We recoded it to 0 = no disability or not yet determined, and 1 = yes disability.

2.3.3.4. Age at episode start. Age at start of foster care episode was a continuous variable created by subtracting each participant’s date of birth from the foster care episode start date.

2.3.3.5. Number of siblings in out-of-home care. This was a continuous variable ranging from 0 to 10 siblings.

2.3.3.6. Geographic region. This variable was coded to reflect the state’s four child welfare regions between July 2013 and July 2019. Each region was numbered, one through four.

2.3.3.7. Removal reason. Fifteen possible reasons for removal were included in the original data. Reasons for removal included neglect, parental alcohol abuse, parental drug abuse, parental incapacity, parental incarceration, physical abuse, sexual abuse, child’s behavior problem, child’s disability, child’s drug abuse, child’s alcohol abuse, inadequate housing, parent death, parent relinquishment, and abandonment. Each was a binary variable, recoded here as 0 = not removed for that reason and 1 = removed for that reason. Youth could have up to six reasons for removal.

2.3.3.8. Prior foster care episode. Prior foster care episode was coded as 0 if a child had no prior foster care episodes and 1 if they had one or more prior foster care episodes.

2.4. Analytic Approach

The analytic approach followed a process of moving from univariate to bivariate, then multi-variable analyses. First, we con- ducted univariate and bivariate analyses to describe the sample and explore associations between variables. After basic univariate analyses, bivariate (unadjusted) logistic regression models were conducted for each demographic and case characteristic that re- presented at least 5% of the sample run against the outcome of interest, placement instability. Then, we used hierarchical logistic regression modeling to examine conditional relationships with placement instability. This method, which introduces variables in theoretically constructed blocks, was used to observe gains in predictability and changes in relationships with placement instability

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(Meyers, Gamst, & Guarino, 2013). The first model included demographic characteristics, the second model added case character- istics, and, the final model included three blocks of variables – demographic characteristics, case characteristics, and clinically significant trauma symptoms scores.

Robust standard errors were used to account for nested structures of children within families and potential autocorrelation among siblings (Guo & Wells, 2003). There were no missing data for any of the demographic variables provided by the public child welfare agency. Twenty-two youth had missing information on the number of siblings out-of-home variable in the administrative dataset. Listwise deletion was used to handle this missing data within the multi-variable logistic regression models. There was no missing data for the CROPS screen scores provided by the private child welfare agencies. All analyses were conducted in Stata 15.

3. Results

3.1. Sample Characteristics

Table 1 presents demographic and case characteristics of the study’s sample. First, demographic data show the sample comprised slightly fewer males than females (46.3%). The majority of children’s race was reported as White (81.2%) and about 13% as Latino ethnicity. About two-fifths (40.1%) of the children had at least one type of disability. The children’s average age at the beginning of their foster care episodes was 12.5 years (SD = 3.4). Finally, over half (54.2%) of children had no siblings placed in out-of-home care, around one-fifth (20.5%) had 1 sibling in out-of-home care, and the remaining one-quarter (25.3%) had two or more siblings placed in out-of-home care.

Case characteristics are presented for the foster care episode of each child of the sample. Almost one-third of children were removed from region two (34.8%), close to a quarter were removed from region three (23.4%), and around one-fifth were removed from the region one (20.5%) and region four (21.3%). The three most common removal reasons were neglect (48.6%), parent drug

Table 1 Sample Characteristics.

Characteristic n or M % or SD

Male 772 46.3 Race White 1,355 81.2 Black or African American 287 17.2 Other race reported 26 1.6 Latino ethnicity 214 12.8 Any disability reported 669 40.1 Age at foster care episode start (M, SD) 12.5 3.4 Number of siblings out-of-home (M, SD) 0.94 1.32 0 892 54.2 1 337 20.5 2+ 417 25.3 Geographic region Region One 342 20.5 Region Two 580 34.8 Region Three 391 23.4 Region Four 355 21.3 Prior foster care episodes One or more episodes 373 22.4 Removal reason Neglect 810 48.6 Parent alcohol abuse 77 4.6 Parent drug abuse 568 34.1 Parent incapacity 285 17.1 Parent incarceration 175 10.5 Physical abuse 371 22.2 Sexual abuse 156 9.4 Child behavior problem 489 29.3 Child disability 11 0.7 Child drug abuse 99 5.9 Child alcohol abuse 16 1.0 Inadequate housing 190 11.4 Parent death 13 0.8 Parent relinquishment 23 1.4 Abandonment 129 7.7 Clinically significant trauma score (> = 19) 833 49.9 Placement instability (≥3 placements) 923 55.3 First CROPS trauma symptoms score (M, SD) 19.3 10.8 Time to CROPS (M, SD) 19.8 27.4

Notes. Time to CROPS is the number of days from entering foster care to receiving first CROPS screen.

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abuse (34.1%), and child behavior problem (29.3%). Half (49.9%) of the children had a CROPS score of 19 or greater (M = 19.3, SD = 10.8), indicating clinically significant trauma

symptoms. On average, it took 19 days (SD = 27.4) from the child’s entry into care for the first CROPS screen to be completed.

3.2. Bivariate Relationships with Placement Instability

Table 2 presents results from bivariate (unadjusted) logistic regression models, which were used to examine the demographic characteristics’ and case characteristics’ bivariate relationships with placement instability. Results from the bivariate logistic re- gression models showed that having a clinically significant trauma score was associated with placement instability (Wald χ2=10.95; p < .001). Youth who had clinically significant trauma symptoms had 42% higher odds of having placements instability as compared to youth with trauma scores below the clinical cutoff (OR = 1.42, 95% CIs [1.15, 1.75], p=0.001).

Demographic characteristics associated with placement instability included being male (OR = 1.25, 95% CIs [1.02, 1.53, p = .033]), being Black (OR = 1.66, 95% CIs [1.20, 2.31], p = .002) or another race other than White (OR = 2.42, 95% CIs [1.04, 5.63], p = .041), having any disability (OR = 1.55, 95% CIs [1.24, 1.93], p < .001,), and age at episode start (OR = 1.09, 95% CIs [1.06, 1.13], p < 0.001). Case characteristics associated with placement instability included having at least one prior foster care episode (OR = 1.50, 95% CIs [1.14, 1.99], p = .004) and being removed due to neglect (OR = 0.72, 95% CIs [0.57, 0.92], p = .007), parental drug abuse (OR = 0.64, 95% CIs [0.50, 0.83], p = .001), parent incapacity (OR = 1.37, 95% CIs [1.02, 1.85], p = .037), child behavior (OR = 2.81, 95% CIs [2.18, 3.63], p < .001), and child drug abuse (OR = 3.18, 95% CIs 1.79. 5.64], p < .001). Finally, a bivariate logistic regression model was run that included number of days from entry to receiving the CROPS screen to control for the possibility that youth who had high symptomology but were screened later might have been more likely to have moved placements. This logistic regression model indicated that there was not a statistically significant relationship between time of trauma screening and placement instability (OR = 1.00, 95% CIs [0.99, 1.00], p = .076).

Table 2 Bivariate Logistic Regression Models for Placement Instability.

Demographic or Case Characteristic Unadjusted Odds Ratio

p 95% CI

Lower Upper

Trauma symptoms score Clinically significant (> = 19) 1.42 0.001 1.15 1.75 Gender Male 1.25 0.033 1.02 1.53 Age at foster care episode start 1.09 0.000 1.06 1.13 Number of siblings OOH 0.88 0.014 0.79 0.97 Race (Ref. White) Black/African American 1.66 0.002 1.20 2.31 Other race reported 2.42 0.041 1.04 5.63 Latino ethnicity Latino (Yes) 0.93 0.666 0.66 1.30 Disability status Any type of disability reported 1.55 0.000 1.24 1.93 Geographic region

(Ref Region One) Region Two 0.81 0.226 0.58 1.14 Region Three 1.10 0.623 0.76 1.58 Region Four 0.78 0.182 0.55 1.12 Prior foster care episodes One or more episodes 1.50 0.004 1.14 1.99 Time to CROPS 1.00 0.076 0.99 1.00 Removal reasons Neglect 0.72 0.007 0.57 0.92 Parent alcohol abuse 0.56 0.072 0.30 1.05 Parent drug abuse 0.64 0.001 0.50 0.83 Parent incapacity 1.37 0.037 1.02 1.85 Parent incarceration 0.72 0.108 0.48 1.08 Physical abuse 0.90 0.487 0.68 1.20 Sexual abuse 1.11 0.572 0.77 1.60 Child behavior problem 2.81 0.000 2.18 3.63 Child disability 3.66 0.170 0.57 23.32 Child drug abuse 3.18 0.000 1.79 5.64 Inadequate housing 0.71 0.080 0.49 1.04 Abandonment 1.21 0.399 0.77 1.90

Notes. OR = Odds Ratio. CI = Confidence Interval. OOH = out-of-home. Removal reasons were not mutually exclusive, so youth may have multiple reasons. Time to CROPS is the number of days from entering foster care to receiving first CROPS screen.

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3.3. Multi-variable Relationships with Placement Instability

Following the bivariate logistic regression, hierarchical logistic regression models were conducted. Table 3 presents hierarchical regression results by model. In order to determine whether each additional block added to the model fit, log-likelihood ratio tests were conducted. The difference in the -2 log-likelihood values between models 1 and 2 and between models 2 and 3 were statistically significant, indicating that the predictors included in each block significantly contributed to model fitness.

Results indicated that the baseline model that included demographic characteristics was statistically significant (Wald χ2(5) = 55.19; p < .001). All demographic factors were positively associated with placement instability with the largest relationship ob- served for African American children (OR = 1.79, 95% CIs [1.27, 2.51], p = .001) and children whose race was reported as other race (OR = 2.62, 95% CIs [1.13, 6.06], p = .025).

Next, case characteristics that were statistically significant in bivariate logistic regressions were added to the multi-variable model. This second model was also statistically significant (Wald χ2(12) = 91.84; p < .001). When adding case characteristics to the model, age at foster care episode start was no longer significantly associated with placement stability (OR = 1.03, 95% CIs [0.99, 1.07], p = 0.129).

Clinically significant trauma symptoms scores were added to the final model, which was also statistically significant (Wald χ2(13) = 99.80; p < .001). When controlling for demographic and case characteristics, children with clinically significant trauma symptoms had 46% higher odds of experiencing placement instability (OR = 1.46, 95% CIs [1.16, 1.82], p = .001). In this final model, being a race other than White or Black/African American was no longer significantly related to placement instability (OR = 2.36, 95%CIs [0.96, 5.80], p = 0.061). Being male (OR = 1.34, 95% CIs [1.07, 1.67] p = .010), Black or African American (OR = 1.73, 95% CIs [1.22, 2.46], p = .002), having any disability (OR = 1.32, 95% CIs [1.03, 1.69], p = .026), and having a removal reason of child behavior problem (OR = 2.00, 95% CIs [1.47, 2.71], p = .000) and child drug abuse (OR = 2.24, 95% CIs [1.20, 4.19], p = .011) were related to higher odds of placement instability.

4. Discussion

This study examined whether clinically significant trauma symptoms were related to placement stability among youth in foster care. Results indicated that children who reported trauma symptoms above the clinical threshold experienced greater placement instability. This relationship was significant when observed in both bivariate analyses that assessed the role of trauma symptoms singularly on placement instability and multi-variable analyses that controlled for demographic and case characteristics. While prior studies have documented the prevalence and relevance of traumatic and adverse childhood events among children in foster care (Bramlett & Radel, 2014), few studies have explored the relationship between children’s trauma symptoms and placement instability. Thus, this study offers new insights to the influence of trauma and how foster care services may require attention to promote

Table 3 Multi-variable Logistic Regression Models Examining Trauma Symptoms and Placement Instability.

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

OR p 95% CI OR p 95% CI OR p 95% CI

Characteristic Lower Upper Lower Upper Lower Upper

Age at episode start 1.09 0.000 1.05 1.12 1.03 0.129 0.99 1.07 1.03 0.140 0.99 1.07 Male 1.29 0.018 1.04 1.60 1.25 0.045 1.00 1.55 1.34 0.010 1.07 1.67 Race (Ref White) Black/African American 1.79 0.001 1.27 2.51 1.72 0.002 1.21 2.45 1.73 0.002 1.22 2.46 Other race reported 2.62 0.025 1.13 6.06 2.48 0.045 1.02 6.03 2.36 0.061 0.96 5.80 Any disability 1.54 0.000 1.22 1.93 1.36 0.014 1.06 1.74 1.32 0.026 1.03 1.69 Number of siblings

OOH - - - 0.97 0.585 0.87 1.08 0.97 0.561 0.87 1.08

Prior foster care episode

- - - 1.17 0.307 0.86 1.59 1.18 0.292 0.87 1.59

Removal reason Neglect - - - 0.92 0.499 0.71 1.18 0.92 0.530 0.71 1.19 Parent drug abuse - - - 0.87 0.325 0.65 1.15 0.89 0.404 0.67 1.18 Parent incapacity - - - 1.26 0.173 0.90 1.76 1.28 0.152 0.91 1.78 Child behavior problem - - - 2.01 0.000 1.48 2.72 2.00 0.000 1.47 2.71 Child drug abuse - - - 2.13 0.017 1.15 3.96 2.24 0.011 1.20 4.19 Clinically significant

trauma symptoms score

- - - - - - - 1.46 0.001 1.16 1.82

Model fit -2*log-likelihood df p -2*log-likelihood df p -2*log-likelihood df p −1091.29 5 0.000 −1061.59 7 0.000 −1055.30 1 0.000

Notes. OR = Odds Ratio. CI = Confidence Interval. df = degrees of freedom. OOH = out-of-home. Twenty-two youth from the full sample had missing data for the number of siblings out-of-home. The multi-variable models included 1,646 youth with full data.

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children’s well-being, stability, and permanency. Beyond findings that point to the relevance of trauma symptoms, this study also amplifies important information on the re-

lationships between demographic characteristics and placement stability. When examining the first analytic model that included demographic characteristics only, all of the variables were statistically significantly associated with higher odds of placement sta- bility, including being older at foster care entry, being male, being Black or another race other than White, and having any type of disability. These findings align with prior studies that have also found these demographic characteristics are associated with pla- cement instability (Barth et al., 2007; Connell et al., 2006; Webster et al., 2000).

The second analytic model comprised demographic characteristics and case characteristics. Upon adding case characteristics into the analytic model, age at entry was no longer significantly related to placement instability, whereas being Black or another race other than White, and having any type of disability remained significant predictors of placement instability. Additionally, this model showed that removal due to child behavior problems and/or child drug abuse were also associated with higher odds of placement instability. These findings suggest that certain demographic characteristics remain important even when accounting for some case characteristics, and that some case characteristics may also influence placement instability while controlling for child’s sex, age, and race. In reference to previous studies, the finding on child behavior problems is consistent with many other studies (e.g., Barth et al., 2007; Connell et al., 2006; Webster et al., 2000). The existing literature on the role of race and age is less consistent across studies. Specifically, some studies do not account for race (Vreeland et al., 2020), other studies find it is not a significant contributor to placement instability (e.g., Connell et al., 2006; Barth et al., 2007) and others find that it is significant (e.g., Webster, et al., 2000). Regarding age, most other studies have found age to be significant (Barth et al., 2007; Vreeland et al., 2020; Webster et al., 2003); however, our study is consistent with those that see age as becoming not significant when other variables are added to the analytic model (Connell et al., 2006). Being removed for neglect was not associated with higher odds of placement instability, which conflicts with prior findings (Connell et al., 2006).

In the full analytic model, case characteristics related to the two removal reasons (child behavior problem and child drug abuse) had the strongest relationships with placement instability while accounting for demographic characteristics, case characteristics, and trauma symptoms. It is possible that these two removal reasons may proxy higher levels of externalizing behaviors, which have been found to be related to more frequent placement moves (Chamberlain et al., 2006; Newton et al., 2000; Vreeland et al., 2020). Other case characteristics, including number of siblings in foster care, neglect as a removal reason, and whether the child had prior episodes of foster care, were not significant in the full analytic model, which contradicts some prior studies (Connell et al., 2006).

While demonstrating smaller effect sizes, children who were male and children who had a disability of any kind also experienced higher odds of placement instability in the full model. Additionally, this model showed that Black/African American youth had a 73% higher odds of placement instability compared to White youth, even after controlling for other demographic, case, and clinically significant trauma symptoms. In light of other placement instability studies with similar findings on race (Webster et al., 2000), and numerous other reports on racial disproportionality and disparities in child welfare, this study’s findings underscore the need to identify and eliminate the institutional and structural mechanisms of racism within the child welfare system. To date, too many studies have omitted race as a factor in their analyses and thereby limit the field’s knowledge of how racism affects youths’ experience of placement instability. As a first step, future research on placement instability and other foster care outcomes must include race and analyses that disaggregate by racial subgroups.

While our findings on demographic and case characteristics add to the existing research, a key finding from this study was that having a clinically significant trauma symptoms score was associated with placement instability even when accounting for demo- graphic and case characteristics. This finding is particularly salient because it suggests that assessing trauma symptoms and initiating appropriate services may be crucial for supporting children’s stability of placements in foster care. Importantly, studies have shown that placement stability is a relevant predictor of permanency Akin (2011) and thus has long-term consequences for youth in foster care. Scholars have begun to recognize that screening for the number of traumatic events alone that youth in foster care have experienced may not be adequate for identifying treatment needs due to varied response to trauma (Murphey & Bartlett, 2019). Rather, understanding youths’ response to traumatic events vis-à-vis trauma symptomology may help professionals determine the best combination of services. This line of research has recently been advanced by scholars who are combining assessment of trauma and strengths (Kisiel et al., 2017). In all, this study supports a line of research and practice models that seek to use assessments of trauma symptoms alongside assessments of resilience to promote child and family well-being in a more holistic and strengths- oriented approach.

4.1. Strengths and Limitations

This study adds to the growing body of literature examining trauma among youth in foster care, demonstrating why screening for trauma symptomology may be an important component of foster care services. The study’s strengths include the use of a longitudinal, statewide dataset that comprised demographic, case, and some clinical characteristics. The sample also adds to the empirical lit- erature by investigating trauma symptoms early in the life of a foster care episode and including a wide age range of children. This study addresses a gap in the literature and contributes further knowledge about the association between trauma symptoms and placement instability.

However, some key study limitations should be noted when interpreting these results. First, potential selection bias in the sample should be considered. Our sample comprised all youth who received a trauma screen during the study period, but they represented only 26% of youth who were age-eligible and should have received a screen. Supplementary bivariate tests of association (available in supplementary material) indicated statistically significant differences in demographic and case characteristics between age-eligible

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youth who did and did not receive a trauma screen. Further, our sample was restricted to youth whose trauma screen occurred within 120 days of entering foster care and the supplemental analyses found differences in some demographic and case characteristics. Given the possible selection bias of this sample, further research is necessary to determine whether the results remain true across other samples and across time. Further, given the modest uptake of trauma screening, this study may also point toward implications for practice reforms that aim to integrate trauma screening, assessment, and treatments within child welfare systems. Although the current data cannot speak directly to the challenges of implementing trauma screening, other studies have described them and suggested that they warrant more attention and examination (Conradi et al., 2011; Kramer, Sigel, Conners-Burrow, Savary, & Tempel, 2013). Thus, necessary is additional input from practitioners on how to improve the uptake of trauma screening and more research to examine the relationships between trauma symptoms and children’s placement instability among additional samples.

A second major study limitation relates to the use of administrative data. This study is constrained by the variables that were available for analyses. Importantly, neither the public nor private agencies’ data included information on referral or receipt of treatment. Having clinically significant symptoms might be related to placement instability in spite of youth receiving appropriate trauma-informed treatments, but it could also be associated with placement instability because youth are not receiving appropriate referrals and services after they are screened. Future research should investigate whether trauma symptoms predict placement in- stability when treatments are provided.

5. Conclusion

Despite the noted study limitations, this study provides initial evidence that trauma symptoms are predictive of placement in- stability even while controlling for demographic and case characteristics. Given the scarcity of studies to date that document and describe this relationship, these findings are an important step toward expanding the child welfare field’s understanding of trauma and how it may influence children’s trajectories in foster care. Our findings suggest that clinically significant trauma symptoms are associated with negative short-term outcomes while children are in foster care (i.e., placement instability). Importantly, placement stability relates to the longer-term outcome of permanency and, therefore, trauma symptoms could be early signals that present opportunities for intervening and promoting healing as well as short- and long-term outcomes. In addition to treatments for children, trauma-responsive approaches for use by caseworkers, courts, foster parents, birth parents, and other child welfare stakeholders may be warranted. Finally, while this study is only a beginning point and further research is needed to confirm these results and com- prehensively consider the role of trauma and resilience among children in foster care, our findings support the ongoing use and study of trauma screening in foster care.

Declaration of Competing Interest

All authors claim none.

Acknowledgements

This manuscript was part of the Kansas Assessment Permanency Project (KAPP), which was funded by the Children’s Bureau, Administration on Children, Youth and Families, Administration for Children and Families, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, under grant number 90-CO-1120. The article’s contents are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views of the Children’s Bureau. The authors also wish to thank their community collaborators in this study: the Kansas Department for Children and Families, KVC Kansas, and Saint Francis Community Services, Inc.

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  • Investigating the Relationship between Trauma Symptoms and Placement Instability
    • 1 Introduction
      • 1.1 Placement Stability and Well-being
        • 1.1.1 Correlates of placement instability
        • 1.1.2 Trauma experiences, trauma symptoms, and placement instability
      • 1.2 Current Study
    • 2 Methods
      • 2.1 Project Background
      • 2.2 Data Sources and Sample
      • 2.3 Measures
        • 2.3.1 Placement instability
        • 2.3.2 Clinically significant trauma symptoms
        • 2.3.3 Covariates
        • 2.3.3.1 Sex
        • 2.3.3.2 Race and Latino ethnicity
        • 2.3.3.3 Disability status
        • 2.3.3.4 Age at episode start
        • 2.3.3.5 Number of siblings in out-of-home care
        • 2.3.3.6 Geographic region
        • 2.3.3.7 Removal reason
        • 2.3.3.8 Prior foster care episode
      • 2.4 Analytic Approach
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 Sample Characteristics
      • 3.2 Bivariate Relationships with Placement Instability
      • 3.3 Multi-variable Relationships with Placement Instability
    • 4 Discussion
      • 4.1 Strengths and Limitations
    • 5 Conclusion
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgements
    • References

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Child Abuse & Neglect

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Childhood maltreatment, motives to drink and alcohol-related problems in young adulthood

Sunny H. Shina,b,*, Gabriela Ksinan Jiskrovaa, Susan H. Yoonc, Julia M. Kobulskyd

a Virginia Commonwealth University, School of Social Work, 1000 Floyd Avenue, Third Floor Richmond, VA 23284, United States b Virginia Commonwealth University, School of Medicine, Department of Psychiatry, 1200 East Broad Street, Richmond, VA 23298, United States c Ohio State University, College of Social Work, 1947 N. College Road, Columbus, OH, 43210, United States d Temple University, School of Social Work, 1101 W. Montgomery Ave. Third Floor Philadelphia, PA 19122, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Alcohol-related problems Drinking motives Child maltreatment Young adults Drink to cope

A B S T R A C T

Background: Young adults with a history of child maltreatment (CM) are often vulnerable to alcohol-related problems. Drinking motives have been widely studied to explain alcohol-related problems in young adulthood. Objectives: The aims of the current study were to examine the link between CM and alcohol- related problems and to test whether CM is indirectly related to alcohol-related problems via different types of drinking motives. Participants and setting: Two hundred eight participants were recruited in a mid-Atlantic urban area (M age = 19.7, 78.4 % female) via advertisements placed throughout the community. Methods: Participants completed self-report measures of CM (Childhood Trauma Questionnaire), types of drinking motives (the Drinking Motives Questionnaire Revised Short Form), and alcohol- related problems (Rutgers Alcohol Problem Index). Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to test whether CM was associated with alcohol use, both directly and indirectly, through drinking motives. Results: We found that both coping (β = 0.53,p < 0.001) and enhancement drinking motives (β = 0.15, p = 0.031) were associated with alcohol-related problems. Additionally, CM was related to alcohol-related problems indirectly via coping motive (β = 0.11, p = 0.028). Conclusion: Young adults with a history of CM may use alcohol to cope with trauma-related negative emotionality. Targeting emotional distress in CM-exposed individuals may be helpful in preventing and treating alcohol-related problems in this vulnerable population.

1. Introduction

Alcohol use during young adulthood remains a significant public health issue. According to the 2017 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), 56 % of young adults (ages 18–25) reported using alcohol in the past 30 days. Additionally, young adults showed the highest rates of problematic alcohol use compared to adolescents (ages 12–17) and older adults (26 years or over; Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration, 2018). Excessive alcohol use in young adults is concerning as it sig- nificantly contributes to morbidity and mortality in this population, particularly due to alcohol-related, unintentional injury and overdose (Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, 2016; Hingson, Zha, & Smyth, 2017).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104657 Received 25 February 2020; Received in revised form 6 July 2020; Accepted 31 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: Virginia Commonwealth University, School of Social Work, 1000 Floyd Avenue, Third Floor, Richmond, VA 23284, United States.

E-mail address: [email protected] (S.H. Shin).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104657

Available online 24 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

T

As excessive alcohol use constitutes an important public health concern, a number of studies have attempted to identify predictors and correlates of drinking behaviors in adolescents and young adults (Enoch, 2011; Masten, Faden, Zucker, & Spear, 2009; Patrick & Schulenberg, 2014). Child maltreatment (CM) includes deliberate and intentional acts of commission (physical, sexual, or emotional abuse) or omission (neglect) such as failure to provide or failure to supervise, which results in harm or potential for harm to a child (Leeb, Paulozzi, Melanson, Simon, & Arias, 2008). CM has been identified as one of the important risk factors for alcohol use and alcohol-related problems later in life (Brajović et al., 2019; Elliott et al., 2014; Tonmyr, Thornton, Draca, & Wekerle, 2010; Widom, White, Czaja, & Marmorstein, 2007). Specifically, CM has been linked to early initiation of alcohol use (Mills, Alati, Strathearn, & Najman, 2014; Proctor et al., 2017), faster increase in heavy drinking (Shin, Miller, & Teicher, 2013), alcohol-related problems (Hannan, Orcutt, Miron, & Thompson, 2017; Oshri, Liu, Duprey, & MacKillop, 2018), and alcohol use disorder during adolescence and young adulthood (Can, Anlı, Evren, & Yılmaz, 2019; Sartor et al., 2018). Morbidity associated with CM, including alcohol-related problems, impacts not only individuals’ health and well-being, but also presents a substantial economic burden for social service and health care systems (Fang, Brown, Florence, & Mercy, 2012).

Since the adverse effects of CM on later alcohol use are widely documented, a substantial body of literature has been devoted to identifying potential mechanisms in which CM influences problematic alcohol use. They include a variety of individual and en- vironmental factors, such as internalizing problems, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), impulsivity, stressful life events, and delinquent behaviors (Handley, Rogosch, & Cicchetti, 2017; Klanecky, McChargue, & Tuliao, 2016; Oshri et al., 2018a; White & Widom, 2008). An emerging body of studies also highlights the role of drinking motives in explaining the association between CM and alcohol use, as individuals exposed to CM may have distinctive motivations to drink alcohol (Goldstein, Flett, & Wekerle, 2010; Grayson & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2005).

Drinking motives, conceptualized as reasons why individuals consume alcohol, have been consistently identified to have a powerful influence on subsequent drinking behaviors (Kuntsche, Knibbe, Gmel, & Engels, 2005). The source and valence of the expected effects of alcohol are often used to classify drinking motives into four categories: social (external, positive), enhancement (internal, positive), conformity (external, negative), and coping (internal, negative; (Cooper, 1994; Cox & Klinger, 1988). Numerous studies have found that drinking motives play significant roles in linking vulnerability factors (e.g., personality, genetic factors, peer pressure) to alcohol use (Cooper, 1994; Cox & Klinger, 1988; Kuntsche et al., 2005), and that they influence alcohol use patterns and severity (2014, Kuntsche et al., 2005; Merrill & Read, 2010). For example, drinking for social reasons was associated with greater frequency of alcohol use and moderate drinking whereas enhancement motives were linked to heavy alcohol use and more frequent drunkenness, defined as a frequency of having enough alcohol to feel drunk (Kuntsche et al., 2005, 2014; Kuntsche & Cooper, 2010; Merrill, Wardell, & Read, 2014). Furthermore, drinking to cope with distress was related to hazardous drinking behaviors, including binge drinking and alcohol-related problems (Kassel, Jackson, & Unrod, 2000; Kuntsche et al., 2005; Lac & Donaldson, 2016).

One conceptual pathway connecting CM with later alcohol problems focuses on the central role of internalizing behaviors or inhibited/neurotic traits, such as anxiety and negative emotionality (Brady & Sinha, 2005; Heleniak, Jenness, Vander Stoep, McCauley, & McLaughlin, 2016; Shin, Hassamal, & Groves, 2015; White & Widom, 2008). CM-exposed children may internalize their feelings due to an inability to express them in hostile family environments, which might result in difficulties in emotional regulation and psychological distress (Font & Berger, 2015; Weissman et al., 2019). Indeed, young individuals exposed to CM often demonstrate high levels of emotional distress and have a compromised ability to manage distress (Mezquita, Ibáñez, Moya, Villa, & Ortet, 2014; Smith, Smith, & Grekin, 2014). Therefore, young adults with a history of CM may use alcohol to cope with trauma-related distress, such as emotional numbing and flashbacks, and may be more vulnerable to hazardous and problematic alcohol use (Grayson & Nolen- Hoeksema, 2005).

Indeed, several studies have found that coping motives may play a significant role in linking CM to problematic alcohol use (Goldstein et al., 2010; Grayson & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2005; Hogarth, Martin, & Seedat, 2019). For example, in a female college sample, drinking to cope with depression was the primary pathway in which CM led to increased alcohol-related problems (Goldstein et al., 2010). Similarly, (Grayson & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2005) validated a distress coping model in which drinking to cope with negative emotions mediated the relationship between child sexual abuse and alcohol-related problems. The aim of the present study was to extend previous literature on this topic by using a community sample of young adults and by including five different types of maltreatment (i.e., physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, emotional and physical neglect) in measuring a history of CM exposures (Goldstein et al., 2010; Grayson & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2005). The study tested whether CM was associated with four distinct drinking motives and whether the drinking motives were, in turn, related to alcohol-related problems. Moreover, the study examined whether CM was associated with alcohol-related problems indirectly through drinking motives as well as which drinking motives mediated the association. We hypothesized that coping motives would mediate relations between CM and alcohol-related problems in young adults.

2. Method

2.1. Participants and procedure

A sample of young adults (N = 208) was recruited via advertisements placed throughout the community in a mid-Atlantic urban area. Interested volunteers were first screened for eligibility. Participants were included in the study if they were between the ages of 18 and 21 years and did not indicate any major health concerns (e.g., cancer, diabetes, other chronic/life-threatening illness). Eligible participants then completed an online survey and an hour-long, in-person structured interview. The present study also used a computer‐assisted self‐interviewing method to measure CM and alcohol-related problems, which has been effective in obtaining

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accurate responses of sensitive experiences and behaviors in young populations (Turner et al., 1998; Wright, Aquilino, & Supple, 1998). Participants were provided with detailed information about the study and its procedures before signing an informed consent form. The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB).

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Childhood maltreatment CM was measured by the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ, (Bernstein et al., 1994; Fink, Bernstein, Handelsman, Foote, &

Lovejoy, 1995), administered using computer-assisted self-interviewing (CASI). The CTQ scale assesses five types of maltreatment: physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, and emotional and physical neglect experienced prior to age 12 (e.g., “I got hit or beaten so badly that it was noticed by someone like a teacher, neighbor, or doctor”). The measure has 25 items answered on a 5-point Likert- type scale, ranging from never true (1) to very often true (5). The CTQ scale has been previously validated and showed good internal consistency in the current sample (Cronbach’s α = 0.73–0.93).

2.2.2. Drinking motives Drinking motives were measured by the Drinking Motives Questionnaire Revised Short Form (DMQ–R SF; (Cooper, 1994;

Kuntsche & Kuntsche, 2009). The scale is a widely used and validated tool designed to assess drinking motives among adolescents and young adults. The scale consists of 12 items measuring four drinking motives: social, coping, enhancement, and conformity. The items (e.g., “In the last 12 months, how often did you drink to forget about your problems”) are answered on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from almost never/never (1) to almost always/always (5). The scale showed good internal consistency in our sample (Cronbach’s α = 0.83–0.93).

2.2.3. Alcohol-related problems Alcohol-related problems were assessed by the Rutgers Alcohol Problem Index (RAPI; (White & Labouvie, 1989). RAPI is a

validated tool used to assess alcohol-related problems and negative consequences of drinking (e.g., “You kept drinking when you promised yourself not to”). The measure has 23 items answered on a 4-point scale, ranging from never (1) to three or more times (4). The scale showed excellent internal consistency in the current sample (Cronbach’s α = 0.91).

2.2.4. Covariates Peer drinking was assessed by a self-reported single item (i.e., “Thinking about your close friends as a group, how many of them

drink alcohol at least once a week or more”), answered on a 5-point scale ranging from none (0) to almost all (4). Demographic information (age, gender, and race/ethnicity) was self-reported in a structured questionnaire.

2.3. Analyses

The direct link between CM and alcohol-related problems as well as the indirect links via drinking motives were tested in a structural equation modeling (SEM) framework. First, we performed confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) to test the measurement structure of CM. CM was modeled as a latent variable indicated by five indicators: sum scores of sexual, physical and emotional abuse, and physical and emotional neglect. Furthermore, drinking motives and alcohol-related problems were modeled as observed vari- ables. The analysis was carried out in three steps. First, an unconditional model specifying the four subscales of drinking motives as intermediate variables linking CM to alcohol-related problems was calculated. Second, a trimmed model was tested where all non- significant paths were dropped from the model, and only statistically significant paths were retained for further analysis. Third, a final, conditional model was created by adding covariates predicting CM, drinking motives, and alcohol-related problems to the model. Descriptive and bivariate statistics were computed in IBM SPSS Statistics version 26 whereas CFA and SEM were completed in Mplus version 8.0 (Muthén & Muthén, 2017) using the maximum likelihood estimation with robust standard errors (MLR), suitable for handling non-normally distributed data. Statistical significance of the indirect effects was calculated by the delta method (based on the Sobel test; (Muthén & Muthén, 2017).

3. Results

Descriptive statistics of the sample and bivariate correlations among the variables are summarized in Tables 1 and 2. Approxi- mately 85 percent of the sample were currently attending college whereas 11 percent of the participants had never enrolled in college. A little less than 10 percent of the young individuals were working full-time while 52 percent reported having a part-time job. Finally, in terms of financial status, they reported an average annual personal income of $5,968. On the basis of the CFA, the measurement model of CM was satisfactory: χ2 (5) = 10.33, p = .07, CFI = .99, IFI = .99, RMSEA = .072 [90 % confidence interval (CI) = 0.000, .134]. Next, the unconditional model linking CM to alcohol-related problems through drinking motives had an ac- ceptable fit: χ2 (25) = 50.53, p = .002, CFI = .96, IFI = .96, RMSEA = .070 [90 % CI = 0.042, .098], p close = .113. CM was significantly associated with coping motive (β = 0.21, p = 0.022), which was in turn associated with alcohol-related problems (β = 0.53, p < 0.001). Additionally, enhancement motive was significantly associated with alcohol-related problems (β = 0.15, p = 0.031). The indirect link between CM and alcohol-related problems through coping motive was significant (β = 0.11, p = 0.028; Fig. 1). The trimmed model with only the statistically significant paths retained had an acceptable fit: χ2 (17) = 36.56, p = .006, CFI

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= .96, IFI = .96, RMSEA = .070 [90 % CI = 0.037, .103], p close = .142. The associations between CM and coping motive (β = 0.23, p = 0.012), coping motive and alcohol-related problems (β = 0.57, p < 0.001), and enhancement motive and alcohol- related problems (β = 0.22, p < 0.001) remained significant. The indirect effect from CM to alcohol-related problems via coping motive was significant (β = 0.13, p = .023). The final, conditional model had an acceptable fit to the data: χ2 (24) = 78.74, p < 0.001, CFI = .92, IFI = .92, RMSEA = .078 [90 % CI = 0.055, 0.100], p close = .026. In this model, CM was significantly as- sociated with coping motive (β = 0.24, p = 0.011), which was in turn associated with alcohol-related problems (β = 0.56, p < 0.001). Additionally, enhancement motive was significantly associated with alcohol-related problems (β = 0.20, p < 0.001). Lastly, the indirect effect from CM to alcohol-related problems via coping motive was significant (β = 0.13, p = 0.021; Fig. 2).

4. Discussion

CM has been identified as a risk factor for problematic and excessive alcohol use in young adulthood (Proctor et al., 2017; Shin et al., 2013; Tonmyr et al., 2010). Previous research has highlighted the role of drinking motives in understanding drinking behaviors among young adults (Goldstein et al., 2010; Hogarth et al., 2019). The aim of the present study was to add to this literature by testing direct and indirect links between CM, drinking motives, and alcohol-related problems in a community sample of young adults. CM

Table 1 Descriptive statistics of study variables.

Range Mean (SD) or % (n) a

Males (n = 45) Females (n = 163)

Demographics Age 18 – 21 19.78 (1.06) 19.69 (1.10) Race/ethnicityb

Non-Hispanic White 31.11 (14) 42.94 (70) Black 28.89 (13) 19.63 (32) Hispanic 6.67 (3) 8.59 (14) Other 33.33 (15) 28.83 (47) Peer drinking 0 – 4 1.84 (1.58) 1.96 (1.50) Emotional abuse 5 – 25 10.78 (5.46) 10.82 (5.75) Physical abuse 5 – 25 9.18 (4.39) 7.41 (3.76) Emotional neglect 5 – 25 11.91 (4.79) 10.15 (4.70) Physical neglect 5 – 20 8.22 (3.46) 7.29 (3.23) Sexual abuse 5 – 25 5.40 (1.23) 6.56 (3.72) Social motive 3 – 15 8.26 (4.01) 8.88 (3.60) Coping motive 3 – 15 4.66 (2.13) 5.03 (2.94) Enhancement motive 3 – 15 8.26 (3.98) 8.70 (3.19) Conformity motive 3 – 15 4.47 (1.97) 4.95 (2.80) Alcohol-related problems 0 – 49 4.71 (6.34) 6.55 (9.37)

a Valid percentages are reported. b Proportion (n). All other measures reported in mean values (standard deviations).

Table 2 Correlations among study variables.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1. Gender a

2. Age .03 3. Race/ethnicity b −.10 −.02 4. Peer drinking −.03 .06 .10 5. Emotional abuse −.00 −.05 −.09 .02 6. Physical abuse .18** −.02 −.17* .03 .61*** 7. Emotional neglect .15* .02 .02 .02 .70*** .52*** 8. Physical neglect −.12 .04 .03 .00 .60*** .56*** .60*** 9. Sexual abuse −.14* .01 .00 −.05 .33*** .21** .26*** .30*** 10. Social motive −.07 −.08 .03 .29*** .10 .08 .18* .14 .12 11. Coping motive −.05 −.12 .03 .12 .26*** .08 .15* .11 .33*** .33*** 12. Enhancement motive −.05 −.09 .15* .23** .03 −.06 −.03 −.03 −.05 .63*** .42*** 13. Conformity motive −.07 −.12 −.03 .05 .11 .08 .05 .16* .13 .41*** .38*** .28*** 14. Alcohol problems −.09 .07 .04 .33*** .26** .07 .17* .11 .28*** .44*** .68*** .46*** .33*** 15. CM (overall) .08 −.01 −.06 .01 .89*** .76*** .84*** .79*** .51*** .16* .25** −.03 .13 .24** 16. Drinking motives

(overall) −.08 −.13 .07 .25*** .16* .06 .12 .13 .16* .83*** .69*** .81*** .65*** .63*** .17**

Note. a Reference group = females. b Reference group = other than non-Hispanic White race/ethnicity. CM = child maltreatment. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

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was related to alcohol-related problems primarily through coping motives, controlling for age, gender, race/ethnicity, and peer alcohol use. Specifically, respondents who had exposures to CM reported higher levels of coping motives, which in turn was positively related to alcohol-related problems.

We found that coping and enhancement motives were associated with alcohol-related problems. These findings are in line with prior research that have identified enhancement and coping motives to be significant predictors of alcohol use and drinking behaviors among young adults. In fact, enhancement and coping motives, among the four motives (social, enhancement, conformity, coping), are particularly well-established and consistently-supported risk factors for hazardous drinking behaviors, including heavy alcohol use, binge drinking, and alcohol-related problems (2005, Kassel et al., 2000; Kuntsche et al., 2014; Lac & Donaldson, 2016; Merrill et al., 2014).

Additionally, CM was associated with alcohol-related problems indirectly via coping motives. This finding offers additional empirical support to previous studies that have found coping motives as a mediator in the association between CM and alcohol use (Goldstein et al., 2010; Grayson & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2005; Hogarth et al., 2019; Mezquita et al., 2014). CM, one of the most traumatic events that can occur in childhood, has long-lasting, negative psychological consequences, such as posttraumatic stress symptoms, depression, and other mental health problems (Dunn, McLaughlin, Slopen, Rosand, & Smoller, 2013; Messman‐Moore & Bhuptani, 2017; Scott, Smith, & Ellis, 2010). In line with the self-mediation hypothesis (E. J. Khantzian, 1990; Edward J. Khantzian, 2003), individuals with a history of CM may use alcohol to self-medicate painful feelings, emotional distress, and traumatic symptoms associated with early stress and the trauma of CM. Findings are also in line with theories of internalizing pathways to alcohol use disorder (AUD), in which CM impairs individuals’ capacity for emotional regulation, leading to negative emotionality, and social skills deficits (Cicchetti & Handley, 2019). These in turn contributes risk to alcohol use as a coping strategy, an expectation po- tentially enhanced by association with deviant peers and associated with vulnerability to the development of alcohol-related pro- blems and disorder (Cicchetti & Handley, 2019; Hussong, Jones, Stein, Baucom, & Boeding, 2011).

The current study also extends prior literature by replicating findings of coping motives as a mediator between CM and alcohol-

Fig. 1. Unconditional model linking child maltreatment, drinking motives, and alcohol-related problems. Standardized coefficients are reported. Statistically significant indirect effects are reported in parentheses. *p < 0.05. **p < 0.01. ***p < 0.001.

Fig. 2. Conditional, trimmed model linking child maltreatment, drinking motives, and alcohol problems. Standardized coefficients are reported. Statistically significant indirect effects are reported in parentheses. *p < 0.05. **p < 0.01. ***p < 0.001.

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related problems in a community sample of young adults. Past studies have focused on adolescents (Hogarth et al., 2019), adult women (Grayson & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2005) and college students (Goldstein et al., 2010). Finally, past studies have demonstrated these relationships in South Africa (Hogarth et al., 2019) and Spain (Mezquita et al., 2014). The present study provides valuable cross-cultural corroboration of the link between CM and alcohol-related problems. Recent neurobiological studies confirmed that chronic exposure to CM may alter stress-response systems, including cortisol reactivity (Carpenter et al., 2009; Sinha, 2008), and that CM is associated with structural alterations in the orbitofrontal, dorsolateral, and subgenual prefrontal cortex (PFC), and anterior cingulate cortices (Cohen et al., 2006; De Brito et al., 2013; Tomoda et al., 2009). Since these brain regions and individual stress- response systems are involved in emotion regulation and cognitive functioning, those young adults who have impaired neurocog- nitive functioning as consequences of CM may experience difficulties in handling and modulating negative emotions (Jaffee & Maikovich-Fong, 2011; Nemeroff, 2004; Radley, Arias, & Sawchenko, 2006). Therefore, drinking to cope with negative emotionality may be the primary mechanism behind the increased risk for alcohol-related problems among young adult victims of CM. Treatment and prevention measures attempting to reduce trauma-related negative emotions and promote emotional self-regulation may be highly impactful for those young adults with a history of CM suffering from hazardous drinking behaviors.

4.1. Strengths and limitations

The current study has distinct strengths that are noteworthy. We examined theoretically- and empirically-based multiple med- iators (i.e., five types of CM, four types of drinking motives) using SEM, which is a sophisticated and effective analytic technique for mediation analysis with multiple mediators. The use of well-validated, standardized measures of key study variables such as CM, drinking motives, and alcohol-related problems, further enhanced the methodological rigor of the study. Despite these significant contributions, there are several limitations to this study. First, the use of cross-sectional data precludes any causal inferences on the associations among the study variables. The findings from the current study should be further validated and replicated with long- itudinal data. Second, the use of retrospective self-report of CM may be susceptible to recall bias and false memory whereas the use of a community recruitment-based sample may be vulnerable to selection bias. Future research may consider using multiple data sources, including administrative child welfare records, to triangulate and cross-validate the accuracy of the data. Third, although gender was not significantly related to either drinking motives or alcohol-related problems, the majority of the current study sample were female (78 %). Finally, we did not control for other forms of trauma, such as dating violence, intimate partner violence, and current life stressors, that influence drinking motives and alcohol-related problems. Relatedly, we did not take into account the genetic contribution to problematic alcohol use, due to the lack of available data. Given the wealth of research documenting genetic influences in alcohol use and dependence (Schuckit, 2009; Young-Wolff, Enoch, & Prescott, 2011), future studies should account for genetic risk factors for problematic alcohol use in young adults.

5. Conclusions

Our findings suggest that enhancement- and coping- related drinking motives may contribute to the development of alcohol- related problems in young adulthood. Our findings also highlight coping motive as a key mechanism that underlies the link between CM and alcohol-related problems among young adults. Alcohol use prevention and health promotion programs should address drinking motives to effectively prevent and reduce alcohol-related problems. Specifically, treatment and intervention services for problematic alcohol use among young adults with a history of CM may benefit from targeting emotional distress and coping-related drinking motives. In sum, young adults with histories of CM in particular may benefit from therapeutic interventions promoting alternative coping strategies to alcohol use for negative emotionality.

Funding and acknowledgements

This work was supported by grants from the Virginia Foundation for Healthy Youth (VFHY8521238; Shin). The Foundation had no role in the study design, collection, analysis, or interpretation of the data, writing the manuscript, or the decision to submit the manuscript for publication.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104657.

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  • Childhood maltreatment, motives to drink and alcohol-related problems in young adulthood
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Method
      • 2.1 Participants and procedure
      • 2.2 Measures
        • 2.2.1 Childhood maltreatment
        • 2.2.2 Drinking motives
        • 2.2.3 Alcohol-related problems
        • 2.2.4 Covariates
      • 2.3 Analyses
    • 3 Results
    • 4 Discussion
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    • 5 Conclusions
    • Funding and acknowledgements
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Appendix A Supplementary data
    • References

Precursors-of-sibling-bullying-in-middle-childhood--Evidenc_2020_Child-Abuse.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Precursors of sibling bullying in middle childhood: Evidence from a UK-based longitudinal cohort study

Umar Toseeba,*, Gillian McChesneyb, Slava Dantchevc,d, Dieter Wolkec

a Department of Education, University of York, York, YO10 5DD, UK b Department of Psychology, Manchester Metropolitan University, Manchester, M15 6GX, UK c Department of Psychology, University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, UK d Faculty of Psychology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Sibling Bullying Family Parenting Emotion regulation Ethnicity

A B S T R A C T

Background: There is increasing evidence that sibling bullying is associated with various social, emotional, and mental health difficulties. It is, however, unclear which factors predict sibling bullying in middle childhood and whether child-level individual differences make some children more susceptible to sibling bullying involvement. Objective: To investigate the precursors of sibling bullying in middle childhood in a UK based population sample. Participants and setting: Existing data from the prospective Millennium Cohort Study (N = 16,987) were used. Primary caregivers reported on precursors (child age 7 years or earlier) whilst children self-reported on sibling bullying (child age 11 years). Analysis: A series of multinomial logistic regression models were fitted. First, testing for crude associations between sibling bullying and the precursors individually. Culminating in a final model with the significant predictors from all of the previous models. Results: Structural family-level characteristics (e.g. birth order, ethnicity, and number of siblings) were found to be the strongest predictors of sibling bullying involvement followed by child-level individual differences (e.g. emotional dysregulation and sex). Parenting and parental char- acteristics (e.g. primary caregiver self-esteem and harsh parenting) predicted sibling bullying, but to a lesser extent. Conclusions: These findings suggest that structural family characteristics and child-level in- dividual differences are the most important risk factors for sibling bullying. If causality can be established in future research, they highlight the need for interventions to be two-pronged: aimed at parents, focusing on how to distribute their time and resources appropriately to all children, and the children themselves, targeting specific sibling bullying behaviors.

1. Introduction

Siblings are an important part of most children’s lives. Approximately 85 % of children have at least one sibling (Tippett & Wolke, 2015). Good relationships with siblings are associated with a number of positive social, emotional, and mental health (SEMH) outcomes (Brown, Donelan-McCall, & Dunn, 1996; Buist & Vermande, 2014; Downey & Condron, 2004). However, sibling re- lationships are not always positive and can include frequent conflict and aggression, such as sibling bullying, which is “any unwanted

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104633 Received 17 March 2020; Received in revised form 6 July 2020; Accepted 17 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (U. Toseeb).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104633

Available online 31 July 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

T

aggressive behavior(s) by a sibling that involves an observed or perceived power imbalance and is repeated multiple times or is highly likely to be repeated; bullying may inflict harm or distress on the targeted sibling, including physical, psychological, or social harm” (Wolke, Tippett, & Dantchev, 2015, p. 918). Nearly half of children report being bullied by their siblings and around 40 % report bullying their siblings (Wolke, Tippett et al., 2015).

Whilst peer bullying is recognized as a public health concern (Srabstein & Leventhal, 2010), sibling bullying has been somewhat neglected in research. This is despite it often happening in front of parents (Skinner & Kowalski, 2013). Sibling bullying is perceived as less severe (Khan & Rogers, 2015) and it is often normalised by family members, health professionals, and even victims themselves (Caffaro & Conn-Caffaro, 2005; Kettrey & Emery, 2006; Omer, Schorr-Sapir, & Weinblatt, 2008). Such normalisation may be rooted in common misconceptions that sibling bullying is typical of sibling relationships (Caspi, 2012) and is good for character building (Dunn & Kendrick, 1982). Parents may not intervene and the cycle of acceptability and normalisation continues (Kiselica & Morrill-Richards, 2007).

1.1. Sibling bullying and SEMH difficulties

There is now increasing evidence to suggest that sibling bullying is associated with various SEMH difficulties (Tucker, Finkelhor, Turner, & Shattuck, 2014; Tucker, Finkelhor, Turner, & Shattuck, 2014; Tucker, Finkelhor, Shattuck, & Turner, 2013; Toseeb, McChesney, & Wolke, 2018; van Berkel, Tucker, & Finkelhor, 2018). Furthermore, prospective longitudinal studies show that sibling bullying in childhood is associated with SEMH difficulties later in adolescence (Bowes, Wolke, Joinson, Lereya, & Lewis, 2014; Dantchev & Wolke, 2019a; Dantchev, Zammit, & Wolke, 2018; Toseeb, McChesney, Oldfield, & Wolke, 2020), which suggests that sibling bullying may have lasting adverse effects for both the victims and the perpetrators.

For these reasons, it is pertinent to consider the precursors of sibling bullying in an effort to inform interventions aimed at reducing bullying behaviours within families. Given that children’s development is influenced by a multitude of factors, in the present study a combination of structural family characteristics, parenting and parental characteristics, and child-level individual differences were considered.

1.2. Structural family-level characteristics

Structural family-level characteristics are important from an evolutionary perspective where siblings are considered as natural born rivals for limited parental resources such as attention, affection, or material goods (Tanskanen, Danielsbacka, Jokela, & Rotkirch, 2017). Hawley, in their resource control theory (Hawley, 1999), suggested that social group asymmetries foster resource- agonistic behavior and social dominance for resource acquisition. Siblings, with few exceptions (e.g. twins), differ in age, size, abilities, or strength and thus there is a power asymmetry. Therefore, access to resources is likely to vary and conflictual competitive behavior may develop such as sibling aggression (Felson, 1983). First-born children face a particularly drastic loss of resources, once a sibling enters the family system, placing these children at an especially high risk for perpetrating sibling bullying in order to regain a social standing. In households with more children and brothers, aggression is indeed higher, particularly by first-born or older siblings (Bowes et al., 2014; Menesini, Camodeca, & Nocentini, 2010; Tucker et al., 2013).

1.3. Parenting and parental characteristics

A second important factor may be the role of parenting and parental characteristics. Reciprocal interactions between children, their primary caregivers, and their environment are vital in the socialization of behavior (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). To this end, a number of psychological theories emphasize the importance of parental behavior in children’s development. For example, social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) suggests that children model parental behavior therefore, parent-child interactions may be modelled as templates for child-sibling interactions. Specifically, good quality early parent-child interactions are important as they act as scaffolding to develop internal working models for future social relationships (Bowlby, 1969). Therefore, the development of social behaviors in children, both positive and negative, are not independent of parenting and parental characteristics.

Parenting is perhaps the most well-established as a correlate of sibling aggression and bullying. Insecure parent-child attachments have previously been reported more frequently in children involved in sibling bullying (Bar-Zomer & Brunstein Klomek, 2018). Moreover, specific parenting styles including greater psychological control by mothers (Campione-Barr, Lindell, Greer, & Rose, 2014), non-involved (Bouchard, Plamondon, & Lachance-Grzela, 2018), harsh parenting (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019; Eriksen & Jensen, 2009; Tippett & Wolke, 2015) and interparental conflict (Tucker et al., 2014b) have similarly been linked to sibling aggression and bullying involvement. Although there is a large body of evidence linking negative parenting practices to sibling bullying, such practices may not be independent of parental mental health. For example, depressed mothers have poorer interactations with their young children (Dib, Padovani, & Perosa, 2019), which may have a knock on effect on parenting practices. Similarly, parenting and parental characteristics are not independent of their child’s individual characterestics.

1.4. Child-level individual differences

Children are not passive consumers of their environment. Their innate propensities may evoke a response from their environemnt or they may seek out environments that are in line with their innate propensities (Plomin, 2018). For example, children with difficult temperaments may evoke a negative response from their siblings as a form of reactive aggression in response to their difficult

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temperament. Conversely, children with easier temperaments might be more likely to be victims of sibling bullying because they evoke a negative behavioral response from their siblings as a form of proactive aggression (i.e. they may be seen as an easy target). There is some evidence for this in the literature. Children’s sex (Tucker et al., 2013), early aggressive tendencies and temperament (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019), pre-existing social and emotional difficulties (Phillips, Bowie, Wan, & Yukevich, 2016), and the presence of a neurodevelopmental condition (Toseeb et al., 2018; Tucker, Finkelhor, & Turner, 2017) are all associated with a heightened risk for aggression or bullying amongst siblings.

1.5. A comprehensive investigation of precursors

In summary, much of the previous work on the correlates of sibling bullying is cross-sectional and/or limited to a small set of predictors. This is problematic as it does not allow for a comprehensive evaluation of the relationships between precursors and sibling bullying. Examining a small subset of precursors, or correlates, without controlling for others may lead to inflated effect sizes or masking effects. Some precursors may only be significant when tested in isolation, but not when tested simultaneously with other structural family-level characteristics, parenting and parental characteristics, and child-level individual differences.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, there has only been one comprehensive longitudinal evaluation of multiple early life precursors of sibling bullying in middle childhood (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019). The researchers investigated the role of structural family characteristics, parenting and parental characteristics, early social experiences, and child-level individual differences on sibling bullying involvement in middle childhood using data from a large UK based cohort: the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (Boyd et al., 2013; Fraser et al., 2013). In a sample of nearly 7000 children, they found the strongest predictors of sibling bullying were structural family characteristics (e.g. having older brothers and being the first born). Parenting variables, early social experiences, and child-level individual differences were also important, albeit to a lesser extent.

The aim of the current study was to investigate precursors of sibling bullying in a single comprehensive investigation. Specifically, the extent to which structural family characteristics (e.g. birth order and poverty), parenting and parental characteristics (e.g. harsh parenting and parental engagement), and child-level individual differences (e.g. low birth weight and language concerns), all during the first seven years of life, individually and cumulatively predict sibling bullying at age 11 years was investigated. In line with previous work (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019), it was hypothesized that structural family-level characteristics would be the strongest predictors of sibling bullying at the age of 11 years. It was also hypothesized that parenting and parental characteristics and child- level individual differences would predict sibling bullying but to a lesser extent than structural family-level characteristics.

2. Method

2.1. Ethical approval

The data used in this study was collected as part of the Millennium Cohort Study (MCS). Ethical approval was sought for each of the waves from the National Health Service (NHS) Research Ethics Committee (REC). Full details of the ethical process for the MCS is available at https://cls.ucl.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/MCS-Ethical-Approval-and-Consent-2019.pdf. Primary caregivers provided informed consent on behalf of the child. This secondary analysis of the data was approved by the Education Ethics Committee, University of York (reference: 19/14).

2.2. Study sample

The MCS is a multi-disciplinary study, following the lives of approximately 19,000 children born between 2000 and 2001 (Connelly & Platt, 2014). The sample is representative of the UK population and was drawn from the entire live birth cohort of the UK between the years 2000−2001. Disproportionate stratification was applied to ensure that all of the UK nations (Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales and England) were represented adequately, to include highly concentrated areas of ethnic minority families and areas of deprivation. There have been six waves of data collection starting when the children were 9 months old (N = 18,522) followed by data collection at age 3 years (N = 15,590), 5 years (N = 15,246), 7 years (N = 13,857), 11 years (N = 13,287), and 14 years (N = 11,872). MCS participants at each wave were surveyed extensively, gathering information on various aspects of life such as socioeconomic status, psychological development, parenting, friendships, and relationships. In the current analysis, data from one child per family and their primary caregiver was used. For over 97 % of the sample, the primary caregiver was the birth mother. Families were visited in their home. Primary caregivers were interviewed face-to-face by trained researchers, who took part in relevant training. Both, primary caregiver and the child, also completed self-report questionnaires during the visit, where appro- priate. Full details of the data collection approach can be found at the study website (https://cls.ucl.ac.uk/cls-studies/millennium- cohort-study/).

A number of exclusionary criteria were applied to the dataset. From the total sample of 19,244, families with multiple children in the MCS were excluded (N = 263) and those with no siblings when they were 11 or 14 years old (N = 1,994). Therefore, the total sample size after exclusions was 16,987 (51 % male).

2.3. Measures

The onset of sibling bullying is around the age of 8 years (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019). The essential inclusion criteria for the

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precursors in this analysis was that they were assessed prior to the typical onset of sibling bullying. As a general rule, precursors were included from the closest time point to the onset of sibling bullying. Where possible these were selected from the data collected when the child was 7 years old. Some variables were only available at earlier time points (9 months-5 years). Deviations from this general rule are explained in the description of the relevant precursor.

2.3.1. Structural family characteristics 2.3.1.1. Primary caregiver highest academic qualification. When the child was 9 months old, the primary caregiver was asked to report their highest academic qualification, which was recoded as an ordered variable (0=none, 1=GCSE level, 2= advanced level, 3= degree level, 4= higher degree).

2.3.1.2. Birth order. The primary caregiver was asked to report the number of siblings that the child had. If when the child was 9 months old, they child did not have any siblings but they did when they were 11 years old, they were categorized as being the first- born (0=second or later, 1 = first born).

2.3.1.3. Ethnicity. The primary caregiver selected the child’s ethnicity from a list. Responses were recoded to create a dummy variable (0= non-White or 1= White).

2.3.1.4. Poverty. Income from all sources (government benefits, employment etc.) was also surveyed when the child was 7 years old and used to calculate overall income. The OECD-modified scale was then used to standardize this overall household income (Hagenaars, de Vos, & Zaida, 1994). Poverty was categorized as those families who were below the 60 % median income level (0= not in poverty, 1 = in poverty).

2.3.1.5. Number of siblings. Primary caregivers completed a household grid during which they were asked to provide information about all the people who lived in the household when the child was 7 years old (e.g. other children, partner, grandparents etc.). This information was used to calculate the number of siblings (1,2,3,4 or more)

2.3.1.6. Lone parent status. Using data from the household grid, described previously, a dummy variable was derived for lone parent status when the child was 7 years old (0 = two/parents or caregivers in household, 1 = one parent/caregiver in household).

2.3.2. Parenting and parental characteristics A number of pre-existing psychological inventories were used to measure parenting and parental characteristics. They are de-

scribed below and further details of all inventories are reported elsewhere (Johnson, Atkinson, & Rosenberg, 2015).

2.3.2.1. Primary caregiver self-esteem. A shortened version of the Rosenberg self-esteem scale (Rosenberg, 1965) was used to measure the primary caregiver’s self-esteem when the child was 9 months old. Sample items included “I am able to do things as well as most other people” and “I take a positive attitude towards myself”. Responses were coded on a four-point scale (1= strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=agree, 4=strongly agree). Sum scores were generated (6 items, range 1–24). Higher scores indicate higher levels of self-esteem. The internal reliability of the scale was excellent (α = 0.94).

2.3.2.2. Primary caregiver depression. The Malaise Inventory (Rutter, Tizard, & Whitemore, 1970) was used to assess primary caregiver depression symptoms when the child was 9 months old. Sample items included “do you feel tired most of the time” and “are you easily upset of irritated”? Responses were coded on a two-point scale (0= no, 1 = yes). Sum scores were generated (9 items, range 0–9). Higher scores indicate higher levels of depression symptoms. The internal reliability of the scale was good (α = 0.73).

2.3.2.3. Parent-child conflict. The Pianta child-parent relationship scale (Driscoll & Pianta, 2011) was completed by the primary caregiver when the child was 3 years old. This measured the primary caregiver’s feelings and beliefs towards their child and the child’s behavior towards the caregiver. The parent-child conflict subscale was used. Sample items included “[child] easily becomes angry at me” and “[child] is sneaky and manipulative with me”. Responses were coded on a five-point scale (1= definitely does not apply, 2 =not really, 3=neutral, 4=applies sometimes, 5=definitely applies). Sum scores were generated (8 items, range 8–40). Higher scores indicate more parent-child conflict. The internal reliability for the scale was good (α = 0.79).

2.3.2.4. Primary caregiver relationship satisfaction. When the child was 5 years old, a modified version of the Golombok Rust inventory of marital state (Rust, Bennun, Crowe, & Golombok, 1990) was completed by the mother to assess relationship satisfaction with her partner. Sample items included “my husband is usually sensitive and aware of my needs” and “my husband doesn’t seem to listen to me”. Responses were coded on a five-point scale (0= strongly agree, 1= agree, 2 =neither agree or disagree, 3 = disagree, and 4= strongly disagree). Sum scores were generated (4 items, range 0–20). Higher scores indicate higher levels of relationship satisfaction. The internal reliability of the scale was very good (α = 0.81).

2.3.2.5. Parental engagement. When the child was 5 years old, a measure of parental engagement was used (Forrest, Gibson, Halligan, & St Clair, 2018). This consisted of questions about the frequency of primary caregiver-child activities (book reading, telling stories, musical activities, drawing/painting, physical activities, and outdoor games/activities). Sample items included “how often do you

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read to your child?” and “how often do you draw or paint with your child?”. Responses were coded on a five-point scale (0= not at all, 1 = less often, 2 = once or twice a month, 3=once or twice a week, 4= several times a week, 5=everyday). Sum scores were generated (6 items, range 0–30). Higher scores indicate higher levels of parental engagement. The internal reliability of the measure was good (α = 0.70).

2.3.2.6. Primary caregiver global psychological distress. When the child was 7 years old, the Kessler Scale (Kessler et al., 2003) was completed by the primary caregiver. The scale is commonly used as a screening tool for serious mental illness. The six-item version of the scale was used. Sample items included “during the last 30 days, how often did you feel worthless?” and “during the last 30 days, how often did you feel restless or fidgety?”. Responses were re-coded onto a five-point scale (0=none of the time, 1=a little of the time, 2=some of the time, 3=most of the time, 4=all of the time). Sum scores were generated (6 items, range 0–24). Higher scores indicate higher levels of global psychological distress. The internal reliability of the scale was good (α = 0.88).

2.3.2.7. Harsh parenting. When the child was 7 years old, primary caregivers were asked to complete the Straus Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus & Hamby, 1997) to assess harsh disciplining of their child, referred to from here on as harsh parenting. Primary caregivers were asked how often they used different tactics with their child. Sample items included “ignore [child] when naughty” and “shout at [child] when naughty”. Responses were coded on a five-point scale (1= never, 2 = rarely, 3= about once a month, 4=about once a week, 5=daily). Sum scores were generated (6 items, range 6–30). Higher scores indicate harsher parenting. The internal reliability of the measure was good (α = 0.73).

2.3.3. Child-level individual differences A number of pre-existing psychological inventories were used to measure child-level individual differences. They are described

below and further details of all inventories are reported elsewhere (Johnson et al., 2015)

2.3.3.1. Sex. During the first wave of data collection, when the child was 9 months old, sex was determined

2.3.3.2. Low birth weight. The primary caregiver was asked to report their child’s birthweight at the first wave of data collection (i.e. 9 months). This was used to create a binary very low birth weight variable (< 1,500 g), which is in line with previous categorizations of low birthweight (Wolke, Baumann, Strauss, Johnson, & Marlow, 2015).

2.3.3.3. Infant temperament. When the child was 9 months old, the Carey infant temperament scale (Carey & McDevitt, 1978) was completed by the primary caregiver. Responses were coded on a five-point scale (0= almost never, 1=rarely, 2=usually does not, 3=often, 4= almost always). Four sum scores were generated by adding up responses to the items within each of the four subscales: mood – the tone of child’s overall affect; e.g. “[child] is pleasant when first arriving in unfamiliar places” (5 items, range 0–20) higher scores indicate good mood, regularity– the predictability of child’s daily functions; e.g. “[child’s] naps are about the same length from day to day” (4 items, range 0–16) higher scores indicate high regularity, approach/withdrawal – the child’s initial response to novelty; e.g. “[child] is wary or frightened of strangers after 15 min" (3 items, 0–12) scores were reversed so that higher scores indicate higher levels of approach and adaptability – the child’s behavioral flexibility; e.g. “fretful in a new place or situation” (2 items, 0–8) scores were reversed so that a higher scores indicate adaptable temperament. The internal reliability for the overall scale was good (α = 0.65).

2.3.3.4. Language concerns. When the child was 5 years old, the primary caregiver was asked about speech and language concerns: “child’s speech/language developing slowly”, “child doesn’t understand others”, and “pronounces words poorly”. If respondents answered yes to any one of the three questions, their responses were recoded as “yes”, otherwise they were coded as “no”. This formed a binary variable about language concerns.

2.3.3.5. Verbal and non-verbal ability. The British ability scales (Elliot, Smith, & McCulloch, 1996) were used to assess verbal (naming vocabulary subscale) and non-verbal ability (picture similarities subscale). The direct assessment of the child was carried out when they were 5 years old. For the naming vocabulary subscale, which was used to assess knowledge of item names, each child was shown a series of pictures of objects and asked to name what they saw. The verbal similarities subscale was used to assess the child’s verbal reasoning and verbal knowledge. The interviewer read out three words to the child, who was asked to say how the three things were similar or go together. Ability scores were calculated using the instruction manual and used in all the analyses. Higher scores indicate better verbal and non-verbal ability. The ability scores referred to here were unstandardized. Standardization to create z-scores was done later as part of the analyses.

2.3.3.6. Autism spectrum conditions (ASC). When the child was 7 years old, the primary caregiver was asked “Has a doctor or health professional ever told you that [child] had Autism, Asperger’s syndrome or autistic spectrum disorder?”. Responses were coded on a binary scale (0=no, 1=yes).

2.3.3.7. Affect and behavioral self-regulation (Independence and self-regulation, emotional dysregulation, and co-operation). The child social behavior questionnaire (see Melhuish et al., 2004; Sammons et al., 2004) was completed by the primary caregiver and was used to measure the child’s affect and behavioral self-regulation when they were 7 years old. The scale consisted of three subscales scored

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on a three-point scale (1=not at all true, somewhat true, 2= certainly true): independence and self-regulation e.g. likes to work things out for self (5 items: range 1–3) - higher scores indicate more independence and self-regulation, emotional dysregulation e.g. shows mood swings (5 items, range 1–3) - higher scores indicate more emotional dysregulation, and cooperation e.g. works/plays easily with others (2 items, range 1–3)- higher scores indicate higher levels of cooperation. The reliability of the overall scale was good (α = 0.73).

2.3.3.8. Internalizing and externalizing problems. The parent-report strengths and difficulties questionnaire (SDQ: Goodman, 1997) was completed by the primary caregiver when the child was 7 years old. Responses were coded on a three-point scale (0=not true, 1 = somewhat true, 2 = certainly true). Two subscales were created. Internalising problems (10 items, range 0–20), which was created by summing emotional and peer problems subscale; e.g. “[child] often complains of headaches” and “[child] is rather solitary, tends to play alone”. Externalising problems (10 items, range 0–20), which was created by summing the conduct problems and hyperactivity subscale; e.g. “[child] often has temper tantrums or hot tempers” and “[child] is easily distracted, concentration wonders” - higher scores indicate more internalising and externalising problems. The internal reliability of both subscales was acceptable (internalizing α = 0.80, externalizing α = 0.70).

2.3.3.9. Prosocial behaviour. The prosocial subscale of the parent-report SDQ was adminstered when the child was 7 years old. Sample items were “[child] is helfpul if someone is hurt” and “[child] is considerate of other people’s feelings”. Responses were coded on a three-point scale (0=not true, 1 = somewhat true, 2 = certainly true). There were 5 items with a total score ranging from 0 to 10 – higher scores indicate higher levels of prosociality. The internal reliability for the prosocial subscale was good (α = 0.67).

2.3.4. Sibling bullying in middle childhood and early adolescence When they were 11 years old, the child was asked two questions and asked to respond on a six-point scale (most days, ap-

proximately once a week, approximately once a month, every few months, less often, never): “how often do your brothers or sisters hurt you or pick on you on purpose?” (victimization) and “how often do you hurt or pick on your brothers or sisters on purpose?” (perpetration). Mutually exclusive sibling bullying groups were created based on established cut-offs (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019a, 2019b; Wolke & Samara, 2004): victim-only: victimized at least once a week but not perpetrated; bully-only: perpetrated at least once a week but not victimized; bully-victim: both perpetrated and victimized at least once a week; uninvolved: does not meet the criteria for any of the other categories. The correlation between a one item scale, such as the one used here, and multi-item scales was calculated in an independent sample (Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (Boyd et al., 2013; Fraser et al., 2013), and it was shown to be high (victimization: r = .91, n = 6,909, p < .01; perpetration: r = .85, n = 6,856, p < .01) Thus, there is good evidence for the validity of this short scale.

2.4. Statistical analyses

As with all longitudinal studies, there was some sample attrition and subsequently missing data at each of the waves. To maximize power, multiple imputation was used to deal with missing data. Guiding principles outlined by von Hippel (2018) and Madley-Dowd, Hughes, Tilling, and Heron (2019) were used for the imputation process. The proportions of missing data for each variable are shown in Table S1 (Supplementary materials). All continuous variables were standardized to z-scores prior to imputation. The “mi impute” command with “chained” equations was implemented in Stata/MP 16.0 (StataCorp., 2019), which generated 50 imputed datasets. The command fills in missing values for multiple different variables with a set of possible values by using chained equations, a sequence of univariate imputation methods with fully conditional specification of prediction equations. The imputation model in- cluded all of the variables used in the subsequent analyses in a single model. To account for the application of disproportionate stratification all estimates were weighted to population level (Mostafa, 2014). Survey weights were applied according to the MCS analysis documentation (Ketende & Jones, 2011). All reported values are weighted estimates. For the regression analysis, relative risk ratios (RRR) are reported which represent the increase in relative risk per 1 standard deviation change. Given the large sample size, a more stringent statistical threshold of p < .01 was used instead of the conventional p < .05.

A multi-step analysis procedure was implemented. First, to identify possible precursors of sibling bullying, a set of multinomial logistic regressions were run (see Table S2 in the Supplementary materials for an overview of selected variables). For each of the regression models the outcome variable was entered as sibling bullying involvement group (uninvolved, victim-only, bully-only, bully-victim). The independent variable was entered as one of the precursors. Only one precursor was entered in each regression model. This allowed for crude associations between sibling bullying roles and each of the precursors. Precursors belonging to the same precursor set are presented in the same table for clarity (see Tables S3–S5 in the Supplementary materials). These models are not presented in the main text. If readers wish to judge and compare crude associations these are only available in the Supplementary materials.

Once the significant predictors of sibling bullying roles had been identified using the crude associations, the precursors that were most strongly associated with sibling bullying within precursor sets were tested. To do this, further multinomial logistic regression models were fitted. Before these models were fitted, the “collin” command in STATA was used to assess collinearity. The variance inflation factor (VIF) measures the impact of collinearity among the variables used in a regression model. As a general rule, a VIF score of above 10 or a tolerance level of 0.10 indicates multicollinearity (O’Brien, 2007). Full details of the collinearity metrics are shown in Table S6. After collinearity was assessed, three models were fitted: a) structural family-level characteristics, b) parenting and parental characteristics, and c) child-level individual differences. Again, for each of the models, sibling bullying involvement

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group was entered as the outcome variable (uninvolved, victim-only, bully-only, bully-victim). All of the variables within the pre- cursor set that were significant in the crude associations were entered as predictors at this stage.

Finally, a multinomial logistic regression model was run, in which all of the significant predictors from the previous set of models were entered as predictors. This allowed for the investigation of which precursors continued to be associated with sibling bullying involvement after controlling for all of the other significant precursors.

3. Results

3.1. Prevalence of sibling bullying

Descriptive statistics for all variables of interest are shown in Table 1. At age 11 years old, 48 % of the sample was involved in at least one type of sibling bullying (victim-only 16 %; bully-only 4%; bully-victim 28 %). The remaining 52 % were not involved in sibling bullying.

3.2. Crude associations and preliminary models

A number of crude associations were tested to investigate the relationship between sibling bullying and each precursor (in- dividually). These are shown in Tables S3–S5. Significant predictors from the crude associations were then entered into one of three models: a) structural family-level characteristics (Model 1; Table 2), b) parenting and parental characteristics (Model 2; Table 2), and c) child-level individual differences (Model 3; Table 2). A number of precursors remained significant in this step and were tested in the final model. These were birth order, ethnicity, number of siblings, primary caregiver self-esteem, harsh parenting, child sex, infant temperament – approach, emotional dysregulation, and prosocial behavior.

3.3. Structural family-level characteristics

In the final model (shown in Table 3), there were a number of structural family-level characteristics that remained significant after variables from the other precursor sets were also considered. Specifically, being first-born was associated with an increased risk of being a bully-only (RRR = 2.60, p < .001) and a bully-victim (RRR = 1.29, p < .001). White ethnicity was associated with increased risk of being a victim-only (RRR = 1.61, p < .001) and bully-victim (RRR = 1.52, p < .001). As the number of siblings increased, the risk of being involved in sibling bullying across all three bullying involvement groups also increased (victim-only RRR = 1.15, p < .01; bully-only RRR = 1.31, p < .01; bully-victim RRR = 1.16, p < .001).

3.4. Parenting and parental characteristics

There were only two significant predictors from the parenting and parental characteristics precursor set in the final model (shown in Table 3). Higher levels of primary caregiver self-esteem were associated with reduced risk of being a victim-only (RRR = 0.89, p < .01) and higher levels of harsh parenting were associated with increased risk of being a bully-victim (RRR = 1.26, p < .001).

3.5. Child-level individual differences

A number of child-level individual differences were significant in the final model (shown in Table 3). Being a boy was associated with an increased risk of being a bully-only (RRR = 1.71, p < .001) and a decreased risk of being a bully-victim (RRR = 0.84, p < .01). An approaching temperament was associated with an increased risk of being a bully-victim (RRR = 1.11, p < .01). Higher levels of emotional dysregulation were associated with increased risk of being a bully-only (RRR = 1.35, p < .001) and bully-victim (RRR = 1.17, p < .001).

3.6. Relative strength of key precursors

For each of the bullying involvement groups, the top three precursors were ranked according to relative risk ratios to provide an indication of the strongest predictors of sibling bullying (shown in Table 3). Victim-only: White ethnicity was the strongest predictor of being a victim-only (RRR = 1.61, p < .001) followed by higher number of siblings (RRR = 1.15, p < .01) and lower primary caregiver self-esteem (RRR = 0.89, p < .01). Bully-only. Being first born was the strongest predictor of being a bully-only (RRR = 2.60, p < .001) followed by being a boy (RRR = 1.71, p < .001) and higher levels of emotional dysregulation (RRR = 1.35, p < .001). Bully-victim. White ethnicity was the strongest predictor of being a bully-victim (RRR = 1.52, p < .001) followed by being first born (RRR = 1.29, p < .001) and higher levels of emotional dysregulation (RRR = 1.17, p < .001).

4. Discussion

4.1. Summary of key findings

In this large population-based study, the precursors of sibling bullying were investigated. The results showed that structural

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family characteristics (e.g. birth order, ethnicity, and number of siblings) are the strongest predictors of sibling bullying involvement followed by child-level individual differences (e.g. emotional dysregulation and child sex). Parenting and parental characteristics (e.g. primary caregiver self-esteem and harsh parenting) also predicted sibling bullying but to a lesser extent. These findings are summarized in Table 4 and discussed with reference to previous work in more detail in the subsequent sections.

Table 1 Prevalence of Sibling Bullying Split by Variable of Interest.

Variable Neither Victim Only Bully Only Bully-Victim

Sibling Bullying 5566 (52 %) 1680 (16 %) 468 (4 %) 3005 (28 %) Structural Family-Level Characteristics Primary caregiver highest education 1.44 (1.08) 1.42 (1.05) 1.41 (1.11) 1.48 (1.05) First Born No 3407 (53 %) 1125 (17 %) 193 (3 %) 1733 (27 %) Yes 1952 (50 %) 493 (13 %) 258 (7 %) 1179 (30 %)

Ethnicity Non-White 1153 (60 %) 237 (13 %) 102 (5 %) 420 (22 %) White 4390 (50 %) 1433 (17 %) 363 (4 %) 2568 (29 %)

Poverty Not in poverty 3589 (52 %) 1069 (15 %) 282 (4 %) 1992 (29 %) In poverty 1438 (51 %) 460 (16 %) 131 (5 %) 781 (28 %) Number of siblings 1.66 (0.93) 1.76 (0.91) 1.67 (0.93) 1.70 (0.89)

Lone parent status Two parents/caregivers 4192 (52 %) 1257 (15 %) 333 (4 %) 2341 (29 %) One parent/caregiver 841 (52 %) 273 (15 %) 80 (5 %) 438 (27 %)

Parenting and Parental Characteristics Primary caregiver self-esteem 18.28 (3.40) 17.83 (3.54) 18.21 (3.51) 18.00 (3.40) Primary caregiver depression 1.61 (1.72) 1.79 (1.81) 1.64 (1.80) 1.75 (1.80) Parent-child conflict 16.75 (5.80) 16.97 (5.86) 17.49 (6.14) 17.76 (6.00) Primary caregiver relationship satisfaction 16.14 (3.13) 15.86 (3.27) 15.92 (3.17) 15.94 (3.12) Parental engagement 19.56 (4.94) 19.37 (4.87) 19.07 (4.68) 19.36 (4.70) Primary caregiver psychological distress 2.86 (3.61) 3.04 (3.78) 3.38 (4.14) 3.30 (3.84) Harsh parenting 15.42 (3.53) 15.83 (3.49) 16.71 (3.50) 16.75 (3.37)

Child-Level individual differences Sex Female 2800 (53 %) 810 (15 %) 164 (3 %) 1568 (29 %) Male 2766 (51 %) 870 (16 %) 304 (6 %) 1437 (27 %)

Low birth weight Normal 5296 (52 %) 1600 (16 %) 442 (4 %) 2870 (28 %) Low 54 (49 %) 14 (13 %) 7 (6 %) 36 (32 %)

Infant temperament: mood 14.18 (3.41) 14.25 (3.40) 14.26 (3.26) 14.01 (3.36) Infant temperament: regularity 13.11 (3.07) 13.07 (3.15) 13.04 (3.04) 13.03 (3.08) Infant temperament: approach 9.50 (2.38) 9.62 (2.35) 9.79 (2.27) 9.71 (2.27) Infant temperament: adaptability 5.55 (1.94) 5.53 (1.91) 5.72 (1.79) 5.66 (1.90)

Language concerns No 4667 (52 %) 1377 (16 %) 394 (4 %) 2495 (28 %) Yes 447 (47 %) 167 (18 %) 42 (4 %) 294 (31 %)

Verbal ability 106.66 (16.81) 106.36 (15.73) 106.85 (15.84) 108.40 (15.30) Non-verbal ability 82.76 (11.31) 81.75 (11.54) 81.75 (12.11) 82.86 (11.34)

Autism spectrum conditions No 4791 (52 %) 1511 (16 %) 408 (4 %) 2730 (28 %) Yes 50 (42 %) 17 (15 %) 5 (4 %) 46 (39 %)

Independence and self-regulation 2.53 (0.36) 2.50 (0.36) 2.50 (0.37) 2.50 (0.37) Emotional dysregulation 1.67 (0.46) 1.71 (0.46) 1.86 (0.48) 1.78 (0.48) Co-operation 2.63 (0.33) 2.61 (0.33) 2.54 (0.36) 2.58 (0.34) Internalizing problems 2.55 (2.67) 2.68 (2.78) 2.88 (2.91) 2.80 (2.76) Externalizing problems 4.28 (3.66) 4.62(3.53) 5.40 (3.86) 4.98 (3.66) Prosocial behavior 8.72 (1.55) 8.55 (1.62) 8.25 (1.78) 8.49 (1.67)

Note. The values in this table are taken from the original dataset (before imputation). They represent mean (standard deviation) for continuous variables and number of observations (%) for categorical/binary variables. The % add up to 100 % within rows across columns.

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4.2. Prevalence estimates

In the current study, it was found that almost half of 11-year-old children were involved in sibling bullying, most of whom were involved in two-way sibling bullying, as a bully-victim. These findings are in line with expectations about sibling bullying in- volvement based on previous population-based estimates (Toseeb et al., 2018; Wolke & Skew, 2012). Given the high levels of familiarity between them, siblings have bidirectional power over one another which gives rise to frequent opportunities to bully and be the victim at the same time (Tippett & Wolke, 2015).

Table 2 Precursors of sibling bullying involvement at age 11 years – separate models for each precursor set.

Precursor Child age Uninvolved Victim Only Bully Only Bully-Victim

Model 1: Structural Family-Level Characteristics First born 9 months Reference 0.85 [0.73, 0.98]* 2.84 [2.19, 3.67]*** 1.36 [1.22,1.52]*** White ethnicity 9 months Reference 1.69 [1.40, 2.03]*** 1.04 [0.78, 1.38] 1.64 [1.40, 1.93]*** Number of siblings 7 years Reference 1.15 [1.06, 1.25]** 1.33 [1.15, 1.54]*** 1.17 [1.10, 1.24]***

Model 2: Parenting and Parental Characteristics Primary caregiver self-esteem 9 months Reference 0.91 [0.85, 0.97]** 1.04 [0.92, 1.19] 0.96 [0.90, 1.03] Primary caregiver depression 9 months Reference 1.06 [0.98, 1.15] 0.92 [0.78, 1.07] 1.00 [0.93, 1.06] Parent-child conflict 3 years Reference 0.97 [0.90, 1.04] 1.04 [0.91, 1.19] 1.08 [1.02, 1.14]* Primary caregiver relationship satisfaction 5 years Reference 0.94 [0.88, 1.01] 0.96 [0.84, 1.09] 1.02 [0.97, 1.09] Primary caregiver psychological distress 7 years Reference 0.97 [0.90, 1.06] 1.08 [0.93, 1.25] 1.04 [0.98, 1.12] Harsh parenting 7 years Reference 1.15 [1.07, 1.24]*** 1.38 [1.20, 1.58]*** 1.32 [1.25, 1.41]***

Model 3: Child-Level Individual Differences Boy 9 months Reference 1.03 [0.90, 1.18] 1.75 [1.38, 2.21]*** 0.86 [0.77, 0.95]** Infant temperament - approach 9 months Reference 1.10 [1.01, 1.18]* 1.16 [1.00, 1.35]* 1.14 [1.07, 1.21]*** Non-verbal ability 5 years Reference 0.92 [0.86, 0.98]* 0.95 [0.84, 1.07] 1.02 [0.97, 1.08] Verbal ability 5 years Reference 0.94 [0.88, 1.00] 0.97 [0.85, 1.11] 1.05 [0.99, 1.12] Independence and self-regulation 7 years Reference 0.98 [0.90, 1.06] 1.15 [1.00, 1.33] 1.02 [0.95, 1.09] Emotional dysregulation 7 years Reference 1.10 [1.00, 1.20]* 1.56 [1.32, 1.84]*** 1.26 [1.18, 1.35]*** Cooperation 7 years Reference 1.10 [1.00, 1.20]* 1.01 [0.87, 1.19] 1.02 [0.95, 1.10] Internalizing problems 7 years Reference 1.10 [1.00, 1.08] 0.94 [0.81, 1.08] 0.99 [0.93, 1.06] Externalizing problems 7 years Reference 1.01 [0.91, 1.13] 0.97 [0.81, 1.15] 1.06 [0.97, 1.15] Prosocial behavior 7 years Reference 0.91 [0.84, 0.98]* 0.83 [0.74, 0.94]** 0.92 [0.86, 0.99]*

Values are Relative Risk Ratio [95 % confidence intervals]. Note. All significant precursors (at p < .01) on this table were entered into a single multinomial logistic regression model (Table 3). * p < .05, (note in the current study this level of significance is not interpreted as significant). ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

Table 3 Final model – Precursors of sibling bullying involvement at age 11 years.

Precursors Child age Uninvolved Victim Only Bully Only Bully-Victim

Structural Family-Level Characteristics First born 9 months Reference 0.83 [0.72, 0.96]* 2.60 [2.00, 3.39]*** 1.29 [1.14, 1.43]*** White ethnicity 9 months Reference 1.61 [1.34, 1.94]*** 0.98 [0.72, 1.32] 1.52 [1.28, 1.79]*** Number of siblings 7 years Reference 1.15 [1.06, 1.24]** 1.31 [1.13, 1.52]** 1.16 [1.09, 1.23]***

Parenting and Parental Characteristics Primary caregiver self-esteem 9 months Reference 0.89 [0.84, 0.95]** 1.05 [0.95, 1.18] 0.95 [0.90, 1.01] Harsh parenting 7 years Reference 1.10 [1.02, 1.20]* 1.15 [1.00, 1.32] 1.26 [1.18, 1.34]***

Child-Level Individual Differences Boy 9 months Reference 1.04 [0.91, 1.19] 1.71 [1.35, 2.16]*** 0.84 [0.75, 0.94]** Infant temperament - approach 9 months Reference 1.08 [0.99, 1.16] 1.13 [0.97, 1.32] 1.11 [1.04, 1.19]** Emotional dysregulation 7 years Reference 1.05 [0.97, 1.14] 1.35 [1.18, 1.54]*** 1.17 [1.10, 1.24]*** Prosocial behavior 7 years Reference 0.95 [0.88, 1.02] 0.89 [0.80, 1.00]* 0.96 [0.90, 1.01]

Values are Relative Risk Ratio [95 % confidence intervals]. Note. All precursors on this table were entered into a single multinomial logistic regression model. * p < .05 (note in the current study this level of significance is not interpreted as significant). ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

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4.3. Structural family-level characteristics

The findings on the importance of structural family characteristics are in line with previous work on the topic (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019; Tippett & Wolke, 2015; Toseeb et al., 2018). Sibling bullying across all sibling bullying groups occurred more frequently in households with more children. Furthermore, children who are first-born are more likely to be involved in sibling bullying, parti- cularly as a perpetrator. These findings support the resource control theory (Hawley, 1999), which posits that aggression amongst siblings is a result of competition over resources. Access to parental resources such as affection, attention, and material goods become limited as the number of siblings increase. In turn, the competition over these resources increases and so siblings may resort to bullying behaviors. Specifically, for first-born children, who previously had exclusive access to resources and now have to share, resource control theory would predict that they are more likely to be involved as perpetrators, as seen in in this study.

In contrast, other structural family-level variables such as primary caregiver education and lone parent status were not associated with sibling bullying involvement, which is in line with previous work (Bowes et al., 2014; Eriksen & Jensen, 2009; Tippett & Wolke, 2015). Similarly, children from low income households were not more or less likely to be involved in sibling bullying compared to those from high income households. Thus, sibling bullying was found to be ubiquitous, irrespective of socioeconomic factors. Fur- thermore, children of White ethnicity are more likely to be involved in sibling bullying as a victim-only and bully-victim, which is in line with previous work (Tucker et al., 2013). This might be due to different cultures placing different boundaries for what is acceptable aggression amongst siblings or even due to more collectivism within ethnic minority families that may inhibit sibling bullying behavior (Killoren, Thayer, & Updegraff, 2008). In summary, in the current study, structural family-level characteristics were found to be the strongest predictors of sibling bullying in middle childhood.

4.4. Parenting and parental characteristics

It was also found that parenting and parental characteristics, for the most part, are not associated with sibling bullying after controlling for other factors. It may be that siblings unite and provide support to each other in situations where they are subject to poor parenting or negative parental characteristics (Gass, Jenkins, & Dunn, 2007; McHale, Updegraff, & Whiteman, 2012; Milevsky, 2005). It was, however, found that harsh parenting is associated with sibling bullying as a bully-victim, thus supporting previous work (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019; Eriksen & Jensen, 2009; Toseeb et al., 2018). These findings support attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) and social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) as they suggest that maladaptive internal working models of social relationships may be provided through harsh parenting, where abuse becomes internalized as normal behavior. It may be that children use these maladaptive internal working models as templates for their relationships with their siblings.

4.5. Child-level individual differences

A number of child-level individual differences were also associated with sibling bullying involvement. Again, resource control theory (Hawley, 1999), which states that individuals with asymmetrical social groups want to acquire social dominance in order to gain access to the desired resources, helps to interpret these findings. Here, siblings use their individual differences to gain dominance over their siblings in order to gain access to parental resources. In the current study, first-borns were more likely to be perpetrators of sibling bullying, which may be because they are particularly sensitive to loss of resources when a new sibling is born and perhaps due to their relative power and strength (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019b). Boys are more likely to be perpetrators of sibling bullying as a bully- only and bully-victim, which is in line with findings from Dantchev and Wolke (2019b). It may, however, also be important to explore differential outcomes according to the mode of aggression in future studies in order to better understand underlying sex differences, seeing as boys are reported to employ more physical aggression, whereas girls are found to use more indirect or relational forms of aggression (Björkqvist, 2018).

In terms of emotional dysregulation, it was found that children whose emotional responses are poorly modulated are more likely to be perpetrators of sibling bullying as a bully-only and bully-victim. This suggests that the perpetration of sibling bullying may be a maladaptive emotion regulation strategy. It is possible, however, that this type of emotional dysregulation reflects, to some degree,

Table 4 Overview of factors that increase risk of sibling bullying in final model.

Precursor Set Victim-Only Bully-Only Bully-Victim

Structural family characteristics First born First born White ethnicity White ethnicity More siblings in household More siblings in household More siblings in household

Parenting and parental Characteristics Low primary caregiver self-esteem

Child-level individual differences Boy Girl Approaching temperament

Higher emotional dysregulation Higher emotional dysregulation

Note. The factors listed in this table reached the p < .01 threshold in the model presented in Table 3.

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aspects of externalizing behavior. It is not possible within the present dataset to determine the nature of the interplay between emotional dysregulation, externalizing problems, and sibling bullying. One possibility is that emotional dysregulation mediates the relationship between sibling bullying and SEMH difficulties. Future work should consider these effects.

4.6. Strengths and limitations

A major strength of the current study was the use of a large prospective population-based sample, which was not limited by geographical location within the United Kingdom. Given that that sample was representative of the UK population, the findings are generalizable. Furthermore, the extensiveness of data collected from the MCS families enabled the inclusion of a number of covariates in all of the statistical models. This ensured minimal risk of confounding as the observable effects were unique to the variables of interest. That said, residual confounding cannot be excluded.

There are also a number of limitations that should be borne in mind when interpreting the findings. Self-report was used to measure sibling bullying involvement. Self-report is, arguably, an accurate measure of sibling bullying, as parents are not cognizant of all conflicts happening between siblings, with much ensuing behind closed doors (Wolke, Tippett et al., 2015). Therefore, if parents are asked about sibling bullying it may lead to an increase in false negatives. Future work should investigate the levels of agreement between children, their siblings, and their parents on the levels of sibling bullying involvement. Moreover, while the inclusion of a large set of predictor variables strengthens the study design, allowing for multiple comparisons across the covariates similarly in- creases the possibility of over adjustment and hence statistical bias in the findings. This may for example, provide one possible explanation for why some child-level individual differences were no longer significant once included in the adjusted models. However, the multi-step approach adopted in this study allows readers to assess and compare these discrepancies between the crude and within-block associations.

Some variables had high levels of missing data. Whilst 50 imputed datasets were generated to deal with missing data, this should be borne in mind when interpreting the findings. Furthermore, the statistical models implemented in this study do not take into account the temporal nature of the variables. Even though longitudinal data have been used, the data have effectively been treated as cross-sectional. This means that the ability to make causal inferences is limited. Whilst it seems counterintuitive to consider the possibility that sibling bullying causes there to be more siblings in the family, it may be that both sibling bullying and number of siblings are related through a third unmeasured factor. Future work should adopt causal inference statistical frameworks to in- vestigate the directionality of the observed effects.

4.7. Practical implications

The findings may have potential implications for the protection of children from abuse within the family as they suggest that structural family-level characteristics are important predictors of sibling bullying. Therefore, family-level interventions, in particular when a second or third child is on the way, aimed at parents focusing on how to distribute their time and resources appropriately to all children may reduce the incidence of sibling bullying in the general population. Furthermore, child-level interventions could target specific sibling bullying behaviors in order to bring about behavior change at the child-level. Finally, given the growing evidence that sibling bullying is associated with social, emotional, and mental health difficulties (Toseeb et al., 2018; Tucker et al., 2014a, 2014b, 2013; van Berkel et al., 2018), and in order to reduce this health burden, it may be appropriate for health professionals to ask about sibling bullying, and consider intervening, where appropriate.

5. Conclusions

In this population-based study a number of precursors to sibling bullying in middle childhood were identified. Structural family- level characteristics (e.g. birth order, ethnicity, and number of siblings) were found to be the strongest predictors of sibling bullying involvement followed by child-level individual differences (e.g. emotional dysregulation and sex). Parenting and parental char- acteristics (e.g. primary caregiver self-esteem and harsh parenting) explained some variance but to a lesser extent. If future work confirms causal links between these factors, these findings highlight the need for family- and child-level interventions.

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to the children and families who take part in the study. Data was accessed via the UK Data Service (http://www. ukdataservice.ac.uk/). The Centre for Longitudinal Studies, UCL Institute of Education, the UK Data Archive, and UK Data Service bear no responsibility for the analysis or interpretation of these data.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104633.

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case of individuals with autism spectrum disorder. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 50, 1457–1469. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-019-04116-8. Toseeb, U., McChesney, G., & Wolke, D. (2018). The prevalence and psychopathological correlates of sibling bullying in children with and without autism spectrum

disorder. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 48, 2308–2318. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-018-3484-2. Tucker, C. J., Finkelhor, D., Shattuck, A. M., & Turner, H. (2013). Prevalence and correlates of sibling victimization types. Child Abuse & Neglect, 37(4), 213–223.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2013.01.006. Tucker, C. J., Finkelhor, D., & Turner, H. (2017). Victimization by siblings in children with disability or weight problems. Journal of Developmental and Behavioral

Pediatrics, 38(6), 378–384. https://doi.org/10.1097/dbp.0000000000000456. Tucker, C. J., Finkelhor, D., Turner, H., & Shattuck, A. M. (2014a). Sibling and peer victimization in childhood and adolescence. Child Abuse & Neglect, 38(10),

1599–1606. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2014.05.007. Tucker, C. J., Finkelhor, D., Turner, H., & Shattuck, A. M. (2014b). Family dynamics and young children’s sibling victimization. Journal of Family Psychology, 28(5),

625–633. https://doi.org/10.1037/fam0000016. van Berkel, S. R., Tucker, C. J., & Finkelhor, D. (2018). The combination of sibling victimization and parental child maltreatment on mental health problems and

delinquency. Child Maltreatment, 23(3), 244–253. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077559517751670. von Hippel, P. T. (2018). How many imputations do you need? A two-stage calculation using a quadratic rule. Sociological Methods & Research, 0(0), https://doi.org/

10.1177/0049124117747303 0049124117747303. Wolke, D., & Samara, M. M. (2004). Bullied by siblings: Association with peer victimisation and behaviour problems in Israeli lower secondary school children. Journal

of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45(5), 1015–1029. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7610.2004.t01-1-00293.x. Wolke, D., & Skew, A. J. (2012). Bullying among siblings. International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health, 24(1), 17–25. https://doi.org/10.1515/ijamh.2012.

004. Wolke, D., Baumann, N., Strauss, V., Johnson, S., & Marlow, N. (2015). Bullying of preterm children and emotional problems at school age: Cross-culturally invariant

effects. Jornal de Pediatria, 166(6), 1417–1422. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpeds.2015.02.055. Wolke, D., Tippett, N., & Dantchev, S. (2015). Bullying in the family: Sibling bullying. The Lancet Psychiatry, 2(10), 917–929.

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  • Precursors of sibling bullying in middle childhood: Evidence from a UK-based longitudinal cohort study
    • Introduction
      • Sibling bullying and SEMH difficulties
      • Structural family-level characteristics
      • Parenting and parental characteristics
      • Child-level individual differences
      • A comprehensive investigation of precursors
    • Method
      • Ethical approval
      • Study sample
      • Measures
        • Structural family characteristics
        • Primary caregiver highest academic qualification
        • Birth order
        • Ethnicity
        • Poverty
        • Number of siblings
        • Lone parent status
        • Parenting and parental characteristics
        • Primary caregiver self-esteem
        • Primary caregiver depression
        • Parent-child conflict
        • Primary caregiver relationship satisfaction
        • Parental engagement
        • Primary caregiver global psychological distress
        • Harsh parenting
        • Child-level individual differences
        • Sex
        • Low birth weight
        • Infant temperament
        • Language concerns
        • Verbal and non-verbal ability
        • Autism spectrum conditions (ASC)
        • Affect and behavioral self-regulation (Independence and self-regulation, emotional dysregulation, and co-operation)
        • Internalizing and externalizing problems
        • Prosocial behaviour
        • Sibling bullying in middle childhood and early adolescence
      • Statistical analyses
    • Results
      • Prevalence of sibling bullying
      • Crude associations and preliminary models
      • Structural family-level characteristics
      • Parenting and parental characteristics
      • Child-level individual differences
      • Relative strength of key precursors
    • Discussion
      • Summary of key findings
      • Prevalence estimates
      • Structural family-level characteristics
      • Parenting and parental characteristics
      • Child-level individual differences
      • Strengths and limitations
      • Practical implications
    • Conclusions
    • Acknowledgements
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Associations-between-the-Canadian-24-h-movement-guidelines-a_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

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Child Abuse & Neglect

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Associations between the Canadian 24 h movement guidelines and different types of bullying involvement among adolescents

Hugues Sampasa-Kanyingaa,b,*, Ian Colmana,c, Gary S. Goldfielda,b, Ian Janssend, JianLi Wanga,e, Hayley A. Hamiltonf,g, Jean-Philippe Chaputa,b

a School of Epidemiology and Public Health, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada b Healthy Active Living and Obesity Research Group, Children’s Hospital of Eastern Ontario Research Institute, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada c Centre for Fertility and Health, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, Oslo, Norway d School of Kinesiology and Health Studies, Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada e University of Ottawa Institute of Mental Health Research, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada f Institute for Mental Health Policy Research, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, Toronto, Ontario, Canada g Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Physical activity Screen time Sleep School bullying Cyber bullying Canadian 24-hour movement guidelines

A B S T R A C T

Background: The Canadian 24-Hour Movement Guidelines for Children and Youth recommend ≥60 min of physical activity per day, ≤2 h of recreational screen time per day, and 9−11 hours of sleep per night for 11–13 years old and 8−10 hours per night for 14–17 years old. Objective: This study examined the association between combinations of these recommendations and school bullying and cyberbullying victimization and perpetration among adolescents. Participants and Setting: A total of 5615 Canadian students (mean age = 15.2 years) who par- ticipated in the 2017 Ontario Student Drug Use and Health Survey (OSDUHS) self-reported their physical activity, screen time, sleep duration, and their involvement in bullying. Methods: Logistic regression analyses were adjusted for important covariates. Results: Meeting the screen time recommendation alone was associated with lower odds of being a victim (OR: 0.64; 95 % CI: 0.46−0.88) or a bully (OR: 0.64; 95 % CI: 0.43−0.96) at school and a victim of cyberbullying (OR: 0.67; 95 % CI: 0.49−0.91). Meeting both the screen time and sleep duration recommendations was associated with lower odds of being a bully (OR: 0.51; 95 % CI: 0.30−0.88). Meeting all 3 recommendations showed stronger associations (i.e. lowest risk) with being a victim of school bullying (OR: 0.32; 95 % CI: 0.19−0.54), a bully-victim (OR: 0.25; 95 % CI: 0.08−0.78) or a victim of cyberbullying (OR: 0.37; 95 % CI: 0.17−0.84). Conclusions: Our findings provide evidence that meeting the 24 -h movement guidelines is as- sociated with lower odds of bullying involvement. Encouraging adherence to the 24 -h movement guidelines could be a good behavioural target to prevent involvement in both school bullying and cyberbullying.

1. Introduction

Bullying is often defined as an aggression that is intentionally carried out by one or more individuals and repeatedly targeted

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104638 Received 4 April 2020; Received in revised form 3 July 2020; Accepted 17 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: School of Epidemiology and Public Health, University of Ottawa, 600 Peter Morand Crescent, Ottawa, Ontario, K1G 5Z3 Canada.

E-mail address: [email protected] (H. Sampasa-Kanyinga).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104638

Available online 28 July 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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toward a person who cannot easily defend him- or herself (Olweus, 1993). It can include an aggression that is physical (hitting, tripping), verbal (name calling, teasing), or relational/social (spreading rumors, leaving out of group). Bullying can happen in face- to-face interactions at school (e.g., in the playground, in the classroom, in the bathroom) (Craig, Pepler, & Atlas, 2000; Donaldson, 1999; Roland & Galloway, 2002), on the school bus (Sampasa-Kanyinga, Chaput, Hamilton, & Larouche, 2016), or on the street (Andershed, Kerr, & Stattin, 2001). It can also happen electronically through cyberbullying, a form a bullying that involves using emails, cell phones, text messages, and internet sites to threaten, harass, embarrass, or socially exclude (Hinduja & Patchin, 2009). Cyberbullying is more pervasive than face-to-face forms of bullying, as the perpetrators can reach the victims anywhere and at any time. Although cyberbullying usually happens outside of school, it often occurs between classmates and its consequences are usually brought to school (Beran & Li, 2008; Goodno, 2011; Smith et al., 2008). Furthermore, there is a large overlap between school bullying and cyberbullying (Messias, Kindrick, & Castro, 2014; Sampasa-Kanyinga, 2017; Schneider, O’Donnell, Stueve, & Coulter, 2012). Therefore, schools need to be involved in cyberbullying prevention.

Bullying is a major public health problem among children and youth worldwide as it is an extremely prevalent behaviour that has far reaching health implications (Lereya, Copeland, Costello, & Wolke, 2015; Takizawa, Maughan, & Arseneault, 2014; Wolke & Lereya, 2015). Involvement in bullying in any role (i.e., victim, bully, or bully-victim) is associated with a wide range of negative outcomes (Rigby, 2003; Wolke & Lereya, 2015). Victims of bullying are more likely than those who are not bullied to experience more internalizing (e.g., depression, withdrawal, anxiety, and loneliness) and psychosomatic (e.g., headache, stomachache, and trouble sleeping) problems, to report lower academic achievement, and to drop out of school (Cornell, Gregory, Huang, & Fan, 2013; Gini & Pozzoli, 2009; Moore et al., 2017). Bullies exhibit more externalizing problems, academic problems, and experience violence later in adolescence and adulthood (Kumpulainen & Räsänen, 2000; Wolke & Lereya, 2015). Bully-victims have been shown to suffer the most serious consequences and to have greater risk of internalizing and externalizing problems (Brunstein Klomek, Marrocco, Kleinman, Schonfeld, & Gould, 2007; Wolke & Lereya, 2015). The health consequences of bullying extend into adulthood, with childhood bullying behaviour being associated with later psychosocial and mental health problems (deLara, 2019; Ttofi, Farrington, Lösel, & Loeber, 2011). It is therefore important to identify protective factors that could help inform the development of public health interventions aimed at reducing experiences of school bullying and cyberbullying among adolescents.

Healthy movement behaviours, including regular physical activity, low recreational screen time, and sufficient sleep duration have been individually identified among numerous factors that could have a protective effect on bullying involvement (Katapally, Thorisdottir, Laxer, & Leatherdale, 2018; Merrill & Hanson, 2016; Sampasa-Kanyinga, Chaput, Hamilton, & Colman, 2018; Storch et al., 2006; van Geel, Goemans, & Vedder, 2016). Indeed, regular physical activity promotes physical fitness and better mental health (Poitras et al., 2016; Sampasa-Kanyinga, Colman et al., 2020), which could protect against bullying victimization (Garcia-Hermoso, Oriol-Granado, Correa-Bautista, & Ramírez-Vélez, 2019; Méndez, Ruiz-Esteban, & Ortega, 2019). Physical activity may also protect adolescents from becoming a bullying perpetrator because it helps to increase their confidence to establish social relationships with peers (Martínez-Martínez & González-Hernández, 2018), and it promotes prosocial attitudes (González et al., 2016). Heavy screen time has been associated with bullying involvement among adolescents, particularly cyberbullying (Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015), owing to associated risk factors, including but not limited to mental health problems, addiction, short sleep duration, and online risk taking (Katapally et al., 2018; Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015; Sampasa-Kanyinga, Hamilton, & Chaput, 2018). Excessive screen time, particularly video games and TV also expose users to violent content (Ferguson & Olson, 2014), and they have been associated with poor cognitive functions, greater impulsivity, and problem behaviours among children and adolescents (Guerrero, Barnes, Chaput, & Tremblay, 2019, 2019b; Walsh, Barnes, Tremblay, & Chaput, 2020). These could increase the risk of developing aggressive and deviant behaviours among adolescents. Short sleep duration has become ubiquitous in the life of many adolescents, mainly due to the rapid progress of information and communication technologies (Hale & Guan, 2015; Sampasa- Kanyinga, Hamilton et al., 2018). Research has shown that short sleep duration is tied to fatigue, poor daytime functioning, daytime sleepiness, and greater impulsivity (Guerrero, Barnes, Walsh et al., 2019; Wolfson & Carskadon, 1998). Short sleep duration has also been associated with mental health problems such as depressive symptoms and suicidality among adolescents (Sampasa-Kanyinga, Chaput et al., 2020, 2020b; Wolfson & Carskadon, 1998), which could render them perfect targets for bullying victimization. Therefore, short sleep duration could be conducive to bullying involvement in any capacity among adolescents (Sampasa-Kanyinga, Chaput et al., 2018).

However, it is unclear whether the combination of physical activity, screen time, and sleep duration have protective effects on bullying involvement that extend beyond the individual contribution of each movement behaviour. Gaining such information is important because it could inform public health prevention efforts, and because it will give further support to the Canadian 24-Hour Movement Guidelines. These guidelines provide evidence-based recommendations on the amount of time that children and youth aged 5–17 years should spend in moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) (≥60 min/day), recreational screen time (≤2 h/day), and sleep (9–11 hours/day for 5- to 13-year-olds, and 8–10 hours/day for 14- to 17-year-olds) to support health benefits (Tremblay et al., 2016). Research has shown that children who meet all 3 recommendations have better indicators of physical, mental, and social health than children who meet fewer recommendations (Guerrero, Barnes, Walsh et al., 2019; Knell, Durand, Kohl, Wu, & Pettee Gabriel, 2019; Pearson, Sherar, & Hamer, 2019; Roman-Vinas et al., 2016; Sampasa-Kanyinga et al., 2017; Walsh et al., 2018), but relationships between these lifestyle behaviours and bullying remain uninvestigated.

The present study used data from the 2017 Ontario Student Drug Use and Health Survey (OSDUHS) to be the first to examine the associations between combinations of physical activity, screen time, and sleep duration with cyberbullying and school bullying victimization and perpetration in a large and representative sample of adolescents. We hypothesized that meeting the movement behaviour recommendations would be associated with lower odds of bullying victimization and perpetration than meeting none of the recommendations and that meeting all three recommendations would have the strongest association (i.e., lower odds) with

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bullying outcomes.

2. Methods

The OSDUHS is a biennially repeated province-wide survey of 7th to 12th grade students (aged 11–20 years or older) within publicly funded schools (Boak, Hamilton, Adlaf, & Mann, 2017). The survey represents nearly 93 % of the comparably aged Ontario adolescent population. Schools excluded from sampling are those on military bases, in First Nation communities, hospitals and other institutions, and private schools. Special education, English as a second language, and low enrolment classes were also excluded from selection. The study was approved by the Research Ethics Committees of the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, participating Ontario Public and Catholic school boards, and York University, which administered the surveys. The OSDUHS employs a two-stage (school, class) cluster design involving a random selection of classes from within a random selection of schools (probability pro- portional to size) stratified by region and school type. All participants provided their signed assent in addition to parentally signed consent for those aged under 18 years.

Students completed self-administered, anonymous pen-and-paper questionnaires in their classrooms between November 2016 and June 2017. A total of 11,435 students in grades 7 through 12 were drawn from 764 classes, 214 schools, and 52 school boards. Participation rates were 61 % for schools, 94 % for classes, and 61 % for students. This student participation rate is above average for a survey of students that requires active parental consent (Courser, Shamblen, Lavrakas, Collins, & Ditterline, 2009). The reasons for non-completion included absenteeism (11 %) and unreturned consent forms or parental refusal (26 %). The present study was restricted to a subsample of 6364 students who completed one of the two questionnaires (form A or form B) alternately distributed (i.e., A, B, A) within each class containing the bullying items. The study design and methods are described in more detail elsewhere (Boak et al., 2017).

2.1. Measures

2.1.1. Independent variables Physical activity, screen time, and sleep duration were measured using single-item measures from the Centre for Disease Control's

Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) (Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, 2017). Single-item measures of physical activity and sleep have shown moderate to strong criterion validity with accelerometry-assessed physical activity and sleep among children and adolescents (Nascimento-Ferreira et al., 2016; Scott, Morgan, Plotnikoff, & Lubans, 2015). Self-report methods of quantifying screen time have also been reported to have acceptable reliability and validity in children and adolescents (Lubans et al., 2011; Schmitz et al., 2004).

Physical activity was measured using the following item: “On how many of the last 7 days were you physically active for at least 60 min each day? Please add up all the time you spent in any kind of physical activity that increased your heart rate and made you breathe hard some of the time (some examples are brisk walking, running, rollerblading, biking, dancing, skateboarding, swimming, soccer, basketball, and football). Please include both school and non-school activities.” Response options ranged from 0 to 7 days. For our analyses, those who reported “7 days” represented the group that met the physical activity guideline recommendation (Tremblay et al., 2016). Response options of 0 day through 6 days were collapsed to represent students that did not meet the physical activity guideline recommendation.

Screen time was assessed using the following item: “In the last 7 days, about how many hours a day, on average, did you spend watching TV/movies/videos, playing video/computer games, texting, emailing, or surfing the Internet in your free time?” Response options included “none”, “≤1 h/day”, “1−2 h/day”, “3-4 h/day”, “5−6 h/day”, and “≥7 h/day”. Responses of ≤2 h/day corre- sponded to students that met the screen time guideline recommendation (Tremblay et al., 2016). Remaining response options were collapsed to represent students that did not meet the recommendation.

Sleep duration was measured using the following item: “On an average school night, how many hours of sleep do you get?”. Response options included “≤4 h”, “5 h”, “6 h”, “7 h”, “8 h”, “9 h”, and “≥10 h”. For analysis, a dichotomous variable was constructed to represent respondents who had a sleep duration that met the recommended range (9–11 h per night for 11–13-year- olds; 8–10 h per night for 14–17-year-olds, or 7–9 h per night for those ≥18 years of age) compared to those who did not get the minimum amount of recommended sleep (Hirshkowitz et al., 2015; Tremblay et al., 2016).

2.1.2. Dependent variables Experiences of school bullying victimization and perpetration since September (i.e. start of school year) and cyberbullying vic-

timization and perpetration in the last 12 months were measured using items that were adapted from the World Health Organization's Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) study (Boak, Hamilton, Adlaf, & Mann, 2013). Bullying was defined as repeatedly being teased by one or more people, being hurt or upset, or being left out of things on purpose (Boak et al., 2013). School bullying victimization was measured by the following question: “Since September, how often have you been bullied at school?” Responses included “Was not bullied at school since September”, “Less than once a month”, “About once a month”, “About once a week”, and “Daily or almost daily”. To ensure sufficient cases, a dichotomous measure was created to represent “have not been bullied at school” and “have been bullied at school at least once” since September. School bullying perpetration was measured by the following questions: “Since September, how often have you taken part in bullying other students at school?” Responses included “Did not bully other students since September”, “Less than once a month”, “About once a month”, “About once a week”, and “Daily or almost daily”. A dichotomous measure was created to represent “Did not bully other students at school” and “Did bully other students at least once”

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since September. Cyberbullying victimization was measured by the following question: “In the last 12 months, how many times did other people bully or pick on you through the Internet?” Responses included “Do not use internet”, “Never”, “Once”, “2–3 times”, and “4 or more times”. A dichotomous measure was created to represent “never been cyberbullied” and “been cyberbullied at least once” in the last 12 months. Cyberbullying perpetration was measured by the following question: “In the last 12 months, how often did you bully or pick on other people electronically or through the Internet?” Responses included “Do not use internet”, “Never”, “Once”, “2–3 times”, and “4 or more times”. A dichotomous measure was created to represent “never been a cyberbully” and “been a cyberbully at least once” in the last 12 months.

Given that previous studies, such as those using the HBSC data have defined bullying involvement as the experience of bullying at least 2 times in the past year (Craig et al., 2009; Kukaswadia, Craig, Janssen, & Pickett, 2011), a sensitivity analysis was run using a more severe level of bullying involvement (i.e., at least once a week vs. not for school bullying involvement, and at least 2–3 times for cyberbullying involvement vs. not).

2.1.3. Covariates Covariates included age (in years), sex (male/female), ethnoracial background (White/Black/East and South-East Asian/South

Asian/Other), subjective socioeconomic status (SES), and body mass index (BMI) z-score. Subjective SES was measured using a modified version of the MacArthur Scale of Subjective Social Status (Goodman et al., 2001). Students were presented with a 10-rung ladder, where increasing rungs represented higher perceived family status in Canadian society in terms of money, education, and occupation. They were asked to check off the numbered box that best shows where they think their family would be on that ladder. Height and weight were self-reported by the students and BMI (kilograms/metres2) was calculated. BMI z-scores were computed according to the World Health Organization growth references (World Health Organization, 2011).

2.2. Statistical analysis

Taylor series linearization methods within Stata 14.1 (Stata Corporation, College Station, TX, USA) were used to adjust for the complex sample design of the data. Missing data were handled through listwise deletion, which reduced the sample size from 6364 to 5615 students. Excluded participants (compared to included participants) had higher BMI z-scores, were more likely to be younger, males, and of a White ethnicity. Descriptive analysis including prevalence and means were used to describe the sample. Logistic regression analyses were used to examine the associations between meeting different combinations of the 24 -h movement guidelines for MVPA (≥60 min/day), screen time (≤2 h/day), and sleep duration (9−11 hours/night for 5–13 years and 8−10 hours/night for 14–17 years) with co-occurrence of (1) school bullying victimization and perpetration (i.e., victim, bully, and bully-victim, or none); (2) cyberbullying victimization and perpetration (i.e., cybervictim, cyberbully, cybervictim-cyberbully, or none); and (3) school and cyberbullying victimization (i.e., school victim-cybervictim vs. none) and perpetration (i.e., school bully-cyberbully vs. none). Odd ratios (OR) and 95 % confidence intervals (CI) for unadjusted and fully adjusted models are presented. Associations were adjusted for age, sex, ethnoracial background, and subjective socioeconomic status to account for the confounding effect of these socio- demographic characteristics on bullying involvement (Sampasa-Kanyinga, Roumeliotis, & Xu, 2014; Sampasa-Kanyinga, 2017; Volk, Craig, Boyce, & King, 2006). BMI is also well known as an important risk factor for bullying involvement and a correlate of 24 -h movement behaviours (Kukaswadia et al., 2011). Therefore, we also adjusted for BMI z-score. A significant association between movement behaviours and bullying involvement after adjusting for age, sex, ethnoracial background, subjective socioeconomic status, and BMI z-score would suggest that the observed associations are independent of the covariates. And, an attenuation of the coefficients suggests that the covariates partly explain the associations (so they play a role, but a minor role. Since there was no statistically significant age and sex interaction between meeting the movement behaviour recommendations and bullying outcomes, data were pooled to maximize power. A p value of less than 0.05 was considered to indicate statistical significance.

3. Results

3.1. Descriptive characteristics

Participant characteristics are summarized in Table 1. A total of 19.0 % of students were victims of school bullying, 10.4 % were perpetrators, and 6.0 % were both bullies and victims since the start of the school year. Nearly 21 % of students were victims of cyberbullying, 10.2 % were perpetrators, and 7.5 % were both victims and perpetrators of cyberbullying in the past 12 months. An estimated 10.5 % were victims of both school bullying and cyberbullying, while 4.1 % were perpetrators of both school bullying and cyberbullying. Overall, 33.9 % of students met the screen time recommendation, 33.3 % met the sleep duration recommendation, and 21.6 % met the physical activity recommendation. Males were more likely than females to meet the physical activity and sleep duration recommendations and to be school bullying perpetrators. However, females were more likely than males to be victims of school bullying, cyberbullying, or both.

The prevalence of students who met different combinations of movement behaviours are displayed in Fig. 1. Overall, 4.9 % of students met all three recommendations while 39.4 % did not meet any. Females were more likely than males to meet the screen time recommendation only or none of the recommendations (p < 0.05). However, males were significantly more likely than females to meet the physical activity recommendation, sleep duration recommendation, both the physical activity and screen time re- commendations, both the physical activity and sleep duration recommendations, and all three recommendations.

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3.2. School bully, victim, and bully-victim

Results of logistic regression analyses examining the associations between combinations of adherence to movement behaviour recommendations and school bullying involvement are summarized in Table 2. After adjusting for covariates, compared to not meeting none of the recommendations, meeting the screen time recommendation only was associated with lower odds of being a victim (OR: 0.64; 95 % CI: 0.46−0.88) or a bully (OR: 0.64; 95 % CI: 0.43−0.96). Meeting both the screen time and sleep duration recommendations was associated with lower odds of being a bully (OR: 0.51; 95 % CI: 0.30−0.88). Meeting all 3 recommendations was associated with lower odds of being a victim (OR: 0.32; 95 % CI: 0.19−0.54) or a bully-victim (OR: 0.25; 95 % CI: 0.08−0.78).

3.3. Cybervictim, cyberbully, cybervictim-cyberbully

Table 3 presents the associations between combinations of adherence to movement behaviour recommendations and involvement in cyberbullying. After adjusting for covariates, meeting the screen time recommendation only (OR: 0.67; 95 % CI: 0.49−0.91) or meeting all 3 recommendations (OR: 0.37; 95 % CI: 0.17−0.84) was associated with lower odds of being a cybervictim. Being a cyberbully and cyberbully-cybervictim were not significantly associated with any combinations of movement behaviours.

Table 1 Descriptive characteristics of the study sample.

Total sample (N = 5615) Males (N= 2379) Females (N= 3236) p value

Age (years) Mean (SD) 15.2 (1.8) 15.3 (1.7) 15.1 (1.9) 0.327

Ethnoracial background White 54.2 56.9 51.4 0.218 Black 11.9 11.7 12.0 East/South-East Asian 8.3 8.0 8.6 South Asian 6.5 6.9 6.2 Other 19.1 16.5 21.9

Subjective socioeconomic status Mean (SD) 6.9 (1.7) 7.0 (1.5) 6.9 (1.8) 0.278

Body mass index z-score Mean (SD) 0.3 (1.2) 0.4 (1.0) 0.3 (1.4) 0.537

Physical activity Not meeting 78.4 71.3 85.8 < 0.001 Meeting 21.6 28.7 14.2

Screen time Not meeting 66.1 65.6 66.7 0.490 Meeting 33.9 34.4 33.3

Sleep duration Not meeting 66.7 62.2 71.4 0.001 Meeting 33.3 37.8 28.6

School bullying victimization No 81.0 84.2 77.7 0.002 Yes 19.0 15.8 22.3

School bullying perpetration No 89.6 88.0 91.3 0.030 Yes 10.4 12.0 8.7

Both school bullying victimization and perpetration No 94.0 93.7 94.4 0.637 Yes 6.0 6.4 5.6

Cyberbullying victimization No 79.5 83.6 75.4 < 0.001 Yes 20.5 16.4 24.7

Cyberbullying perpetration No 89.8 89.5 90.1 0.627 Yes 10.2 10.5 9.9

Both cyberbullying victimization and perpetration No 92.5 93.2 91.8 0.302 Yes 7.5 6.8 8.2

Both school bullying and cyberbullying victimization No 89.5 92.1 86.8 < 0.001 Yes 10.5 8.0 13.2

Both school bullying and cyberbullying perpetration No 96.0 95.6 96.3 0.441 Yes 4.1 4.4 3.7

Data are shown as column %, unless otherwise indicated. SD: standard deviation.

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3.4. Co-occurring school bullying and cyberbullying victimization and perpetration

Associations between combinations of adherence to movement behaviour recommendations and co-occurring school bullying and cyberbullying victimization and perpetration are outlined in Table 4. After adjusting for covariates, meeting the screen time re- commendation only was associated with lower odds of being both a school bullying victim and cyberbullying victim (OR: 0.55; 95 % CI: 0.36−0.91) and both a school bully and cyberbully (OR: 0.52; 95 % CI: 0.28−0.95). Meeting both the screen time and sleep duration recommendations was associated with lower odds of being a school bully-cyberbully (OR: 0.38; 95 % CI: 0.17−0.86). Meeting all 3 recommendations was associated with lower odds of being a school bullying victim-cyberbullying victim (OR: 0.21; 95 % CI: 0.10−0.44) and both school bully-cyberbully (OR: 0.10; 95 % CI: 0.18−0.53).

Fig. 2 presents results of multivariable analyses examining the associations between number of guidelines met and bullying involvement. Compared to meeting one or two movement behaviour recommendations, meeting all 3 recommendations showed

Fig. 1. Proportion of adolescents meeting different combinations of movement behaviour recommendations. Note: Data are shown as percent. N = 5,615.

Table 2 Associations between combinations of adherence to movement behaviour recommendations and school bullying victimization, perpetration, or both.

Victim Bully Bully-victim

OR (95 % CI) OR (95 % CI) OR (95 % CI) Model 1 Physical activity only 0.87 (0.60–1.24) 0.91 (0.53–1.54) 0.83 (0.47–1.47) Screen time only 0.62 (0.44–0.86)** 0.63 (0.42–0.93)* 0.68 (0.40–1.18) Sleep only 0.93 (0.64–1.34) 0.86 (0.50–1.46) 1.04 (0.53–2.05) Physical activity & screen time only 1.13 (0.46–2.78) 2.91 (0.77–10.10) 3.01 (0.84–10.73) Physical activity & sleep only 0.65 (0.37–1.12) 0.96 (0.49–1.86) 1.00 (0.42–2.40) Screen time & sleep only 0.97 (0.42–2.22) 0.53 (0.31–0.92)* 0.58 (0.29–1.15) Meeting all 3 recommendations 0.30 (0.18–0.48)*** 0.56 (0.28–1.12) 0.24 (0.08–0.75)*

Model 2 Physical activity only 0.81 (0.58–1.12) 0.82 (0.50–1.35) 0.75 (0.44–1.28) Screen time only 0.64 (0.46–0.88)** 0.64 (0.43–0.96)* 0.73 (0.42–1.26) Sleep only 0.98 (0.65–1.48) 0.84 (0.47–1.50) 1.07 (0.52–2.20) Physical activity & screen time only 1.13 (0.41–3.09) 2.63 (0.72–9.67) 2.84 (0.82–9.89) Physical activity & sleep only 0.72 (0.44–1.19) 0.83 (0.43–162) 1.07 (0.46–2.49) Screen time & sleep only 0.94 (0.43–2.08) 0.51 (0.30–0.88)* 0.57 (0.28–1.15) Meeting all 3 recommendations 0.32 (0.19–0.54)*** 0.50 (0.24–1.05) 0.25 (0.08–0.78)*

OR: odds ratio; CI: confidence interval. Model 1: unadjusted. Model 2: adjusted for age, sex, ethnoracial background, subjective socioeconomic status, and body mass index z-score. *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

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stronger associations (i.e., lowest risk) with bullying involvement. Results of sensitivity analyses using a more severe level of bullying involvement (i.e., been involved in school bullying at least

once a week vs. not, and been involved in cyberbullying at least 2–3 times vs. not) as the outcome measure provided generally similar results, but underpowered, with very wide 95 % confidence intervals. For example, after adjusting for covariates, meeting the screen time recommendation (OR: 0.47; 95 % CI: 0.25−0.85), both the screen time and sleep duration recommendations (OR: 0.27; 95 % CI: 0.11−0.69), and all three recommendations (OR: 0.14; 95 % CI: 0.03−0.72) was associated with lower odds of being a school bullying victim-cyberbullying victim. Meeting the screen time recommendation (OR: 0.46; 95 % CI: 0.30−0.73), both the screen time and sleep duration recommendations (OR: 0.39; 95 % CI: 0.23−0.67), and all three recommendations (OR: 0.46; 95 % CI: 0.21−0.98) was associated with lower odds of being a school bully. Meeting the both the physical activity and screen time re- commendations (OR: 0.29; 95 % CI: 0.09−0.95), and all three recommendations (OR: 0.19; 95 % CI: 0.05−0.82) was associated with lower odds of being a cyberbully.

Table 3 Associations between combinations of adherence to movement behaviour recommendations and cyberbullying victimization, perpetration, or both.

Cybervictim Cyberbully Cyberbully-victim

OR (95 % CI) OR (95 % CI) OR (95 % CI) Model 1 Physical activity only 1.19 (0.86–1.64) 0.98 (0.56–1.69) 1.15 (0.65–2.02) Screen time only 0.65 (0.48–0.86)** 0.68 (0.40–1.16) 0.75 (0.44–1.29) Sleep only 0.86 (0.62–1.19) 1.09 (0.58–2.06) 1.04 (0.64–1.69) Physical activity & screen time only 1.72 (0.68–4.32) 1.12 (0.39–3.22) 1.43 (0.47–4.32) Physical activity & sleep only 0.58 (0.35–0.96) 0.76 (0.38–1.53) 0.79 (0.38–1.65) Screen time & sleep only 0.73 (0.39–1.34) 0.85 (0.23–3.09) 1.05 (0.26–4.18) Meeting all 3 recommendations 0.30 (0.15–0.61)** 0.35 (0.09–1.36) 0.51 (0.14–1.89)

Model 2 Physical activity only 1.31 (0.94–1.82) 0.98 (0.51–1.91) 1.17 (0.63–2.18) Screen time only 0.67 (0.49–0.91)* 0.70 (0.39–1.24) 0.76 (0.44–1.32) Sleep only 0.94 (0.70–1.27) 1.11 (0.55–2.21) 1.07 (0.67–1.72) Physical activity & screen time only 2.00 (0.68–5.93) 1.15 (0.32–4.19) 1.48 (0.41–5.33) Physical activity & sleep only 0.72 (0.43–1.21) 0.79 (0.35–1.81) 0.82 (0.38–1.80) Screen time & sleep only 0.74 (0.40–1.36) 0.85 (0.22–3.34) 1.02 (0.25–4.22) Meeting all 3 recommendations 0.37 (0.17–0.84)* 0.35 (0.07–1.67) 0.52 (0.12–2.31)

OR: odds ratio; CI: confidence interval. Model 1: unadjusted. Model 2: adjusted for age, sex, ethnoracial background, subjective socioeconomic status, and body mass index z-score. *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

Table 4 Associations between combinations of adherence to movement behaviour recommendations and co-occurring school bullying and cy- berbullying victimization and perpetration.

School victim-cybervictim School bully-cyberbully

OR (95 % CI) OR (95 % CI) Model 1 Physical activity only 0.94 (0.62–1.41) 1.15 (0.53–2.50) Screen time only 0.53 (0.36–0.79)** 0.55 (0.30–1.01) Sleep only 0.69 (0.43–1.09) 1.28 (0.54–3.05) Physical activity & screen time only 1.69 (0.56–5.11) 2.29 (0.58–9.07) Physical activity & sleep only 0.48 (0.24–0.95)* 1.36 (0.61–3.03) Screen time & sleep only 0.87 (0.29–2.59) 0.43 (0.19–0.95)* Meeting all 3 recommendations 0.17 (0.09–0.35)*** 0.12 (0.02–0.63)*

Model 2 Physical activity only 0.97 (0.63–1.47) 1.03 (0.46–2.32) Screen time only 0.55 (0.36–0.82)** 0.52 (0.28–0.95)* Sleep only 0.74 (0.45–1.20) 1.21 (0.47–3.07) Physical activity & screen time only 1.84 (0.52–6.53) 1.89 (0.47–7.70) Physical activity & sleep only 0.61 (0.31–1.20) 1.01 (0.40–2.54) Screen time & sleep only 0.87 (0.30–2.55) 0.38 (0.17–0.86)* Meeting all 3 recommendations 0.21 (0.10–0.44)*** 0.10 (0.18–0.53)**

OR: odds ratio; CI: confidence interval. Model 1: unadjusted. Model 2: adjusted for age, sex, ethnoracial background, subjective socioeconomic status, and body mass index z- score. *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

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4. Discussion

This study used a large and representative sample of adolescents to examine the associations between combinations of physical activity, screen time, and sleep duration with bullying involvement. Collectively, our results showed that meeting all three re- commendations was associated with a lower odds of school bullying victimization and cyberbullying victimization. Although cross- sectional in nature, these novel findings support the need to promote adherence to the 24 -h movement guidelines among adolescents.

To our knowledge, this is the first study to examine the association between the 24 -h movement guidelines and involvement in bullying among adolescents. Previous studies have examined the association between individual recommendations for physical ac- tivity, screen time and sleep duration and bullying involvement (Katapally et al., 2018; Merrill & Hanson, 2016; Sampasa-Kanyinga, Chaput et al., 2018; Storch et al., 2006; van Geel et al., 2016), ignoring how these movement behaviours could concurrently relate to the experiences of bullying in this age group. Our results support our hypothesis that meeting the movement behaviour re- commendations would relate to lower odds of bullying involvement compared to meeting none of the recommendations, and that meeting all three recommendations would have the strongest association with bullying outcomes. Our results are somewhat con- sistent with previous findings indicating that adherence to the screen time and sleep duration recommendations are associated with beneficial adolescent mental health than meeting the physical activity recommendation. Indeed, Walsh et al. (2018) and Guerrero, Barnes, Walsh et al. (2019) found that meeting the screen time and sleep duration recommendations were strongly associated with better cognitive function and less impulsivity in a representative sample of U.S. children, respectively. However, physical activity is well known to be important for physical and mental health among adolescents (Belair, Kohen, Kingsbury, & Colman, 2018; Janssen & LeBlanc, 2010). In the present study, meeting all three recommendations had the strongest associations with bullying outcomes compared to meeting the screen time and sleep duration recommendations only or meeting the screen time recommendation only. These findings suggest that all three movement guidelines interact in a way that provides unique benefits to prevent bullying in- volvement among adolescents. Thus, our results underscore the need to encourage adolescents to meet all three recommendations.

Several mechanisms may explain the associations between meeting movement behaviour guidelines and being a perpetrator of bullying. Specifically, being active, limiting screen time, and achieving sufficient sleep are associated with better executive function (impulse control, self-regulation and cognition and decision-making), social connectedness, and psychosocial functioning (Guerrero, Barnes, Walsh et al., 2019; Janssen, Roberts, & Thompson, 2017; Walsh et al., 2018), all of which have been shown to be protective factors in engaging in high risk behaviours such as bullying (Foster et al., 2017; Poon, 2016). It is possible that social behaviours are different among those who do not meet movement recommendations vs. those who meet them, insofar as all these unhealthy be- haviours (i.e. less physical activity, more screen time activities, short sleep duration, and bullying involvement) cluster together within individuals (Busch, Van Stel, Schrijvers, & de Leeuw, 2013; Pronk, Anderson et al., 2004; Pronk, Peek, & Goldstein, 2004; Werch, Moore, DiClemente, Bledsoe, & Jobli, 2005). The cocktail of unhealthy behaviours could foster the development of aggressive and antisocial behaviours, thus prompting to bullying perpetration. However, researchers have not established direct causality be- tween less physical activity, more screen time activities, and short sleep duration with bullying involvement. It is equally possible that adolescents who experience higher levels of bullying involvement spend less time physically active, more time in screen time ac- tivities, and get less sleep (Roman & Taylor, 2013; Tu & Cai, 2020).

The mechanisms that may explain the relationship between movement behaviours and being a victim of bullying are less clear. It might be that students who meet the 24 -h movement guidelines have better mental health, interpersonal relationships and social support (Janssen et al., 2017; Smith, 2003), which protect them from being a victim of bullying. Whereas those who do not meet these guidelines are more likely to be isolated and less likely to participate in group activities, thereby becoming a target of being bullied. It is also possible that the combination of unhealthy behaviours among students who do not meet movement

Fig. 2. Associations between the number of movement behaviour recommendations met and bullying involvement. Note: Vertical bars represent 95 % confidence intervals. The reference group is the one meeting none of the recommendations. Odds ratios are adjusted for age, sex, ethnoracial background, subjective socioeconomic status, and body mass index z-score. N = 5615

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recommendations (i.e. less physical activity, more screen time activities, short sleep duration, and bullying involvement) result in a heightened vulnerability to psychological concerns (Janssen et al., 2017) and offer more opportunities to become a perfect target for bullying victimization. Ultimately, adolescents who do not engage in risk behaviours self-regulate well and therefore may be more likely to value and lead a healthy lifestyle and meet guidelines.

The findings that meeting the screen time recommendation alone or the screen time and sleep duration recommendations are strongly associated with lower odds of both school bullying and cyberbullying involvement are not surprising for several reasons: 1) because there is an important overlap between cyberbullying and school bullying (Sampasa-Kanyinga, 2017; Schneider et al., 2012); 2) screen time and sleep duration are strongly correlated (Hale & Guan, 2015); and 3) they have both been individually associated with bullying involvement (Kubiszewski, Fontaine, Potard, & Gimenes, 2014; Mishna, Khoury-Kassabri, Gadalla, & Daciuk, 2012). Research has shown that excessive screen time is associated with short sleep duration, and short sleep duration has been associated with poor mental health, daytime sleepiness, poor daytime functioning, and bullying involvement among adolescents (Owens, 2014; Sampasa-Kanyinga, Chaput et al., 2018; Shochat, Cohen-Zion, & Tzischinsky, 2014; Wolfson & Carskadon, 1998). Evidence has also shown that excessive screen time is associated with physical violence (Janssen, Boyce, & Pickett, 2012), cyberbullying victimization (Mishna et al., 2012; Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015), impulsivity (Guerrero, Barnes, Walsh et al., 2019), and learning dis- ability (Cook, Li, & Heinrich, 2015). In a large sample of over 44,000 Canadian adolescents aged 13–18 years, Katapally et al. (2018) found that youth who were bullies, victims, or both bullies and victims were at increased risk of multiple screen-time behaviours compared to youth who reported non-involvement in bullying.

The fact that sensitivity analyses using a more severe level of bullying involvement provided generally similar results provides further support for the association between the 24 -h movement behaviours and the presence or absence of bullying involvement, as defined in our primary analyses. However, these sensitivity analyses were underpowered, as translated into very wide 95 % con- fidence intervals. Future research with more statistical power is needed to replicate these analyses.

4.1. Strengths and limitations

Strengths of this study include the use of a representative population data of adolescents, the large sample size, and the high response rate. This study extends the existing literature on the link among physical activity, screen time, and sleep duration, and involvement in bullying by analyzing different combinations of the guideline recommendations, and by assessing different co-oc- currence of bullying, including (1) school bullying victimization and perpetration (i.e., victim, bully, and bully-victim), (2) cyber- bullying victimization and perpetration (i.e., cyber victim, cyberbully, cybervictim-cyberbully), and (3) school bullying and cyber- bullying victimization (i.e., school victim-cybervictim) and perpetration (i.e., school bully-cyberbully). Finally, our analyses adjusted for important covariates to reduce confounding bias, thus strengthening the internal validity of the findings. On the other hand, this study has some limitations worth mentioning. First, our analyses are based on cross-sectional data and so temporal order cannot be determined. Second, the analyses are based on self-reported measures, which are subject to desirability and recall biases. Third, the sample only consists of students within the regular school system and it is possible that adolescents living on the street and those who attend private or alternate schools differ with respect to bullying involvement and healthy active leaving behaviours (Ryan, 2011). However, this is not an important limitation because most adolescents in Canada attend the regular school system, and less than 10 % would not be included in our sample because of attendance at a special needs school or private school. Another limitation is related to the fact that the minority groups were either excluded from the sample (e.g. First Nation students) or not specifically identified (e.g. sexual orientation). Research has shown that students of minority groups have greater risk of bullying victimization (Llorent, Ortega- Ruiz, & Zych, 2016). Likewise, students with disabilities were not specifically identified in our sample. Previous studies have in- dicated that students with disabilities are more prone or vulnerable to bullying victimization than their non-disabled counterparts (Carter & Spencer, 2006). Future research is needed to account for these important factors.

4.2. Implications

This study suggests that adolescents who meet all three recommendations contained within the 24 -h movement guidelines are substantially less likely to be involved in both school bullying and cyberbullying. Our findings provide further support to the need for adolescents to meet the 24 -h movement guidelines as a possible behavioural strategy to prevent bullying experiences. However, it is difficult to change behaviours (Kelly & Barker, 2016), particularly in the context of the 24 -h movement guidelines, as they integrate adherence to three individual movement behaviour recommendations concurrently (Tremblay et al., 2016). There are several po- tential barriers to adherence to the 24 -h movement guidelines, including low awareness of these guidelines and daily challenges, such as the pervasiveness of screen time, time constraint, and competing priorities (Tremblay et al., 2016). Increased awareness among all stakeholders, including health service providers, schools, community, parents, and students themselves about the potential benefits of adherence to the 24 -h movement guidelines is needed in other to enhance bullying prevention efforts. This is an important step because excessive screen time (particularly social media use), insufficient physical activity, and short sleep duration are very common among adolescents nowadays (Knell et al., 2019; Sampasa-Kanyinga & Lewis, 2015; Sampasa-Kanyinga, Hamilton et al., 2018).

5. Conclusion

Our results showed that meeting the screen time recommendation alone was associated with lower odds of being a victim or a

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bully at school and a victim of cyberbullying. Meeting both the screen time and sleep duration recommendations was associated with lower odds of being a bully. Meeting all three recommendations was associated with lowest risk of being a victim of school bullying, a bully-victim or a victim of cyberbullying. Meeting all three recommendations had the strongest association with bullying outcomes. Collectively, our results suggest that meeting the 24 -h movement guidelines could be a good behavioural target to prevent bullying involvement among adolescents. Future research using a longitudinal design and objective measures is needed to clarify the direc- tionality of our findings. Novel studies are also needed to explore if adherence to movement behaviour recommendations is asso- ciated with different levels of severity of bullying involvement.

Acknowledgements

The Ontario Student Drug Use and Health Survey, a Centre for Addiction and Mental Health initiative, was funded in part through ongoing support from the Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care, as well as targeted funding from several provincial agencies. This work was partly supported by the Research Council of Norway through its Centres of Excellence funding scheme, project number 262700 for Ian Colman. Ian Colman and Ian Janssen are funded by the Canada Research Chairs Program. The funders had no involvement in study design; collection, analysis, and interpretation of data; writing the report; or the decision to submit the report for publication.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104638.

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  • Associations between the Canadian 24 h movement guidelines and different types of bullying involvement among adolescents
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Measures
        • Independent variables
        • Dependent variables
        • Covariates
      • Statistical analysis
    • Results
      • Descriptive characteristics
      • School bully, victim, and bully-victim
      • Cybervictim, cyberbully, cybervictim-cyberbully
      • Co-occurring school bullying and cyberbullying victimization and perpetration
    • Discussion
      • Strengths and limitations
      • Implications
    • Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Effectiveness-of-child-protection-practice-models--a-s_2020_Child-Abuse---Ne.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

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Invited Review

Effectiveness of child protection practice models: a systematic review Nanne Isokuorttia,*, Elina Aaltiob, Taina Laajasaloc, Jane Barlowd a Faculty of Social Sciences (Social Work), University of Helsinki, Unioninkatu 37, P.O. Box 54, 00014 University of Helsinki, Finland b Department of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of Jyväskylä, Keskussairaalantie 2, P.O. Box 35, 40014 University of Jyväskylä, Finland c Department of Psychology and Logopedics, University of Helsinki, Haartmaninkatu 8, P.O. Box 63, 00014 University of Helsinki, Finland d Department of Social Policy and Intervention, University of Oxford, 32 Wellington Square Oxford, OX1 2ER, UK

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Child protection Practice models Social work Systematic review

A B S T R A C T

Background: Attempts to improve child protection outcomes by implementing social work practice models embedded in a particular theory and practice approach, have increased inter- nationally over the past decade. Objective: To assess the evidence of the effectiveness of child protection practice models in im- proving outcomes for children and families. Participants and setting: Children < 18 years and their families involved in child protection ser- vices. Methods: A systematic review was conducted to synthesize evidence regarding the effectiveness of child protection practice models. Systematic searches across 10 electronic databases and grey literature were conducted to identify quasi-experimental studies minimally. Included studies were critically appraised and the findings summarized narratively. Results: Five papers, representing six studies, focusing on three practice models (Solution-Based Casework; Signs of Safety; and Reclaiming Social Work) met the inclusion criteria. All studies applied a quasi-experimental design. Overall, the quality of the evidence was rated as being poor, with studies suffering from a risk of selection bias, small sample sizes and short-term follow up. Conclusions: Despite the popularity of practice models, the evidence base for their effectiveness is still limited. The results suggest that high-quality studies are urgently needed to evaluate the impact of practice models in improving the outcomes of child-protection-involved families. The findings also illustrate the difficulties of conducting high-quality outcome evaluations in chil- dren’s social care, and these challenges and future directions for research, are discussed.

PROSPERO registration number: CRD42018111918

1. Background

Every year 1.5–5 % of children in the UK, USA, Australia, and Canada are reported to child protection agencies for all types of child maltreatment (Gilbert et al., 2009). Child protection services have a vital role in protecting children from serious harm. Nevertheless, many countries have encountered problems within child protection services such as the demands of bureaucracy reducing social workers’ capacity to work directly with children and families, an increased workload and a high degree of work

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104632 Received 20 March 2020; Received in revised form 9 June 2020; Accepted 15 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (N. Isokuortti), [email protected] (E. Aaltio), [email protected] (T. Laajasalo),

[email protected] (J. Barlow).

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pressure (e.g., Berrick, Dickens, Pösö, & Skivenes, 2016; Holmes & Mcdermid, 2013; Munro, 2011; STM, 2019). At its most severe, many countries have witnessed high-profile deaths of children involved in child protection services, some of which have drawn attention to the ability of children’s social care to keep children safe (Holmes & Mcdermid, 2013).

During the past two decades, child protection practice models (also known as practice frameworks) that are embedded in a particular theory and practice approach, have become increasingly popular in multiple countries, e.g., the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom and other European countries (e.g., Baginsky, Moriarty, & Manthorpe, 2019; Gillingham, 2018; Laird, Morris, Archard, & Clawson, 2018). Barbee, Christensen, Antle, Wandersman, and Cahn (2011) define a practice model as follows:

A practice model for casework management in child welfare should be theoretically and values based, as well as capable of being fully integrated into and supported by a child welfare system. The model should clearly articulate and operationalize specific casework skills and practices that child welfare workers must perform through all stages and aspects of child welfare casework in order to optimize the safety, permanency and well-being of children who enter, move through and exit the child welfare system. (p. 623)

The overall aim of these models is to improve the quality of child protection services and outcomes for children and families, by adopting a clear theoretical and practical approach to social work practice (Gillingham, 2018). Existing reviews of child protection practice models include three reviews of Signs of Safety (Baginsky et al., 2019; Bunn, 2013; Sheehan et al., 2018) and an overview of the Solution-Based Casework model (Gillingham, 2018). Despite the growing body of research, there are no existing systematic reviews that focus explicitly on assessing the effectiveness of all practice models in improving outcomes for children involved in child protection services. Specifically, we are interested in assessing to which extent the models provide intended effects in real-world settings. The aim of the current review was therefore minimally to synthesize data from all quasi-experimental studies (i.e., pre-post comparison group design studies) evaluating the effectiveness of child protection practice models compared to regular child pro- tection practice in improving outcomes for children and families.

2. Method

2.1. Research question and eligibility criteria

The review protocol (CRD42018111918) was registered to PROSPERO (International Prospective Register of Systematic Reviews). In contrast to the protocol, after preliminary searches we added one database (i.e., Scopus) to our database search. In addition, we merged two eligibility criteria (a description of practitioner skills and specified set of tools) into one description of practitioner skills and/or tools.

The review question was “how effective are child protection practice models in improving outcomes for children aged 0−17 years and their parents involved in child protection services.” For the purpose of this study, we defined a practice model as follows: the model had to be designed to improve child protection outcomes, and the model’s aims and methods of achieving these should be clearly defined; it should involve all the following elements: i) a clear theoretical basis, ii) a framework for client practice, and iii) description of practitioner skills and/or tools. The model may also include a definition of values and reforms to workforce and structure. The models did not need to be licensed but did need to focus on statutory child protection casework practice provided by public authorities. Additionally, the model had to be intended for use in all stages of the child protection process, and not for example, only in the assessment stage. Although assessment is an integral part of a child protection process, our focus was on practice models as a whole. For this reason, differential response options (Child Welfare Information Gateway & Children’s Bureau, 2011) are also excluded. Practice models aim to change all child protection practice, and not only one part of it. This approach also builds on a systematic review focusing on assessment models (Barlow, Fisher, & Jonas, 2012). The Family Group Conference (FGC) and its adaptions were as such excluded from this review because they do not meet all the above practice model eligibility criteria. Spe- cifically, FGC provides a framework for decision-making but does not shape all practice as explicated above. We also excluded locally developed innovations that have not been disseminated to other agencies as we wanted to identify evidence regarding practice models with at least limited evidence of transferability and scalability.

The main outcomes of interest involved all child-related outcomes (using parent- child- social worker or teacher-reports, client record data or objective measures of outcome) relating to social, emotional or behavioural functioning, school-related outcomes, etc. We also extracted data for all parent-related outcomes such as parental mental health, attitudes and behavior, as well as family level outcomes such as family functioning. These outcomes were selected because there is currently no consensus on the most important outcomes of children's social services (Forrester, 2017), and as such we treated a range of improvements in child and family well- being as important outcomes for child protection services. Table 1 summarizes our inclusion and exclusion criteria.

2.2. Systematic searches, data extraction and synthesis

The search procedure was as follows. First, ten electronic databases were searched between February and March 2019: Applied Social Sciences Index & Abstracts (ASSIA); Web of Science (Social Sciences Citation Index, Conference Proceedings Citation Index- Social Science & Humanities, Emerging Sources Citation Index); Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL); EBSCOhost Ebook Collection; Medical Literature Analysis and Retrieval System Online (MEDLINE); OATD - Open Access Theses and Dissertations; PsychINFO; Scopus; Social Services Abstracts; Sociological Abstracts. The following search strings were used: ("practice model*" OR "practice framework*" OR "practice approach*" OR "practice program*") AND ("child* protect*" OR "child* welfare" OR "child* safeguard*") AND (effect* OR outcome*).

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Second, reference lists of full texts were screened and assessed for eligibility. The full texts were also assessed as to whether they focused on an eligible intervention, i.e., child protection practice model. If the full paper did not describe the elements of the model in sufficient detail, we searched for a model handbook or other descriptive material that was publicly and freely available in order to assess whether the model met the inclusion criteria. Based on our screening of the full texts, three eligible models were identified (i.e., Solution-Based Casework, Reclaiming Social Work and Signs of Safety), which we then hand searched in additional key databases (ASSIA and Social Services Abstracts) and grey literature (Google and Google Scholar) for eligible studies between June and August 2019. Third, additional searches were conducted in Cochrane and Campbell Collaboration libraries. Fourth, reference lists of included studies were screened.

One reviewer screened the titles and abstracts of all electronic database references identified by the search strategy. Three reviewers searched the grey literature. Clearly irrelevant references were excluded. In order to be selected, the abstracts had to clearly identify the population and model described above. RefWorks was used to manage references and remove duplicates. An eligibility form developed from the inclusion criteria was used for screening abstracts and full texts. Three reviewers assessed independently full text of studies that were likely to meet inclusion criteria. When the reviewers’ conclusions differed, the study was reviewed jointly or resolved by a fourth reviewer.

The following data was extracted from included studies: authors, publication date and type, setting, study design and methods, name of the model, brief description of the model, participants/sample, comparison, outcomes, and effect sizes. We used the Quality Assessment Tool for Quantitative Studies (Thomas, Ciliska, Dobbins, & Micucci, 2004) for each of the papers that were reviewed. We added a question “Was the study conducted by researchers independent of the developer?”

Meta-analysis was not performed because of the small number of included studies and high level of heterogeneity in terms of the included models and outcomes.

3. Results

3.1. Description of the studies

In total, 1360 possibly eligible citations were identified from all searches. After screening the titles and abstracts, 77 full-text articles were screened for inclusion. Our final sample consisted of five papers (representing six studies) focusing on three models. Fig. 1 displays the PRISMA flow diagram of our search and selection process.

Three papers (representing four studies) focused on Solution-Based Casework (SBC), one on the Reclaiming Social Work (RSW) model, and one on Signs of Safety (SoS) were included (see Table 2 for a description of the models). SBC and SoS are rooted in a solution-based approach, whereas RSW involves a systemic approach, and all of them emphasize the relational aspect of social work practice. All of these models are applied in public child protection service settings, and all evaluations were conducted in a context and involved child-protection-involved families as study participants.

All included studies applied a quasi-experimental design. Four papers were peer-reviewed articles (Antle, Barbee, Christensen, & Martin, 2008; Antle, Barbee, Christensen, & Sullivan, 2009; Antle, Christensen, van Zyl, & Barbee, 2012; Reekers, Dijkstra, Stams, Asschera, & Creemers, 2018), while one was a study report (Bostock et al., 2017). All studies were conducted in high-income countries, three in the USA (Antle et al., 2008; Antle et al., 2009; Antle et al., 2012), one in the UK (Bostock et al., 2017), and one in the Netherlands (Reekers et al., 2018).

The control groups had either received less training in the model of interest (Antle et al., 2008; Bostock et al., 2017) or were using a different approach to the model of interest, i.e., Intensive Family Case Management, representing “the standard approach at the involved child welfare agency” (Reekers et al., 2018, p. 180). Antle et al. (2012) compared a high adherence-SBC implementation group and a low adherence-SBC implementation group. The implementation level was evaluated with the public child welfare

Table 1 Inclusion and exclusion criteria.

Inclusion criteria: 1. Population: Children aged 0−17 years and parents involved in child protection services 2. Intervention of interest: Child protection practice models (licensed and non-licensed) 3. Outcomes: All child-related outcomes (using parent- child- social worker or teacher-reports, client record data; or objective measures of outcome) relating to social, emotional or behavioural functioning; school-related outcomes etc. Additional outcomes were all parent related outcomes (as above) such as parental mental health; attitudes and behavior; etc or family outcomes such as family functioning. 4. Comparison group: Child protection social work practice that used no specific model or other well-matched control groups. 5. Study setting: Statutory child protection social work practice provided by public authorities. 6. Study type: Quantitative studies that are minimally controlled before-after studies. 7. Publication type: Any type. 8. Languages: English only. 9. Data range: From 1990 until March 2019 (when main search was executed).

Exclusion criteria: 1. Ineligible population. Models targeted to specific populations or conditions (e.g., children with disabilities). Studies that were not conducted in child protection settings and models that were not provided by public authorities. 2. Ineligible intervention. All models that focused only on assessment or residential treatment. Locally developed innovations that had not been disseminated to other agencies. The Family Group Conference and its adaptions.

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system’s Continuous Quality Improvement tool representing core elements of the SBC model. Only Antle et al. (2009) reported that the control group did not implement the SBC model at all. Nevertheless, given that the authors of the study also reported that the workers were referred to groups according to the degree of implementation of the SBC model, it is assumed that all workers were somewhat familiar with the model, especially since statewide implementation efforts had already taken place. The follow-up periods were: 3 months (Bostock et al., 2017; Reekers et al., 2018) and 6 months (Antle et al., 2009). No follow-up period was reported for Antle et al. (2008) or Antle et al. (2012).

Outcomes of interest were child maltreatment based on state-level maltreatment recidivism referrals (Antle et al., 2009), federal outcomes of safety, i.e., the protection of children from abuse and neglect, the maintenance of children in their own homes and services to prevent removal and risk of harm (Antle et al., 2012), and self-report instruments, i.e., the Actuarial Risk Assessment Instrument Youth Protection and the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (Reekers et al., 2018), assessment of family and service system empowerment, i.e. using the Family Empowerment Scale (Reekers et al., 2018), federal outcomes of well-being, i.e., involvement of the family in case planning, meeting educational needs, children receiving services to meet their physical and mental health need (Antle et al., 2012) as well as achievement of case goals and objectives (Antle et al., 2008, 2009), federal outcomes of permanency, i.e., elements of foster care, reunification, permanency goals, and adoption of children as well as preservation of family relationships and connections (Antle et al., 2012), entry to care (Bostock et al., 2017) and other legal actions (Antle et al., 2008). Antle et al. (2012) involved limited descriptions of the definitions and content of the federal measures of safety, permanency and well-being.

Included studies had an unclear or high risk of bias in several domains of the quality assessment tool (see Appendix for study and participant characteristics). The sample sizes were small as four studies involved 100 (Antle et al., 2008, study two) or less (Antle et al., 2008, study one; Bostock et al., 2017; Reekers et al., 2018) cases. Two studies had a large sample size, 4559 cases in total (Antle et al., 2012) and 760 cases from 77 practitioners (Antle et al., 2009).

Antle et al. (2012) specified that all cases that were selected for the target state’s Continuous Quality Improvement (CQI) process, were also selected for the study. These CQI cases were randomly selected from all 9 service regions of the state on a monthly basis. In other studies, it was unclear how the participants were selected to the intervention group. Antle et al. (2009) reported that they had selected all open cases for the two study groups from both SBC workers and control group workers, the latter having been assigned to

Fig. 1. PRISMA flow diagram.

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the two groups based on degree of implementation of the model, not further defined. Likewise, Antle et al. (2008) used degree of training (study one) and implementation scores (study two) to distinguish the study groups, but these processes were not defined. Reekers et al. (2018) reported that SoS group was selected from the agency where the qualitative study was undertaken, but it was unclear how the team of seven workers was originally selected to implement SoS in that agency. Finally, Bostock et al. (2017) reported that due to recruitment challenges, most of the sample consisted of teams and workers who volunteered to ask families whether they would participate in the study. The authors’ initial plan involved recruiting a random sample of families allocated to specific teams over the study period. None of the studies applied randomization or blinding both of which are difficult to conduct for child protection interventions.

In terms of the comparability of the groups, Reekers et al. (2018) used propensity score matching to match families. Bostock et al. (2017) compared family welfare scores, parent identified concerns and social workers’ ratings of concerns at baseline between the

Table 2 Model characteristics of included studies.

Model description Included studies Theoretical basis Key skills and tools

Solution-Based Casework (SBC) promotes strengths-based practice where full partnership with the family is central. Developed in the USA in the 1990′s, the model presumes families already possess skills that can be used to prevent child maltreatment. Further, it anticipates that families progress through developmental stages, and many of the problems they encounter can be described as non- pathological, situational, universal and related to developmental tasks. Finally, in order to prevent relapses to high-risk behavior, the parents are assisted in identifying the situations and behavior patterns associated with child maltreatment. Case plans and objectives are formulated for family-level as well as individual level.

(Antle et al., 2008, 2009; Antle et al., 2012)

Solution-focused family therapy, family life cycle theory, and relapse prevention strategies drawing from cognitive behavior therapy.

Solution-focused interviewing techniques encouraging the parents to identify strengths and exceptions to problematic situations. Parents are helped to develop strategies to avoid destructive behavior patterns and situations.

Reclaiming Social Work (RSW) model is a systemic approach to child protection rooted in systemic family therapy. The model was developed in London Borough of Hackney children’s social care in 2000′s. In systemic practice, families are viewed as systems instead of individuals, and multiple perspectives and solutions to problems are reflected. Change is facilitated by encouraging reflexivity and new insights on how beliefs and circular patterns of behavior affect others. In order to learn and maintain systemic practice, social workers and child practitioners work in small systemic units, which are led by a consultant social worker, who has the ultimate responsibility for case decision-making. Each unit also has a qualified systemic family therapist as a clinician, and a unit coordinator providing administrative support. Systemic units hold weekly unit meetings, which are the main forum for shared decision making and case supervision.

(Bostock et al., 2017).

Milan School of social constructivist family therapy.

Systemic family therapy techniques such as hypothesizing, using genograms to understand family patterns, reflexivity and curiosity, use of reflexive questions, approaching families with curiosity rather than making assumptions.

Signs of Safety (SoS) is a strengths-basedand safety-focused approach to child protection practice. Developed through the 1990′s in Western Australia by Andrew Turnell and Steve Edwards in collaboration with child protection practitioners, the model draws upon techniques from Solution Focused Brief therapy and has two core principles: establishing a working relationship between professionals and parents and supporting parental empowerment. Ultimately, the aim is to involve children and families in effective safety planning to improve the child safety.

(Reekers et al., 2018)

Strengths-based and safety-focused, particularly Solution Focused Brief therapy.

Techniques from Solution Focused Brief therapy, such as working with family strengths and resources, finding exceptions, goal setting and scaling, using a transparent approach.

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two study groups but not the baseline demographic characteristics of the groups. In both study one and two presented in Antle et al. (2008), the authors compared for differences in baseline characteristics, such as type of maltreatment involved for the intervention and control groups, in the analysis. Although Antle et al. (2009) had made efforts to compare worker differences “by matching the sample along a number of dimensions known to affect child welfare outcomes” (p. 1350), the authors did not describe what this involved. However, they specified that selecting all cases from participating workers would provide “a balance of cases by type of maltreatment, severity of maltreatment, comorbid factors, prior involvement with the child welfare agency, and demographic characteristics of the families” (p. 1349). Antle et al. (2012) did not comment on baseline characteristics between low and high SBC adherence groups.

3.2. Main findings

Antle et al. (2012) found that there was a significant difference between high adherence and low adherence SBC groups favouring the former, for all federal outcomes (permanency, well-being and safety, all p-values < .0001). Further analyses demonstrated that a high degree of implementing the SBC key skills predicted overall safety, permanency, and well-being significantly (p = .001). Antle et al. (2009) found that cases in the SBC model group experienced significantly fewer recidivism referrals (351) compared to the control group with 358 referrals (t (73) = - 4.52, p < 0.0001). An earlier evaluation by Antle, Barbee, Christensen, and Martin (2008) found that the SBC group was more likely to reach the case goals and objectives than the control group. In the first study reported in Antle et al. (2008), the mean number of goals was 6.00 in the intervention group (SD = 2.62) compared to 1.09 (SD = 2.21) in the control group (p < 0.0001), and the overall effect size (standardized mean difference) was 2.21. There were also significantly less legal actions (e.g., child removals) in the SBC group compared to the control group (2.46 vs. 4.5; p < 0.001). In the second study reported in Antle et al. (2008), individual- and family level objectives were met in 16.3 % of SBC families, while none of objectives were reached in the control group the difference being statistically significant for both family level objectives (x2(2) = 8.25, p < 0.05) and individual level objectives (p < .05). Effect size (absolute risk reduction) was 16.3.

Bostock et al. (2017) found no significant difference in the number of children entering care in the RSW group compared with the control group. Reekers et al. (2018) found that SoS and control group were equally effective in reducing the risk of child mal- treatment (no effect for time*group, p = 0.17, ηp2 = 0.05). Likewise, no significant main effect for time*group was found either for the family empowerment score or for the service system empowerment score.

4. Discussion

The purpose of this review was to synthesize evidence addressing the effectiveness of child protection practice models compared to regular child protection practice. Although the implementation of these models represent a potential improvement on standard practice, and thereby the possibility of improving outcomes for children and families, we identified few controlled studies assessing the effectiveness of the models in terms of key child- and family-level outcomes. Further, based on the quality assessment, the identified studies were weak methodologically in terms of the risk of selection bias, small sample sizes leading to the studies being underpowered with limited statistical analyses, short-term follow up, and reliance on single-source data. The studies were also poorly reported making further assessment of bias difficult. While a number of studies have also found positive practitioner experiences regarding the use of other models such as SoS and RSW (e.g., Bostock et al., 2017; Sheehan et al., 2018) and a statistically significant relationship between systemic supervision quality and overall quality of direct child protection practice (Bostock, Patrizo, Godfrey, & Forrester, 2019), the current findings suggest that there is still a lack of rigorous evidence demonstrating that these models lead to better outcomes for children and families. Furthermore, as a result of the focus on models as a whole, the findings of this review do not enable us to assess to what extent the presence or absence of different components are influencing the results, something that requires a much larger body of evidence to be able to assess.

The conduct of high-quality outcome evaluations in child protection settings is an extremely challenging task, and as such the included studies represent an important attempt to address the above evidence gap. Indeed, there are several inherent challenges in studying the effects of the practice models that may explain the paucity of high-quality quantitative studies. Examples include the variety of work in children’s social care, issues in the operationalization and measurement of outcome variables, cultural and or- ganisational resistance and lack of research infrastructure in social services, assessment of fidelity, and difficulties in the recruitment and retention of participants when practitioners have limited resources and child protection-involved families have highly complex live situations (e.g., Forrester, 2017; Gillingham, 2018; Mezey et al., 2015). Furthermore, implementing practice models in different contexts involves several implementation barriers that also create challenges to an outcome evaluation (e.g., Bostock et al., 2017; Roberts, Caslor, Turnell, Pearson, & Pecora, 2019). For example, previous studies have identified that e.g., leadership and organi- sational climate, training and coaching, alignment with other organisational systems and initiatives, time and resources and staff permanency influence implementation of practice models (Antle et al., 2012; Lambert, Richards, & Merrill, 2016; Sanclimenti, Caceda-Castro, & Desantis, 2017; Sheehan et al., 2018). Despite this, rigorous evaluations within child protection have been suc- cessfully conducted (e.g., Chaffin et al., 2004) and these new models of practice are deserving of the same level of rigour in terms of evaluation.

4.1. Strengths and limitations

There are a number of limitations to this systematic review. The small number of studies meeting our inclusion criteria is likely

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related to our stringent inclusion criteria, which were targeted at identifying studies of practice models with child- and family-level outcome measures in public child protection services. Although there is a growing body of literature regarding practice models, the terms used to describe these vary significantly (e.g., “practice frameworks”, “change programmes”, and “intervention models” - Gillingham, 2018; Lwin, Versanov, Cheung, Goodman, & Andrews, 2014; Laird et al., 2018); and as such, while we developed a comprehensive set of search terms with the aim of increasing the sensitivity of the search, we may not have identified all existing models. Furthermore, the focus on studies written in English means that we may well have failed to identify evaluations of other practice models published in non-English language journals (e.g., Holmgard Sorensen, 2009; Vink, de Wolff, van Dommelen, Bartelink, & van der Veen, 2017). Psychosocial treatments and family preservation services (as opposed to practice models) that have proven effective in relevant child related outcomes, such as preventing child maltreatment or out-of-home placements in CPS po- pulation, were also excluded (e.g., Bezeczky et al., 2020; Chaffin et al., 2004).

4.2. Implications for future research

This review identifies several avenues for future research. Recent years have seen an intense debate regarding whether rando- mised controlled trials (RCT’s) are applicable to the field of social sciences. RCT’s are seen as lacking nuance and disregarding the social realities, context and complexities of the situations that child protective services face (De Jong, Schout, & Abma, 2015). Furthermore, it has been argued that while RCT’s provide “an unbiased estimate”, their results are not generalizable since these estimates apply only to the sample selected for the trial (Deaton & Cartwright, 2018, p. 9). Defendants have argued that despite its flaws, RCT’s are still the best choice in terms of being able to make causal inferences (Creemers et al., 2017), but that they need to be combined with other methods and theorisation of “why things work” and how this will vary across different contexts (Deaton & Cartwright, 2018). There is also a need to think about the outcomes in children’s social care in innovative ways (Forrester, 2017).

Despite the challenges, if we are to assess the effectiveness of practice models, the field should aim for rigorous mixed-method studies such as realist randomised trial designs (e.g., Bonell, Warren, Fletcher, & Viner, 2016) or other kinds of high-quality study designs. For example, where randomization is not possible, quasi-experimental methods should be used such as difference-in-dif- ference designs with propensity score matching (see, for example, Austin, 2011). These experimental and quasi-experimental designs allow for appraisal of the effectiveness of the models, whilst also addressing implementation in differing contexts in terms of the participating services. They can also be used to detect unexpected effects as well as the subjective experiences of the participating professionals and families. When the aim is to measure child- and family-level outcomes, multiple data sources and informants should be included, such as data gathered directly from children and youth (Sweeting, 2001). It should also be noted that effective study designs require sufficient time and funding (Baginsky et al., 2019). Specifically, funding one large-scale high-quality evaluation might create more robust knowledge in terms of service improvement compared to several smaller initiatives.

Finally, lack of high-quality evidence does not mean that child protection practice models do not work, nor do we suggest that agencies should forgo applying them as part of their service provision. However, it is important that leaders and practitioners in children’s services acknowledge that the absence of effectiveness research is problematic, and work alongside researchers to secure the necessary funding to undertake such evaluation prior to any large-scale implementation. Therefore, despite the high level of interest with regard to the use of practice models, the current findings suggest that service providers should proceed with caution, in terms of their implementation.

5. Conclusions

Child protection practice models have been widely adopted in a number of countries. Despite the growing body of research on these models, evidence of their effectiveness in terms of child- and parent-related outcomes, is still limited. Although the conduct of outcome evaluations in children‘s social care involves multiple challenges, the results of this review suggest that more high-quality studies are urgently needed to evaluate which, if any, of these practice models improve outcomes for child-protection-involved families.

Declarations of interest

None.

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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Appendix

Study and participant characteristics

Study Model Sample Comparison Outcome Effect EPHPP rating

Comment

(Antle et al., 2- 008)

Study one Solution- Based Casework (SBC)

Total of 48 cases SBC-group: 27 cases Control group: 21 cases

Cases of practitioners who had not received the SBC training (or had received a lower degree of training, i.e., a team in which only the supervisor received 1 day of training on SBC but not others)

Case outcomes: achievement of case goals and objectives

Mean number of goals 6.00 in the intervention group (SD = 2.62) vs, 1.09 (SD = 2.21) in the control group, (F(1) = 30.53, p < .0001). Effect size (standar- dized mean difference) 2.21. There were sig- nificantly less legal ac- tions (including re- moval of children from home) in SBC group compared to the com- parison group (2.46 vs. 4.5; t (45 = 3.65, p < .001). Further, in mul- tiple regression analysis the level of SBC imple- mentation predicted the number of goals achieved (p < .05).

Weak Selection bias Small sample Intervention group consisted of a team with a high degree of training in SBC, while the control group of a team with a lower degree of training. However, the team selection process was vaguely described.

Study two Solution- Based Casework (SBC)

Total of 100 cases SBC-group: 50 cases Control group: 50 cases

Cases of service provi- ders who implemented the SBC weakly (below the implementation level median score of the whole sample)

Case outcomes: achievement of case goals and objectives

Individual- and family level objectives were met in 16.3 % families in the intervention group and for 0% in the control group. The dif- ference was statistically significant for both fa- mily level objectives (x2(2) = 8.25, p < .05) and individual level objectives (x2(2) = 8.25, p < .05). Effect size (absolute risk reduction) was 16.3.

Weak Selection bias Small sample Cases were selected based upon degree of implementation, but the case selection process was vaguely described.

(Antle et al., 2- 009)

Solution- Based Casework (SBC)

Total of 77 practi- tioners and 760 cases SBC-group: 39 practi- tioners and 339 cases Control group: 38 prac- titioners and 421 cases

Cases of workers who did not implement the SBC model. Workers were assigned to groups based upon degree of implementa- tion of the model.

6-month stan- dardized state- level abuse re- cidivism data

Number of recidivism referrals 350.69 for the SBC group, whereas 538.00 for the control group in the 6-month follow-up. The differ- ence was statistically significant, t (73) = - 4.52, p < .0001.

The numbers are re- ported as averages instead of actual numbers of recidi- vism referrals per group No description of the case characteristics Limited data on how the workers were se- lected to the study Limited description of study groups’ level of implementation

(Antle et al., 2- 012)

Solution- Based Casework (SBC)

4559 CPS cases from Kentucky. All cases that were selected for the state’s Continuous Quality Improvement (CQI) process during a 4-year time period (2004–2008) were in- cluded in the study. The CQI cases were

Level of implementa- tion of SBC model, comparison of high and low SBC adherence cases. This assessment was based on the Continuous Quality Improvement (CQI) -measure.

Outcomes were federal defini- tions of -safety: (1) protection of children from abuse and neglect (2) mainte- nance of

According to t-tests, there was a significant difference between high adherence and low adherence SBC groups for all federal outcomes (permanency, well- being and safety). In regression analyses, and the use of SBC

Weak Limited data on the case characteristics Broad outcome vari- ables with limited de- scriptions of the defi- nitions and content

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randomly selected from all nine service regions of the state on a monthly basis.

children in their own homes and ser- vices to pre- vent removal and risk of harm) -permanency (1) elements of foster care, re- unification, permanency goals, and adoption of children (2) preserva- tion of family relationships and connec- tions) - well being (1) involve- ment of the fa- mily in case planning, meeting educa- tional needs (2) children re- ceiving ser- vices to meet their physical and mental health need).

predicted overall safety, permanency, and well-being signifi- cantly (p = .001). Different factors of SBC contributed differently to the outcomes, SBC- intake and investiga- tion being the most im- portant factor in pre- dicting overall safety (Beta 0.592, 95% CI 0.482−0.528), SBC- case management in predicting overall per- manency (Beta 0.418 95% CI 0.302−0.399), while for overall well- being SBC-ongoing, SBC-case management and SBC- case planning, all made substantial contributions to pre- dicting overall well- being scores (Betas ranging from 0.299 to 0.323). The mean percentage scores for all the out- come variables were better for the high ad- herence SBC cases compared to low ad- herence cases, High ad- herence groups were able to meet and exceed the federal standards on all the safety, per- manency and well- being variables, whereas for low adher- ence this was only true for permanency related outcomes that were re- lated to children’s living situations.

(Bostock et al., 2017)

Reclaiming Social Work (RSW) model

Total: 86 families RSW-group: 34 families Control group: 52 fa- milies

Service as usual Entry to care Number of children en- tering care at T2: n = 0 in RSW group, n = 2 in comparison group, the difference was statisti- cally non-significant (p- value not reported).

Weak Selection bias Small sample Control group in- volved a range of dif- ferent types of team setup and training, including previous systemic training While child protec- tion specific baseline characteristics were compared between study groups, demo- graphic characteris- tics were not Attrition ruled out using intended indi- cators in the analysis other than entry to care Short duration of the study (3 months)

(Reekers, Dijks- tra, Stams, Asscher, & Creemers, 2018)

Signs of Safety (SoS)

Total of 37 families SoS-group: Parent report: 18 families Social worker report:

Care as usual Child maltreat- ment measured with ARIJ The risk of child maltreat- ment measured

Due to the small number of reported child maltreatment cases in T2 (one in SoS- group and one in the control group), the

Selection bias Small sample Missing data was im- puted. Short duration of the study (3 months)

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17 families Control group: Parent report: 20 families Social worker report: 20 families

with the ARIJ (social worker) and CAPI (par- ents) Family and service system empowerment measured with the FES

logistic regression was not performed. Mean score for the risk of child maltreatment in the social worker re- port at T1 was 0.52 (SD = 0,31) and at T2 0.28 (SD = 0.29) in the SoS group vs. 0.38 (SD = 0.22) and 0.28 (SD = 0.26) in the control group. In the parent report, the mean score was at T1 0.16 (SD = 0.18) and at T2 0.13 (SD = 0.14) in the SoS- group, and 0.17 (SD = 0.23) and 0.16 (SD = 0.15) in the control group. SoS and control group were equally ef- fective in reducing the risk of child maltreatment (no effect for time*group, Wilks'Λ = 0.95, F(1, 35) = 1.99, p = 0.17, ηp2 = 0.05). Mean score for family empowerment was at T1 4.28 (SD = 0.59) and at T2 4.36 (SD = 0.39) in the SoS-group, vs. at T1 4.19 (SD = 0.51) and at T2 4.38 (SD = 0.43) in the control group. In terms of the service system empowerment the mean score was at T1 3.95 (SD = 0.53) and T2 4.05 (SD = 0.54) for the SoS-group, and at T1 4.08 (SD = 0.44) and T2 4.25 (SD = 0.53) for the control group. No significant main ef- fect time*group was found either for the fa- mily empowerment score or for the service system empowerment score.

Control group used Intensive Family Case Management that was described as a standard approach in the agency Propensity score matching was used to match families

Appendix B. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104632.

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  • Effectiveness of child protection practice models: a systematic review
    • Background
    • Method
      • Research question and eligibility criteria
      • Systematic searches, data extraction and synthesis
    • Results
      • Description of the studies
      • Main findings
    • Discussion
      • Strengths and limitations
      • Implications for future research
    • Conclusions
    • Declarations of interest
    • Funding
    • mk:H1_14
      • Study and participant characteristics
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Emotional-support-as-a-mechanism-linking-childhood-maltreatm_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Emotional support as a mechanism linking childhood maltreatment and adult’s depressive and social anxiety symptoms

Michael Fitzgeralda,*, Kami Gallusb

a School of Child and Family Sciences, University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, MS, United States b Department of Human Development and Family Science, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Child maltreatment Emotional support Depressive symptoms Social anxiety symptoms Mediation

A B S T R A C T

Background: Research has well-established that childhood maltreatment is associated with de- pressive and social anxiety symptoms in adults. Emotional support has been proposed as a mediator, yet research investigating the unique contributions of emotional support from friends, family members, and romantic partners in adulthood is sparse. Objective: The current study tested emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners as mechanisms linking childhood maltreatment to depressive and social anxiety symptoms in adults. Participants and setting: Participants for the current study (N = 798) included adults in a com- mitted romantic relationship and completed both the second wave of the National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States (MIDUS 2) as well as the MIDUS 2 biomarker follow-up project. Emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners was measured at MIDUS 2 and mental health symptoms were reported at the MIDUS 2 biomarker follow up. Results: Emotional support from friends was identified as a mechanism from maltreatment to social anxiety symptoms (ß = .04, 95 % CI [.019, .066]), emotional support from family members was a mechanism to depressive symptoms (ß = .09, 95 % CI [.045, .146]), and emotional support from romantic partners was a mechanism for both depressive (ß = .02, 95 % CI [.005, .048]) and social anxiety symptoms (ß = .03, 95 % CI [.008, .048]). Conclusions: The current study documents that emotional support may be a mechanism linking childhood maltreatment to mental health symptoms. Emotional support from different sources appear to be of significant importance in understanding adult mental health. Clinical implications are discussed.

1. Introduction

Childhood maltreatment is common in the United States and is associated with psychosocial impairment across the lifespan. Childhood maltreatment includes physical, sexual, and emotional abuse as well as physical and emotional neglect. A recent meta- analysis found that among adults in the United States, roughly 36.5 % reported childhood emotional abuse, 24 % reported physical abuse, 19.2 % reported physical neglect, and 14.5 % reported emotional neglect, while 20.1 % of women and 8% of men reported childhood sexual abuse (Stoltenborgh, Bakermans‐Kranenburg, Alink, & van IJzendoorn, 2015). Maltreatment often occurs within a dysfunctional systemic context characterized by caregiver substance use, mental health problems, and intimate partner violence

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104645 Received 22 March 2020; Received in revised form 11 June 2020; Accepted 26 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: 207 Joseph Green Hall, University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, MS, 39406, United States. E-mail address: [email protected] (M. Fitzgerald).

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(Stith et al., 2009), leaving children vulnerable to experiencing multiple forms of maltreatment (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007). Greater experiences of maltreatment in childhood has been linked to more severe outcomes (see Scott-Storey, 2011 for review) including mental and relational health problems in adulthood (DiLillo, Lewis, & Loreto-Colgan, 2007; Edwards, Holden, Felitti, & Anda, 2003).

In particular, childhood maltreatment has been identified as a risk factor for both depression and social anxiety (Chapman et al., 2004; Gibb et al., 2001) which are two of the most common mental health problems in the United States (Kessler & Bromet, 2013; Kessler, Petukhova, Sampson, Zaslavsky, & Wittchen, 2012). Social anxiety disorder is characterized by fear and avoidance of social or performance-based situations, whereas depression is characterized by feelings of hopelessness, low energy, irritability, and altered mood (Kessler & Bromet, 2013; Kessler et al., 2012). Symptoms of depression and social anxiety are commonly comorbid (Gibb, Coles, & Heimberg, 2005), and research suggests that symptoms of social anxiety, more so than any other anxiety disorders, are more severe when occurring alongside depression (Erwin, Heimberg, Juster, & Mindlin, 2002). Underlying negative cognitions may leave adult survivors of childhood maltreatment particularly at risk for developing depressive and social anxiety symptoms. Adults who experienced childhood maltreatment are commonly critical of themselves and others, believing they are not worthy of attention and affection, and that others cannot be trusted or relied on. Having been deprived of feeling accepted, adults who experienced mal- treatment develop maladaptive thinking patterns and beliefs, and have low internal locus of control (Chapman et al., 2004; Cougle, Timpano, Sachs-Ericsson, Keough, & Riccardi, 2010; Finkelhor & Browne, 1985; Gibb et al., 2001; Günther, Dannlowski, Kersting, & Suslow, 2015).

While research has well established that childhood maltreatment has an etiological link to depressive and social anxiety symp- toms, the relational pathways linking them are not as well understood (Cougle et al., 2010; Kisely et al., 2018; Nanni, Uher, & Danese, 2012; Nelson, Klumparendt, Doebler, & Ehring, 2017; Simon et al., 2009). Previous research has found numerous within-person mechanisms, or individual factors (i.e., personality), that may link childhood maltreatment to mental health outcomes. Such me- chanisms include, personal control (Shaw, Krause, Chatters, Connell, & Ingersoll-Dayton, 2004), emotional regulation (Coates & Messman-Moore, 2014), shame, (Coates & Messman-Moore, 2014; Shahar, Doron, & Szepsenwol, 2015), and self-criticism (Shahar et al., 2015). However, the interpersonal nature of maltreatment as well as the role of adult relationships on mental health outcomes, point toward adult relationships as a compelling mechanism (Stevens et al., 2013). Adult relationships have been widely documented to contribute to better mental health and wellbeing through biological, psychological, and relational pathways (Chen & Feeley, 2014; Robles, Slatcher, Trombello, & McGinn, 2014; Thoits, 2011; Uchino, Cacioppo, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 1996).

Emotional support is one specific relational pathway that may influence adult mental health. Emotional support is thought to calm psychological distress, increase self-esteem, and fosterintimacy (Thoits, 2011; Whiffen, Judd, & Aube, 1999). Research has found emotional support to be an integral part of adult relationships. Adults with emotionally supportive family members, friends, and romantic partner tend to report lower rates of loneliness (Chen & Feeley, 2014), fewer depressive symptoms (Brinker & Cheruvu, 2017), greater life satisfaction, more positive mood, less negative mood, and better overall health (Walen & Lachman, 2000). Noting the importance of adult interpersonal relationships, and emotional support specifically, the current study examined emotional support from family members, friends, and romantic partners as mechanisms linking childhood maltreatment to depressive and social anxiety symptoms.

1.1. Childhood maltreatment and adult’s interpersonal relationships

Childhood maltreatment is most often perpetrated by family members (Sedlak et al., 2010). Despite a history of maltreatment, survivors commonly stay in contact with family members for various reasons. Wuest, Malcolm, and Merritt-Gray (2010) suggested that adults with a history of childhood maltreatment often maintain contact with family members for a variety of reasons including societal norms for having an ongoing relationship, emotional connection to the non-offending parent, and having an established role as a family caretaker or confidant. However, maintained familial relationships in adulthood may be characterized by emotional distance, lack of affection, and a continued source of degradation. In a population-based study, Savla et al. (2013) found childhood emotional and physical abuse were associated with lower levels of emotional closeness with family members. Recently, researchers have begun to investigate the implications of relationships with family members in adulthood. Kong, Moorman, Martire, and Almeida (2019) found more frequent childhood emotional and physical abuse were related to greater psychological wellbeing and lower life satisfaction through perceptions of emotional support from family members. In another study, Kong (2017) found childhood neglect was indirectly related to mental health problems through decreased emotional closeness and less frequent contact with the perpe- trating parent in adulthood.

Childhood maltreatment has also been linked to problems in adult friendships, although the associations are largely mixed. Some researchers have found maltreatment negatively impacts friendships (Evans, Steel, & DiLillo, 2013; Muller, Gragtmans, & Baker, 2008; Runtz & Schallow, 1997) whereas other researchers found maltreatment to have no impact on adult friendships (Mullen, Martin, Anderson, Romans, & Herbison, 1994). Much of the current research has focused on young adults with less attention on friendships in midlife adults. Friendships in midlife may differ from those in young adulthood. In midlife, friendships become less salient in daily life as attention shifts to focus on romantic partners and children as well as caring for aging parents. Adult friendships may be more enduring relationships that evolved over time. In a study of midlife adults, Shaw and Krause (2002) found that violence in childhood, defined by physical and emotional abuse perpetrated by mothers and fathers, was associated with less emotional support from friends in midlife but support from friends did not mediate the relationship between childhood abuse and adult mental health. On the other hand, in a sample of adults who were sexually abused in childhood, Musliner and Singer (2014) found that having emotionally close relationship with friends was associated with a decreased risk for developing depressive symptoms in

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adulthood. In adulthood, romantic relationships tend to be the most important attachment relationship and have been consistently linked to

adult mental health (Whisman & Baucom, 2012). Researchers have found that childhood maltreatment is associated with poorer functioning in relationships with romantic partners (Colman & Widom, 2004; DiLillo et al., 2009; Larsen, Sandberg, Harper, & Bean, 2011; Riggs, Cusimano, & Benson, 2011). Emotional support is one specific domain of romantic relationships that may be impacted by maltreatment in childhood. Whisman (2014) found that adults who were physically abused in childhood were perceived by their romantic partners to be less emotionally supportive. Further, it was also found that adults who were physically abused in childhood also perceived their romantic partners to be less emotionally supportive (Whisman, 2014). DiLillo et al. (2007) found that mal- treatment severity was associated with lower levels of emotional intimacy in college students’ romantic relationships. The im- plications, however, of emotional support in romantic partnerships on mental health among adults maltreated in childhood remains understudied. This is particularly troubling considering the central nature of romantic partnerships in adulthood (Whisman & Baucom, 2012).

1.2. Childhood maltreatment, emotional support, and mental health

The importance of emotional support from family (Chen & Feeley, 2014; Kong et al., 2019; Thomas, 2016;), friends (Chen & Feeley, 2014; Walen & Lachman, 2000), and romantic partners (Dehle, Larsen, & Landers, 2001; Stafford, McMunn, Zaninotto, & Nazroo, 2011; Thomas, 2016) on adult mental health is well understood. For example, in a study of midlife adults Walen and Lachman (2000) found that support from family, friends, and romantic partners were each uniquely associated with greater life satisfaction, greater positive affect, and less negative affect. Not surprisingly, adult friendships, familial relationships, and romantic partnerships have been suggested to be potential mechanisms linking maltreatment and mental health outcomes (Kendall-Tackett, 2002; Kong et al., 2019; Runtz & Schallow, 1997; Shaw & Krause, 2002; Sperry & Widom, 2013).

Several studies have investigated support as a mechanism linking childhood maltreatment to adult mental health outcomes. Sperry and Widom (2013) found that social support mediated the relationship between maltreatment in childhood and anxiety and depression; however, the measure of social support did not identify who provided the social support and conflated emotional support with other forms of support (i.e. tangible support). Runtz and Schallow (1997) found emotional support from friends and family members mediated the relationship between physical abuse and psychological distress in a sample of college students. Similarly, Kong et al. (2019) found support from family members and romantic partners to be a significant mechanism linking childhood physical and emotional abuse and life satisfaction, negative affect, and psychological wellbeing in adulthood. However, like Runtz and Schallow (1997), support from partners and family members were aggregated. Finally, Shaw and Krause (2002) found that while emotional support from friends did not mediate the relationship between physical abuse and depressive symptoms in a sample of mid- life adults, emotional support from family members was associated with fewer depressive symptoms.

Although current research has identified emotional support as a potential link between childhood maltreatment and adult mental health, there are numerous limitations to the current knowledge base. One limitation is in relation to the various methods used to measure emotional support. Some studies aggregated different sources of support into a singular variable (Kong et al., 2019; Runtz & Schallow, 1997). This is potentially problematic because aggregating support across relationships discounts the varying importance of different adult relationships on mental health. Aggregating support across providers assumes each source of support has a homogenous effect on mental health outcomes. In other words, support from friends and romantic partners are assumed to have a similar effect on depression, when this has been shown not to be the case (Stafford et al., 2011). There is variation in the level of closeness, frequency of interaction, and depth of adult relationships. Some relationships, such as romantic partnerships, have a greater effect on adult mental health compared to other relationships (Antonucci & Akiyama, 1987). Supporting this notion, Thomas (2016) found that the associations bteween support from romantic partners, family members, children, and friends varied in relation to depressive symptoms in adults. Walen and Lachman (2000) found that although support from friends was associated with positive and negative affective symptoms, the strength of the associations for friend support were smaller than associations for romantic partners. Reconciling the approaches to measuring support would provide a more precise understanding whether overall support from adult social networks or specific adult relationships are more or less influential.

A second limitation is that research has examined specific members of adult social network in isolation, failing to account for the impact of other relationships in participants’ social networks (Kong, 2017; Shaw & Krause, 2002). Although addressing specific types of relationships provides valuable information, consideration of only a few attachment relationships may inflate the statistical as- sociations of measured relationships. Studies that differentially examine emotional support from romantic partners, family members, and friends as a mechanism linking maltreatment to mental health outcomes could not be located.

1.3. The present study

In light of reviewed literature and the limitations of the current knowledge base, the current study evaluates the relationship between childhood maltreatment and symptoms of depression and social anxiety in adulthood, testing emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners as potential mechanisms. The current study utilized two waves of data from the Midlife Study of Development in the United States: the MIDUS 2 and the MIDUS 2 biomarker follow-up project. It is hypothesized that maltreatment would be positively associated with depressive and social anxiety symptoms and negatively associated with perceptions of emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners. Additionally, it was hypothesized that emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners would be negatively associated with depressive and social anxiety symptoms. Finally, it was expected that

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childhood maltreatment would be indirectly related to depressive and social anxiety symptoms through emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners.

2. Methods

Data for the current study were taken from the MIDUS data. The MIDUS study was first carried out in 1995–1996 (MIDUS 1). MIDUS 1 consisted of 7108 English-speaking adults using a telephone interview and a self-administered questionnaire (SAQ) via mail. A follow-up wave was collected approximately nine years later in 2004–2005 (MIDUS 2) using the same data collection methods and questionnaires of MIDUS 1. The MIDUS 2 also included a biomarker follow-up project, which included a subset of participants who completed both thetelephone interview and SAQ (n =1,054) at MIDUS 1 and MIDUS 2. Additionally, the biomarker project included a new subsample of racial minorities (n = 201), for a total sample of 1255 participants. The biomarker project provided additional self-administered scales that were collected between 0 and 62 months following MIDUS 2 (M = 25.45 months).

Variables for the current study were extracted from both the MIDUS 2 and the biomarker follow-up project. Emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners were taken from MIDUS 2, while childhood maltreatment, and depressive and social anxiety symptoms were taken from the MIDUS 2 follow-up biomarker project. The MIDUS 1 offers childhood abuse variables across perpetrators, including mother, father, brothers, sisters, and others, but only addresses emotional and physical abuse and does not address sexual abuse, emotional neglect, or physical neglect. The biomarker follow-up project portion of MIDUS 2 assessed childhood maltreatment using the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ; Bernstein et al., 2003). The CTQ is a widely used and well validated measure of maltreatment demonstrating strong test-retest reliability (Bernstein et al., 2003). Noting the strengths of the CTQ, strong test-retest reliability, and that the measurement of emotional and physical abuse in the MIDUS 1 demonstrated weak internal con- sistency (Kong et al., 2019), the CTQ data collected during the MIDUS 2 biomarker follow-up study was considered a better approach to measuring childhood maltreatment.

The sample of the biomarker follow-up study was reduced to exclude adults who were single, divorced, or separated as there were deemed likely to have different perspectives on emotional support from romantic partners or not have an applicable partner to report on. This exclusion reduced the sample for the current study to 798 adults, who were either married or cohabitating with a partner at the time of the biomarker follow-up. Participant characteristics are displayed in Table 1. Participants tended to be fairly well edu- cated, far more likely to be married than cohabitating, and tended to be in their 50 s and 60 s.

2.1. Measures

2.1.1. Childhood maltreatment Histories of childhood maltreatment was assessed with the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ; Bernstein et al., 2003) col-

lected as part of the MIDUS 2 biomarker follow-up. The CTQ is a 28-item scale assessing childhood physical, sexual, and emotional abuse and physical and emotional neglect prior to the age of 18. Items are scored on a five-point Likert scale, ranging from (1) Never to (5) Very Frequently. The CTQ has demonstrated construct and criterion-related validity (Bernstein et al., 2003). Example items include “I believe that I was sexually abused” and “People in my family hit me so hard that it left me with bruises or marks.” Childhood maltreatment was operationalized for this study using the total score, which is a summation of the emotional, physical, sexual abuse and physical and emotional neglect subscales together to capture the overall severity of childhood maltreatment. Higher

Table 1 Descriptive Characteristics of Participants (N = 798).

M (SD)/N (%) Range

Gender Female 392 (49.1 %) Males 406 (50.9 %)

Age 57.52 (11.20) 35−86 Relationship Status Married 777 (97.6 %) Cohabitating 21 (2.4 %)

Education No College 177 (23.9 %) Some College/College Degree 389 (52.4 %) Some Graduate School/Graduate Degree 176 (19.1 %)

Maternal Depression in Childhood 117 (14.7 %) Paternal Depression in Childhood 53 (7.3 %) MIDUS 2 Depressive symptoms .51 (1.56) 0−7 MIDUS 2 Anxiety Symptoms .07 (.58) 0−9 MIDUS 2 Panic Symptoms .53 (.94) 0−6 Time Lag Following MIDUS 2 (in months) 25.45 (14.38) 0−62

Note. Education percentages do not add up to 100 % due to missing data (4.6 %).

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scores reflect greater severity of childhood maltreatment. Internal consistency was .93.

2.1.2. Emotional support from family Emotional support from family members was measured using 10 items specific to the MIDUS study. Six of the items were from an

emotional support scale and four items were from the emotional strain scale. Example items include “How much do they understand the way you feel about things?” and “How much can you open up to them if you need to talk about your worries?” Example strain items include “How often do they let you down when you are counting on them?” and “How often do they criticize you?” Emotional support items were rated on a four-point Likert type scale ranging from (1) A Lot to (4) Not at All and emotional strain items were rated on a similar four-point Likert type scale ranging from (1) Often to (4) Never. The six support items were reverse coded such that higher scores are indicative of greater emotional support. The emotional strain items were not recoded because the way strain items were initially coded is reflective of less emotional strain. The six reverse coded support items and four strain items were averaged together to calculate a mean score of emotional support from family. Internal Consistency was .82

2.1.3. Emotional support from friends Emotional support from friends was measured using 8 items from MIDUS 2. Four items were from the emotional support scale and

four items were from the emotional strain scale. Example support items include “How much can you open up to them if you need to talk about your worries?” and “How much do your friends really care about you?” Example strain items included “How often do your friends make too many demands on you?” and “How often do they get on your nerves?” Similar to measurement of emotional support and emotional strain from family, items assessing emotional support from friends were rated on a four-point Likert type scale ranging from (1) A Lot to (4) Not at All and emotional strain from friends items were rated on a four point Likert type scale ranging from (1) Often to (4) Never. The support scale was reverse coded such that greater scores are reflective of greater support. The four reverse scored support items and four strained items were averaged together for a mean score of emotional support from friends. Internal Consistency was .77.

2.1.4. Emotional support from romantic partner Emotional support from a romantic partner was measured using 12 items specific to the MIDUS data, including six emotional

support items and six emotional strain items. Example support items included “How much does your spouse or partner really care about you,” “How much does he or she understand the way you feel about things.” Example strain items included ““How often does he or she argue with you?” and “How often does he or she let you down when you are counting on him or her?” Emotional support items were rated on a four-point Likert type scale ranging from (1) A Lot to (4) Not at All and emotional strain items were rated on a similar four-point Likert type scale ranging from (1) Often to (4) Never. Support items were reverse coded so that higher scores reflected higher levels of support; strain items were not recoded as lower scores already demonstrate lower levels of strain. The 6 strain items and 6 reverse scored support items were averaged together for a mean indicator of emotional support from a romantic partner. Internal consistency was .91

2.1.5. Depressive symptoms The Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression (CES-D; Radloff, 1977) assessed depressive symptoms over the past week. The

CES-D is a well validated measure for depression with good internal consistency and validity (Geisser, Roth, & Robinson, 1997) (Orme, Reis, & Herz, 1986) with validation using the MIDUS data (Cosco, Prina, Stubbs, & Wu, 2017). The CES-D is a 20-item scale rated on a four-point Likert type scale ranging from Rarely or none of the time (0) to Most or all of the time (3) with three reverse coded items. Example items include “I felt depressed” and “had crying spells.” Items were summed together to obtain a severity score of depressive symptoms where higher scores endorse higher levels of depression. Internal consistency was .88.

2.1.6. Social anxiety Social anxiety symptoms were assessed using the Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale (LSAS; Fresco et al., 2001). The LSAS has shown

strong internal consistently and strong convergent and discriminant validity (Fresco et al., 2001). The scale includes 9 items rated on a four-point Likert type scale. Items consisted of 9 different scenarios which could be anxiety provoking and those scenarios were rated on a severity scale None (1) to Severe (4). Example items included “Being the center of attention” and “Talking to people in authority.” Scores of the 9 items were averaged to provide a severity score. Internal consistency was .86.

2.1.7. Covariates Education, maternal depression, paternal depression, gender, age, wave 1 symptoms of depression, anxiety, and panic, as well as

time lag between studies were used as covariates. Gender was measured using a dichotomous variable (male / female). Education was entered in as an ordinal variable ranging from 1 (no schooling or some grade school) to 12 (PhD or other professional degree). Sociodemographic characteristics were included as covariates because they have been previously linked to mental health problems (Kessler et al., 2012; Kessler & Bromet, 2013; Regier et al., 1993). Maternal and paternal depression during childhood were measured using dichotomous variables (yes/no) to account for environmental factors that may increase maltreatment in childhood (Stith et al., 2009) and are crude indicators for a possible genetic component to depression. Although the CES-D and Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale were not administered at MIDUS 2, to control for mental health, prior symptoms of depression (i.e., loss of appetite), anxiety (i.e., restlessness because of worry), and panic (i.e., chest tightness and pain) were controlled for using dichotomous questions indicating presence or absence of the symptom. There were 7 symptoms of depression, 9 symptoms of anxiety, and 6 symptoms of

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panic administered and entered as continuous variables. Time lag between MIDUS 2 and the biomarker follow-up was also entered as a control variable given that adults participated in the biomarker study between 0 and 62 months following MIDUS 2 (M = 25.50, SD = 14.39).

3. Statistical analysis

The current study used a path analysis, a form of structural equation modeling (SEM), to test emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners as mechanism linking childhood maltreatment to depressive and social anxiety symptoms. Descriptive statistics were generated in SPSS v 25.0 and the path analysis was run in Mplus 8.0. SEM compares the proposed theoretical model to the empirical model and evaluates the fit between the theoretical and empirical model. Model-data fit in SEM is measured by the comparative fit index (CFI), Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), Chi-square statistic, and root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA). CFI and TLI values greater .95, RMSEA values below .06, and a non-significant chi-square test indicate adequate model-data fit (Hu & Bentler, 1999). In Mplus, the indirect (mediating) effects were tested using 95 % bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals (CI) based on 5000 bootstrap samples.

4. Results

Correlations, means, and standard deviations for study variables are displayed in Table 2. Bivariate correlations indicate that all study variables were significantly associated with one another. Specifically, childhood maltreatment was associated with greater depressive and social anxiety symptoms and less emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners. Emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners were correlated with each other. Finally, emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners were each associated with lower levels of depressive and social anxiety symptoms.

SEM was used to evaluate the potential mediating effects of emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners. Several SEM models were tested to determine how to best measure emotional support. Although there is conceptual reason to discern the unique effects of emotional support from family members, friends, and romantic partners, it is also important to test alternative models to determine the best measurement strategy. Thus, emotional support was examined two ways. The first method was mea- suring a latent variable with support from family, friends, and romantic partners serving as indicators (see Runtz & Schallow, 1997). The second method examined support from family, friends, and romantic partners in a multiple mediator model. In the first model, because a latent variable with three indicators is saturated, defined by 0 degrees of freedom, model-data fit cannot be evaluated (i.e., CFI = 1, TLI = 1, RMSEA = 0). To evaluate the model fit, the full model including independent, mediating, dependent, and control variables were added. The fit for Model 1 was CFI = .96, TLI = .82, RMSEA = .05, SRMR = .02 χ2 (24) = 73.34 p < .001, indicating some model-data misfit. Additionally, although the estimates were significant, the standardized loading for emotional support from friends (ß = .56, p < .001) and romantic partners (ß = .43, p < .001) were low relative to emotional support from family members (ß = .84, p < .001). These findings indicate that a singular latent variable reflecting emotional support from friends, family members, and romantic partner was not an optimal approach to measuring emotional support.

The original model was revised by examining the three sources of support in a multiple mediator model (See Fig. 1). The multiple mediator model examined the unique indirect effects of maltreatment on depressive and social anxiety symptoms through emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners (Model 2); the model included covariances among each of the mediators (emotional support variables). Model 2 was also a saturated model, so to examine model-data fit, an empirical approach was used. The empirical approach first consisted of running the saturated model (Model 2) with all parameters (direct paths) freely estimated. Then, each insignificant path was released (path is not estimated) one by one. A chi-square difference test was then used to examine whether removal of the path affected model-data fit. In Model 3, the path from emotional support from family members to social anxiety symptoms (path k) was the only path released because the effect was non-significant (ß = −.05, p = .28) in Model 2. Model 3 demonstrated good model-data fit CFI = 1, TLI = .99, RMSEA = .01 and the chi-square difference test (χ2 (1) = 1.16 p = .28) was non-significant, indicating the model-data fit was not significantly different between Model 2 and Model 3. In Model 4, the only effect released was the path from emotional support from friends to depressive symptoms (path j) because it was also not significant in Model 2 (ß = −.07, p = .07). The model fit was, CFI = 1, TLI = .79, RMSEA = .06, χ2 (1) = 3.384 p = .07, indicating poor model- data fit. Although the chi-square difference test did not indicate a significant difference between the models, the TLI statistic is far below the cutoff of .90 (Hu & Bentler, 1999). In model 5, both effects from emotional support from friends to depressive symptoms

Table 2 Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations Among Study Variables.

Variable M (SD) 1 2 3 4 5

1. Maltreatment 37.06 (13.38) – 2. Emotional Support Friends 3.28 (.41) −0.21** – 3. Emotional Support Family 3.30 (.46) −0.40** 0.48** – 4. Emotional Support Spouse 3.25 (.50) −0.22** 0.22** 0.35** – 5. Depressive Symptoms 7.43 (7.28) 0.35** −0.24** −0.38** −0.24** – 6. Social Anxiety Symptoms 1.81 (.54) 0.16** −0.22** −0.19** −0.17** 0.37**

Note. ** p < .01.

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and emotional support from family members to social anxiety symptoms were released (paths k and j). Model 5 demonstrated some model-data misfit CFI = 1, TLI = .86, RMSEA = .04, χ2 (2) = 5.15, p = .08. Not surprisingly, a similar issue that was present in model 4 arose in model 5; the TLI was still below what is considered adequate model fit. All other effects were significant and therefore, paths where not released. Based on the results of the different models, Model 3 was the most parsimonious model and used in subsequent analysis; final model fit was as follows: χ2 (1) = 1.16 p = .28, CFI = 1, TLI = .99, RMSEA = .01.

Findings from the structural equation mediational model are displayed in Fig. 2. Results of the model indicate that childhood maltreatment was associated with lower levels of emotional support from friends (ß = −.21, p < .001), family members (ß = −.41, p < .001), and romantic partners (ß = −.23, p < .001). Childhood maltreatment was also directly associated with higher levels of both depressive (ß = .22, p < .05) and social anxiety symptoms (ß = .10, p < .05). Perceived familial emotional support (ß = −.18, p < .001) and romantic partner emotional support (ß = −.10, p < .01), were associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms; however, emotional support from friends(ß = −.07, p = .10) was not significant. Regarding social anxiety, emotional support from romantic partners (ß = −.11, p < .01) and friends (ß = −.18, p < .001) were associated with less severe social anxiety symptoms.

Indirect (mediating) effects from childhood maltreatment to depressive and social anxiety symptoms through perceptions of emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners were tested next (see Table 3). The total indirect effect, or summation of the specific indirect effects, from childhood maltreatment to depressive symptoms was significant (ß = .13; 95 % CI [.090, .181]). Similarly, the total indirect effect from maltreatment to social anxiety symptoms was significant (ß = .11; 95 % CI [.061, .179]).

Fig. 1. Proposed Theoretical Structural Equation Mediational Model. Note. Covariances among the mediators and among the outcomes are not shown for ease of presentation.

Fig. 2. Path Analysis Mediational Model Linking Maltreatment to Mental Health Outcomes Through Emotional Support. Note: * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001. Covariances among the mediators and among the outcomes are not shown for ease of presentation.

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Specific indirect effects from maltreatment to depressive and social anxiety symptoms through emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners were estimated. Childhood maltreatment was indirectly related to depressive symptoms through emotional support from family (ß = .09; 95 % CI [.045, .146]), and romantic partner (ß = .02; 95 % CI [.005, .048]), but not through emotional support from friends (ß = .02; 95 % CI [-.002, .040]). Regarding social anxiety symptoms, the indirect effects from emotional support from friends (ß = .04; 95 % CI [.019 .066]) and romantic partner (ß = .03; 95 % CI [.008, .048]) were significant; because the path from emotional support from family to social anxiety symptoms was not estimated, the indirect effect was not calculated. Overall, the model accounted for 20.9 % of the variance in depressive symptoms and 7.3 % of social anxiety symptoms.

5. Discussion

The purpose of the current study was to investigate emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners as potential mechanisms linking childhood maltreatment to depressive and social anxiety symptoms in adulthood. Prior research identified emotional support as a possible mechanism linking childhood maltreatment to mental health outcomes (Kong et al., 2019; Runtz & Schallow, 1997; Shaw & Krause, 2002; Sperry & Widom, 2013), but less attention has been placed on the unique contributions of different relationships. One of the primary contributions of this study is identifying the differential effects of emotional support from family, friends, and romantic partners on mental health outcomes among adults who experienced childhood maltreatment. Using a large sample of adults and a longitudinal design, the current study found that childhood maltreatment was indirectly related to depressive symptoms through emotional support from family members and romantic partners, but not friends. Further, childhood maltreatment was indirectly related to social anxiety symptoms through emotional support from friends and romantic partners, but not family members.

One noticeable pattern was that, unlike emotional support from friends and family, greater emotional support from romantic partners was associated with lower levels of both depressive and social anxiety symptoms. These findings are consistent with previous research documenting the protective effect of romatnic relationships on adult mental health (Dehle et al., 2001; (Priest, 2013) Thoits, 2011; Whisman & Baucom, 2012). Romantic partnerships can offer psychosocial resources that can alleviate depressive and socially anxious symptoms. Thoits (2011) argued that having a high quality and emotionally supportive romantic relationship can protect against mental health problems through enhanced sense of belonging (i.e., acceptance and inclusion), self-esteem (i.e., worthiness), and social control (i.e., health promotive behaviors). Adults who were maltreated in childhood often have negative attachment representations of themselves and others leading to emotional isolation and poor health behavior (Godbout, Dutton, Lussier, & Sabourin, 2009). Benefits derived from emotionally supportive relationships, including belonging, self-esteem, and social control can provide a corrective experience and override negative representations with more positive representations, thereby reducing mental health problems.

Consistent with prior research, emotional support from family members and friends were significant mediators between child- hood maltreatment and mental health symptomology (Kong, 2017; Kong et al., 2019; Runtz & Schallow, 1997). The effects for emotional support from family and friends, however, demonstrated an opposite pattern of effects. For depressive symptoms, emo- tional support from family members, but not emotional support from friends, was found to be a possible mechanism. The insignificant effect from emotional support from friends to depressive symptoms is consistent with prior research (Shaw & Krause, 2002; Stafford et al., 2011). One potential reason for the null finding is that the effects of emotional support from family members and romantic partners were also included in the model. Familial and romantic relationships tend to be more central in adult life (Antonucci &

Table 3 Direct and Indirect Effects Among Childhood Maltreatment, Emotional Support, and Mental Health Symptoms.

Effect ß Sig

Direct Effects Childhood Maltreatment - > Depressive Symptoms .222 < .001 Childhood Maltreatment - > Social Anxiety Symptoms .095 < .05 Childhood Maltreatment - > Family Support −.405 < .001 Childhood Maltreatment - > Friend Support −.212 < .001 Childhood Maltreatment - > Partner Support −.231 < .001 Family Support - > Depressive Symptoms −.179 < .001 Friend Support - > Depressive Symptoms −.074 .097 Partner Support - > Depressive Symptoms −.097 < .01 Friend Support - > Social Anxiety Symptoms −.179 < .001 Partner Support - > Social Anxiety Symptoms −.107 < .01

Indirect Effects Childhood Maltreatment - > Family Support- > Depressive Symptoms .092 [.045, .146] Childhood Maltreatment - > Friend Support - > Depressive Symptoms .016 [-.002, .040] Childhood Maltreatment - > Partner Support - > Depressive Symptoms .022 [.005, .048] Childhood Maltreatment - > Friend Support - > Social Anxiety Symptoms .038 [.019, .066] Childhood Maltreatment - > Partner Support - > Social Anxiety Symptoms .025 [.008, .048]

Note. Significance for indirect effects is based on bootstrapped 95 % confidence intervals. Significant effects are bolded.

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Akiyama, 1987) and, as a result, have a greater influence on depressive symptomology in adulthood (Stafford et al., 2011). Con- trastingly, friendships commonly have less frequent interaction, have a greater element of choice, and can be terminated if un- supportive. Stafford et al. (2011) found that emotional support from friends was not associated with depressive symptoms and suggested that because friends are more distal in the daily lives of adults, the beneficial effects of support (i.e., empathy, confiding) are experienced less often.

Conversely, emotional support from friends was documented as a potential mechanism for social anxiety symptoms where greater levels of support from friends was associated with lower levels of social anxiety symptoms. On the other hand, emotional support from family was not associated with social anxiety symptoms. Childhood maltreatment commonly occurs within the family system. Even when maltreatment occurs outside the family system, family members can be knowledgeable that the maltreatment occurred (Sedlak et al., 2010; Wuest et al., 2010). Maltreatment is implicitly or explicitly characterized by powerlessness, fear, terror, criticism, and rejection (Gibb et al., 2001; Kim, Talbot, & Cicchetti, 2009). It is common for those beliefs in childhood to remain impactful into adulthood and, as a result, adults may continue to fear negative evaluations or criticism from others, particularly their family members (Wuest et al., 2010). Prior research by Kong et al. (2017, 2019) found familial emotional support from the perpetrator of childhood abuse were mediators between emotional and physical abuse and mental health outcomes in midlife adults, suggesting that contemporary support from the perpetrator is a potential mechanism linking childhood abuse to mental health functioning in midlife adults. Although the sign of the effect from emotional support to social anxiety was negative, adults who were maltreated by family members may not experience lower levels of social anxiety symptoms because they still carry residual shame, guilt, and fear of evaluation from family members (Cougle et al., 2010; Gibb et al., 2001; Shahar et al., 2015; Wuest et al., 2010). Additionally, family members who were the perpetrators of maltreatment in childhood but then offer support in adulthood may create ambivalence in adult survivors that creates anxiety surrounding their contemporary relationship with the perpetrator.

5.1. Clinical implications

The results of the current study indicate that emotional support is a potential mechanism linking maltreatment to depressive and social anxiety symptoms. Although the current sample was not clinical in nature, these findings may be informative to clinicians. Clinicians working with individuals, couples, and families who are presenting with relational or mental health issues should screen for childhood maltreatment, specifically assessing for the severity of maltreatment. Clinicians may ask adults about their perceptions of emotional support from members of their social network; particular attention should be paid to familial support for adults pre- senting with depression and friends presenting with social anxiety. Clinicians who are treating adults with comorbid depression and social anxiety may want to pay particular attention to romantic relationships and advocate for couple therapy.

5.2. Limitations

Despite several strengths of our study, including a large sample of adult men and women, the use of longitudinal data, and differentiating sources of support, the study is not without limitations. First, the assessment of childhood maltreatment was retro- spective in nature, which may result in adults not remembering or reporting maltreatment. Secondly, although we used a longitudinal design that included prior measures of depression, anxiety, and panic, the same measures of depressive and social anxiety symptoms were not measured at the first time point to detect cross lagged effects. Thirdly, the current study conceptualized childhood mal- treatment as the overall experience of abuse and neglect, indicating the overall severity of maltreatment. Using an index of mal- treatment severity assumes there is a homogeneous effect of each type of maltreatment on adult outcomes. It cannot be determined if there are specific forms of maltreatment that are more or less influential on emotional support and mental health outcomes. Another limitation of the current study is the ambiguous nature of the variables assessing emotional support family members and friends. It is possible that adult perceptions of emotional support may vary depending on the specific family member or friend participants focused on during the assessment. Alternatively, some participants may have mentally aggregated emotional support across entire group of family and friends, which may not accurately reflect emotional support from the specific people that may have more impact on one’s mental health. Another limitation is that the identity of the perpetrator of childhood maltreatment is not available in the data. Although a large proportion of maltreatment is perpetrated by family members, it cannot be definitively determined from this study and discussion of emotional support from family should be interpreted accordingly. Another limitation is that the current study did not examine moderating variables, such as gender, race, or SES. Finally, there was little racial diversity in the current study so generalization of findings to minority populations is significantly limited.

5.3. Conclusions

In light of the limitations, this study adds to the literature by documenting the protective effects of emotional support on de- pressive and social anxiety symptoms in adults who experienced maltreatment in childhood. Results underscored that different sources of emotional support are linked to different mental health outcomes for adults. Additionally, the study found that romantic partners may play a particularly important role in adulthood as emotional support from partners was associated with lower levels of depressive and social anxiety symptoms.

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Funding

Data from this work was supported by the National Institute on Aging [grant numbers 5-PO1-AG20166-04, P01-AG020166]. No funding was received for the publication of this manuscript.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104645.

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  • Emotional support as a mechanism linking childhood maltreatment and adult’s depressive and social anxiety symptoms
    • Introduction
      • Childhood maltreatment and adult’s interpersonal relationships
      • Childhood maltreatment, emotional support, and mental health
      • The present study
    • Methods
      • Measures
        • Childhood maltreatment
        • Emotional support from family
        • Emotional support from friends
        • Emotional support from romantic partner
        • Depressive symptoms
        • Social anxiety
        • Covariates
    • Statistical analysis
    • Results
    • Discussion
      • Clinical implications
      • Limitations
      • Conclusions
    • Funding
    • Supplementary data
    • References

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Child Abuse & Neglect

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A pragmatic randomised controlled trial of the fostering changes programme Gwenllian Moodya,*, Elinor Coulmana, Lucy Brookes-Howella, Rebecca Cannings-Johna, Susan Channona, Mandy Laua, Alyson Reesb, Jeremy Segrotta,c, Jonathan Scourfielda,c, Michael Roblinga,c a Centre for Trials Research, Cardiff University, Neuadd Meirionydd, Heath Park, Cardiff, United Kingdom, Wales b Children’s Social Care Research and Development Centre (CASCADE), School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University, United Kingdom, Wales c Centre for the Development and Evaluation of Complex Public Health Interventions for Public Health Improvement (DECIPHer), Cardiff University, United Kingdom, Wales

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Looked after children Foster care Social care Fostering changes Confidence in care Out-of-home care

A B S T R A C T

Background: Many looked after young people in Wales are cared for by foster or kinship carers, usually as a consequence of maltreatment or developmentally traumatising experiences within a family context. Confidence in Care is a pragmatic unblinded individually randomised controlled parallel group trial evaluating a training programme to improve foster carer self-efficacy, when compared to usual care. Objective: To determine whether group-based training improves foster carer self-efficacy. Participants and setting: Participants are foster carers, currently looking after children aged 2+ years for at least 12 weeks. Carers from households where one or more carer had previously attended the training were not eligible. Sixteen local authorities and three independent fostering providers in Wales took part. Methods: The primary outcome measure was the Carer Efficacy Questionnaire assessed at 12 months. Secondary outcomes included the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, Quality of Attachment Questionnaire, Carer Defined Problems Scale, Carer Coping Strategies, placement moves. Results: 312 consented foster carers were allocated to FC (n = 204) or usual care (n = 108) group. 65.3 % of FC group participants attended sufficient training sessions (8/12, including sessions three and four). There were no differences in carer-reported self-efficacy at 12 months (adjusted difference in means (95 % CI): -0.19 (-1.38 to 1.00)). Small differences in carer-re- ported child behaviour difficulties and carer coping strategies over time favoured the interven- tion but these effects diminished from three to 12 months. No other intervention effects were observed. Conclusions: Although well-received by participants, training was associated with small and mostly short-term benefit for trial secondary outcomes.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104646 Received 12 March 2020; Received in revised form 30 June 2020; Accepted 26 July 2020

⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (G. Moody), [email protected] (E. Coulman),

[email protected] (L. Brookes-Howell), [email protected] (R. Cannings-John), [email protected] (S. Channon), [email protected] (M. Lau), [email protected] (A. Rees), [email protected] (J. Segrott), [email protected] (J. Scourfield), [email protected] (M. Robling).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104646

Available online 08 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd.

T

1. Introduction

There were 6845 looked after children and young people in Wales in 2019 (StatsWales, 2020), including many cared for by foster or kinship carers. The maltreatment and developmentally traumatising experiences within a family context experienced by many such young people can result in wide-ranging difficulties related to emotional wellbeing, mental health (Tarren-Sweeny, 2017) and education (Jackson, 2010; Stein, 2012). The consequent strain on carers can increase the likelihood of placement disruption (Farmer, Lipscombe, & Moyers, 2005) and lower self-efficacy, further exacerbating poor child outcomes (Rubin, O’Reilly, Luan, & Localio, 2007).

In Wales, new carers undertake pre-approval and induction training as a minimum (National Minimum Standards for Fostering Services, 2003). Statutory training is normally provided by Local Authority (LA) or Independent Fostering Providers (IFPs). Skill- based training can focus on children’s developmental needs and techniques to manage difficult emotions and behaviours (Turner, Macdonald, & Dennis, 2007). Themes for group-based training programmes may include attachment, managing challenging beha- viour, carer confidence and communication skills (Macdonald & Turner, 2005; Minnis, Pelosi, Knapp, & Dunn, 2001). While several programmes have been evaluated, many studies have methodological shortcomings such as small samples (Bywater et al., 2011; Gavita, David, Bujoreanu, Tiba, & Ionutiu, 2012), short follow-up (Mersky, Topitzes, Janczewski, & McNeil, 2015; Price, Roesch, Walsh, & Landsverk, 2015), and while randomised control trials (RCTs) are widely considered to be the gold standard for assessing effectiveness (Dixon et al., 2014; Macdonald, 2008; Mezey et al., 2015) few have been used to assess effectiveness (Gavita et al., 2012). Where trials have been undertaken, evidence reveals limited effectiveness (Kinsey & Schlösser, 2013).

The Fostering Changes (FC) programme aims to build positive relationships between carers and children, encourage positive child behaviour and set appropriate limits for behaviour, through a practical skills-based approach (Briskman et al., 2012). Briskman and colleagues' efficacy trial of FC involved 63 foster carers (Briskman et al., 2012). They found a difference in Carer Efficacy Ques- tionnaire (CEQ) scores between the study groups, favouring the intervention arm although this did not reach statistical significance. Some statistically significant differences were found favouring the intervention arm of the trial including for carer-defined problems (effect-size 0.95 sd, p = 0.003), for emotional and behavioural difficulties (effect-size 0.3 sd, p = 0.03) and quality of attachment (effect-size 0.4 sd, p = 0.04).Limitations of the Briskman trial include the small sample size, and that a relatively short follow-up was conducted with outcomes assessed immediately following programme delivery. Of the six evaluation measures used, three were designed in house and were not standardised, including the CEQ, however the measures they used were tailored to the intervention and therefore likely had good content validity. The study was not published in a peer review journal. It remains unknown whether benefits endure over time and are evident in a larger real-world setting. We aimed to esFIGlish whether FC can deliver important differences in how foster carers build positive relationships with their foster children, encourage positive child behaviour and set appropriate limits, when compared to usual care.

2. Methods

2.1. Trial design

This was a pragmatic (Thorpe et al., 2009) unblinded individually randomised controlled trial. Intervention training was orga- nised by the Confidence in Care consortium of third sector providers responsible for delivering FC across Wales. We planned to recruit participants to trial groups alongside non-trial groups, both of which were run by consortium facilitators. The consortium liaised with the research team to ensure intervention delivery but, like the funders, played no further part in trial design, implementation or reporting. The published trial protocol provides more detail while key design features are described below (Moody et al., 2018).

2.2. Participants, setting and recruitment

Participants were LA foster carers, those recruited through independent or not-for-profit agencies, or kinship carers in Wales. Participants could either self-select by responding to a postal invite, or were nominated by provider agencies. Provider agencies selected participants to nominate based on various criteria, some of which were locally determined. These included perceived needs of a foster carer, or apparent availability based on absence of competing commitments. We sought to recruit sufficient carers to fill the group to the desired capacity (n = 18). However, when this was not possible, participation in the programme was supplemented by allowing some non-trial participants to also attend the group. Which foster carers were invited to attend as non-trial participants was arranged by the local provider agency.

2.3. Randomisation, masking and procedures

Carers were allocated to trial group with an assignment ratio 2:1 (FC: Usual care) and minimised by type of carer (family carer / unrelated carer) and whether the household included a looked after child aged 12 years and older (< 12 / 12+ years) for each site. After a participant was consented to the study, baseline data collection was completed. Then, participant details were passed to the core trial team via telephone following notification of recruitment and participants were then allocated to trial arm. Participants were telephoned by the trial manager and informed of their allocation within 6 weeks of the start of the FC programme. Apart from the Trial Manager and Administrator, all trial team and field recruitment staff were blinded to allocation.

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2.4. Outcomes and assessment schedule

The primary outcome was carers’ self-reported ability to cope with and make positive changes to the lives of their foster children, measured by the 9-item CEQ (Briskman et al., 2012). The link between the measure of carer efficacy and coping underpins the logic model of the intervention and is described in the Briskman report (Briskman et al., 2012). This measure also assesses the confidence of carers to facilitate education by, for example, feeling able to contact their foster child’s school if they have concerns. Three final questions relate to stress and quality of life.

All secondary outcomes are described in Table 1. Most of the measures included were the same as those in the Briskman trial (Briskman et al., 2012) with two exceptions. A specific measure of engagement with education at the 12 month follow-up was included in the current study that Briskman et al. did not use. This was included as supporting children’s education was identified by the FC developers as an important aspect of the programme. The Alabama Parenting Questionnaire used in the Briskman trial was not used. This decision was taken to reduce the assessment burden for participants as it had a significant crossover with the Carer Coping Strategies measure which had been highlighted by Briskman et al.

Programme attendance data for trial and non-trial groups were recorded by facilitators and reported descriptively.

2.5. Intervention

Each FC programme comprises 12 weekly group-based sessions lasting three hours for up to 12 carers and a support group meeting designed to reinforce and maintain learning in each of the first three terms following course completion (Briskman et al., 2012; Moody et al., 2018). Adherence was defined following guidance from the intervention developers as attending eight or more sessions out of a possible 12 (including sessions three and four which focus on praise and positive attention and are central to course ethos). Where facilitators merged sessions 11 and 12, adherence was attending seven sessions out of 11 (including sessions three and four). Local social workers joined some groups as participants, an addition to the original FC model. This addition was not driven by the research design, but was rather an innovation in practice encompassed into it. The comparator was usually-provided support and advice with carers offered the opportunity to attend FC 12 months after recruitment. Usually provided support and advice services include, but are not restricted to, support from the local fostering team, access to The Fostering Network helpline, universal health and education services, and locally organised foster carer support groups.

2.6. Statistical analysis

Sample size estimation used previously reported CEQ data (Briskman et al., 2012) and assumed a mean (standard deviation) score of 27.1 (3.9) in the usual care group (Haight et al., 2005), and a 2:1 allocation ratio to maximise the number of carers attending each training programme. 213 carers (142:71) would provide 80 % power at the 5% level to detect a difference of 1.6 points on the CEQ, inflated to 237 (158:79 respectively) to allow for 10 % loss to follow-up.

Data were analysed using the intention-to-treat (ITT) principle. This is a principle recommended by the European Medicines Agency (EMA) ICH Statistical Principles for Clinical Trials (European Medicines Agency, 1998). This principle has some potential limitations which may become apparent when a proportion of the individuals randomised do not adhere to the intervention or a loss- to-follow-up is observed. The risk of bias however is increased whenever intervention groups are not analysed according to the group to which they were originally assigned which can have significant implications for the results and conclusions of a study. Sensitivity

Table 1 Primary and secondary outcome measures details.

Timepoint

Assessment Baseline Follow-up

3 month follow- up

12 month follow- up

Carer efficacy in supporting child education and carer quality of life (both 3-item sub-scales from Carer Efficacy Questionnaire (CEQ)) (Briskman et al., 2012)

X X X

Carer defined problems (Carer Defined Problems Scale (CDPS))* (Scott, Spender, Doolan, Jacobs, & Aspland, 2001).

X X X

Carers’ coping strategies (Carers’ Coping Strategies scale, CCS) (Briskman et al., 2012) X X X Quality of carer-child relationship (Quality of Attachment Relationship Questionnaire, QUARQ)*

(Briskman et al., 2012) X X X

Child behaviour and emotional problems (Strengths and difficulties Questionnaires (SDQ))* (Goodman, 1999)

X X X

Carer-reported child engagement with education X Rates of unplanned placement changes X X X Use of services and support X X X

* Outcomes assess with the index child in mind (i.e. the looked after child with most challenging behaviour at baseline and who is expected to still be placed with carer for at least 3 months), unless at 3 or 12 months the child was no longer placed with the participant, in which case the foster carer answers hypothetically or with another child in mind.

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analysis using a complier average causal effect (CACE) model was therefore utilised to investigate the effect of programme adherence (White, 2005; White, Kalaitzaki, & Thompson, 2011). This model preserves randomisation and attempts to obtain an unbiased treatment effect that incorporates treatment compliance. The primary comparative analyses applied an analysis of covariance model to the 9-item CEQ score (adjusting for baseline CEQ score) at 12 months. Additional covariates included were those used in mini- misation (type of carer, age of looked after children in household). Mixed-effects three-level regression models were used to adjust for site (LA/IFP) as a stratification variable and to allow for clustering by programme in the intervention group. Results are presented as the (adjusted) difference in mean CEQ score between the intervention and usual care group, with 95 % confidence interval (CI). Exploratory sub-group analyses were run for age, gender, placement history of the index foster child, foster carer experience and qualifications, and size of household. A secondary analysis of CEQ examined the score over time (at three and 12 months) and included an interaction term for time and trial group to investigate any divergent/convergent pattern in outcomes (Molenberghs, 2007). Secondary outcomes were similarly analysed at three and 12 months follow-up using linear, logistic or ordinal regression models. The use of the CEQ was validated and reliability assessed using Cronbach’s alpha. Analyses were performed using SPSS version 25 and Stata version 16.

2.7. Ethics approval and consent to participate

This trial was approved by Cardiff University’s School of Social Sciences Ethics Committee (ref. no. SREC1515). Informed consent was obtained from each participant before data collection and randomisation.

This publication follows CONSORT (Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials) guidelines (Schulz, Altman, Moher, & for the CONSORT Group, 2010).

3. Results

Twenty-seven programmes across 19 sites (17 LAs/2 IFPs) were open to recruitment at five different time points between January 2016 and April 2017. 1824 foster carers were identified as eligible, of whom 1638 (90 %) were approached for the trial (Fig. 1). 527 (32 %) carers expressed an interest, were contacted and assessed for eligibility. 26 carers could not be further contacted. 29 were ineligible. 472 carers (90 %) were successfully contacted and eligible, of whom 137 declined to take part and 16 could not participate due to the course being full or no longer run. 319 (68 %) consented to trial participation. Following consent, seven carers were withdrawn due to either having previously attended training (n = 1) or the course being full or no longer being run (n = 6). Therefore, 312 foster carers from 19 sites were assigned to FC (n = 204, 65.4 %) or usual care (n = 108, 34.6 %). The number of carers per programme ranged from 2 to 20 (mean = 12). Baseline characteristics for carers were well balanced between trial groups (Table 2) and also for their looked after children and household level characteristics (supplementary tables 1–3). Baseline outcome data were comparable between groups (supplementary tables 4–6). Due to an error, the fifth CEQ item (“The things I do make a difference to my foster child’s behaviour”) was missing for 75 (24 %) carers at baseline (FC: 25 % vs UC: 22 %). No differences in carer characteristics were found between those for whom the item was and was not available (supplementary table 7). Validation of the CEQ showed a similar pattern of completeness and floor/ceiling effects for each item as observed in Briskman’s trial (Briskman et al., 2012) (supplementary tables 8–9). Internal consistency of the CEQ was 0.59 (supplementary table 10).

3.1. Attendance data

Fifteen percent (30/199) of carers randomised to FC did not attend any sessions and 64.8 % (129/199) attended ten or more sessions (25.1 % attended all sessions). 130 foster carers adhered to the intervention (130/199, 65.3 %).

3.2. Primary outcome

The CEQ score at 12 months follow-up did not differ between groups (Table 3). Four sensitivity analyses were carried out. The first included the 8-item CEQ score, the second included all participants irrespective of intervention compliance (attended all sessions offered), the third explored the effect of missing data. Finally, a post-hoc analysis explored the effect of partial clustering. All four sensitivity analyses supported the findings of the primary analysis (Table 3). Using CACE analysis to account for attendance made no difference to the ITT results (difference -19.40, 95 % CI: –178.44–139.64; p = 0.81). There was no evidence of an intervention effect in the pre-specified subgroup analyses (supplementary tables 11a to g).

3.3. Secondary outcomes

Secondary analysis of overall CEQ scores over time showed no differential trend by group (Table 4). Small differences in carer- reported child difficulties (SDQ total score) (Goodman, 1999) and carer’s reported use of coping strategies (CCS) in favour of FC were observed over time (interaction follow-up time x trial arm = 1.90 (0.07–3.72) and -1.81 (-3.60 to -0.02) respectively) (Table 4). The effect sizes in these two outcomes were larger at three months (unadjusted effect size of -0.34 and 0.30 respectively) but these tended to converge by 12 months (unadjusted effect size of -0.04 and 0.15 respectively) (Table 4). The categorical version of SDQ did not show a similar pattern over time (table S12). Rates of carer-reported positive engagement with child’s education were higher at three months (FC: 54.3 %, UC: 41.7 %), as were rates of carer-reported quality of life (FC: 51.6 %, UC: 40.5 %) but converged at 12 months.

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There were no other differences found. At three and 12 months follow-up a comparable proportion of children were still placed with the carer (three months - FC: 89 %

(125/141) and UC: 93 % (57/63); 12 months - FC: 69 % (97/141) UC: 75 % (47/63)). Of those not still placed with the carer at 12 months, FC: 34 % (15/44) and UC: 25 % (4/16) were planned moves, FC: 21 % (9/44) and UC: 38 % (6/16) were unplanned moves, it was unknown whether the reminder were planned or unplanned (FC: 46 % (20/44), UC: 38 % (6/16). Information on whether moved were planned or unplanned was not collected at 3 months.

A higher proportion of carers in the usual care group had accessed other training courses compared to carers in the FC group by three months follow-up (FC: 69/162 = 42.6 % vs 45/76 = 59.2 %) and by 12 months follow-up this had increased to 116/148 (78.4 %) and 63/74 (85.1 %) respectively. At 12 months follow-up, the proportion of other services accessed by carers in the preceding 12 months were higher in the usual care group than the FC group, (73/150 (48.7 %) and 43/74 (58.1 %) respectively).

4. Discussion

We randomised 312 foster carers to either receive group-based training or usually-available support. Most carers attended a sufficient number of sessions. At 12 months we found no difference between trial groups for the primary outcome of carer efficacy. There were small statistically significant differences between trial groups on carer-reported child behavioural problems and carer- reported use of coping strategies. These differences reduced over time. There was no overall intervention effect for carer-reported

Fig. 1. CONSORT flow diagram.

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engagement with child’s education and carer quality of life. Untested group differences for both outcomes were apparent at three months but reduced by 12 months. We found no group differences for carer-defined problems or carer-reported attachment. We found that by 12 months a higher proportion of participants in the usual care arm had accessed both other training courses and other services compared to carers in the FC group.

Comparing these results with other studies of in-service foster care training, a recent systematic review by Uretsky and Hoffman (2017) was optimistic about effectiveness in terms of child externalising behaviours. Their meta-analysis of seven studies indicated a

Table 2 Sociodemographic characteristics of foster carers at baseline.

Variable Fostering Changes (n = 204) Usual care (n = 108)

Age (years) Mean (SD) 52.5 (8.23) 50.4 (8.51) Gender N(%)

Male 31/203 (15.3) 16 (14.8) Female 172/203 (84.7) 92 (85.2)

Marital status Single 22/203 (10.8) 12/108 (11.1) Married/cohabiting 155/203 (76.4) 85/108 (78.7) Divorced 22/203 (10.8) 7/108 (6.5) Widowed 4/203 (2.0) 4/108 (3.7)

Ethnicity White (Welsh/English /Scottish/Northern Irish/ British) 194/201 (96.5) 100/106 (94.3) Other background 7/201 (3.5) 6/106 (5.7)

Highest qualification Above 16 years education level* 143 (70.8) 77 (72.6) Below 16 years education level† 59 (29.2) 29 (27.4)

Duration of being a foster carer (years) N = 200 N = 106 Mean (SD) 7.9 (6.83) 6.8 (5.45) Median (25th to 75th centile) 6.0 (3.00–10.54) 5.7 (3.00–9.25)

Offer respite care Yes 92/200 (48.4) 53/102 (52.0) No 98/200 (51.6) 49/102 (48.0)

Approximate number of foster children ever cared for N = 196 N = 104 Median (25th to 75th centile) 8.0 (3.00–16.50) 7.5 (3.00–19.00) 0 to 5 75/196 (38.3) 46/104 (44.2) 6 to 10 48/196 (24.5) 18/104 (17.3) 11 to 20 40/196 (20.4) 18/104 (17.3) 21 to 30 14/196 (7.1) 12/104 (11.5) 31 or above 19/196 (9.7) 10/104 (9.6)

Type of foster carer Local Authority 151/199 (75.9) 78/106 (73.6) Independent not-for-profit agency 37/199 (18.6) 19/106 (17.9 Kinship or family 11/199 (5.5) 9/106 (8.5)

Number of currently placed looked after/foster children‡

1 78/198 (38.2) 48/108 (44.4) 2 90/198 (44.1) 36/108 (33.3) 3+ 30/198 (17.6) 24/108 (22.3)

Recent training (past 3 months) No 82/203 (40.4) 41/107 (38.3) Yes 121/203 (59.6) 66/107 (61.7)

Number of training courses attended in the past 3 months 1 61/121 (30.0) 36/66 (33.6) 2 34/121 (16.7) 11/66 (10.3) 3 to 12 26/121 (12.8) 19/66 (17.8)

Type of training course§

Foster carer role 44 (21.7) 20 (18.7) Child and adolescent development 13 (6.4) 8 (7.5) Behavior 17 (8.4) 8 (7.5) Managing conflict 11 (5.4) 7 (6.5) Mental health 10 (4.9) 5 (4.7) General safety and health 19 (9.4) 10 (9.3) Relationship 15 (2.4) 11 (10.3) Safeguarding 29 (14.3) 12 (11.2) Sexual abuse and exploitation 12 (5.9) 7 (6.5) Substance misuse 10 (4.9) 8 (7.5) Attachment 27 (13.3) 15 (14.0)

* A higher or first degree, certificate or diploma in higher education, A, AS or S levels any other qualification. † O levels or GCSE grades A–C/ None of these qualifications. ‡ Full-time and under 18 years of age. § Multiple training course per foster carer.

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small to moderate positive short-term effect. However, no studies in the meta-analysis have follow-up of more than six months. The review authors concluded that the programmes were effective in different countries and for ethnically diverse samples, and had similar results for children of different ages and sexes. Our results do not really contrast with the studies in this review, as we found more positive results for carer-reported child difficulties in the intervention group at shorter-term follow-up. Child behaviour seems to be the most commonly measured outcome in studies of foster carer training. Fewer studies seem to have measured carer efficacy. Of those studies which have, findings are more positive than in our study. Staines, Golding, and Selwyn (2019) found increased carer efficacy after attendance at a nurturing attachment group work programme for foster and adoptive parents in England. However, adoptive parents identified more children having greater emotional and peer difficulties after group attendance. The evaluation of the six-session trauma-informed Fostering Connections programme in Ireland (Lotty, Dunn-Galvin, & Bantry-White, 2020) found a gain in carer efficacy in the intervention group that was sustained over 15 months with a large effect size over time. In the current study carer efficacy is a mediator, where improved carer efficacy leads to better child outcomes. If child outcomes don’t improve over time (despite training) then that may in turn reduce carer confidence. It is possible that the differences in our results with regards to carer efficacy may be partly due to facilitation. We were unable to directly observe session delivery and so have less evidence about training quality. We had a larger diverse group of experienced trainers, who were not the developers of FC. This may explain a lack of effect, however it is a strength of the study when considering whether this intervention can be rolled out effectively in usual practice. The current study was unusual compared to others examining this type of intervention, it was an RCT with a relatively large number of participants, thus making the results an important contribution to the field.

While the eligibility criteria and outcomes assessed in both Briskman’s trial and our trial were comparable, three notable dif- ferences were duration of follow-up, presence of social workers in sessions and training delivery model. Similar to Briskman’s trial, we found some differences at three months but which appear clinically modest. Process evaluation interviews with participant foster carers, facilitators and LA social workers examined contextual factors, causal mechanisms and fidelity of programme intervention and are reported separately. Qualitative data collection was completed with various stakeholders. This included foster carers views of attending the programme alongside social workers. Although some carers saw the presence of social workers as a barrier to enrolment into FC (and by extension recruitment into the trial), others found the presence of the social worker to be quite positive. Results from the qualitative work examining the challenges of recruiting to the trial will be published separately. Recruitment is often challenging in the roll-out of evidence-based interventions (Chamberlain et al., 2012). What this trial adds is evidence about the subsequent trajectory for intervention effects which then diminish over time despite some additional supportive input. This additional support consisted of three termly support groups designed to reinforce and maintain programme learning. The fact that gains at three months were not sustained may suggest that ongoing support needs to be increased in regularity of needs to take a different form. We may speculate that that foster carers who took part in the FC group felt saturated by the commitment of a lengthy programme and did not feel able to seek further training, which may have attenuated some of the effects of the intervention.

Scaling up intervention delivery in real-world settings following initial developer-led efficacy studies is challenging (Eyberg, Edwards, Boggs, & Foote, 2006) and has commonly been associated with reduced effectiveness (Glasgow, Lichtenstein, & Marcus, 2003). While we were unable to directly observe session delivery, we were able to undertake qualitative interviews with participants to capture their experiences and perceptions. This will be published separately in a publication covering the process evaluation of the trial. We found comparable session attendance rates for trial and non-trial samples. Training delivery in the trial was undertaken over five consecutive terms in the first stages of broader programme implementation. Experiential learning for facilitators may lead to optimisation subsequent to the trial period. However, facilitators were recruited as experienced trainers to deliver a structured programme based on well-established theory. Facilitators were trained to deliver the programme and could also choose to be ac- credited in the delivery by the programme developers (Adoption and Fostering National Team at the Maudsley Hospital, South London, in conjunction with King’s College London), but were under no obligation to do this. Greater embedding of the programme may enhance outcomes, but it seems unlikely that this would change the pattern of longer-term outcomes. The 12 weekly sessions,

Table 3 Primary outcome results: Carer Efficacy Questionnaire at baseline and 12 months.

Baseline 12 months Adjusted* effect estimate

FC N = 146 Usual care N = 74 FC N = 146 Usual care N = 74 Difference† (95% CI) p-value

Main analysis (ITT) 26.6 (4.4) 26.4 (4.3) 27.7 (4.3) 27.8 (4.4) −0.19 (-1.38 to 1.00) 0.75 Main analysis (ITT) (Partial clustering in FC

group) – – – – −0.19 (-1.35, 0.96) 0.74

8 items only N=219 23.7 (3.9) 23.4 (4.0) 24.5 (3.8) 24.5 (3.9) −0.11 (-1.14, 0.91) 0.83 Per protocol N = 113 25.5 (4.4) 26.5 (4.3) 27.3 (3.9) 27.9 (4.5) −0.35 (-1.93, 1.22) 0.66 Imputation‡ N = 312 – – – – −0.19 (-1.37, 0.99) 0.75

Data are mean (SD). CEQ score ranges from 0 to 36, with a higher score indicating stronger beliefs about their own ability to make positive changes to children’s behaviour and outcomes. FC group = Fostering Changes.

* Adjusted for stratification (site and programme), and minimisation variables (age of looked after children in household and type of carer at recruitment) and baseline CEQ score; †Adjusted difference in means for FC minus usual care. ‡‡ Imputed one baseline CEQ score and 92 12 months CEQ score. Multiple imputation performed 100 times.

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may be a barrier for some carers. Children in Briskman’s trial were younger than children in our trial (mean ages of 7.9 years and 11.3 years respectively). This raises the question as to whether age contributed some differences in effect between the two trials (Briskman et al., 2012). However, Schoemaker’s review found intervention effectiveness for sensitive parenting, dysfunctional discipline and parenting stress greater in older children (Schoemaker et al., 2019). This leaves age as an uncertain explanation for differences between the two trials.

FC was trialled by Briskman and colleagues in London. Wales is a different context, with mix of urban, semi-urban and rural areas. However the intervention was adapted slightly for the Welsh (less urban) context by including a wider age group, inviting a social worker to attend and the introduction of the termly follow-up groups. Although recent years have seen some divergence in social care legislation between England and Wales, the foster care systems in the two countries are still very similar and it is unlikely that this would have explained any differences in results found in the two studies. The intervention was also delivered in Wales by a larger group of trainers than in the Briskman trial, and the intervention was not being delivered by the team who developed it, a reason why

Table 4 Secondary analysis of the primary outcome and secondary outcomes.

Outcome Group* Baseline N = 312 (FC = 204, UC = 108)

3 months N = 240 (FC = 164, UC = 76)

12 months N = 229 (FC = 153, UC = 76)

Interaction (group x time) (95 % CI)

p-value Treatment effect (FC vs UC) (95 % CI)

p-value Time effect (12 vs 3 month) (95 % CI)

p-value

Carer Efficacy Questionnaire (CEQ)‡

Overall score Mean (SD)

FC 25.8 (4.24 27.6 (4.00) 27.7 (4.29) −0.92 (-2.26, 0.43)§

0.18 UC 26.4 (4.27) 26.9 (4.63) 27.8 (4.43)

Subscales Education N (%) carer

fully engaged with education (score 11−12)

FC 107/190 (56.3)

82/151 (54.3)

69/142 (48.6)

0.37 (0.12, 1.16)**††

0.09

UC 56/103 (54.4)

30/72 (41.7)

35/71 (49.3)

Quality of Life N (%) higher quality of life (score 11−12)

FC 94/203 (46.3)

81/157 (51.6)

70/142 (49.3)

0.67 (0.23, 1.94)**††

0.46

UC 51/108 (47.2)

30/74 (40.5)

33/74 (44.6)

Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) Total difficulties

score‡‡ Mean (SD) FC 18.8 (6.78) 16.5 (7.38) 15.5 (7.32) 1.90 (0.07,

3.72)§ 0.04 −1.94 (-3.52,

-0.37)§ 0.02 −2.27

(-3.74, -0.81)§

0.002 UC 18.8 (6.67) 18.8 (6.82) 15.8 (6.95)

SDQ subscales Mean (SD)

Emotional problems score

FC 3.8 (2.61) 3.0 (2.47) 2.6 (2.24) 0.52 (-0.13, 1.17)§

0.12 UC 3.9 (2.56) 3.8 (2.35) 2.8 (2.11)

Conduct problems score

FC 4.3 (2.60) 3.7 (2.62) 3.5 (2.67) 0.63 (-0.08, 1.34)

0.08 UC 4.1 (2.43) 3.9 (2.39) 3.1 (2.47)

Hyperactivity score FC 6.7 (2.75) 6.2 (2.75) 5.8 (2.75) 0.23 (-0.43, 0.90)

0.49 UC 6.6 (2.61) 6.8 (2.63) 6.0 (2.89)

Peer problems score FC 3.9 (2.42) 3.6 (2.46) 3.5 (2.50) 0.46 (-0.18, 1.11)

0.16 UC 4.2 (2.32) 4.3 (2.53) 3.9 (2.50)

Prosocial score FC 3.9 (2.42) 6.3 (2.52) 6.4 (2.32) −0.40 (-1.06, 0.26)

0.24 UC 4.2 (2.32) 6.0 (2.40) 6.3 (2.08)

Impact score FC 3.5 (2.50) 3.1 (2.54) 3.0 (2.59) −0.14 (-0.90, 0.61)

0.71 UC 3.2 (2.46) 3.0 (2.40) 2.9 (2.46)

Quality of attachment relationship questionnaire (QUARQ)§§

Total score Mean (SD) FC 48.9 (10.35) 47.7 (12.02) 48.9 (11.46) −164.3 (-421.9 to 93.2) ***

0.21 UC 50.1 (8.50) 46.2 (11.66) 47.5 (9.59)

Carer coping strategies (CCS)†††

Total score Mean (SD) FC 59.6 (8.05) 58.5 (6.89) 58.4 (7.00) −1.81 (-3.60 to -0.02)

0.048 2.68 (0.89, 4.47)

0.003 0.96 (-0.50, 2.43)

0.20 UC 58.0 (7.95) 56.4 (6.78) 57.3 (7.51)

Carer defined problems scale (CDPS)‡‡‡

N (%) main concern score 70 or above

FC 113/197 (57.4)

– 22/84 (26.2)

0.72 (0.29, 1.78) §§§

0.47

UC 61/105 (58.1)

– 16/48 (33.3)

Data are n (%), mean (SD), median (25th to 75th centile) or n/N(%). * FC = Fostering Changes, UC = usual care. †Adjusted for stratification (site and programme), programme, foster carer and minimisation

variables (age of looked after children in household and type of carer at recruitment) and baseline score. ‡ Overall CEQ score ranges from 0 to 36 with a higher score indicates carer with higher efficacy. §Adjusted difference in means: FC minus UC. **Adjusted odds ratio: FC compared to UC. ††Model could not be adjusted for site.‡‡ SDQ score ranges from 0 to 40, with a lower score indicating a child with less difficulties. §§Quality of attachment relationship score ranges from 0 to 64, with a higher score indicating better quality of relationship. ***Squared transformation of raw score. †††Carer coping strategies score range from 0 to 80, with a higher score indicating better coping strategies. ‡‡‡CDPS score range from 0 to 100, with a lower score indicating less concerns with child. §§§Analysis performed on 12 month follow-up.

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the current study is described as pragmatic. It may be that FC does not include enough of the elements found to be effective in other interventions. A systematic review of

psychosocial interventions in foster and kinship care (Kemmis-Riggs, Dickes, & McAloon, 2018) found the effective approaches had clear aims, targeted specific issues and developmental stages, included role play and coaching and were specifically developed to respond to the effects of child maltreatment and prevent disruption of placements. The adaptations made to FC reduced specificity of focus on developmental stages with the shift to an all-age model.

We identified practical challenges in our trial reflecting those previously identified in this context (Dickes, Kemmis-Riggs, & McAloon, 2018). These included difficulties in identifying and approaching potential participants, and being unable to directly observe intervention delivery. We found, as part of the feedback during the process evaluation, that some social workers expressed unease regarding randomisation. This was in part influenced by their subsequent role in the group or involvement with recruitment. Some had been involved in engaging foster carers in the training before the trial phase and so resisted the introduction of a different approach. The process of randomisation caused some disappointment for social workers involved in the delivery of the training when foster carers who they deemed to be ‘in need’ were perceived to have “missed out”. Some of the social workers interviewed had really not been happy to - as they saw it – relinquish their usual control over who attended and who did not. It should be noted that the eligibility criteria were set by the programme rather than being a trial requirement and that access to the programme was limited i.e. not all eligible carers would have been able to access the programme, and that FC is not emergency support. Participant willingness to be randomly allocated could also have been a challenge, however we did not find this to be a barrier. Social worker and participant views on randomisation in the trial are explored in greater detail in the aforementioned qualitative publication on recruitment. Another practical challenge included ensuring that the blinding of the field recruitment staff was retained. This was important to eliminate the possibility of predicting the next allocation and attempting to randomise carers deemed to be most ‘in need’ to FC. This was addressed by ensuring that all trial team and field recruitment staff, except the Trial Manager and Administrator, were blinded to allocation. Recruiting sufficient carers in time to form adequately sized training groups was another challenge. This was addressed by the 2:1 allocation ratio and using a longer lead-time within which we recruited at any one site.

Trials in children’s social care are scarce compared to public or clinical health and a limiting factor is the infrastructure to support high quality trials. We were able to employ experienced field-based health research staff to support recruitment. Considerable effort went into clarifying the rationale for the trial design for professional stakeholders, and offering the training to the control group post- trial to allay concerns about the intervention being withheld.

5. Limitations of the current study

Outcomes were assessed with the index child in mind (i.e. the looked after child with most challenging behaviour at baseline and who is expected to still be placed with carer for at least three months), unless at three or 12 months the child was no longer placed with the participant, in which case the foster carer answered hypothetically or with another child in mind. In total, 60 children were no longer placed with the carer by 12 months, and an additional one left the carer at three months but returned at 12 months. Asking participants to make a hypothetical estimate lacks the validity of real-life judgements and is therefore a limitation of the study. The alternative to this could have been to not collect these data if a child moved. The decision to collect the data was made to examine whether the training would have had a generalisable impact on the carer and as the training is not a crisis intervention package, we would hope that it has some enduring and generalisable value. We concede however that the training is also meant to be responsive the needs of the carer and child at the time. We observed a lower level of internal consistency for the primary outcome measure than found in Briskman’s trial (Briskman et al., 2012) which may be another limitation. We selected the measure based on its use, and psychometric performance in the Briskman trial. We report the Cronbach alpha with an aim to re-examine scale properties. Cron- bach’s alpha is an assessment of item equivalence rather than validity or dimensionality, and its construction by the FC team to assess the programme likely increased the likelihood of its high content and face validity in the Briskman trial. Further validation of the measure would be useful in future research.

6. Conclusions

In conclusion, small predominantly short-term programme benefits were observed and reduced in the long-term. The programme was well-received but aside from attendance metrics we have little other direct evidence about quality of provision and fidelity. Differences in observed benefit compared to a previous trial may reflect the larger and diverse trial population, variation in delivery quality, and the longer-term perspective for outcome assessment. Future research directions include examining the embedding of interventions such as FC within existing delivery systems, and the implementation of this. The extent to which these interventions should be targeted at specific groups of participants should also be examined further.

Availability of data and material

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request but which would require additional processing to ensure confidentiality.

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9

Authors' contributions

Study conception: Professor Sally Holland, MR, RCJ, EC, JSc; study design and conduct: MR, RCJ, JSc, EC, GM, AR, SC, JSe, LBH, ML; drafting manuscript: RCJ, EC, ML, GM, MR; statistical lead: RCJ; statistical analysis: RCJ, ML. RCJ, SC, EC, ML, GM, AR, MR, JSe, JSc critically reviewed and approved the final version of the submitted manuscript. MR is chief investigator of the Confidence in Care Trial.

Funding

The Big Lottery Fund (Ref. No. 0010250833).

Declaration of Competing Interest

MR was a member of the Confidence in Care consortium board as the academic evaluation partner. He had no role in deciding programme implementation strategy but was involved in discussions regarding coordination of programme rollout and trial im- plementation. The authors declare that they have no other competing interests.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank: The trial administrator: Amanda Iles and database development team: Gareth Watson and Miguel Cossio. Participating local sites (local authority and independent fostering providers). The Confidence in Care Trial participants. The Centre for Trials Research (CTR) is funded through the Welsh Government by Health and Care Research Wales, and Cancer

Research UK, the authors gratefully acknowledge the CTR’s contribution to study implementation and the funding. The funder of the trial: The Big lottery Fund. The Confidence in Care Consortium Board, delivery team and programme facilitators.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104646.

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  • A pragmatic randomised controlled trial of the fostering changes programme
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Trial design
      • Participants, setting and recruitment
      • Randomisation, masking and procedures
      • Outcomes and assessment schedule
      • Intervention
      • Statistical analysis
      • Ethics approval and consent to participate
    • Results
      • Attendance data
      • Primary outcome
      • Secondary outcomes
    • Discussion
    • Limitations of the current study
    • Conclusions
    • Availability of data and material
    • Authors' contributions
    • Funding
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgements
    • Supplementary data
    • References

Pediatrics-adverse-childhood-experiences-and-related-life-ev_2020_Child-Abus.pdf

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104685

Available online 5 September 2020 0145-2134/© 2020 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).

Pediatrics adverse childhood experiences and related life events screener (PEARLS) and health in a safety-net practice

Neeta Thakur a,*, Danielle Hessler b, Kadiatou Koita c, 1, Morgan Ye d, Mindy Benson e, Rachel Gilgoff c, Monica Bucci c, Dayna Long e, f, Nadine Burke Harris c

a University of California, San Francisco Departments of Medicine and Epidemiology and Biostatistics, 500 Parnassus Avenue, PO Box 0841, San Francisco CA, 94143-0841, United States b University of California, San Francisco Department of Family and Community Medicine, 500 Parnassus Avenue, E334, Box 0900, San Francisco, CA, 94117, United States c Center for Youth Wellness, 3450 3rd St, San Francisco, CA, 94124, United States d University of California, San Francisco Department of Medicine e UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland, 747 52nd St, Oakland, CA, 94609, United States f California AB 340 Work Group Member, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Adverse childhood experiences Screening Childhood adversities Pediatric practice

A B S T R A C T

Background: Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) are associated with behavioral, mental, and clinical outcomes in children. Tools that are easy to incorporate into pediatric practice, effectively screen for adversities, and identify children at high risk for poor outcomes are lacking. Objective: To examine the relationship between caregiver-reported child ACEs and related life events with health outcomes. Participants and setting: Participants (0–11 years) were recruited from the University of California San Francisco Benioff’s Children Hospital Oakland Primary Care Clinic. There were 367 partic- ipants randomized. Methods: Participants were randomized 1:1:1 to item-level (item response), aggregate-level (total number of exposures), or no screening for ACEs (control arm) with the PEdiatric ACEs and Related Life Event Screener (PEARLS). We assessed 10 ACE categories capturing abuse, neglect, and household challenges, as well as 7 additional categories. Multivariable regression models were conducted. Results: Participants reported a median of 2 (IQR 1–5) adversities with 76 % (n = 279) reporting at least one adversity; participants in the aggregate-level screening arm, on average, disclosed 1 additional adversity compared to item-level screening (p = 0.01). Higher PEARLS scores were associated with poorer perceived child general health (adjusted B = − 0.94, 95 %CI: − 1.26, − 0.62) and Global Executive Functioning (adjusted B = 1.99, 95 %CI: 1.51, 2.46), and greater odds of stomachaches (aOR 1.14; 95 %CI: 1.04–1.25) and asthma (aOR 1.08; 95 %CI 1.00, 1.17). Associations did not differ by screening arm.

* Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (N. Thakur), [email protected] (D. Hessler), [email protected] (K. Koita),

[email protected] (M. Ye), [email protected] (M. Benson), [email protected] (R. Gilgoff), mbucci@ centerforyouthwellness.org (M. Bucci), [email protected] (D. Long), [email protected] (N. Burke Harris).

1 Present address: Contra Costa County Health Services, 1220 Morello Ave, Suite 200 Martinez, CA 94553, United States.

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

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journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104685 Received 16 May 2020; Received in revised form 4 August 2020; Accepted 10 August 2020

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104685

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Conclusion: In a high-risk pediatric population, ACEs and other childhood adversities remain an independent predictor of poor health. Increased efforts to screen and address early-life adversity are necessary.

1. Introduction

Three in five U.S. adults report at least one Adverse Childhood Experience (ACE) (2019, Merrick, Ford, Ports, & Guinn, 2018). ACEs are ten categories of adversities representing three domains: Abuse, Neglect, and Household Challenges experienced before age 18. ACEs are an important public health concern that have been repeatedly linked to poor health (Merrick et al., 2019). In the landmark ACE Study (Felitti et al., 1998), report of ≥4 ACEs was associated with at least two times greater risk for chronic respiratory disease, heart disease, and cancer – drawing attention to cumulative adversity as an important risk factor for negative long-term outcomes.

Numerous studies have replicated these findings (Gilbert et al., 2015; Hughes et al., 2017; Merrick et al., 2019) and have furthered our understanding of ACEs and health by demonstrating that the association between ACEs and health begins as early as infancy, and even prenatally (Flaherty et al., 2013; Oh, Jerman, Silvério Marques et al., 2018; Racine, Plamondon, Madigan, McDonald, & Tough, 2018). The toxic stress response, which includes neuro-endocrine-immune and genetic regulatory alterations, has been an important putative mechanism of how cumulative exposures to early adversities increase risk of morbidity and mortality throughout the life course (Berens, Jensen, & Nelson, 2017; Seeman, Singer, Rowe, Horwitz, & McEwen, 1997; Shonkoff et al., 2012). Indeed, ACEs are associated with important, proximal outcomes that occur during childhood, including academic achievement (McKelvey, Edge, Mesman, Whiteside-Mansell, & Bradley, 2018) behavioral challenges (Burke, Hellman, Scott, Weems, & Carrion, 2011; McKelvey et al., 2018b; Wilson, Samuelson, Staudenmeyer, & Widom, 2015), mental health (ADHD) (Hunt, Slack, & Berger, 2017; Jimenez, Wade, Schwartz-Soicher, Lin, & Reichman, 2017), and physical health (recurrent infections, obesity, and respiratory) (Burke et al., 2011; McKelvey, Saccente, & Swindle, 2019; Oh, Jerman, Silvério Marques et al., 2018; Wing, Gjelsvik, Nocera, & McQuaid, 2015).

Increasingly, leading health policy and practice institutions are recommending screening for childhood adversity to facilitate early detection and intervention for ACEs (Merrick et al., 2019; Summary | Vibrant & Healthy Kids: Aligning Science, Practice, & Policy to Advance Health Equity | The National Academies Press, n.d.). Moreover, research has demonstrated that bolstering resilience and linkage to services can mitigate the negative effects of ACEs on health (Bethell, Newacheck, Hawes, Halfon, & Hopkins Bloomberg, 2014; Merrick et al., 2019). ACEs screening also offers a unique opportunity for health care providers to deliver anticipatory guidance and, when conducted with a trauma-sensitive, person-centered approach, begins an open-dialogue on the impact of ACEs and stress on health. In this role, pediatricians can serve as potential change-agents to support families’ needs and parenting goals regardless of ACE level (Brown, King, & Wissow, 2017; Conn et al., 2018). Yet, a study of American Academy of Pediatrics members demonstrated that only a third of primary care providers screened for some ACEs and only 4 % screened regularly for all ACEs, despite the majority agreeing ACEs are an important contributor to health and screening is within the scope of practice (Kerker et al., 2016).

One significant barrier to screening is that, until recently, there were no comprehensive, prospective ACEs screening tool for use in pediatric clinical settings. Prior studies (Oh, Jerman, Purewal Boparai et al., 2018) focused on ACEs screening have been largely limited to youth in already high-risk settings (Kisiel, Fehrenbach, Small, & Lyons, 2009; McKelvey, Edge, Fitzgerald, Kraleti, & Whiteside-Mansell, 2017) or involved longer formats either through extensive questionnaires (Kisiel et al., 2009; Marie-Mitchell & O’connor, n.d.) or semi-structured interviews (Angold & Jane Costello, 2000; McKelvey et al., 2017a). In addition, some measures do not explicitly ask about reportable offenses (including physical and sexual abuse, and neglect), but rather proxies (Dubowitz et al., 2011; McKelvey et al., 2017a); focus on older children or teens (Bernstein et al., 2003; Flowers, Hastings, & Kelley, 2000); and/or were not performed within the context of primary care (Bernstein et al., 2003; Flowers et al., 2000; Kisiel et al., 2009; McKelvey et al., 2017a). Most closely aligned with the current measure are the Whole Child Assessment (WCA) (Marie-Mitchell & O’connor, n.d.) and the Pediatric ACEs Algorithm (Scholer, Hudnut-Beumler, & Dietrich, 2010); both prospectively screen for child-ACEs within primary care, but are largely limited to interpersonal risk factors. With growing evidence that social risk factors activate similar pathways to ACEs (Berens et al., 2017; Seeman et al., 1997; Shonkoff et al., 2012), a screening tool that explicitly includes these measures stands to have a large potential impact, especially when screening within health systems that deliver a significant amount of care to high-risk, vulnerable populations (safety-net systems). Moreover, neither instrument has been evaluated for associations with health outcomes and relies on an item-level response screening method which may result in under-reporting when compared to aggregate-level screening tools (Bethell, Carle et al., 2017; Gillespie & Folger, 2017). These studies support acceptability by families for screening and feasibility of screening in different settings, including primary care, but largely leave out the question about best practice for screening and whether screening improves detection of children at-risk for poor health outcomes.

Through an iterative process, we developed the PEdiatric ACEs and Related Life Event Screener (PEARLS) tool (Koita et al., 2018). The PEARLS tool assesses for both Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) and related life events thought to be risk factors for toxic stress (collectively referred to as “adversities”). In the present study, we seek to: (1) document the frequency and distribution of adversities using the PEARLS tool in a safety-net pediatric setting, and (2) evaluate the association between adversities identified by PEARLS with key pediatric biomedical, mental, and behavioral outcomes.

N. Thakur et al.

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2. Methods

2.1. Participants and study design

The Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study is a randomized control study (NCT04182906) designed to 1) validate a prospective pediatric screen for ACEs and related life events (i.e. the PEARLS tool), 2) examine the association between stress-related biomarkers and adversities identified with PEARLS, and 3) pilot interventions to prevent and mitigate the toxic stress response in pediatric settings. Here on out, the use of the acronym PEARLS refers solely to the screening tool developed through the Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study. Eligible participants were between the ages of 3 months to 11 years, not in foster care, English and/or Spanish speaking, and had a primary caregiver ≥18 years who spoke English and/or Spanish. Siblings were excluded from partici- pation. All participants provided written informed consent and, where appropriate, oral assent. The study was approved by the BCHO institutional review board.

2.1.1. Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study overview Provider-level training: Health care providers of the patients and caregiver enrolled received training on ACEs and health and on

how to deliver anticipatory guidance with a trauma-informed lens. This occurred through a series of didactic and interactive sessions that started with 1:1 training and group sessions (topics ranged from understanding their own ACEs, mindfulness, referrals and re- sources) with study investigators and followed by monthly presentations, including staff meeting and grand rounds, over a 12-month period.

Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study: Participation in the larger study included four study visits for survey completion (time points 1–4), biospecimen collection including blood, nasal and buccal swabs, and stool (time points 2–4), and, dependent upon PEARLS score and randomization, participation in a social or psychosocial intervention (between time points 2–3). Participants were compensated up to $300 for their time participating in the entire study (12 months). From March 2017-October 2018, we approached 1443 families presenting for well-child checks at the University of California San Francisco Benioff’s Children Hospital Oakland (BCHO) Primary Care Clinic. 796 families declined participation, 92 were ineligible, and 555 families were enrolled. Eligible care- givers and participants were randomized via a random number generator (randomization blocks of 12) and programmed by the study analyst to automatically display to the research coordinator via RedCap to one of the three screening formats in a 1:1:1 allocation ratio (n = 188 no screening, n = 185 Item-level response screening, and n = 182 Aggregate-level response screening; Fig. 1). Research coordinators were not blinded to assignments due to the nature of the screener and how questions are asked. However, study in- vestigators and those performing analyses were blinded to assignment. Screening included 1) an item-level response PEARLS screen: caregivers disclose specific adversities their child has experienced; or, 2) an aggregate-level response PEARLS screen: caregivers report the total number of adversities their child has experienced. Screened participants also received anticipatory guidance from their primary care provider.

Present Study: As one of our primary aims was to examine the association of baseline health outcomes with the PEARLS tool and whether these associations differed by screening arm (due to reporting differences), we limited the present analysis to those ran- domized to Item-level or Aggregate-level screening formats (n = 367), i.e. those with available PEARLS data, and measures that occurred at baseline (time point 1) or one-month follow-up (time point 2), which we considered in tandem. Trained, bilingual research

Fig. 1. Consort Diagram for the Pediatrics ACEs Screening and Resilience Study.

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staff administered the PEARLS tool and comprehensive questionnaires at the primary care clinic in a private room, collecting socio- demographic, psychosocial stress, and health data. Caregivers completed the PEARLS tool in approximately 4.20 min (IQR 2.97, 5.82) and 5.56 min (IQR 4.11, 7.95) for item-level response and aggregate-level response screening formats, respectively based on RedCap timestamps. The full study assessments took approximately 45− 90 min depending on study timepoint. Healthcare utilization and disease diagnosis codes were obtained from the Electronic Health Record (EHR) for the 12-months prior to enrollment.

2.2. Exposure and outcome assessment

ACEs and Related Life Events were measured using the PEdiatric ACEs and Related Life Event Screener (PEARLS), a face-valid pediatric ACEs screen developed with patient families and providers for use in clinical practice (Koita et al., 2018). The 17-item screen includes the ten original ACEs categories (Felitti et al., 1998), plus Related Life Events including exposure to discrimination, food insecurity, housing instability, community violence, physical illness/disability of a caregiver, death of a caregiver, and forced separation from caregiver. The Related Life Event questions were informed by other studies and thought to operate, at least in part, through the toxic stress mechanism (Koita et al., 2018; Shonkoff et al., 2012). Item responses were summed, and responses were analyzed as a continuous variable (total PEARLS Score, possible range 0–17). We also examined associations with the ten original ACEs items (10-item), here on referred to as ACEs, and the Related Life Event items (7-item). To better compare to previous findings with health outcomes (Felitti et al., 1998; Merrick et al., 2019), we categorized the ten ACE responses as “no ACEs,” “1–3 ACEs,” and “≥4 ACEs.”

General health was measured via: (1) the Patient-Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System (PROMIS) Global 10-item questionnaire that assessed physical, mental, and social health, pain, fatigue, and perceived quality of life (Ader, 2007). Continuous raw scores were converted into T-scores and norm-referenced; (2) Reported missed school days due to health collected numerically for 1–9 days or >10 missed school days; and (3) Healthcare utilization EHR-based measures for the 12 months preceding recruitment included emergency room visits and hospitalizations (any visit vs. none).

Mental Health. Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) diagnosis was based on ICD-10 codes with current disease defined as at least one corresponding ICD-10 code in the 12 months prior to recruitment. Behavioral health was assessed using the Behavior Rating Inventory of Executive Function (BRIEF 2/P versions administered to appropriate age group) tool (Sherman & Brooks, 2010), reporting on Global Executive Composite scale t-score, in which scores ≥ 65 are considered clinically significant.

Physical Health Measures: The International Study of Asthma and Allergies in Childhood (ISAAC) questionnaire, validated and standardized for international use (Asher et al., 1995), was used to obtain history of asthma, allergic rhinitis, or atopic dermatitis. Height and weight were obtained from clinical exam, and sex- and age-specific BMI z-scores and percentiles were calculated using 2000 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention growth charts (≥95th percentile classified as obese) (Kuczmarski et al., 2000). Report on headaches/dizziness and stomachaches in the previous 12 months were obtained as self-report (yes/no). ICD-10 codes from EHR records were retrieved to create binary measures of the presence of: (1) Acute Infections (upper and lower respiratory infection, sinusitis, bronchiolitis, pneumonia, influenza and other viral infections, scarlet fever, otitis media, conjunctivitis, and urinary tract infections); and (2) Somatic Symptoms (headache, nausea, abdominal pain, epigastric pain, colic, constipation, and migraine) in the 12 months prior to recruitment.

Socio-demographic covariates were identified a priori based on existing literature on childhood adversities and health outcomes and collected from the questionnaire (Halfon, Larson, Son, Lu, & Bethell, 2017; Slopen et al., 2016). Race/ethnicity was categorized as Non-Hispanic White, Non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, or other; caregiver’s educational level was categorized as some high school or less, high school graduate, some college, or college or greater; family income was dichotomized as <$25,000 vs ≥ $25,000 annually based on the sample distribution and approximation of federal poverty level for a family of four (the mean number of reported children per household was 4).

2.3. Statistical analysis

Negative binomial regressions were used to evaluate the association between socio-demographic covariates and PEARLS score by screening arm (item-level vs. aggregate-level response) and in a pooled analysis (item-level plus aggregate-level response). Chi- squared tests were used to examine the probability of reporting ACEs among individuals reporting at least one Related Life Event. Multivariable logistic and linear regressions were used to examine the relationship between reported adversities and health outcomes by screening arm. As indicated, adversities were examined as ACEs, Related Life Events, total PEARLS Score, and ACE category (none, 1–3, ≥4). Separate models were run with each health outcome as the dependent variable. Lastly, we tested for an interaction between adversities reported (ACEs, Related Life Events, total PEARLS Score, and ACE category) and screening format to examine for significant health outcome associations across the different screening formats.

We performed multiple imputation with iterative chained equations to impute missing socio-demographic covariate data (Groenwold, Donders, Roes, Harrell, & Moons, 2012; Jakobsen, Gluud, Wetterslev, & Winkel, 2017; Sullivan, White, Salter, Ryan, & Lee, 2018). Thirty imputed datasets were generated, and we obtained averaged results from the repeated analyses. Participants missing outcome data (i.e. general health, mental health, and physical health measures) were excluded from the analyses.

For sensitivity analysis, we compared the averaged results from the multiple imputation to the complete case analysis. Statistical significance was set at P ≤ .05. All analyses were performed with R 3.3.2, STATA version 14, and SPSS 26.

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Table 1 Baseline Characteristics of Study Population by ACEs Screening Arm from the Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study.

Characteristic Item-level ACEs Screen N (%) Total N = 185

Aggregate-level ACEs Screen N (%) Total N = 182

p-value

Age, mean (SD) 5.91 (3.57) 5.83 (3.46) 0.82 Sex 0.97

Male 100 (54.1) 98 (53.8) Female 85 (45.9) 84 (46.2)

Race 0.13 Non-Hispanic White 8 (4.3) 7 (3.8) Hispanic 31 (16.8) 36 (19.8) Non-Hispanic Black 96 (51.9) 108 (59.3) Other 50 (27.0) 31 (17.0)

Caregiver Educationa 0.34 Some high school or less 19 (10.3) 12 (6.6) High school 39 (21.1) 51 (28.0) Some college 68 (36.8) 63 (34.6) College 55 (29.7) 55 (30.2)

Incomea 0.40 25,000 or less 80 (43.2) 73 (40.1) Greater than 25,000 44 (23.8) 50 (27.5)

PROMIS t-score, mean (SD) 50.4 (9.1) 50.6 (8.2) 0.83 Missing 46 (24.9) 49 (26.9) Missed School Days Due to Health 0.58

Less than 10 days 93 (50.3) 93 (51.1) 10 days or more 27 (14.6) 23 (12.6) Missing 65 (35.1) 66 (36.3)

ED visit in the past year 0.95 No 100 (54.1) 99 (54.4) Yes 85 (45.9) 83 (45.6)

Hospitalization in the past year 0.18 No 180 (97.3) 172 (94.5) Yes 5 (2.7) 10 (5.5)

ADHD 0.31 No 166 (89.7) 157 (86.3) Yes 19 (10.3) 25 (13.7)

BRIEF-P Global Executive Composite T score, mean (SD) 54.9 (12.1) 55.8 (12.8) 0.63 Missing 84 (45.4) 82 (45.1) Stomach Aches 0.13

No 156 (84.3) 145 (79.7) Yes 21 (11.4) 31 (17.0) Missing 8 (4.3) 6 (3.3)

Headaches/Dizziness 0.41 No 155 (83.8) 159 (87.4) Yes 22 (11.9) 17 (9.3) Missing 8 (4.3) 6 (3.3)

Asthma 0.10 No 108 (58.4) 92 (50.5) Yes 69 (37.3) 84 (46.2) Missing 8 (4.3) 6 (3.3)

Rhinitis 0.56 No 99 (53.5) 93 (51.1) Yes 78 (42.2) 83 (45.6) Missing 8 (4.3) 6 (3.3)

Eczema 0.24 No 99 (53.5) 88 (48.4) Yes 77 (41.6) 88 (48.4) Missing 9 (4.9) 6 (3.3)

Obesity 0.36 No 142 (76.8) 133 (73.1) Yes 42 (22.7) 49 (26.9) Missing 1 (0.5) 0 (0.0)

Infections 0.09 No 101 (54.6) 83 (45.6) Yes 84 (45.4) 99 (54.4)

Somatic symptoms 0.45 No 150 (81.1) 153 (84.1) Yes 35 (18.9) 29 (15.9)

a Numbers do not add to 100 % because of missing data: 5 for caregiver education (1.4 %); 120 for income (32.7 %).

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3. Results

The population was predominantly non-Hispanic Black and low-income, with a mean age of 5.9 years (Table 1). 76 % of the population reported 1 or more adversity with a median report of 2 (IQR 1–5) adversities. The prevalence and type of adversities are shown in Fig. 2. Older age was associated with higher PEARLS Score (IRR 1.09; 95 %CI: 1.06, 1.13). Non-Hispanic White and/or high- income participants had lower reports of adversities compared to non-Hispanic Black and/or low-income participants (IRR 0.48; 95 % CI: 0.26, 0.89 and IRR 0.71; 95 %CI: 0.53, 0.96, respectively) (Table 2). Measure of internal consistency, assessed with the KR-20, a special case of Cronbach’s alpha, was determined to be adequate to high (PEARLS score .81 and .82; ACEs: .75 and .74;) and moderate for Additional Life Events (.61 and .61 for item-level and originally aggregate-level screening respectively). Those who completed the aggregate-level PEARLS tool reported 1 additional adversity compared to families administered the item-level PEARLS tool (median 3 vs. 2, p = 0.01, Table 3). Across the two screening arms, 54 experiences of physical and sexual abuse and neglect were reported by caregivers. Each of these families met with the provider and/or mental health clinician and were assessed for safety. Four Child Protective Service Reports were generated; three of these cases had been previously reported, and one de novo case was made. For persons reporting any single Related Life Event, the probability of exposure to two or more ACE categories ranged from 58.7 to 81.1% (median: 79.7 %), Table 4.

3.1. General health outcomes

Increased adversities were associated with lower caregiver ratings of child’s general health as assessed by PROMIS (mean t-scores 50, SD 8.65): ACEs (adjusted B − 1.35; 95 %CI: − 1.82, − 0.88), Related Life Events (adjusted B − 1.63; 95 %CI: − 2.39, − 0.88), PEARLS Score (adjusted B -0.94; 95 %CI: − 1.26, − 0.62) (Table 5). Participants with 1–3 ACEs and ≥4 ACEs had lower PROMIS t-scores compared with participants with no ACEs reported (adjusted B − 3.74; 95 %CI: − 5.82, − 1.67; adjusted B − 8.17; 95 %CI: − 10.85, − 5.48, respectively). Adversities were also associated with increased odds of missing school due to health reasons, with a near sig- nificant association for ACEs (aOR 1.15; 95 %CI: 0.99, 1.33), and significant associations for Related Life Events (aOR 1.26; 95 %CI: 1.01, 1.57) and PEARLS Score (aOR 1.11; 95 %CI: 1.01, 1.23). No associations were observed between adversities with ED-visits or hospitalizations, with the exception of a negative association with ACEs when categorized. No differences were associated by screening arm for general health outcomes.

3.2. Mental health outcomes

Greater adversities were highly associated with clinically poorer Global Executive Functioning (seen by t-scores of ≥ 65 on the BRIEF 2/P Global Executive Composite Scale). This pattern was consistent across the: ACEs (aOR 1.74; 95 %CI: 1.42, 2.14), Related Life Events (aOR 1.66; 95 %CI: 1.29, 2.15), and PEARLS Score (aOR 1.49; 95 %CI: 1.26, 1.66; Table 6). There was a large and graded increase in the odds of executive functioning concerns associated with the ACEs categories. While only 5.3 % of children with no reported ACEs reached the clinical threshold for Global Executive Functioning concerns, this number rose to 23.4 % of children with 1–3 reported ACEs, and to 50 % of children with ≥4 ACEs reaching the clinical threshold. There was evidence of effect modification by

Fig. 2. Distribution of Adverse Childhood Experiences and Related Life Events in the Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study. Individual responses were obtained from caregivers completing the item-response PEARLS tool and from caregivers who subsequently identified the items their child experienced from the aggregate-response PEARLS tool (n = 340, 7.4 %). Responses were summarized and displayed here.

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screening arm: the aggregate-level screening arm had higher odds of executive functioning concerns compared to the item-level screening arm (aOR 3.17; 95 %CI: 1.82, 5.52 vs. aOR 1.46; 95 %CI: 1.13, 1.87, p-int = 0.02) Associations with greater odds of ICD-10 documented ADHD were marginal for ACEs (aOR 1.15; 95 %CI: 0.99, 1.33, p = 0.07) and PEARLS Score (aOR 1.09; 95 %CI: 0.98, 1.20, p = 0.10); and for participants with ≥4 ACEs (aOR 2.16; 95 %CI: 0.85, 5.44, p = 0.10) compared to children with no reported ACEs.

Table 2 Association between demographic factors with the PEARLS tool.

Adversities Identified with PEARLS Tool IRR (95 % CI)

ACEs Related Life Events Total PEARLS Score

Age 1.07 (1.04, 1.11) 1.11 (1.07, 1.15) 1.09 (1.06, 1.13) Sex

Male Ref Ref Ref Female 0.91 (0.72, 1.15) 0.96 (0.75, 1.22) 0.93 (0.74, 1.16)

Race Non-Hispanic Black Ref Ref Ref Non-Hispanic White 0.58 (0.30, 1.10) 0.31 (0.13, 0.76) 0.48 (0.26, 0.89) Hispanic 1.00 (0.74, 1.35) 0.95 (0.69, 1.31) 0.98 (0.73, 1.31) Other 0.77 (0.57, 1.03) 0.79 (0.58, 1.09) 0.78 (0.59, 1.03)

Caregiver Education College Ref Ref Ref Some college 1.16 (0.88, 1.53) 1.19 (0.88, 1.61) 1.17 (0.89, 1.53) High school 0.78 (0.56, 1.07) 0.96 (0.68, 1.36) 0.84 (0.62, 1.14) Some high school or less 1.07 (0.69, 1.66) 1.24 (0.78, 1.98) 1.13 (0.74, 1.72)

Income 25,000 or less Ref Ref Ref Greater than 25,000 0.90 (0.69, 1.19) 0.71 (0.53, 0.96) 0.83 (0.64, 1.08)

Table 3 ACEs by ACEs Screening Arm from the Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study.

ACEs Item-level ACEs Screen Total N = 185 Aggregate-level ACEs Screen Total N = 182

p-value

Original ACEs, median (IQR) 1 (0–3) 2 (0–4) 0.01 Original ACEs 0.21

0 ACEs, N (%) 65 (35.1) 51 (28.0) 1–3 ACEs, N (%) 85 (45.9) 85 (46.7) 4 or more ACEs, N (%) 35 (18.9) 46 (25.3)

Related Life Events, median (IQR) 1 (0–2) 1 (0–2) 0.04 Total PEARLS score, median (IQR) 2 (0–5) 3 (1–5) 0.01

Table 4 Probability of Original ACEs and Related Life Events* (n = 340).

Related Life Event n(%) Probability of 1 Original ACE Probability of 2 Original ACEs

Neighborhood violence 83 (24.4) 90.4 73.5 Food Insecurity 64 (18.8) 95.3 79.7 Discrimination 51 (15.0) 92.2 80.4 Housing instability 80 (23.5) 93.7 79.9 Physical Illness of Caregiver 48 (14.1) 91.7 79.2 Forced Separation 37 (10.9) 94.6 81.1 Caregiver Death 29 (8.5) 75.9 58.7

Median 92.2 79.7 Range 75.9–95.3 58.7–81.1

* Individual responses were obtained from caregivers completing the item-response PEARLS tool and from caregivers who subsequently identified the items their child experienced from the total-response PEARLS tool.

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3.3. Physical health outcomes

We found positive associations between adversities and all atopic conditions identified by ISAAC (Table 7). A near significant association was observed between asthma and the ACEs (aOR 1.12; 95 %CI: 1.00, 1.26), Related Life Events (aOR 1.14; 95 %CI: 0.95, 1.37), and PEARLS Score (aOR 1.08; 95 %CI 1.00, 1.17). We saw similar associations between adversities measured by PEARLS and allergic rhinitis and eczema (Table 7). When categorized by the ten ACEs, compared with participants with no ACEs, those with 1–3 and ≥4 ACEs had an increased odds of asthma (aOR 2.20; 95 %CI: 1.22, 3.97; aOR 2.36; 95 %CI: 1.17, 4.80, respectively), rhinitis (aOR 2.36; 95 %CI: 1.35, 4.13; aOR 2.40; 95 %CI:1.22, 4.74, respectively), and eczema (aOR 2.19; 95 %CI: 1.32, 3.65; aOR 2.75; 95 %CI: 1.44, 5.23, respectively). There was evidence of effect modification by screening arm for asthma (p-int = 0.05) with a significant association observed in the item-level screening arm with ACEs, Related Life Events, and PEARLS Score, but not within the aggregate- level screening arm, with the exception of a significant association with asthma among those that reported 1–3 ACEs in the aggregate- level screening arm.

Adversities were significantly associated with caregiver-report of stomachaches for ACEs and PEARLS score (aORs 1.25; 95 %CI: 1.09, 1.43; and aOR 1.14; 95 %CI: 1.04, 1.25, respectively) and marginally associated with Related Life Events (aOR 1.18; 95 %CI: 0.96, 1.47) (Table 7). Across screening arms, Related Life Events were significantly associated with an increased odds of stomachaches

Table 5 Association between ACEs and Related Life Events and General Health Outcomes.

Pooled Mean difference (95 % CI)

Item-level Mean difference (95 % CI)

Aggregate-level Mean difference (95 % CI)

p-interaction

PROMIS Original ACEs

Categorical 0.18 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 ¡3.74 (¡5.82, ¡1.67) ¡5.70 (¡8.70, ¡2.71) − 1.73 (¡4.72, 1.26) 4+ ¡8.17 (¡10.85, ¡5.48) ¡10.56 (¡14.47, ¡6.66) ¡6.05 (¡9.90, ¡2.21) Continuous ¡1.35 (¡1.82, ¡0.88) ¡1.68 (¡2.37, ¡1.00) ¡1.09 (¡1.75, ¡0.44) 0.28 Related Life Events Continuous ¡1.63 (¡2.39, ¡0.88) ¡2.47 (¡3.57, ¡1.36) ¡1.16 (¡2.24, ¡0.07) 0.16 Total PEARLS Score Continuous ¡0.94 (¡1.26, ¡0.62) ¡1.24 (¡1.70, ¡0.78) ¡0.75 (¡1.20, ¡0.29) 0.20 Missed school days due to health

(10 or more vs. < 10 days) Original ACEs

Categorical 0.62 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 0.84 (0.38, 1.87) 0.62 (0.30, 1.91) 1.11 (0.31, 3.95) 4+ 1.63 (0.66, 4.00) 1.28 (0.35, 4.64) 2.01 (0.50, 8.07) Continuous 1.15 (0.99, 1.33) 1.13 (0.91, 1.40) 1.14 (0.93, 1.41) 0.87 Related Life Events Continuous 1.26 (1.01, 1.57) 1.54 (1.08, 2.11) 1.04 (0.72, 1.51) 0.12 Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.11 (1.01, 1.23) 1.15 (0.99, 1.34) 1.07 (0.93, 1.24) 0.51 ED visit

Original ACEs Categorical 0.84 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 0.61 (0.37, 0.98) 0.53 (0.27, 1.06) 0.73 (0.35, 1.51) 4+ 0.80 (0.44, 1.45) 0.73 (0.29, 1.86) 0.77 (0.33, 1.79) Continuous 0.95 (0.86, 1.06) 0.93 (0.80, 1.10) 0.95 (0.83, 1.10) 0.96

Related Life Events Continuous 1.06 (0.90, 1.24) 1.12 (0.87, 1.43) 0.99 (0.79, 1.25) 0.81

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 0.99 (0.92, 1.06) 0.99 (0.89, 1.11) 0.98 (0.89, 1.08) 0.98 Hospitalization

Original ACEs Categorical 0.56 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 0.96 (0.28, 3.26) 0.19 (0.01, 2.56) 1.92 (0.34, 10.75) 4+ 0.75 (0.16, 3.60) 0.59 (0.03, 10.72) 1.12 (0.14, 9.14) Continuous 1.01 (0.78, 1.32) 0.92 (0.54, 1.59) 1.04 (0.77, 1.41) 0.77

Related Life Events Continuous 0.81 (0.50, 1.29) 0.38 (0.09, 1.89) 0.90 (0.53, 1.53) 0.42

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 0.97 (0.81, 1.17) 0.85 (0.55, 1.33) 1.00 (0.81, 1.24) 0.61

Models are adjusted for child’s age, sex, race/ethnicity, caregiver’s educational level, and family income. Pooled models were additionally adjusted for screening arm.

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among the item-level screening arm (aOR 1.65; 95 %CI: 1.16, 2.34) but not the aggregate-level arm (aOR 0.97; 95 %CI: 0.72, 1.31) (p- int = 0.04). Similarly, increased ACEs, Related Life Events, and PEARLS Score were observed to be associated with headaches and dizziness in the item-level arm but not in the aggregate-level arm (p-int = 0.05). Lastly we found an increased odds for infections in the item-level arm and decreased odds in the aggregate-level arm for ACEs (p-int = 0.04), related life events (p-int = 0.04), and PEARLS score (p-int = 0.02).

Participants with missing data were more likely to be of ‘other’ race/ethnicity (data not shown); otherwise, they did not differ from those with complete data. The pattern of results from the complete case and multiple imputation analyses was virtually identical.

4. Discussion

In the present study, we report the net effect of complex adverse exposures during childhood. Our study contributes to the extant body of literature by documenting the relative associations between ACEs with health outcomes in childhood. We also assessed whether other common social determinants are comparable in their risks to child health as the traditional ACEs through the addition of the Related Life Events section of the PEARLS tool. We screen for lifetime exposures to ACEs and Related Life Events to understand the cumulative risk as prior studies demonstrate that early-life exposure affects middle and late childhood outcomes, even if distally experienced. Unlike other child-ACEs screening tools for primary care, the PEARLS tool specifically asks about food insecurity and housing instability, two factors associated with poverty. Additionally, PEARLS screens for discrimination and exposure to community violence, two other social adversities associated with poor health. Therefore, our findings should be considered in the context of a growing literature around pediatric prospective social risk screening (e.g., current food insecurity or housing instability), which has been demonstrated to be associated with child and caregiver health as well as facilitating response and resource linkage (Gold & Gottlieb, 2019; Gottlieb et al., 2016). In addition, we found that report of these Related Life Events was highly associated with the odds of reporting one of the original ACEs, highlighting that these cumulative lifetime exposures often co-occur. Thus, PEARLS can work in concert with social risk screening and potentially accentuate resource connections and assistance for families.

In this diverse, low socioeconomic population, we observed that adversities were highly prevalent; in comparison to other studies, the prevalence of adversities in our population is almost one-and-half times higher (68.4 % vs. 46.3 %, reporting at least one adversity) (Bethell, Davis, Gombojav, Stumbo, & Powers, 2017). Despite the high prevalence of adversity, we were able to demonstrate con- current validity in that the PEARLS was effective at identifying children at high risk for a number of clinically significant outcomes. Most striking, reported adversities were consistently associated with poorer global executive functioning with 50 % of children with ≥4 ACEs experiencing clinically relevant problems with executive functioning. And, while the disclosure rate for PEARLS was higher in the aggregate-level screening arm, the strengths of the associations between ACEs and the selected health outcomes did not differ in clinically meaningful ways.

A notable finding is the lack of statistically significant associations between childhood adversities and certain health outcomes. Particularly, the finding that 50 % of children with ≥4 ACEs demonstrate clinically measurable impairment of global executive

Table 6 Association between ACEs and Related Life Events and Behavioral-Mental Health Outcomes.

Pooled OR (95 % CI)

Item-level OR (95 % CI)

Aggregate-level OR (95 % CI)

p-interaction

ADHD Original ACEs

Categorical 0.88 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 0.95 (0.39, 2.29) 1.74 (0.48, 6.27) 0.56 (0.14, 2.26) 4+ 2.16 (0.86, 5.44) 3.22 (0.72, 14.41) 1.85 (0.45, 7.61) Continuous 1.15 (0.99, 1.33) 1.10 (0.87, 1.40) 1.21 (0.95, 1.53) 0.36

Related Life Events Continuous 1.12 (0.88, 1.41) 1.07 (0.74, 1.54) 1.16 (0.79, 1.70) 0.54

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.09 (0.98, 1.20) 1.06 (0.90, 1.25) 1.12 (0.95, 1.32) 0.40 BRIEF Global Executive Composite Scale t-score

(< 65 vs. ≥ 65 clinical threshold) Original ACEs

Categorical 0.19 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 5.58 (1.52, 20.42) 5.10 (0.95, 27.55) 6.30 (0.70, 56.51) 4+ 18.26 (4.60, 72.53) 10.63 (1.82, 62.23) 57.43 (4.99, 660.73) Continuous 1.74 (1.42, 2.14) 1.46 (1.13, 1.87) 3.17 (1.82, 5.52) 0.02

Related Life Events Continuous 1.66 (1.29, 2.15) 2.10 (1.37, 3.22) 1.63 (1.10, 2.42) 0.99

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.49 (1.26, 1.66) 1.39 (1.16, 1.67) 1.85 (1.37, 2.51) 0.11

Models are adjusted for child’s age, sex, race/ethnicity, caregiver’s educational level, and family income. Pooled models were additionally adjusted for screening arm.

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Table 7 Association between ACEs and Related Life Events and Physical Health Outcomes.

Pooled OR (95 % CI)

Item-level OR (95 % CI)

Aggregate-level OR (95 % CI)

p-interaction

Stomachaches Original ACEs

Categorical 0.17 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 3.06 (1.24, 7.57) 5.60 (1.09, 28.76) 2.17 (0.69, 6.85) 4+ 5.65 (2.18, 15.09) 18.24 (2.87, 115.79) 3.12 (0.92, 10.57) Continuous 1.25 (1.09, 1.43) 1.45 (1.14, 1.84) 1.17 (0.98, 1.40) 0.26

Related Life Events Continuous 1.18 (0.96, 1.47) 1.65 (1.16, 2.34) 0.97 (0.72, 1.31) 0.04

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.14 (1.04, 1.25) 1.33 (1.12, 1.57) 1.07 (0.95, 1.20) 0.08 Headaches/dizziness

Original ACEs Categorical 0.05 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 1.44 (0.56, 3.71) 2.68 (0.61, 11.75) 0.63 (0.17, 2.37) 4+ 2.32 (0.85, 6.34) 8.28 (1.69, 40.68) 0.74 (0.18, 3.13) Continuous 1.11 (0.95, 1.29) 1.28 (1.02, 1.61) 0.98 (0.77, 1.23) 0.14

Related Life Events Continuous 1.24 (0.98, 1.58) 1.51 (1.07, 2.13) 1.01 (0.69, 1.46) 0.14

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.09 (0.98, 1.21) 1.22 (1.04, 1.43) 0.99 (0.85, 1.16) 0.09 Asthma

Original ACEs Categorical 0.05 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 2.20 (1.22, 3.97) 1.48 (0.62, 3.50) 3.40 (1.44, 8.02) 4+ 2.36 (1.17, 4.80) 3.80 (1.22, 11.84) 2.23 (0.84, 5.94) Continuous 1.12 (1.00, 1.26) 1.20 (1.00, 1.44) 1.12 (0.95, 1.31) 0.75

Related Life Events Continuous 1.14 (0.95, 1.37) 1.36 (1.00, 1.84) 1.10 (0.85, 1.42) 0.39

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.08 (1.00, 1.17) 1.16 (1.02, 1.32) 1.07 (0.96, 1.20) 0.52 Rhinitis

Original ACEs Categorical 0.91 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 2.36 (1.35, 4.13) 2.22 (1.04, 4.73) 2.47 (1.05, 5.82) 4+ 2.40 (1.22, 4.74) 2.23 (0.82, 6.07) 2.57 (0.95, 6.90) Continuous 1.12 (1.00, 1.25) 1.13 (0.96, 1.34) 1.10 (0.94, 1.29) 0.51

Related Life Events Continuous 1.01 (0.85, 1.21) 1.10 (0.85, 1.44) 0.95 (0.74, 1.23) 0.35

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.06 (0.98, 1.14) 1.08 (0.96, 1.22) 1.04 (0.93, 1.15) 0.37 Eczema

Original ACEs Categorical 0.23 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 2.19 (1.32, 3.65) 1.53 (0.75, 3.12) 3.50 (1.60, 7.68) 4+ 2.75 (1.44, 5.23) 2.83 (1.07, 7.48) 3.14 (1.25, 7.88) Continuous 1.16 (1.04, 1.29) 1.16 (0.99, 1.37) 1.16 (0.99, 1.34) 0.86

Related Life Events Continuous 1.24 (1.04, 1.47) 1.48 (1.12, 1.95) 1.09 (0.86, 1.37) 0.09

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.11 (1.03, 1.20) 1.16 (1.03, 1.30) 1.08 (0.98, 1.20) 0.35 Obesity

Original ACEs Categorical 0.17 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 1.74 (0.96, 3.16) 2.94 (1.14, 7.55) 1.02 (0.46, 2.31) 4+ 1.45 (0.70, 2.98) 2.69 (0.82, 8.76) 0.82 (0.31, 2.12) Continuous 1.02 (0.91, 1.15) 1.10 (0.92, 1.33) 0.96 (0.82, 1.12) 0.22

Related Life Events Continuous 1.02 (0.85, 1.22) 1.24 (0.94, 1.62) 0.87 (0.67, 1.13) 0.07

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.01 (0.93, 1.10) 1.09 (0.96,1.24) 0.96 (0.86, 1.07) 0.11 Infections

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functioning but do not demonstrate an association with ADHD. Prior studies have demonstrated a strong association between early life adversities (i.e. ACEs before 5 years of age) and mental health outcomes, including ADHD diagnosis, in middle childhood (Hunt et al., 2017; McKelvey et al., 2018b). As the median age of our study population was 5.8 years, and ADHD is more often diagnosed later in childhood, it is not surprising that we did not observe this association in the present study. While we did not observe this association with ADHD, we did observe a strong association between high PEARLS score (regardless of screening method and subset of PEARLS score) and poor global executive dysfunction as measured by the BRIEF-P/2, which may be an early indicator of children at risk of developing ADHD later in childhood (Hawkey, Tillman, Luby, & Barch, 2018).

Other possible avenues for the lack of an observed association between childhood adversities health outcomes –specifically for obesity, ADHD, and other EHR-derived outcomes which have been previously demonstrated to be significantly related to childhood adversities (Burke et al., 2011; Hunt et al., 2017; McKelvey, Edge, Mesman, Whiteside-Mansell, & Bradley, 2018, 2019; Oh, Jerman, Silvério Marques et al., 2018), may be attributable to: cross-sectional nature of study; small sample size; young age of the study population, i.e. not enough time elapsed to see health effects; use of EHR-data; and under-reporting of adversities by caregivers as we were collecting information on particularly sensitive items, such as physical and sexual abuse that require mandated reporting.

A longitudinal study would provide an opportunity to examine for a latency period (i.e., period of time between demonstrating behavioral/symptoms of trauma and developing mental and physical health outcomes), the cumulative impact of adversities, and how the timing and period of adversity exposure changes disease risk. McKelvey et al. demonstrated the five patterns of adversity exposure in early childhood (ages 0–3 years) associated with development, with more proximal exposures having the greatest predictive value in cognitive, language, and physical developmental milestones (McKelvey, Edge, Fitzgerald, Kraleti, & Whiteside-Mansell, 2017). Further work in understanding these patterns of adversity exposures for pediatric outcomes in mid- and late-childhood are needed.

Other limitations of the present study include: the timing of certain measurements, specifically the use of EHR data which was collected for the 12 months prior to recruitment, however, the PEARLS tool asks about lifetime prevalence of ACEs and related life events and not for a specific time-point after recruitment; potential differences by age and gender due to power limitations, and in those who did not agree to participate (volunteer bias) and selection bias. Lastly, this study took place in an urban, primary care center where the majority of patients (>95 %) are on state-sponsored Medicaid limiting the generalizability of the study results. This pop- ulation is disproportionately burdened by socio-environmental adversities, some captured by the PEARLS tool, and our findings may reflect these cumulative and interactive effects.

Even in this low-socioeconomic, diverse patient population, we saw great variability in childhood adversity exposure and demonstrate significant associations with poor health outcomes. Moreover, our results replicate findings in other studies (Halfon et al., 2017; Slopen et al., 2016), suggesting childhood adversities are an independent predictor of poor health.

5. Conclusion

Adverse Childhood Experiences and Related Life Events are important contributors to poor health in children. The PEARLS tool is an effective screener for pediatric, primary care that identifies children at high risk for important pediatric health outcomes.

Table 7 (continued )

Pooled OR (95 % CI)

Item-level OR (95 % CI)

Aggregate-level OR (95 % CI)

p-interaction

Original ACEs Categorical 0.10 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 0.85 (0.52, 1.40) 0.91 (0.46, 1.81) 0.75 (0.35, 1.60) 4+ 0.89 (0.48, 1.64) 1.53 (0.60, 3.87) 0.52 (0.22, 1.24) Continuous 0.92 (0.83, 1.02) 1.03 (0.88, 1.20) 0.83 (0.72, 0.96) 0.04

Related Life Events Continuous 1.00 (0.85, 1.18) 1.17 (0.92, 1.50) 0.85 (0.67, 1.08) 0.04 Total PEARLS Score Continuous 0.96 (0.90, 1.03) 1.05 (0.94, 1.17) 0.89 (0.80, 0.99) 0.02 Somatic symptoms

Original ACEs Categorical 0.45 0 Ref Ref Ref 1–3 1.91 (0.98, 3.71) 1.91 (0.77, 4.73) 1.74 (0.64, 4.78) 4+ 0.99 (0.41, 2.35) 1.13 (0.33, 3.90) 0.79 (0.22, 2.78) Continuous 0.97 (0.84, 1.11) 1.05 (0.87, 1.28) 0.88 (0.72, 1.07) 0.15

Related Life Events Continuous 1.17 (0.96, 1.43) 1.30 (0.98, 1.72) 1.04 (0.77, 1.41) 0.28

Total PEARLS Score Continuous 1.02 (0.93, 1.11) 1.08 (0.95, 1.23) 0.95 (0.82, 1.09) 0.14

Models are adjusted for child’s age, sex, race/ethnicity, caregiver’s educational level, and family income. Pooled models were additionally adjusted for screening arm.

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Funding source

This work was supported in part by the TARA Health Foundation and Genentech. NT was supported by a career development award from the NHLBI (K23- HL125551-01A1). The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors report no declarations of interest.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank our families for sharing and trusting us with their personal experiences and sensitive information. We would also like to acknowledge our study coordinators without whom the study would not be possible: Nitasha Sharma, Cherri Harris, Roberto Mok, Nai Pham.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104685.

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  • Pediatrics adverse childhood experiences and related life events screener (PEARLS) and health in a safety-net practice
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Methods
      • 2.1 Participants and study design
        • 2.1.1 Pediatric ACEs Screening and Resiliency Study overview
      • 2.2 Exposure and outcome assessment
      • 2.3 Statistical analysis
    • 3 Results
      • 3.1 General health outcomes
      • 3.2 Mental health outcomes
      • 3.3 Physical health outcomes
    • 4 Discussion
    • 5 Conclusion
    • Funding source
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowledgments
    • Appendix A Supplementary data
    • References

Accessing-Alternative-Response-Payways--A-Multi-Level-Exami_2020_Child-Abuse.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Accessing Alternative Response Payways: A Multi-Level Examination of Family and Community Factors on Race Equity

Tana Connell Delaware State University, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Racial equity child abuse and neglect child maltreatment poverty alternative response pathways differential response

A B S T R A C T

Background: Although research has identified factors associated with child welfare involvement, less attention has been paid to how Black families are assigned to types of child welfare re- sponses. The advent of alternative response pathways allows child protection workers to assign child abuse and neglect responses to families based on the type and seriousness of the mal- treatment, history of prior reports and age of the child. Objective: The effects of family and community characteristics on alternative response pathways are examined by exploring decision-making at two points in the child welfare system: access to an alternative response child welfare system and assignment to either an investigative or alternative response pathway. Participants and Setting: Black and White families reported for child abuse and neglect (N = 31,802) in New York State were studied. Methods: Using data from the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System matched with New York State county socioeconomic indicators, logistic and multi-level analyses examined the effect of county-level variables on family characteristics. Results: The analysis determined that Black children and families were not assigned to alternative response pathways similarly to White families especially in counties where indication rates were higher. Conclusion: Findings imply that Black families involved in the child welfare system may benefit from increased access to culturally responsive interventions that target neighborhoods with high indication rates.

1. Introduction

Over four million reports of suspected child abuse and neglect were made to child protection agencies across the United States (US) in 2017 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [USDHHS], 2017). Among all child maltreatment reports, Black children are significantly more likely to be referred to the child welfare system (Child Trends Databank, 2019) regardless of whether or not their family has previously received child welfare services. Patterns of disproportionate representation are found at critical decision points in child welfare including referrals, investigations, substantiations, placements into care, exit from care and re-entries into care (Derezotes, Portner, & Testa, 2005; Hill, 2006; Roberts, 2002). In 2017, Black children constituted 14 percent of the child population under 18 years of age in the US but accounted for 23 percent of the children in foster care. Comparatively, White children account for 51 percent of the US child population under 18 years of age and 44 percent of the children in foster care placement (Child Trends Databank, 2019).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104640 Received 21 January 2020; Received in revised form 19 June 2020; Accepted 18 July 2020

E-mail address: [email protected].

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104640

Available online 30 July 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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To date, there have been two major competing views about the root cause of disproportionate access to services in child welfare systems: biased decision-making practices within and outside child welfare systems and the effects of family and community-level poverty. Past research findings by Sedlak et al. (2010) and Cross (2008) indicate no racial differences in the incidence of child maltreatment but their analysis reveals the extent of racial bias at various decision-making points (e.g., investigation, substantiation, foster care entry). Data revealing strong racial differences in child maltreatment rates at critical points in the child welfare system (e.g., Sedlak et al., 2010) call for a closer examination of the intersection of race/ethnicity, poverty, and child welfare decision- making.

1.1. Racial Differences in Family-Level Poverty and Child Maltreatment

The relationship between race and poverty in the US has been consistent with poor children being more likely to experience social, educational, and health difficulties as well as maltreatment, foster care placement and/or kinship care (Chibnall et al., 2003; Drake, Lee, & Johnson-Reid, 2009; Sedlak et al., 2010). Data from the National Incidence Study of child abuse and neglect (NIS-4) have indicated that children from low socioeconomic backgrounds were five times more likely to experience child maltreatment and seven times more likely to experience neglect than higher-income peers (Sedlak et al., 2010). While children of all economic levels experience maltreatment, Black children who live in poverty are more likely to be maltreated than their non-Black counterparts (Chibnall et al., 2003; Drake, Lee, & Johnson-Reid, 2009; Sedlak et al., 2010). Further, Black children are two to three times more likely to be poor than White children and more than 12 times as likely to reside in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty (Drake & Rank, 2009).

1.2. Racial Differences in Community-Level Poverty and Child Maltreatment

Similar to data about family-level poverty, research findings indicate that child maltreatment has been concentrated in dis- advantaged communities (Coulton, Crampton, Irwin, Spilsbury, & Korbin, 2007; Ernst, 2000; Freisthler, 2004). Research findings suggest that high-risk neighborhoods, which are often associated with concentrated poverty, unemployment, crime, and social disorganization, influence caseworkers’ interpretation of risk which, in turn, influences their decisions on cases (Rivaux et al., 2008; Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002). Community poverty has been shown to predict rates of substantiated cases of child maltreatment (Lee & Goerge, 1999) and adverse outcomes in adulthood (Nikulina, Widom, & Czaja, 2011). Recent research has also highlighted the different context of poverty for Black and White children as approximately 14 percent of poor White children live in areas of concentrated poverty with their same-race peers while 61.9 percent of poor Black children live in poor communities of the same race (Drake & Rank, 2009). Consequently, Black children are at higher risk of experiencing the negative social and economic consequences of poverty.

Child neglect is the most common form of maltreatment affecting Black children in the US. Despite recent advances in research on the association between poverty and child maltreatment, the direct and indirect mechanisms through which poverty increases child neglect are not well understood. Nevertheless, both child neglect and poverty have serious consequences for Black children and families who most frequently live in poverty. Recent study findings have shown that children experiencing poverty as well as neglect face increased cognitive, socio-emotional, and behavioral developmental difficulties (e.g., Hildyard & Wolfe, 2002). For instance, neglected children exhibit more emotional problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, somatization, paranoia, and hostility) and have more difficulties in close relationships than do children who are physically abused only (Gauthier, Stollak, Messe, & Aronoff, 1996). Neglected children were more likely to be rejected by their peers in early adolescence (Chapple, Tyler, & Bersani, 2005) and were four times more likely to have a juvenile conviction (Kazemian, Widom, & Farrington, 2011).

1.3. Long-term Consequences of Poverty and Child Abuse and Neglect

Childhood neglect and poverty can have devastating long-term consequences for children. Such neglected children grow up to have lower cognitive functioning as adults, (Perez & Widom, 1994), tend to suffer from major mental illnesses (Widom, DuMont, & Czaja, 2007) and have higher rates of arrest and PTSD (Nikulina et al., 2011) when compared to those who do not suffer neglect. Some of the documented adult outcomes of childhood neglect include poor economic status (i.e., fewer assets, lower education level, poor employment and less earning, and homelessness), poor prenatal/postnatal care, poor parenting skills, substance abuse problems, and difficulties in family life (Currie & Widom, 2010; Hildyard & Wolfe, 2002; (Pelton, 1994). In order to prevent and minimize the effects of neglect and poverty, there is a need for developing innovative child welfare practices and policies, taking into consideration the complicated systems in which the children live.

2. Alternative Response Pathways

Child welfare systems respond to reports of child neglect and abuse in several ways which include serving families in their home, placing children with extended family members, and providing children with out-of-home care. These responses are all strategies to achieve safety, permanency, and well-being for children involved in child welfare services. Alternative response pathways are part of a Differential response child welfare model for responding to accepted referrals of child maltreatment using two or more distinct pathways. Low to moderate risk cases are assigned to an alternative response pathway while high risk cases are assigned to the traditional investigative pathway. A primary reason for the advent of alternative response pathways is that child welfare systems have

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been criticized harshly for their adversarial approach to services. Whether or not a family was suspected of high-risk maltreatment such as child sexual abuse or low to moderate risk maltreatment types such as educational neglect, they received the same child welfare response: an investigative response. To correct this single response to all allegation types, alternative response pathways were created to provide a family-centered approach to services that valued family engagement, collaboration, and flexibility in decision- making.

In the context of children and families living in poverty, alternative response pathways were created to support low to moderate risk families (i.e., those with reports of child neglect rather than abuse) through strength-based services intended to increase family and community resources (Hollinshead, Kim, Fluke, & Merkel-Holguin, 2017). Even though alternative response pathways were not specifically created to address racial differences in child welfare, its emphasis on shared decision-making, culturally competent solutions for family needs, and building family resources including community and governmental resources are factors that may increase engagement and ultimately reduce racial disparities. For example, families receiving alternative response are not mandated to services and there is not a formal substantiated decision regarding whether child abuse or neglect occurred. Overall, families receiving alternative response pathways have reported greater satisfaction with services, caseworkers, engagement in service planning, and decision-making (Child & Family Policy Institute of California, 2006; (Hollinshead et al., 2017); Quality Improvement Center on Differential Response, 2014; Siegel, Filonow, & Loman, 2010; Loman & Siegel, 2005, Loman, L. A, 2014]2014; Johnson, Sutton, & Thompson, 2005).

3. The Present Study

Although research has been conducted about factors associated with child welfare involvement (Hollinshead et al., 2017; Piper, 2017; (Fluke et al., 2019), less attention has been paid to the process by which decisions are made by child welfare workers to assign Black children and families to a child protection response. Alternative response pathways allow child protection workers to assign families to a child protection response based on the type and seriousness of the maltreatment, history of prior reports and age of the child (Fluke et al., 2019; (Ruppel et al., 2011). In New York State, each county has distinct eligibility criteria to determine which family is assigned to an alternative response pathway. All child protection reports are received by the state central registry and child protection workers and supervisors at the county level make the determination for whether a family is assigned to an alternative response pathway or the traditional investigative response (Ruppel, Huang, & Haulenbeek, 2011). Cases classified by child protection professionals as high-risk, such as severe physical abuse and sexual abuse, are immediately assigned investigative responses. Low to moderate risk cases, such as educational neglect, inadequate guardianship, lack of supervision, child behavioral issues and lack of food, clothing or shelter, in which child protection professionals believe that families can benefit from supportive and collaborative services, can be assigned to alternative response pathways (Ruppel et al., 2011).

Given the high numbers of Black children and families in child welfare systems compared to their counterparts from other racial/ ethnic groups, this study is designed to quantitatively examine: 1. the effect of community characteristics on a county having an alternative response pathway; 2. whether or not Black children and families are assigned to alternative response pathways similar to children from various other racial/ethnic groups; and 3. how community characteristics influence families who are assigned to alternative response pathways. Examining the characteristics associated with the alternative response pathway will begin to shed light on factors that contribute to the decision about who receives access to supportive child welfare interventions such as alternative response pathways.

3.1. Method

New York State data from the 2011 National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS) child file, were used in conjunction with state county-level data to determine which contextual factors were associated with alternative response pathway assignment. The NCANDS collects annual child protective data about reports of child abuse and neglect from all 50 states of the U.S.A., Puerto Rico, and the District of Columbia. The children represented in the database were the subject of reports of alleged child abuse and neglect such as sexual, physical, and emotional/psychological abuse and/or neglect. The data include information about the child protection investigation, the child’s demographic information, the type of maltreatment and the services that the child and family received from the child protection agency. The dataset also includes data on whether or not the children were referred to an al- ternative response or investigative pathway. In addition to NCANDS data, county-level contextual state data were obtained from the 2011 US Census Bureau. Specific population indicators acquired for this study included child poverty, indication reports, and single female households and the racial/ethnic composition of the county.

3.2. Sample

The sample was selected from among cases of child abuse and neglect reported by various sources—family, friends, social services providers, etc.—between October 1, 2010 and September 30, 2011. Cluster sampling was used to select children from counties that had alternative response pathways (N = 19). The sample of children selected from NCANDS was matched with local county-level characteristics. Several counties that had alternative response pathways were not represented in the sample because they were not reported in NCANDS due to low counts. Since race and county were key variables in the study, cases in which the child’s race or county were “unknown” were not included in the sample.

The sample consisted of 31,802 families. The sample was drawn from all children in the NCANDS database who were reported as

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victims of child abuse and neglect in New York State (N = 222,195) in 2011. The inclusion criteria were: 1. Reports of children located in the New York State; 2. child protection reports in which race/ethnicity of the youngest child was recorded; and 3. children from Black and White families. Cases of Asian, Native American and Pacific Islander children were excluded as their number was very small. Children from Latino/Hispanic descent also were excluded from the sample to facilitate a more parsimonious explanation of the study results.

In the 19 counties of New York State that implemented alternative response in 2011, a total of 31,802 families1 were reported for child abuse and neglect based on NCANDS data on New York State. The sex of the children in this sub-sample was fairly even (51.05% boys vs. 48.67% girls). White children accounted for 64.41 percent of the total sample of families in the 19 alternative response counties while Black children represented the remaining 35.59 percent. Children whose parents were married or living together (69.42%) were most frequently reported for child abuse and neglect, followed by single parents (27.04%). School-age children, 5- to 12-year old, constituted the largest group of children both in the investigative and alternative response pathway. Approximately 82 percent of boys were assigned to an investigative response and 17 percent received an alternative response. Similarly, 84 percent of girls were assigned to an investigative response and 16 percent received the alternative response pathway. Table 1 presents de- scriptive data for the 47 counties, which were analyzed, including the counties that did not assign families to alternative response pathways.

3.3. Measures

3.3.1. Dependent variables Access to alternative response pathways was the dependent variable and was measured through two dependent variables: 1. being

an alternative response child welfare system, and 2. the type of child protective response a family received— an alternative response or a traditional investigative response. Being an alternative response child welfare system was indicative of whether or not the child welfare agency had an alternative response pathway or not and coded as a binary variable 1 for being an alternative response pathway and 0 for not being an alternative response pathway county. Similarly, the type of child protective response a family received was operationalized as a binary variable indicating whether a family was assigned to an alternative response or a traditional investigative pathway. Families that received an alternative response were coded as 1 and the response types were indicated and substantiated. In cases where the response type was unsubstantiated, the families were coded 0. Where this data was missing or incomplete, the family was excluded from the analysis.

3.3.1.1. Family characteristics. Demographic Factors. Family-level measures included race/ethnicity, age, gender, maltreatment types, and family structure. The age of the youngest child was measured as a continuous variable ranging from birth to 17 years. The youngest child was selected to represent the family because they are often most vulnerable to maltreatment. Race/ethnicity was measured as a categorical variable indicating whether the family was Black or White. Only families categorized as Black only and White only were included in the analysis. The gender of the youngest child was also measured as a categorical variable.

3.3.1.2. Household characteristics. Family structure was measured as a binary variable describing whether or not the child resides in a single-parent home versus other types (i.e., married parents, relatives, or institution) (Lives with single-parent = 1; Does not live with single-parent = 0). Other measures included the report source and prior history. The report source was measured as a categorical variable by comparing the mandated reporters with other types of reports. Prior history report indicated whether the family had ever received a previous child welfare report (Yes = 1; No = 0).

3.3.1.3. Allegation types. Child maltreatment type was categorized by a number of indicator variables (Yes = 1; No = 0). Physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional/other abuse were each operationalized as binary variables indicating whether or not that form of maltreatment occurred. There were two measures of child neglect. The first measure of neglect was a binary measure indicating the absence or presence of child neglect (Neglect = 1; No Neglect = 0). The second measure of neglect was a binary variable describing neglect subtypes. Neglect subtypes indicated whether or not the neglect was reported as educational versus emotional/physical (Educational = 1; Emotional/Physical = 0).

3.3.1.4. Community characteristics. Community poverty was conceptualized as a measure of neighborhood disadvantaged and operationalized by several indicators: the percentages of child poverty, Black individuals, neglect reports, single mothers and indicated reports in the county. All county-level indicators were measured as continuous variables.

3.4. Analytic Approach

Data analysis was conducted using Stata 13 software. The alpha level was set at p < .05. Since the sample of children and families are nested within specific child welfare agencies that are in the counties, multi-level modeling was used to estimate the true effect of community and family characteristics on the assignment to alternative response pathway. The first level of the logistic regression model was families with accepted reports of child abuse and neglect who were nested in the counties (level 2) of New York State.

1 The characteristics of the youngest child was used to represent the family.

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Further, alternative response is a family-centered approach in which the entire family is assigned. Therefore, the unit of analysis was the family and not each individual child or adult family member.

The initial analysis was univariate analysis to examine the frequency distribution of each variable. Close attention was paid to missing values and outliers. Bivariate analyses including independent t-tests, chi-square tests, and Spearman correlations were conducted to describe the association between each independent and dependent variable. Finally, binary logistic regression and multivariate multi-level logistic regression models were used to determine the effects of county-level poverty, and child and family characteristics on the child welfare worker’s decision-making over whether or not to assign a family to alternative response. Both logistic and multi-level logistic models were used to analyze predictors of child protection services’ decision-making. In research question one, county-level community characteristics were used to predict whether a county would have an alternative response child welfare system. In research question two, both family and community-level characteristics were used to predict whether a family was assigned to the alternative response pathway or not.

3.4.1. Conducting the multi-level logistic regression Three types of models were used to analyze the multi-level models in the study: the one-way ANOVA, also known as the null

model; the random coefficient model; and the intercept and slopes as outcomes. In order to test if there was a significant difference among the New York State counties being analyzed, a random effect ANOVA was conducted. The ANOVA model contained no level-1 predictors and a single level-2 predictor, namely, county, was used to estimate the amount of variance across each county in the model. The ANOVA model yielded a significant finding that 27.30 percent of the variation in alternative response assignment (in- traclass correlation coefficient (ICC) = .2730) was caused by county differences. The ANOVA model calculated the ICC to determine how strongly the units in the group are related to each other and whether the multi-level model is necessary ((Snijders & Bosker, 2012). The results of the ANOVA model showed that there was an ample variance (27.3%) occurring across counties (ICC = .273) to justify conducting the multi-level model.

A random coefficient model was then implemented to examine the effects of family characteristics (level one variables) on assignment to alternative response pathways. The random coefficient model specified all of the level-1 variables in the model, without including any of the level two predictors. All of the level-1 variables were grand-mean-centered so the interpretations of the findings were more meaningful and amenable to interpretation. Grand-mean centering facilitates the intercept becoming a mean- ingful value in the interpretation of the model while the slopes remain unchanged.

After the level-1 model was specified, the level two variables were added to the model to obtain the intercept and slopes outcomes of the model. Since the analysis was conducted with inputs from 19 counties, only two level-1 predictors were included in the analysis: poverty and indicated reports. The decision as to whether to allow the main independent variables to randomly vary was considered. Models were run with the main independent variables, race/ethnicity, neglect, and single parents as random intercepts and slopes. Likelihood ratio tests were then conducted to determine whether allowing the main independent variable to vary or not would make the stronger model.

4. Results

Bivariate data on county characteristics are reported in Table 1. The results showed that the percentage of indicated reports was higher in non-alternative response counties than in the alternative response counties. A statistically significant difference was not found for the percentage of child poverty, Black population or neglect reports across counties. Analysis of the relationship between county characteristics and assignment to alternative response pathways revealed that there was a statistically significant difference in the percentages of county-level child poverty and of those assigned to an alternative response pathway (t(1) = -36.1035, p = .000). The independent t-tests indicated that the percentage of child poverty was higher in counties where families were assigned to alternative response pathways than in counties where families were assigned to non-alternative pathways. Similarly, results indicated that families assigned to alternative response pathways compared to families assigned to non-alternative response pathways resided in counties with statistically significant differences in the percentage of indicated reports, t(1) = 54.1201, p = .000). The in- dependent t-tests showed that the percentage of indicated reports was higher in counties where families were assigned to non- alternative response pathways than in counties where families were assigned to alternative pathways.

Table 1 County Characteristics by Alternative Response Child Welfare Systems (N = 47).

Community Factors Alternative Response County (n = 19) Non-Alternative Response County (n = 28)

M SD M SD t df p

Child Poverty 20.96 1.31 19.97 .98 −0.6132 1 .5428 Black Population 6.51 1.10 4.43 .65 −1.7196 1 .0924 Neglect Cases 94.68 .004 94.52 .003 0.3524 1 .7262 Indicated Reports 20.12 .77 26.18 .94 4.6220 1 .000

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4.1. Communities with Alternative Response Pathways

Logistic regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between community factors and the likelihood of the county having an alternative response child welfare system. Of all predictor variables—the percentage of indicated reports, child poverty, Blacks, and neglect cases in the county, indicated reports emerged as the only significant predictor of being an alternative response county. The results of the analysis suggested that indicated reports accounted for a significant amount of variance in a county being an alternative response county. The odds of a county having an alternative response pathway compared to the tradi- tional non-alternative response child welfare system decreased by 38.98 percent for each one percent increase in indicated reports controlling for all of the community-level variables in the model. Table 2 presents the logistic regression models used to predict the likelihood of being an alternative response county.

4.2. The Effects of Family and Community Characteristics on Alternative Response Pathway Assignment

Multi-level logistic regression was conducted to determine whether family and community factors were predictive of assignment to alternative response. Results of the analysis indicated that there was a significant relationship between alternative response assignment and the main family characteristic variables analyzed, Black families, neglect cases, and single parents when holding all other variables constant (-2 Log-Likelihood = -11699.087); (χ2 = 1056.00, df = 8, p < .000). All variables except for child poverty significantly predicted alternative response pathway assignment. Black children were 9.17 percent less likely (OR = .90) to receive an alternative response pathway than White children. Both single parents (OR = 2.16) and families with reports of child neglect (OR = 2.25) were twice as likely as their counterparts to be assigned to an alternative response pathway than their counterparts.

The results revealed that family characteristics such as the age of the child, source of the report (i.e., person or persons who reported the case to the child welfare system) and history of a prior report were also significant predictors of assignment of alter- native response pathway. As expected, with all other variables in the model controlled, older children were more likely (OR = 1.07) to receive an alternative response pathway assignment than younger children. Each additional year of age increased the odds of alternative response being assigned by 6.5 percent. Children with a history of prior abuse were 81.9 percent (OR = 1.82) and were more likely to receive the alternative response pathway than others, and children who were referred to the child welfare system by a friend were 25.4 percent more likely (OR = 1.25) to be assigned to the alternative pathway way than children who were referred by a mandated reporter when all other variables in the model were controlled. Table 3 presents the community characteristics found through the analysis.

4.3. The Moderating Role of Poverty on Family Characteristics and Alternative Response Pathway Assignment

Multi-level logistic regressions were conducted to determine the relationship between family characteristics and alternative

Table 2 Logistic Regression Models: Odds of Being Assigned to an Alternative Response System (N = 47).

Model Estimates Odds Ratio SE z Sig. 95% C.I. Lower 95% C.I. Upper

Model 1 Indicated Reports .6537356* .0870797 −3.19 0.001 .5035231 .84876 Constant 10063.85* 29664.61 3.13 0.002 31.16926 3249387 Model 2 Child Poverty 1.090676 .08742 1.08 0.279 .9321167 1.276208 Black Population 1.224094 .1319375 1.88 0.061 .9909893 1.51203 Neglect Reports 9.12e+12 2.77e+14 0.98 0.327 1.17e-13 7.14e+38 Indicated Reports .6102884* .1009631 −2.99 0.003 .4412824 .8440218 Constant 1.45e-09 3.98e-08 −0.74 0.458 6.74e-33 3.12e+14

Table 3 Logistic Regression Model: Odds of Alternative Response Assignment.

Model Estimates Odds Ratio SE z Sig. 95% C.I. Lower 95% C.I. Upper

Black Families .9083332* .0346762 −2.52 0.012 .8428494 .9789046 Neglect Cases 2.251398* .213285 8.57 0.000 1.869881 2.710755 Single Parents 2.160584* .0796803 20.89 0.000 2.009924 2.322537 Prior Reports 1.818763* .0681819 15.96 0.000 1.68992 1.957429 Age of Child 1.06522* .0033682 19.98 0.000 1.058639 1.071842 Source-Friend 1.254325* .0963648 2.95 0.003 1.078986 1.458158 Child Poverty 1.02186 .046161 0.48 0.632 .9352754 1.11646 Indicated Reports .8168328* .0556913 −2.97 0.003 .7146586 .9336148 Constant 7.658131 13.04699 1.19 0.232 .2716123 215.9216

* Significance at .05 level.

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response pathway assignment and whether the percentage of child poverty in the county would moderate the relationship. Results of the analysis indicated that there was a significant relationship between alternative response assignment and single-parent families in counties with more poverty when holding all other variables constant (-2 Log-Likelihood = -11693.354); (χ2 = 1073.8, d = 9, p < .000). Single-parent families in counties with higher percentages of poverty were 3.28 percent more likely (OR = 1.03) to receive an alternative response pathway than their counterparts. Results of the analysis indicated absence of significant relationship between alternative response pathway assignment and Black families in counties with higher percentages of child poverty when holding all other variables constant (-2 Log-Likelihood = -11697.329); (χ2 = 1059.04, df = 9, p < .060). Similarly, significant relationship was absent (-2 Log-Likelihood = -11697.267); (χ2 = 1057.02, df = 8, p < .000) between families with neglect cases in counties with higher percentages of child poverty when holding all other variables constant (Table 4).

4.4. The Moderating Role of County Indication Reports on Family Characteristics and Alternative Response Pathway Assignment

Multi-level logistic regression was conducted to determine the relationship between family characteristics and alternative re- sponse pathway assignment and whether the percentage of indicated reports in a county would moderate the relationship. Results indicated that there was a significant relationship between alternative response pathway assignment and Black families in counties with higher percentages of indication reports when holding all other variables constant (-2 Log-Likelihood = -11696.889); (χ2 = 1059.92, df = 9, p < .000). Back families in counties with higher indication rates were 2.47 percent less likely (OR = .98) than White families in those same counties to be assigned to the alternative response pathway. There was not a significant relationship between pathway assignment and child neglect in counties with higher indication reports when holding all other variables constant (−2= -11699.134, df = 8, p < .715). Similarly, the relationship between alternative response assignment and single-parent families in counties with higher percentages of indicated reports when holding all other variables constant was not significant (-2 Log-Likelihood = -11697.735); (χ2 = 1056.05, p < .087).

5. Discussion

The results of the analysis supported the ideas posited by child welfare leaders (e.g., McRoy, 2008; Lau et al., 2003; Lu et al., 2004; Rodenborg, 2004) who suggest bias in decision-making is one of the primary predictors for racial disparities and dis- proportionality in child welfare systems. Results revealed that alternative response pathways were less likely to be assigned to Black children and families, but more likely to be assigned to single-parent families and families with the allegation type of child neglect. Although Black children and families are known to experience unequal treatment in child welfare systems as it relates to reports, investigations, and placements in foster care systems, not surprisingly, this trend is replicated in the assignment of families to alternative response pathways. This trend is more significant in areas where indication rates are higher. These findings contribute to the expanding body of research (Dettlaff et al., 2011; Fluke et al., 2019; Putnam-Hornstein, Needell, King, & Johnson-Motoyama, 2012; Wulczyn, Gibbons, Snowden, & Lery, 2013) aimed at understanding the significance of decision-making in child welfare systems, and the complexity of how racial bias continues to be evident in child welfare systems even with innovative reforms like alternative response pathways.

The alternative response pathway is a child welfare system reform that shifts the approach of working with low-risk child maltreatment reports from being investigative in nature to being a more family involved and family-centered approach. The alter- native response pathway involves assessing strengths and resources and meeting the needs of the family and services based on what the family believes it needs. Most notably, in alternative response pathways, allegations of suspected child abuse and neglect are not substantiated. Assignment to the alternative response pathway is expected to be distributed among families in child welfare systems based on several factors—low-risk maltreatment types, the vulnerability of the child, and the severity of the alleged abuse. As formulated, this child welfare approach should be considered equitably across all low-risk maltreatment reports of families in child welfare systems. This study found that indication reports are one of the leading factors that determine where alternative response

Table 4 Poverty and Family Characteristics: Odds of Alternative Response Pathway Assignment.

Model Estimates Random Coefficient Model (Level-one predictors) Random Intercept Model Model 4 Model 5 Model 6

Constant .2051499 7.65813 8.065446 7.49657 7.721213 Black Families .9081096 .9083332 1.390772 .9080226* 2.255912* Neglect Cases 2.251114 2.251398 2.24976* 7.397966 2.255911* Single Parents 2.160454 2.160584 2.158346* 2.159985* 1.091949 Prior Reports 1.819148 1.818763 1.820518* 1.819909* 1.817651* Age 1.065219 1.06522 1.06534* 1.065265* 1.065222* Report Source 1.254062 1.254325 1.253348* 1.254961* 1.255423* Child Poverty 1.02186 1.021079 1.023335 1.019148 Indicated Reports .8168328 .8151622* .8164844* .8189159* Poverty and Black Families .9801254 Poverty and Neglect Cases .9448387 Poverty and Single Parents 1.032772*

* Significance at .05 level.

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child welfare systems are and who is assigned to the alternative response pathway. Indication reports were lower in counties with alternative response pathways, suggesting that alternative response might be helping to reduce the number of child abuse and neglect reports in those counties. Additionally, this study demonstrated that differences exist on both family and community levels, between families that are assigned to the alternative response and to the traditional investigative pathway.

5.1. County Characteristics and Decision-Making in Alternative Response Pathways

Although findings about indicated reports may seem surprising, indication rates and alternative response pathways have intricate relationships since indication rates are a function of child welfare agencies’ and caseworkers’ decision-making. Font & Maguire-Jack, 2015 used a social ecology framework to describe the multiple levels of influences associated with rates of confirmed child mal- treatment (substantiated decisions). They argued that child welfare decision-making includes not only factors of geography and child and family characteristics, but also organizational factors such as the attributes of the child welfare agency and the caseworker. Results from Font and Maguire-Jack’s (2015) study confirmed that substantiation decisions (indication rates) are strongly predictive of such child welfare agency factors as service accessibility (i.e., collaboration and services for unsubstantiated cases). Recent work also shows that counties that implemented alternative response pathways at higher rates had lower rates of families experiencing re- reporting compared to counties with lower utilization rates (Fluke et al., 2019).

Indication rates are used to represent confirmed child maltreatment but are also a reflection on each child welfare agency. Recent research examining indication rates and child welfare decision-making revealed that child protection agencies have been targeting alternative response pathways in areas where high indication rates exist (Janczewski, 2015). Further, since indication rates are results of child protection workers determining where confirmed child abuse and neglect is prevalent, the findings from this study indicate that child welfare agencies are targeting alternative response pathways in counties that are known to be in need of child welfare assistance. Indication rates in counties with alternative response pathways are lower than those in the traditional non- alternative response pathways (see Table 5). This finding is consistent with results from a longitudinal study of NCANDS data where substantiation reports were lower in counties that implemented alternative response pathways then those which did not (Janczewski & Mersky, 2016). Considering that approximately one-third (n = 19 in the sample) of the counties in New York State are using alternative response pathways, expanding the use of alternative response pathways across the state and nation may increase the access to supportive services in communities where resources are needed.

5.2. Family Characteristics and Alternative Response Decision-Making

The relationship between poverty and child neglect has received increasing attention especially with the implementation of alternative response pathways. Recent research findings have demonstrated that chronic poverty and concentrated poverty are linked to reports of child neglect and subsequent physical, mental and social issues among children (Shaughnessy, 2014). The alternative response pathways primarily target cases of child neglect and attempt to increase services to families in which children’s basic needs (e.g., food and shelter) are threatened. The findings from this study have revealed that families assessed with child neglect are twice as likely to receive an alternative response pathway than any other maltreatment types. These findings have indicated that alternative response pathways have been successfully targeting the low-risk maltreatment types, which facilitates the reduction in the number of children experiencing the long-term negative effects of child neglect.

While families with child neglect type of maltreatment are being appropriately assigned to the alternative response pathway, Black families reported to child protection services were significantly less likely to be assigned to the alternative response pathway despite whether they were single-parent households or assessed for child neglect. Examining the effect of family characteristics, namely, Black families, child neglect, and single-parent families, on assignment to alternative response pathway, Black families were nearly 10 percent less likely than White families to be assigned to alternative response pathway. Nonetheless, families with child neglect and single-parent households were twice as likely to receive an alternative response pathway as other maltreatment types and co-habiting parents/caregivers.

Table 5 Indicated Reports and Family Characteristics: Odds of Alternative Response Assignment

Model Estimates Model 4 Model 5 Model 6

Constant 8.030629 7.631127 7.720093 Black Families 1.521966 .9082665* .9088584* Neglect Cases 2.249759* 2.828282 2.251074* Single Parents 2.162454* 2.16058* 3.23968* Prior Reports 1.81725* 1.819031* 1.819134* Age 1.065153* 1.065235* 1.065236* Report Source 1.254445* 1.254244* 1.253307* Poverty 1.021071 1.021844 1.021049 Indicated Reports .8156744* .8170028* .8172647* Indicated Reports and Black Families .975254* Indicated Reports and Neglect Cases .988508 Indicated Reports and Single Parents .980564

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5.3. Implications for Policy, Practice and Research

As more child welfare agencies implement alternative response pathways, the percentage of indication reports in those com- munities where it is implemented will decrease, and more attention can be paid to ensuring that communities have the resources to make alternative response pathways a useful service for families. Alternative response pathways should target communities with high indication reports as they are less likely to have an alternative response pathway and less likely to assign Black children and families to the pathway. Many government-sanctioned child abuse prevention programs (e.g., home visiting, promising neighborhoods) that target at-risk populations are well-known and considered effective, but they lack a focus on explicitly helping Black children and families. These programs and alternative response pathways were not designed to combat racial inequities. More attention should be paid to ensure that Black families or families in poor neighborhoods receive the services they need to be able to provide for their children. Given that Black families are still not given the opportunity to access alternative response pathways, race-based policies that allow Black families equal access to services should be considered.

The findings of this study can assist child welfare systems in developing effective practices and strategies for improving the well- being of children and families. To date, approximately one-third of children involved in child welfare systems are re-victimized within five years of their initial maltreatment report (Fluke, Shusterman, Hollinshead, & Yuan, 2005). Increasing access to supportive child welfare system interventions such as alternative response pathways will help more families receive the services they need to achieve self-sufficiency and provide adequately for their children. Hence, structured efforts to reduce the recurrence of child abuse, neglect, and biased decision-making will have a significantly positive influence on child welfare systems. First, as more opportunities for alternative response pathways become available, the number of children in child welfare systems, including the representation of Black children and families may increase. Second, families who receive increased access to preventative resources are more likely to break the cycle of re-reporting and the recurrence of child abuse and neglect (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2011). Children will be more likely to grow up in stable households and child welfare resources can be diverted to children and families who are at high-risk for child abuse and neglect.

Child welfare agencies must make research about race and ethnicity a central part of their analyses. However, designing research studies so that race is the core variable will take time because of the unspoken biases and stereotypes among child welfare leaders, policy makers and researchers who are a part of the child welfare system. Given that racial disparities and disproportionality are present in all States across this nation, and there are few solutions promoting equitable outcomes, studies emphasizing racial equity are paramount. Research designed to examine the causes of racial disparities must evaluate whether racial bias among child welfare professionals is a significant component of child welfare systems, particularly in the way that cases are screened to child protection pathways. This study focused on county level poverty and indicated reports, but research that examines additional decision making factors such as case worker characteristics and neighborhood factors such as proximity to transportation, grocery stores and medical centers, and whether the presence of community resources or residential segregation influence alternative response assignment is needed.

6. Limitations

While cost- and time-effectiveness are among the advantages of the use of secondary data in research, NCANDS data suffered from the limitation of lack of data on child abuse and neglect that had not been officially reported. According to Sedlak et al. (2010), most occurrences of child abuse and neglect are not officially reported. Because of this inadequacy of the secondary data, it cannot be considered as representative of the total incidence of child abuse in the state. Further, only 17 percent of the youth in this study were assigned to an alternative response pathway. The findings can, however, be used to better understand the population of children and families that are involved in child welfare systems. Another limitation of the study was in the coding of child neglect. Often neglect, as child maltreatment type does not occur in isolation of other child maltreatment types. As a consequence a large number of families, approximately 95 percent, in the study experienced child neglect in addition to other maltreatment types. In future studies, neglect should be coded to distinguish cases neglect only referred to the child welfare system from cases of neglect accompanied by other types of child maltreatment. This will allow researchers to understand the extent to which child neglect as an isolated factor may influence assignment to alternative response pathways. Additionally, children and families of Latino heritage are also over- represented and underserved in child welfare systems. Future studies of alternative response pathways should investigate the effects of family and community characteristics with this population to determine if results are comparable to Black families.

7. Conclusion

Although researchers, policy-makers and child welfare professionals have not reached a consensus as to the root cause of the disproportionate representation of Black children and families in child welfare systems, recent research findings have shown the growing significance of critical decision-making points to disentangle the underlying reasons for racial disparities and dis- proportionality in child welfare systems (Derezotes, Portner, & Testa, 2005; Hill, 2006; Roberts, 2002). Evaluating the role of race/ ethnicity in alternative response assignment helps to determine whether or not all children and families have equal opportunities to service provisions and assist child welfare systems in developing effective policies and practices. Controlling for family and com- munity risk factors, this research indicates that racial disparities and disproportionality continue to be a significant problem in child welfare systems as Black families were not assigned to the alternative response pathway equitably compared to White families. Further, community poverty was not a significant risk factor in predicting whether Black children and families were assigned an

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alternative response pathway. These findings emphasize the need to develop and promote culturally relevant and effective strategies to reduce racial disparities and disproportionality such as increasing the use of interventions to reduce implicit prejudice and ste- reotypes among child welfare professionals (FitzGerald, Martin, Berner, & Hurst, 2019), promoting anti-racist policies, and mobi- lizing leadership in child welfare systems to prioritize racial equity (Alliance for Racial Equity in Child Welfare, 2020).

This study is unique because it examined the role of race/ethnicity, child neglect, and poverty in assignment to alternative response pathways. It is timely given that many states are moving toward the adoption of this practice. Considering the over- representation of Black children in child welfare systems, alternative response pathways are still a viable approach to addressing the needs of Black families through increased and individualized service provision. Alternative response pathways approach has the potential to be an appropriate culturally responsive approach for Black children and families because it permits families to be an integral part of the decision-making process and it intentionally connects families with needed resources. In order to realize the goal of removing racial bias from decision-making, workers and agencies have to carefully examine the policies, procedures and factors that influence assignment to alternative response pathways to ensure equal access.

Acknowledgments

Research reported in this publication was supported by the Children’s Bureau, Administration for Children and Families under award number HHS-2014-ACF-ACYF-CA-0803. Its contents are solely the responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official views of the Administration for Children and Families.

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  • Accessing Alternative Response Payways: A Multi-Level Examination of Family and Community Factors on Race Equity
    • Introduction
      • Racial Differences in Family-Level Poverty and Child Maltreatment
      • Racial Differences in Community-Level Poverty and Child Maltreatment
      • Long-term Consequences of Poverty and Child Abuse and Neglect
    • Alternative Response Pathways
    • The Present Study
      • Method
      • Sample
      • Measures
        • Dependent variables
        • Family characteristics
        • Household characteristics
        • Allegation types
        • Community characteristics
      • Analytic Approach
        • Conducting the multi-level logistic regression
    • Results
      • Communities with Alternative Response Pathways
      • The Effects of Family and Community Characteristics on Alternative Response Pathway Assignment
      • The Moderating Role of Poverty on Family Characteristics and Alternative Response Pathway Assignment
      • The Moderating Role of County Indication Reports on Family Characteristics and Alternative Response Pathway Assignment
    • Discussion
      • County Characteristics and Decision-Making in Alternative Response Pathways
      • Family Characteristics and Alternative Response Decision-Making
      • Implications for Policy, Practice and Research
    • Limitations
    • Conclusion
    • Acknowledgments
    • References

Psychosocial-interventions-for-violence-exposed-youth--_2020_Child-Abuse---N.pdf

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Child Abuse & Neglect

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg

Psychosocial interventions for violence exposed youth – A systematic review

Jutta Linderta,b,*, Marija Jakubauskienec, Marta Natana, Annette Wehrweina, Paul Bainf, Christian Schmahld,e, Kaloyan Kamenovg, Mauro Cartah, Maria Cabellof

a University of Applied Sciences Emden/Leer, Emden, Germany b WRSC, Brandeis University, Waltham, United States c University of Vilnius, Faculty of Medicine, Vilnius, Lithuania d Department of Psychosomatic Medicine and Psychotherapy, Central Institute of Mental Health, Medical Faculty Mannheim/Heidelberg University, Mannheim, Germany e Department of Psychiatry, Schulich School of Medicine and Dentistry, Western University, London, Ontario, Canada f Countway Library, Harvard School of Public Health, Boston, United States g Instituto de salud Carlos III, Centro de investigación biomédica en salud mental (CIBERSAM), Departamento de psiquiatría, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid h Liaison Psychiatry Unit, University Hospital, Department of Medical Sciences and Public Health, University of Cagliari, Italy

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords: Psychosocial interventions Violence focused interventions Distress Youth Meta-analysis

A B S T R A C T

Background: Violence exposure (direct, indirect, individual, structural) affects youth mental health. Objective: We aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of psychosocial interventions in addressing the sequelae of violence exposure on youth (15–24 years old) and evaluate whether moderating factors impact intervention effectiveness. Methods: We systematically searched eight databases and reference lists to retrieve any studies of psychosocial interventions addressing mental health among youth aged 15–25 exposed to vio- lence. We assessed study risk of bias using an adapted version of the Downs and Black’s Risk of Bias Scale. Results: We identified n = 3077 studies. Sixteen articles representing 14 studies met were in- cluded. The studies assessed direct and indirect individual violence exposure at least once. We pooled the data from the 14 studies and evaluated the effects. We estimated an average effect of r + = 0.57 (RCTs: 95 % CI 0.02–1.13; observational studies: 95 % CI 0.27–86) with some het- erogeneity (RCTs: I2 = 78.03, longitudinal studies: I2 = 82.93). The most effective interventions are Cognitive Behavioral Therapy, and Exposure Therapy with an exposure focus. However, due to the small number of studies we are uncertain about benefits of interventions. Conclusions: No study assessed structural violence. Therefore, studies are needed to evaluate the effects of psychosocial interventions for youth exposed to direct, indirect, individual and struc- tural violence.

1. Introduction

Effective psychosocial interventions for violence exposed youth are needed to reduce the impact of emotional, physical and sexual

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104530 Received 17 December 2019; Received in revised form 18 March 2020; Accepted 4 May 2020

⁎ Corresponding author at: Constantiaplatz 4, 26723, Emden, Germany. E-mail address: [email protected] (J. Lindert).

Child Abuse & Neglect 108 (2020) 104530

Available online 14 August 2020 0145-2134/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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violence exposure on youth` health. Global estimates suggest that youth violence exposure is the one of the major causes of death and disability adjusted life years (DALYs) worldwide, accounting for at least 8.9 % of DALYs in this age group (Butchart & Engstrom, 2002; Gore et al., 2011; European Commission, 2000; The Commonwealth, 2016). Youth is a period of transition and is more a fluid category, than a fixed age group. However, for statistical consistency across regions, youth is defined by the United Nations (UN) as those persons between the ages of 15 and 24 years (United Nations, 1981). Estimates suggest that the number of youth is projected to rise to about 2 billion by 2030, with 90 % of youth living in low and middle income countries (United States Census Bureau, 2016). Alone the size of size of the youth population makes their health status of public health interest, not only as a determinant of their personal health but also as a determinant for the future population health, and herewith for social and economic development of countries. Among children aged 2–17 years every second child has experienced emotional, physical or sexual violence in the past year.

Worldwide, youth experience violence in many forms as victims, offenders or witnesses (Dahlberg and Potter, 2001; Aebi et al., 2017; Kieselbach and Butchart, 2015; Rettew and Pawlowski, 2016). The World Health Organisation (WHO) defines violence as the "intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, mal-development or deprivation" (Butchart & Engstrom, 2002). Violence takes multiple and often interlinked forms (Beyer et al., 2015). Violence can be direct (an individual or group of people is subjected to physical or verbal, psychological or sexual harm) or indirect (e.g., witnessing community violence), individual (direct exposure) or and structural (a social, economic or institutional structure limits the ability of an in- dividual or a specific group of people). Overall, all types of violence disproportionally affect youth (Kilpatrick et al., 2013; Koenen, Roberts, Stone, & Dunn, 2010; Hamby et al., 2012). Such violence exposure can take many forms such as neglect, physical and emotional violence, sexual abuse, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, forced and child marriage, and exposure to genocides and war (Aebi et al., 2017; Butchart & Engstrom, 2002; Butchart and Mikton, 2014; Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi, & Lozano, 2002; Dyb and Olff, 2014). Accordingly, violence against youth can be perpetrated within the family (by a parent, step-parent, sibling or close relative) (Beyer et al., 2015; Reidy et al., 2016), by people known to the young person outside the family (e.g., friends, neighbors, teachers, priests) (Aebi et al., 2017; Vagi et al., 2015) or by unknown persons (e.g., in community violence and in war situations) (Finkelhor, Turner, Shattuck, & Hamby, 2020; Sumner et al., 2015; Coulton et al., 2007). A major part of youth is exposed to violence (Patton et al., 2009) with the risk of suffering health problems (Stockl et al., 2014).

The short- and long-term public health effects of violence exposure are devastating (Green et al., 2005; Lau and Weisz, 2003). Public health effects may include increased mortality (Lupien, 2009; Lozano et al., 2010), sexually transmitted infections (STIs), physical injuries, (Sumner et al., 2015), depression or anxiety (Gaylord-Harden, So, Bai, Henry, & Tolan, 2017; Shukla & Wiesner, 2015; Lieberman, 2013), substance abuse, suicidal behaviors (Martz, Jameson, & Page, 2016); unwanted pregnancies (Anderson & Pierce, 2015), violence perpetration (Gaylord-Harden et al., 2016), violent behaviors (Aebi et al., 2017), educational under- achievement (Hardaway, Larkby, & Cornelius, 2014) or inflammatory processes (Danese & Baldwin, 2017). These effects, might be related to increased stress reactivity and difficulties in selecting and executing adaptive coping strategies (McLaughlin et al., 2016). Thus, reducing the impact of violence exposure on youth mental health may have far-reaching benefits for several reasons: firstly, because most of the mental disorders start in youth (Kessler et al., 2005), secondly because youth is a period where individuals are starting to develop their main life goals and careers, which are severely impacted by the onset of mental health problems (Patel, Flisher, Hetrick, & McGorry, 2007; Gaylord-Harden, So, Bai, Tolan et al., 2017; Patton et al., 2016; Wilens and Rosenbaum, 2013).

Violence exposure is a main mental health risk factor for youth (United Nations, 2013; Viner et al., 2011; Molano et al., 2018; Ng et al., 2018), however, the research examining intervention programs for youth exposed to violence is still limited (Chang, Larsson, Lichtenstein, & Fazel, 2015; Neufeld, Dunn, Jones, Croudace, & Goodyer, 2017; The Lancet, 2017a, 2017b). Hence, in addition to primary prevention of violence exposure (Higgins & Green, 2011), the development of effective interventions focused on mitigating the harmful effects of violence exposure for youth is critical (Dratva, Stronski, & Chiolero, 2018; Gaylord-Harden, So, Bai, Henry et al., 2017; Haavik et al., 2017; Mikton et al., 2017).

Several systematic reviews and meta-analyses on interventions after violence exposure in youth have been conducted. These reviews and meta-analyses so far are restricted by their choices regarding the type of violence exposure (e.g., child sexual abuse only (Harvey & Taylor, 2010), the type of intervention (e.g., CBT only (Macdonald et al., 2016) or the type of study design (e.g., RCTs only (Gillies, Taylor, Gray, O`Brien, & Abrew, 2012)). These limitations in evaluating studies make comparisons difficult. In order to overcome these limitations we conducted a meta-analysis with the goal to evaluate studies that investigated the effects of psycho- social interventions for reducing mental health outcomes associated with violence exposure in youth aged 15–25 years. Accordingly, this review addresses the following questions: 1) Among youth aged 15–25 years exposed to violence do psychosocial interventions compared to no intervention reduce depression, anxiety and distress symptoms? and 2) which interventions be provided to reduce the mental health impact of violence exposure among youth aged 15–25 years?

2. Methods

A study protocol was prepared in advance by the authors in accordance with the PRISMA standards for meta-analytic procedures (Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2010; Moher et al., 2010) and the guidelines of the Cochrane Collaboration (Higgins & Green, 2011; Higgins and Green, 2011). The review was registered in PROSPERO.

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2.1. Study inclusion and exclusion criteria

The inclusion criteria for this review were formulated in accordance with the PICO approach. We included studies according to the following inclusion criteria: Population: The focus of the search was youth (15–24 years) living in the general population. Interventions: Studies eligible for this systematic review involved psychosocial intervention was compared to some form of a no-

intervention control condition such as assessment only, waitlist, or treatment as usual (TAU). To be included, studies had to explicitly describe the intervention as a program that specifically targeted youth exposed to violence at least once.

Comparison group: We included studies with comparison groups (cohort studies or randomized controlled trials). Outcome: Mean changes in depression and/or anxiety and/or PTSD. Study Setting: Any psychosocial- or healthcare setting.

Study Type: We included randomized controlled trials (RCT`s) and cohort studies. We included all languages. We excluded studies according to the following criteria: Population: Specific populations such as youth with learning or physical disabilities. Intervention: Studies reporting on pharmacological interventions were excluded. Study type: Furthermore, all non-published studies were excluded, such as conference papers, abstracts, books and dissertations.

(Additional Material 1).

2.2. Search strategy

We performed a comprehensive literature (May–November 2017) to identify all studies that evaluated psychosocial interventions in violence exposed youth. We identified the studies electronically searching eight computerized databases (PubMed/MEDLINE, Embase, PsycINFO, Sociological Abstracts, Social Services Abstracts, Web of Science, Social Science Citation Index, Cochrane Register of Controlled Trials in the Cochrane library). Full search strategies for each database are available in the additional material (Additional Material 2). Additionally, we examined the reference lists of relevant studies and reviews for additional references to potentially relevant studies.

2.3. Study selection and data extraction

Study selection was performed in two main stages using a screening instrument. Firstly, the authors scrutinized titles and abstracts and excluded as appropriate. Secondly, relevant papers were retrieved in full and assessed against the predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria. Studies that were potentially eligible were reviewed to decide upon the final inclusion. We developed and piloted the data extraction form. Based on the pilot results, we used a data extraction sheet with five sections to extract data from all included studies. These sections were (a) general characteristics (author, year of publication, country of origin), (b) population characteristics (number of participants, age, gender, ethnicity, exposure to violence); (c) intervention (whether intervention was manualized, do- sage, setting, format, components, professional background of interventionists), (d) methodological characteristics (sample sizes, characteristics of the control group, design attrition, follow-up period) and (e) outcomes (measures, statistical data needed for effect size calculations (Table 1). When further clarification or missing data were needed from study authors, authors were contacted with a request to supply the information. Studies where the requested information was unavailable were not included.

2.4. Risk of bias assessment

We designed a domain based risk of bias tool (Additional Material Table 3). Two authors independently assessed each study`s methodological quality using an adapted Cochrane Collaboration Risk of Bias Tool (CCRBT) (Higgins et al., 2011; Higgins and Green, 2011). Based on this tool autors scored ten domains for high, low or unclear risk of bias: external validity and selection bias, randomization and blinding, misclassification bias, study design, assessment of confounders, intervention integrity, use of validated outcome measures, percentage of withdrawals and drop-outs, quality of statistical analyses. Furthermore, we assessed whether ethical approval of the study was mentioned. This criterion of potential bias was fulfilled by all studies. Each domain was scored as strong, moderate, weak or not applicable. Finally, a global rating for the study was assigned using the following rule: Strong (one “weak” rating), moderate (two “weak” ratings), weak (three “weak” ratings), and “very weak” (> 3 “weak” ratings). Higher ratings signified a lower risk for bias.

2.5. Statistical analyses

Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (version 2.0) was used to carry out the meta-analyses. Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS 21.0) was used to analyze the descriptive data. We calculated mean scores using the data given in each publication. For continuous outcomes, we calculated the standardized mean differences between pre- and post-assessment in the intervention group. For di- chotomous outcomes, we calculated Odds Ratios (OR) and then transformed these (using meta-analysis software) to g-statistics to allow for cross-study comparisons. When the studies failed to report means, standard deviations or proportions, effect sizes were calculated using a T-test, F-statistic, or p-value and sample size. We calculated Cohen’s d as effect estimate by comparing the mean differences between control and intervention groups and then dividing the resulting figures by the pooled standard deviation (SD). All effect sizes were coded so that positive values indicted favorable intervention effects, with values of 0.20 were considered small,

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Table 1 Descriptive characteristics and results of the reviewed studies.

Author/ year Country, intervention years

Sample no, (male/ female), age range (mean, SD)

Study-design, N intervention (Ni), N control (Nc)

Violence history (type, measures)

Number, timing of assess-ments

Out-come (s) Outcome measure Intervention (s)/ interventionist

Confounder Results; Mt0, Mt1 M difference (MD), 95 % CI, p value

Ammerman et al. (2009)

USA, 2000−2003

N = 806 females, 14−41 (M = 20.36, SD = 3.97)

Cohort with pre-, post assessment

Interpersonal trauma (Trauma inventory (TI))

Two: Baseline (t0), 9 months after baseline (t1)

Depression Beck depression Inventory (BDI-II),

“Every child succeeds” (ECS) with M = 22.67 (SD = 7.24) visits (nurse, social worker, para- professionals)

Education, marital status intimate partner violence, mental health treatment, social support

Mt0 12.29 (SD = 8.91); M t1 10.12 (SD = 8.96); t (805) = 6.52, p < .001

Brillantes- Evangelista (2013)

Philippines, nonspecified

N = 33 (N = 21 females), 13−18 (M = not- specified)

Cohort with pre-, post assessment, visual arts group: Niv = 11, poetry group: Nip = 11, control group: Nc = 11

Diverse (non- specified)

Three: Pre- (t0), mid-(t1), post- test (t2)

Depression, PTSD

Self-Rating Depression Scale (SDS), Child Report of posttraumatic symptoms (CROPS)

Visual arts, poetry groups with eight sessions for about three hours (artists, psychologists)

SDS: Visual arts: MD = 3.00, SD = 6.32, t = 1.573, p = .0735; Poetry group: 3.73, SD = 6.57, t = 1.573, p = .0735; Control MD = 1.29, SD = 5.35, t = .636, p = .274; CROPS: Visual arts: MD = 3.82, SD = 4.69, t = 2.702, p = .011; Poetry group: MD = 3.10, SD = 5.92, t = 1.731, p = .057; Control group MD=-1.29, SD = 7.52, t=-.452, p = .3335

Habib et al. (2013)

USA, non- specified

N = 24 (N = 19 females), 14−21 (M = 17, SD = not specified)

Cohort with pre-, post assessment

Interpersonal trauma (Adolescent Trauma History Checklist & -Interview (THCI)

Two: pre- (t0) and post treatment (t1)

Distress, PTSD Youth Outcome Questionnaire Self- Report (YOQ-SR), UCLA PTSD Reaction Index (RI)

Psychotherapy for adolescents responding to chronic stress (SPARCS), 16−20 weeks one hour/ weekly (psychologists, social workers)

None Distress: Mt0 = 26.92 (SD = 12.9) Mt1 = 18.58 (SD = 13.1), t(23) = 3.01, p = .006; PTSD: Mt0 = 32.56 (SD = 15.7) Mt1 = 16.38 (SD = 15.7), t(16) = 4.17, p = .001

Jacobs et al. (2015)

USA, 2008−2012

N = 704 females, 16 years or older (M = 18.7, SD = 1.3)

RCT, Ni = 433, Nc = 271

Domestic violence (Conflict Tactics Scale − Parent−Child, Conflict Tactics Scale − Partner)

Three: Baseline (t1), 12 months (t2), 24 months (t3)

Controlling stress, risky behaviors, educational attainment

Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (20-item), Parenting Stress Index Short Form

Healthy family Massachusetts (HFM), home visiting program 24 home visits (M = 14, SD = 26.4) over the course of 14.7 months (M = 9.8,

Maternal age, child age and gender, ethnicity, depression, financial difficulties, residential mobility and

Parenting distress: Effect at t3: b=-2.11, SE = 0.82; 95 % CI= -3.84, -0.39, p < .05

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Table 1 (continued)

Author/ year Country, intervention years

Sample no, (male/ female), age range (mean, SD)

Study-design, N intervention (Ni), N control (Nc)

Violence history (type, measures)

Number, timing of assess-ments

Out-come (s) Outcome measure Intervention (s)/ interventionist

Confounder Results; Mt0, Mt1 M difference (MD), 95 % CI, p value

SD = 12.8) (trained visitors)

services received since pregnancy

Lokuge et al. (2013)

Democratic Republic Congo (DRC), Iraq, 2009−2012, Palestinian territory (PT), 2012

N = 1767 (N = 1210 females), 15−19 (M/SD = not-specified)

Cohort with pre- post assessment

Armed War (Self- developed measure)

Two - Five in DRC, Irak; oPT more than 10 in PT

Anxiety, mood-, be- havior, physi- cal symp-toms

MSF specific rating scales

Counselling, 2−5 sessions, very few received more than 10 (Lay coun-sellors, psycho-logists)

Age, gender, place of residence

Better score: N = 860 (98.5 %), same score: N = 5 (0.6 %), worse: N = 8 (0.9)

McLay et al. (2012)

USA, 2004−2008

N = 42 (N = 1 female), 20−51 (M = 25.81, SD = 6.41) soldiers

Cohort with pre- post assessment

War (War events checklist)

Three assessment: base-line (t0), 10 weeks (t1), 3 months (t3)

PTSD, depre- ssion, anxiety

PTSD-Checklist Military Version (PCL-M); Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9); Beck Anxiety Inventory (BAI)

Virtual Reality Exposure Therapy (VRET), 10−15 sessions, 90−120 minutes per session twice weekly (therapists with VRET and prolonged exposure training)

Age, years of service, number of deployments

PCL-M: M t0 = 57.5 (SD = 10.6), Mt2 = 44.7 (SD = 17.3), t (41) = 5.92, p < 0.001; PHQ-9 Mt0 = 13.9 (SD = 5.3), Mt2 = 10.1 (SD = 6.5), t(41) = 3.99, p < .001

McLean et al. (2015), Foa et al. (2013)

USA, 2006−2012

N = 61 females, 13−18 (M = 15.3, SD = 1.5)

Singleblind RTC, NiPE-A = 31 (M = 15.4), NcCCT = 30 (M = 15.3)

Sexual abuse Five times: Before treatment (t0), mid-treatment (t1), 3 post (t2) - 6 post (t3), 12- month post (t4)

PTSD severity, PTSD presence or absence, depression

Child PTSD Symptom Scale Interview (CPSS-I); Children`s Global Assessment Scale (CGAS), Child Post-trauma Attitudes Scale (C-PTAS); Chil- dren`s Depression Inventory (CDI)

Prolonged Exposure Therapy (PE-A) vs. Client Centered Therapy (CCT), (8−14 times 60−90 minutes/weekly (therapists with PE- A and CCT training)

Ethnicity, age and baseline

CPSS-I: MPre-Post = 7.5 (95 % CI = 2.5−12.5, p < .001); MPre-Fup = 6.0 (95% CI = 1.6−10.4, p = .02); CDI: MPre-Post= = 4.9 (95% CI = 1.6−8.2, p = .008); MPre-Fup = 7.2 (95% CI = 1.4−13.0, p = .02); CGAS: MPre-Post = MPre-Post = 10.1 (95% CI = 3.4−16.8); MPre- Fup = 11.2 (95% CI = 4.5−17.9, p = .01)

O’Callaghan et al. (2013)

Congo,2011 N = 52 females, 12−17 (M = 16.02, SD = non specified)

RCT, Ni = 24, Nc = 28

Sexual abuse (Traumatic life event questionnaire)

Three assessments: baseline, (t0) after seven weeks at post- intervention (t1), three months follow- up (t2)

PTSD, anxiety, depression, conduct problems, prosocial behaviour

UCLA PTSD Reaction Index –Revised (UCLA-PTSD RI); African Youth Psychosocial Assessment Instrument (AYPA)

Trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy (TF-CBT), 15 sessions (social workers)

None UCLA-PTSD RI: Mit0 = 40.88 (SD = 10.03), Mit1 = 18.38 (SD = 10.53), MDi = 22.50; (SD = 16.39); Mct0 = 40.29 (SD = 10.9), Mct1 = 42.93 (SD = 13.67),

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Table 1 (continued)

Author/ year Country, intervention years

Sample no, (male/ female), age range (mean, SD)

Study-design, N intervention (Ni), N control (Nc)

Violence history (type, measures)

Number, timing of assess-ments

Out-come (s) Outcome measure Intervention (s)/ interventionist

Confounder Results; Mt0, Mt1 M difference (MD), 95 % CI, p value

MDc=-2.64 (SD = 12.84); 52.708, pb= < .001, effect size = 0.518; AYPA: Mit0 = 37.96 (SD = 10.16), Mit1 = 13.96 (SD = 10.30), MiD = 6.63 (6.45); Mct0 = 39.18 (SD = 10.57), Mct1 = 40.04 (SD = 15.18); MDc=-0.86 (SD = 14.80); pb= < .001, effect size = 0.517

Ovaert et al. (2003)

USA, non- specified

N = 43 males, 13−18 (M = 15.4, SD = 1.1)

RCT, not specified

Diverse (open ended questions)

Three assessment for the first three groups: Pre- (t0), post (t1)- and (t2)

PTSD, anxiety, anger, depression

Children`s PTSD Inventory, Post- Traumatic Stress Reaction Index (PTSD-RI), State–Trait Anxiety Inventory, State–Trait Anger Expression Inventory (STAXI), Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI)

Cognitive- behavioural therapy (CBT), 12 sessions, twice weekly for 6 weeks (psychologists)

– Changes pre- to post: PTSD-RI: M5.23 (SD = 10.59), t = 3.24, p = .01; STAI–S: M = 1.02 (SD = 15.19), t = 0.44, p = .64; STAI–T: M = 2.90 (SD = 10.97), t = 1.72, p = .09; STAXI–S: M=-0.63 (SD = 8.57), t=-0.48; STAXI–T: M = 1.72 (SD = 7.48), t = 1.51, p = .14; STAXI–EX: M = 1.44 (SD = 10.18); CDI: M=-0.19 (SD = 5.81), p = .84

Salloum (2001) USA, 1997−1998

N = 45 (N = 27 females), 11−19 (M = 14.3, SD = not-specified)

Cohort with pre- post assessment

Witnessing homicide (own measure)

Two assessments: pre- (t0) and post treatment (t1)

PTSD Child Posttraumatic Stress Reaction Index

Grief and trauma therapy group, 10 week treatment (social workers)

Gender, Length of time since event

Mt0 = 40.50 (SD = 14.57); Mt1 = 30.47 (SD = 15.85); MD = 10.03 (df = 36, t = 3.373, p = .001), r = 0.403 (p = .013)

Scheck et al. (1998)

USA, 1998 N = 60 females, 16−25 (M = 20.93, SD = not- specified)

RCT, NiEMD = 30, NcAL = 30

Diverse (Impact of Events Scale (IES))

3 assessments: Pre- (t0), post- treatment (t1), Follow-up 90

Depression, anxiety, PTSD

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Interview (PTSD-I), Beck Depression Inventory (Beck), State-Trait-

Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocesssing (EMDR) Therapy vs. Active Listening

Medical, social history

Pre-post effect sizes: Beck: EMDR = 1.44, AL = 0.67, TxDiff = 0.64; STATE: EMDR =

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Table 1 (continued)

Author/ year Country, intervention years

Sample no, (male/ female), age range (mean, SD)

Study-design, N intervention (Ni), N control (Nc)

Violence history (type, measures)

Number, timing of assess-ments

Out-come (s) Outcome measure Intervention (s)/ interventionist

Confounder Results; Mt0, Mt1 M difference (MD), 95 % CI, p value

days after t1 (t2)

Anxiety Inventory (STAXI), Penn Inventory for Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PENN), Tennessee Self- Concept scale (TSCS)

(AL), two 90 min sessions, (psychologists, social workers, family therapists, counsellors)

1.65, AL = 0.63, TxDiff = .066; PENN: EMDR = 1.49, AL = 0.77, TxDiff = 0.72; IES: EMDR = 2.09, AL = 0.52, TxDiff = 0.83; TSCS: EMDR = 1.15, AL = 0.66, TxDiff = 0.47

Shirk et al. (2014)

USA, non- specified

N = 43 (N = 36 females), 13−17 (M = 15.48 SD = 1.53)

RCT, NiCBT = 20, NCUS = 23

Diverse (Trauma Experiences Screening Interview-Child version (TESI-C))

Five assessments: week 1 (t1), week 4 (t2), week 8 (t3), week 12 (t4), and week 16 as post treatment (t5)

Depression Beck Depression Inventory-Second Edition (BDI-II)

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) vs. Usual Care Therapy (UC), 12 sessions, one weekly (therapist/ psychologist)

Center of treatment

Pre-BDI-II: MiCBT = 29.85 (SD = 10.56), McUS = 32.21 (SD = 12.99); Posttreatment: MiCBT = 21.35 (SD = 11.62), McUS = 19.38 (SD = 13.47 No significant effect

Zhang et al. (2015)

China, 2010−2011

N = 66, male, 14−24 (M = not specified)

RCT, Ni = 33 (M = 18.94, SD = 1.87), Nc = 33 (M = 18.94, SD = 0.86)

Diverse (including offenders)

Two assessments: baseline (t0), 9 weeks post baseline (t1)

Depression, anxiety, coping styles

Zung Self-Rating Depression Scale (SDS), State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAX1), Trait Coping Style Questionnaire (TCSQ), Cohn`s Interpersonal Support evaluation list (ISEL)

Williams Life Skills Training, 8 weeks, 2 h session each week (Officers)

Age, education, child-hood, family income, physical health, drug abuse

Score change: STAX1: Mi =-1.45 (SD = 6.07), Mc=-1.23 (SD = 9.04), -F = 0.686, p = .411; Stax2: Mi=-4.39 (SD = 5.81), Mc=-1.58 (SD = 9.63), F = 2.461, p = .122; SDS: Mi=-1.42 (SD = 6.30), Mc=-0.32 (SD = 5.16), F = 3.778, p = .057

Zlotnick et al. (2011)

USA, non- specified

N = 54 females,18−40 (M = 23.8; SD 4.6)

RCT, Ni = 28 (M = 24.2, SD = 4.4), Nc = 26 (M = 23.5, SD = 4.7)

Domestic violence (Conflicts Tactics Scale Revised (CTS2)

Baseline (t0), 5−6 weeks post-intake (t1), 2 weeks post- partum (pp) (t2), 3 months pp (t3)

Depression, PTSD

Longitudinal Interval Follow-up Examination (LIFE), Psychiatric Status Rating Scales (PSR), Edinburgh Post-Natal Depression Scale (EDPS), Davidson Trauma Scale

Interpersonal Psychotherapy (IPT), four 60-min individual sessions during pregnancy and one within 2 weeks after delivery (not specified)

Race, ethnicity, marital status, education, prior pregnancy, childhood sexual trauma

PTSD: Mit0 = 1.27 (SD = 0.39), Mct0 = 1.83 (SD = 0.93), d = 0.78; Mit3 = 1.30 (SD = 0.52), Mct3 = 1.52 (SD = 0.71), d = 0.35 Depression (MDD PSRs): Mit0 = 1.65 (SD = 0.81), Mct0 = 2.11 (SD = 0.94), d = 0.52; Mit3 = 2.05

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Table 1 (continued)

Author/ year Country, intervention years

Sample no, (male/ female), age range (mean, SD)

Study-design, N intervention (Ni), N control (Nc)

Violence history (type, measures)

Number, timing of assess-ments

Out-come (s) Outcome measure Intervention (s)/ interventionist

Confounder Results; Mt0, Mt1 M difference (MD), 95 % CI, p value

(SD = 1.12), Mct3 = 2.08 (SD = 1.08), d = 0.01

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0.3−0.8 as medium, and 0.80 as large effects (Cohen, 1988). For each outcome, a separate analysis was performed to examine the effect size of the intervention. When a study reported

multiple follow-up assessments for a particular outcome, the longest follow-up period was selected to examine the robustness of the intervention. Data were analyzed as short-term (up to and including one month following completion of intervention), medium-term (between one month and one year following intervention) and long-term (one year or longer). We conducted the analyses separately for the RCTs and for the cohort studies. We used a random effects model taking into account both within-study and between-study variability to account for potential heterogeneity in the target population, in the interventions employed and in the outcomes (Deeks, Higgins, & Altman, 2008; Riley, Higgins, & Deeks, 2011). Statistical heterogeneity between the studies was assessed using the Q and the I2 statistic. I2 displays the heterogeneity percentage across studies (0 % = none, 25 % 0 low, 50 % = moderate, 75 % and above = high (Higgins & Green, 2011; Higgins and Green, 2011; Higgins et al., 2011). A significant Q rejects the homogeneity hypothesis and shows whether the effect sizes vary more across studies than expected from the sampling error alone.

2.6. Publication bias

Funnel plots were calculated to assess the presence of publication bias. Funnel plots measure effect size against study size (Duval & Tweedie, 2000). When there is no evidence of publication bias, funnel plots display studies symmetrically around the pooled effect size. The inspection of the funnel plot suggested no indication for publication bias for the longitudinal studies. For the RCTs, there was an indication of publication bias (Additional Material, Fig. 1). After the trim and fill procedure was applied, one study was added and the effect size increased to d = 0.75. The study by O’Callaghan et al. (2013) was an outlier with a very high effect size; therefore, the study was excluded in the sensitivity analysis and the effect size dropped down to d = 0.33. Additionally, we conducted sen- sitivity analyses to identify whether individual studies had an impact on the overall effect estimate by excluding each study from the analysis in turn.

3. Results

We identified n = 3077 study records through database searching and citation chaining. Fig. 1 summarizes the search and selection process. 16 articles representing 14 studies met each of the inclusion criteria and were synthetized in the analysis (Ammerman et al., 2009; Brillantes-Evangelista, 2013; Habib, Labruna, & Newman, 2013; Jacobs et al., 2015; Lokuge et al., 2013; McLay et al., 2012; McLean, Yeh, Rosenfield, & Foa, 2015; Foa, McLean, Capaldi, & Rosenfield, 2013, 2013; O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Ovaert, Cashel, & Sewell, 2003; Salloum, Avery, & McClain, 2001; Scheck, Schaeffer, & Gillette, 1998; Shirk, Deprince, Crisostomo, & Labus, 2014; Zhang, Wang, Chen, Zhou, & Wang, 2015; Zlotnick, Capezza, & Parker, 2011). The PRISMA diagram in Fig. 1 outlines

Fig. 1. Flow chart of paper selection.

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the study selection process. Across the n = 3800 participants, most participants were females (n = 3,051, 80.29 %). Study participants ranged from n = 24

(Habib et al., 2013) to n = 1767 (Lokuge et al., 2013), mean ages from 14.3 (Salloum et al., 2001) to 25.81 (McLay et al., 2012). The majority of examined studies were conducted in high-income countries (n = 10) (Ammerman et al., 2009; Foa et al., 2013; Habib et al., 2013; Jacobs et al., 2015; McLay et al., 2012; McLean et al., 2015; Ovaert et al., 2003; Salloum et al., 2001; Scheck et al., 1998; Shirk et al., 2014; Zlotnick et al., 2011), while four were carried out in middle and low income countries (Philippines (Brillantes- Evangelista, 2013), the Democratic Republic of Congo (Lokuge et al., 2013; O’Callaghan et al., 2013), China (Zhang et al., 2015) (Table 1). Table 1 displays a summary of the descriptive characteristics of the reviewed studies in alphabetical order of authors.

Studies reported different types of violence exposure such as interpersonal (Ammerman et al., 2009; Habib et al., 2013), sexual (McLean et al., 2015; O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Foa et al., 2013), domestic (Jacobs et al., 2015; Zlotnick et al., 2011), diverse (Brillantes-Evangelista, 2013; Ovaert et al., 2003; Scheck et al., 1998; Shirk et al., 2014; Zhang et al., 2015), war (Lokuge et al., 2013; McLay et al., 2012) and witnessing homicide (Salloum et al., 2001).

3.1. Types of interventions

The included studies evaluated a variety of interventions. Among the interventions counselling was most prevalent (k = 4) (Ammerman et al., 2009; Jacobs et al., 2015; Lokuge et al., 2013; Zhang et al., 2015), followed by CBT (n = 3) (O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Ovaert et al., 2003; Shirk et al., 2014), visual arts/poetry therapy (k = 1) (Brillantes-Evangelista, 2013), prolonged exposure therapy (k = 1) (Foa et al., 2013; McLean et al., 2015), grief and trauma therapy (k = 1) (Salloum et al., 2001), EMDR therapy (k = 1) (Scheck et al., 1998), Virtual Reality Exposure Therapy (k = 1) (McLay et al., 2012), or other forms of psychotherapy (k = 2) (Habib et al., 2013; Zlotnick et al., 2011).

Most RCTs (except three (Foa et al., 2013; McLean et al., 2015; Scheck et al., 1998)) compared an intervention- versus a control intervention (i.e. waiting list, treatment as usual (TAU) or no treatment) (Jacobs et al., 2015; O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Ovaert et al., 2003; Shirk et al., 2014; Zhang et al., 2015; Zlotnick et al., 2011). One cohort study included two types of interventions (visual arts and poetry intervention) (Brillantes-Evangelista, 2013).

3.2. Characteristics of interventions

The number of intervention sessions varied between 2−5 (Lokuge et al., 2013; Scheck et al., 1998; Zlotnick et al., 2011), 8–15 (Brillantes-Evangelista, 2013; McLay et al., 2012; McLean et al., 2015; O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Ovaert et al., 2003; Salloum et al., 2001; Shirk et al., 2014; Zhang et al., 2015), 16−20 (Habib et al., 2013), and 21–25 (Ammerman et al., 2009; Jacobs et al., 2015). Most studies investigated outcomes of individual sessions (k = 6) (Foa et al., 2013; Lokuge et al., 2013; McLay et al., 2012; McLean et al., 2015; Scheck et al., 1998; Shirk et al., 2014; Zlotnick et al., 2011), followed by investigating group- (k = 6) (Brillantes- Evangelista, 2013; Habib et al., 2013; O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Ovaert et al., 2003; Salloum et al., 2001; Zhang et al., 2015) or family interventions (k = 2) (Ammerman et al., 2009; Jacobs et al., 2015).

The professions of interventionists in the included studies varied: Most interventions were conducted by psychologists or psy- chotherapists (k = 10) (Brillantes-Evangelista, 2013; Foa et al., 2013; Habib et al., 2013; Jacobs et al., 2015; Lokuge et al., 2013; McLay et al., 2012; McLean et al., 2015; Ovaert et al., 2003; Scheck et al., 1998; Shirk et al., 2014), followed by interventions by social workers (k = 2) (O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Salloum et al., 2001), or other professionals (e.g. nurses) (k = 2) (Ammerman et al., 2009; Zhang et al., 2015).

For measurement of depression, the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) was the most used instrument, for measurement of anger expression the State-Trait-Anger Expression-Inventory (STAXI). A full overview of the measurments included in the studies is available in Table 1.

3.3. Risk of bias assessment

The risk of bias assessment for each study is presented in Table 2. We classified five studies as of high quality (Jacobs et al., 2015; McLay et al., 2012; McLean et al., 2015; O’Callaghan et al., 2013; Shirk et al., 2014; Foa et al., 2013), two studies as of moderate quality (Scheck et al., 1998; Zhang et al., 2015) and seven as of low or very low quality (Ammerman et al., 2009; Brillantes- Evangelista, 2013; Habib et al., 2013; Lokuge et al., 2013; Ovaert et al., 2003; Salloum et al., 2001; Zlotnick et al., 2011). In general, information on drop-outs was scarce (Additional material Table 1).

3.4. Intervention effects

Effect size estimates were statistically significant for all interventions. Across all included studies, the random effects weighted average effect size was of r+ = 0.57. Across all the studies there was a large amount of heterogeneity (RCTs: I2 = 78.03, p < .001, longitudinal studies I2 = 82.93, p < .001) (Fig. 2), which suggests that effect size variability was unaccounted for.

3.5. Publication bias assessment

Several analyses were conducted to detect whether publication bias was present. Publication bias was not detected, as the funnel

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Table 2 Authors, type of intervention, intervention description, interventionists, setting, effect.

Author Intervention Intervention description Interventionist delivered by Setting Effect

Ammerman et al. (2009) (Ammerman et al., 2009)

Home visiting program Psychoeducational training, parental skills training, case management for mothers and children.

Trained nurses, social workers, para-professionals

Homes +

Brillantes-Evangelista (2013) Visual arts therapy Drawing as a means of expressing emotions. Artists, psychologists Pedia-tric unit + Brillantes-Evangelista (2013) Poetry therapy Writing as a means of expressing emotions. Psychologists Pedia-tric unit + Habib et al. (2013) Psycho-therapy Strengths based skills training to enhance cognitive, behavioral,

physiological self-regulatory capacities. Psychologists, social workers Resi-dential care

facilities +

Jacobs et al. (2015) Home visiting program Counselling, skills training, case management for first-time young parents.

Psychologists, lay counselors Homes +

Lokuge et al. (2013) Counseling Counselling in a routine care program including exposure to trauma for people affected by armed conflict.

Psychologists, lay counselors Primary care +

McLay et al. (2012) Exposure Therapy (VRET) Virtual reality exposure therapy to combat post-traumatic stress disorder.

Therapists Medical center +

McLean et al. (2015), Foa et al. (2013)

Exposure Therapy (PE-A Prolonged exposure therapy and supportive counselling.) Exposure therapy is a mform of CBT that was developed for interventions for Combat veterans suffering from PTSD.

Therapists Com-munity mental health clinics

+

O’Callaghan et al. (2013) CBT. CBT is a type of intervention that attempts to tackle unhelpful thinking patterns

Trauma-focused cognitive behavioural therapy (TF-CBT). Social workers Schools +

Ovaert et al. (2003) CBT Structured CBT for juvenile offenders with PTSD. Psychologists Correc-tional facilities + Salloum et al. (2001) Psychotherapy Psychotherapy group for youths of homicide victims. Social workers Public Schools + Scheck et al. (1998) EMDR EMDR therapy to desensitize. EMDR is a type of intervention that

focusses on spantaneous associations of traumatic memories and bilateral stimulation in the form of repretive eye movement.

Psychologists, social worker, family therapist, counsellors

County Health Department

+

Shirk et al. (2014) CBT CBT to foster attention and mindfulness Psychologists Mental health center + Zhang et al. (2015) Life Skills Training Life skills training to enhance empathy and problem solving Officers Correc-tional facility + Zlotnick et al. (2011) Psycho-therapy Enhancement of social support, aimed at enhancing positive

relationships. Not specified Medical center +

J. Lindert,

et al.

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plot shapes were symmetrically for all analyses (data not shown).

4. Discussion

The present study sought to evaluate the effectiveness of several types of psychosocial interventions designed for violence exposed youth aged 15–25. In addition, we explored whether various study and demographic characteristics influenced the interventions effectiveness via moderation analyses. Our findings suggest that interventions with a trauma focus have a small but significant effect of reducing depression, anxiety and distress of violence exposed youth.

Within the 14 studies in the present meta-analysis, 10 categories emerge during the coding process: home visiting, visual art therapy, poetry therapy, psychotherapy, home visiting, counselling, exposure therapy, CBT, EMDR and life skills training. One of the primary findings of the present meta-analysis is that trauma – focused psychotherapy, trauma-focussed CBT and home visiting are the most effective strategies for reducing distress in youth. The findings are in line with previous reviews (Degnan, Seymour-Hyde, Harris, & Berry, 2016; Steel, Macdonald, & Schroder, 2017) suggesting that cognitive – behavioral approaches might be an effective form of intervention for violence exposed children.

The analyses indicate that relationship based interventions such as psychotherapy, CBT and home visiting have statistically significant and clinical meaningful effects for violence exposed youth (Cacioppo and Cacioppo, 2012). On the contrary, our findings suggest that creative activities do not statistically significantly decrease violence exposed youth` depression, anxiety and distress. It might be that creative activities, counselling and life skills training are not suited for violence exposed youth. Thus, interventions that aim at reducing the mental health impact of violence exposure in youth, should consider the evidence for allocating intervention ressources.

Notwithstanding these findings, we acknowledge some limitations of this review. We included studies investigating depression, anxiety or PTSD in the analysis. Further outcomes such as behavioral disorders or substance abuse might be of interest when in- vestigating the impact of violence on youth mental health. Furthermore, the results might be limited due to the small number of studies and due to methodological differences between studies. One additional issue might be how violence exposure was measured. However, in spite of the small number of studies included in this review results are relatively stable across studies.

In spite of these limitations this study adds much needed knowledge. To the best of our knowledge, no previous attempt has been made to synthetize evidence of the effects of interventions in the group of emerging adults. Our synthesis of studies on emerging adults suggests that relationship centered methods work best which might contribute to developing more helpful interventions, including those which have been exposed to multiple ACEs.

4.1. Conclusion

In conclusion, it appears that psychosocial interventions designed to reduce depression, anxiety and PTSD symptoms among violence exposed youth generate small-to-medium size effects. The results suggest, that factors such as study- and demographic

Fig. 2. Effects of interventions to reduce depression and anxiety in violence affected youth in RCTs and in longitudinal studies.

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characteristics are not associated with the effects of the psychosocial interventions. Lastly, the results of the present study support the continued use and further development of comprehensive intervention strategies at different levels including implementation and enforcement of laws to prevent violent behaviors and tackling harmful gender norms which might lead to violence to reduce de- pression, anxiety and PTSD. Therefore, We can identify a lack in knowledge of interventions aimed at reducing the violence as determinant of youth mental health. Since the studies included in the present meta-analysis have small effects future work is needed to improve interventions for violence exposed youth.

Increasingly studies suggest that multiple Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE`s) often cluster in children`s and youth`lifes. To have multiple ACEs is a major risk factor for many health conditions. To plan further research and interventions requires, therefore, a shift in focus to design both, multiple ACE-informed services and therapy provision and prevention of multiple ACEs in mulidisci- plinary teams. To increase effects of interventions for violence exposed youth multidisciplinary teams may jointly work on prevention and intervention approaches. The further development of interventions for violence exposed youth should be a Public Health priority.

Author`s contribution

J.L. conceived the study, participated in its design and coordination and interpretation of the data. All authors participated in the coordination and interpretation of the data. J.L. drafted the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Funding

The present work was not supported by any funding.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Acknowlegment

The study was partly funded by the BMBF, Germany.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020. 104530.

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  • Psychosocial interventions for violence exposed youth – A systematic review
    • Introduction
    • Methods
      • Study inclusion and exclusion criteria
      • Search strategy
      • Study selection and data extraction
      • Risk of bias assessment
      • Statistical analyses
      • Publication bias
    • Results
      • Types of interventions
      • Characteristics of interventions
      • Risk of bias assessment
      • Intervention effects
      • Publication bias assessment
    • Discussion
      • Conclusion
    • Author`s contribution
    • Funding
    • Declaration of Competing Interest
    • Acknowlegment
    • Supplementary data
    • References