race&ethnicity 2-3 pages paper

Chiricú Journal, Vol. 3.2, pp. 59–76 Copyright © 2019 Trustees of Indiana University • doi:10.2979/chiricu.3.2.05

Spanish as a Tool of Latinx Resistance against Repression in a Hostile Political climate

Ana Sánchez-Muñoz, California State University, Northridge Angélica Amezcua, Arizona State University

abstract: Spanish is the first or heritage language of many Latinxs in the U.S., whether speakers are fluent in it or not. Even though Spanish is the most frequently spoken language after English (U.S. Census), it continues to be publicly repressed and stigmatized. Since the 2016 elections, there has been an increase in anti-immigrant sentiment and Anglocentric rhetoric, as well as an explicit attack on Spanish and bilingualism in the U.S. Ironically, Spanish has functioned as a resource exclusively for those in positions of power, for political or economic advantages, yet it is considered unpatriotic to use Spanish to symbolize a positive Latino ethnic identity. In this article we study Latinxs’ use of Spanish in public spaces since Trump became president. We examine whether there has been a recent shift in the attitudes of young Latinx heritage language speakers toward using Spanish. Data from Arizona and California helps us shed light on how diverse Latinx communities are negotiating language use in the face of immigrant stress, especially as there have been increased racial attacks, linguistic discrimination, and linguistic profiling since the last elections.

Keywords: Spanish as a heritage language, Hispanophobia, linguistic attitudes, linguistic discrimination

This research examines Spanish language use in public spaces in the first 18 months of the Trump administration. In particular, we consider the impact of fear on linguistic trends. The question we aim to address is whether there has been a shift in attitudes toward Spanish use by Latinx youth given the current political climate, including overt anti-Latinx and anti-Spanish sentiments by the current administration. Recent research has examined the discursive practices of right- wing populism (for example, Donald Trump’s campaign and platform) and ana- lyzed the messages that attract voters to radical right-wing parties. The discourse of a link between immigration and supposed crime and other types of social unrest has played a particularly significant role in the rise of radical right-wing groups in Europe and the U.S. Refugee crises and immigration issues have been used to attract voters who wish to restrict immigration to their country (Rydgren,

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2017; Wodak & Krzyżanowski, 2017). In the United States, Mexican and Central American migrants have recently been identified as especially problematic and unwelcome by Trump and his followers.

This study hypothesizes that increased anti-immigrant sentiments may have detrimental effects on Spanish maintenance, including language loss owing to linguistic discrimination. The focus is on Latinx Spanish speakers, specifically, those of Mexican or Central American descent living in two distinct commu- nities: one in Los Angeles and one in Phoenix. California and Arizona share some traits as far as their treatment of the Spanish language and its speakers: Both states have a large Latinx population. Both have implemented restrictive language policies in the past, for instance, Proposition 227 in California and Proposition 203 in Arizona. However, the general climate and tolerance toward the Latinx population is quite different in these two states and in particular in these two cities. Examining these communities may yield interesting compari- son data about how each is negotiating language use in the presence of linguistic discrimination. Our study attempts to do so by looking at speakers’ ethnolin- guistic identity, language attitudes, and language policies that affect the Latinx population in both states.

Given our current political climate, this study is timely and relevant. It also contributes to the growing body of research that has identified the “chilling-ef- fect” on migrant and minority communities, that is, the inhibition or discour- agement of the legitimate exercise of rights by the threat of legal sanction (Cruz Nichols, LeBrón, & Pedraza, 2018). Many Latinxs may feel inhibited to use their heritage language in public. Despite the vast research on Spanish in the U.S. preceding this investigation, few studies have analyzed the potential effect of fear on the use of Spanish in public spaces. It is important to examine how attacks on one’s language affect the speaker’s sense of self and ethnic identity. In fact, targeting a group’s language is in effect an assault on the people themselves. As Gloria Anzaldúa has pointed out, “ethnic identity is twin skin to linguistic identity” (2007, p. 81). Linguistic discrimination is a form of racism, partic- ularly as seen toward the Latinx community during the Trump campaign and presidency.

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I am my language. —Gloria Anzaldúa

Many Latinxs consider Spanish vital for the construction of their bilingual and ethnic identity. In this case, we refer to Spanish as their heritage language (HL), that is, the language of one’s family or community. It is important to clarify the use of heritage language speaker (HLS) or heritage language learner (HLL) as opposed to native speaker. A speaker of a “heritage language” is a person who, according to Valdés (2001), “is raised in a home where a non-English language is spoken” (p. 38). They may have varying degrees of fluency in the home language, but HLSs are to some degree bilingual in English and the heritage language. These bilingual and bicultural individuals are positioned within a language continuum and their choice of language depends on sociocultural contexts as well as their con- nection with the heritage language and culture.

These concepts are highlighted in studies conducted on HL classes, which confirm that one of the reasons HLSs take these courses is their desire and moti- vation to develop skills and proficiency in Spanish. HLLs are reported to consider the HL as part of their ethnic identity (Beaudrie & Ducar, 2005; Sánchez-Muñoz, 2013). In addition, students reflect that Spanish helps them stay connected with their community (Leeman, Rabin, & Román-Mendoza, 2011). Sánchez-Muñoz (2013) affirms that “la lengua se considera el cordón umbilical entre la cultura y las tradiciones ancestrales y la identidad personal y social de los hablantes” (language is considered the umbilical cord between the culture and traditions and the per- sonal and social identity of the speaker) (p. 230). Therefore, it is fundamental to recognize the importance language has on the development of a person’s identity because this understanding can lead to language equality in educational institu- tions and the deconstruction of hegemonic language ideologies.

Acknowledging such interconnections between Spanish and the Latinx com- munity can also contribute to deconstructing the stigmatization of Spanish and its speakers. This stigma is built from the language ideologies constructed by the U.S. monolingual society that asserts that promoting bilingualism in the education system is a threat to the nation (Potowski, 2013). The reinforcement of a mono- lingual society and the rejection of bilingualism have been echoed by a number of U.S. Presidents. Theodore Roosevelt in 1907 declared that “We have room for but one flag, the American flag  . . . We have room for but one language here, and that is the English language  . . .” Reagan stated in one of his speeches that bilin- gual education is “un-American” (as cited in Sánchez, 1983). Ironically, Spanish is reserved as a resource exclusively for those in power positions, while it is consid- ered unpatriotic to use Spanish as a “symbol of a positive Latino ethnic identity” (García, 1993, p. 72). Speaking Spanish in the U.S is seen as a problem that needs

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immediate remediation (García, 1993). These antibilingual beliefs have led to the social construction of a hierarchy among languages, one in which English has the most prestige and value, while the rest share a pyramid-like categorization. This then affects many HL speakers’ motivation and appreciation of their HL. Also, the language ideologies attached to Spanish and its negative characterization have led to the marginalization of this language, negating its historic role in the country (Díaz-Campos, 2014, p. 251).

The intergenerational maintenance of Spanish is a huge challenge, given the constant attacks on the language. Linguistic ideologies attached to Spanish can lead to its progressive loss and depreciation. The devaluation of the speakers’ mother tongue is also a devaluation of their culture, given that language is part of a person’s identity (Sánchez-Muñoz, 2013; Potowski, 2012; Zentella, 2002). Consequently, when Spanish speakers are discouraged from speaking their first language or their family’s language, they are prone to lose a connection to their ethnic culture. Spanish loss leads to linguistic insecurity that is linked to the fear of losing con- nection to their community (Sánchez-Muñoz, 2013, p. 230). Furthermore, the devaluation of Spanish, Darder (2012) argues, calls for a break from “a traditional American pedagogy” as it only silences the voices of “bicultural students” who are relegated to positions of powerlessness in the U.S. society where their Spanish is stripped away (p. 21). In sum, attacks on Spanish in the U.S. are related to HL loss, which, in turn, has negative consequences for the individual as well as for the larger Latinx community (Alba et al., 2002; Cho & Krashen, 1998; Portes & Hao, 1998; Valdés, 1995; Villa, 1996).

anti-immigration and antibilingualism in arizona and california Since 1960, the nation’s Latinx population has increased nearly ninefold, from 6.3 million then to 56.5 million in 2015, and it is projected to grow to 107 million by 2065 (Pew Research Center). The Latinx population is collectively the largest minority group in the United States. Even though this group is heterogeneous and varies in terms of country of origin, race, and religion, among other cultural differ- ences, speakers share Spanish as the official or majority language in their countries of origin. In fact, the United States has become the second largest Spanish-speaking country, beating out countries like Spain and Colombia (Melendez, 2015). However, strength in numbers does not correspond to strength in power, repre- sentation, or even respect from those in positions of authority.

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In the current political climate, extreme ideologies promote a toxic view of nationalism (Holguín Mendoza, Oliver Raján, & Vergara Wilson, 2017). This “nativist nationalism” is surging in multiple forms, including verbal attacks on non-English speakers. There were overt attacks toward Spanish and Spanish use during Trump’s presidential campaign. News reports and social media have recently shown videos of Spanish speakers being yelled at to “speak American” because they are in “America.” These attacks have taken place in a variety of settings including supermarkets, parking lots, fast food restaurants, and even schools.

In one of the most recent verbal attacks, an employee at a UPS location in Florida publicly humiliated a client for speaking Spanish. The client, a young Latina, had walked into the store speaking Spanish to her mother; this seemed to make the UPS employee assume that the client did not speak English. His public reaction exemplified two common erroneous assumptions: that someone whose first language is Spanish cannot possibly be fluent in English and that English is or should be the sole language of the U.S. Since the 2016 elections, anti-immigrant sentiment, Anglocentric rhetoric, and antibilingualism have continued to increase. Verbal attacks on Spanish speakers have been exposed through viral videos on social media, but there might be many more that go unpublicized.

Even though Spanish was one of the first European languages to arrive in what is now known as the Southwest, it is stereotypically targeted as the language of uneducated Latinx immigrants (Holguín Mendoza, Oliver Raján, & Vergara Wilson, 2017). In fact, U.S. Latinxs have long faced hateful attacks enacted via propositions, laws, abuse, dehumanization, and so on. For example, in a con- troversial referendum, California voters passed Proposition 187 in November 1994. This was a ballot initiative to prevent undocumented persons from using nonemergency health care, public education, and other services in the State of California. Although Proposition 187 was found unconstitutional, it demon- strated a climate of increasing fear and discrimination toward immigrants, spe- cifically, the Latinx undocumented community in California. Santa Ana (1999) conducted a data-driven analysis of the rhetoric used toward this community in printed media texts that covered the 1994 political debate and campaign of Proposition 187. He focused on the language that framed public opinion in the local newspaper Los Angeles Times and found that there were many metaphors referring to undocumented immigrants as animals, enemies, and threats to the nation (p. 216).

Thus, we can see that the hateful rhetoric directed against Latinxs is not new. As Prop 187 evidences, the 1980s and ’90s also pandered to anti-immigrant and antibilingual sentiments as a political strategy to dehumanize and belit- tle the undocumented community and to reinforce racist discourse. These examples of attacks toward Latinx communities in the U.S. are a result of what Zentella calls “Hispanophobia” (1997). Hispanophobia is a projection of the racist and anti-immigrant attitudes of the dominant culture in the United States.

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These sentiments are the foundation of laws and propositions that seek to “pro- tect” the nation from diversity and make English the country’s official language. According to Zentella, Spanish has become the main target of constant attacks, evident in the spread of the “English-Only” movement, and in propositions such as 227 in California and 203 in Arizona that have hindered bilingual education. David & Moore (2014) claim that the racialization and denigration of Spanish is a tool for the maintenance of economic, political, social, and cultural power of the dominant groups.

Linguistic profiling and discrimination, which Zentella calls “hispanopho- bic practices,” and the racialization of Spanish have continued and are especially present in the current administration with proposals such as a wall along the U.S.- Mexico border; massive deportations; and, as noted earlier, numerous public ver- bal attacks against Spanish and U.S. Spanish speakers. Potowski (2010) argues that even though the U.S. has had a history of linguistic diversity since the creation of the nation, four myths have politically impacted the country’s multilingualism richness: (1) English is the official language of the United States; (2) Linguistic diversity is relatively new and has increased because of recent waves of immigrants; (3) New immigrants refuse to learn English; and (4) Linguistic diversity is a threat to the unity of the nation. These myths are the foundation of anti-immigrant laws and antibilingual propositions that are currently finding renewed support thanks to the sanctioned climate of nationalism and nativism with Anglos as the righteous inheritors of the land and English as the official language of the country. In fact, these myths spark the intolerance against linguistic diversity of the United States that impacts the ethnolinguistic vitality of many States and frames bilingualism/ multilingualism as a problem (Cashman, 2009).

california: Proposition 227 In California about 40 percent of individuals speak a language other than English at home and 20 percent are limited English speakers (G. Flores, 2006). Although California is the most diverse state of the union and home to a great portion of Spanish speakers, its policies have not always reflected a climate of plurality and linguistic diversity. On the contrary, California has pioneered and maintained restrictive language policies that have adversely affected the path to academic success for Latinx children. In 1998, Proposition 227 (or the English- for-the-Children initiative) passed in California, with the goal of limiting or ending

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bilingual education. The initiative was proposed by Ron Unz, a software developer without any linguistics or teaching background, who had unsuccessfully run as the Republican candidate in 1994 for the governorship of California.

It is important to contextualize the sociopolitical climate that allowed for the passage of Proposition 227. As mentioned earlier, there were rising fears about immigration (e.g., anti-immigrant initiatives such as Proposition 187) and a widespread belief that language minority students were not learning English or not learning it quickly enough, even though there was no empirical data to sup- port this belief. Additionally, nonbilingual teachers feared a loss of control over language minority student education. Some of the effects of Proposition 227 on schools included the elimination of languages other than English to instruct any student in California public schools, except under limited circumstances. Further, it meant the dismantling of successful bilingual programs that had reported pos- itive results in not only teaching English but also keeping children from falling behind in other subjects while they acquired valuable bilingual skills. Also, Prop 227 imposed an unproven pedagogical approach without regard for the exper- tise of educators or the wishes of local school boards. Finally, many studies have proved that literacy in the first language is an advantage in the acquisition of English literacy (Cummins, 1981; Genesee et al., 2009; Krashen & McField, 2005; Callahan & Gándara, 2014).

After Proposition 227 passed in California, Massachusetts and Arizona passed similar versions of this initiative (Gándara & Orfield, 2012). However, restrictive language policies did not start with Proposition 227. As Darder and Uriarte point out (2013), the use of restrictive language policies has been central to the his- tory of colonization in order to guarantee that certain groups of individuals will not fully participate in the economic and political landscape of their countries of residence. Proposition 227 was in effect in California for 18 years, from 1998 until 2016. On November 8, 2016, California voters approved Proposition 58: the California Non-English Languages Allowed in Public Education Act (Senate Bill 117). Proposition 58 repeals the English-only immersion requirement and waiver provisions required by  Proposition 227. Although this is good news for language minority students and for bilingual education in general, we will have to wait to see in which ways this change in policy translates into better school practices.

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arizona: Proposition 203 Cashman (2009) measured the ethnolinguistic vitality of Spanish in Arizona. Her analysis revealed that Spanish maintenance and bilingualism were considered a threat for those in power and part of the dominant culture. And given the societal pressures, dominant language ideologies, and the sociopolitical contexts of the state against multilingualism and multiculturalism, she also found a low ethnolinguistic vitality of Spanish. In particular, Cashman found that Arizona’s panic around immigration was evident in legislation and law enforcement actions that created a hostile environment and hindered Spanish maintenance. Case in point: Proposition 103, which declared English as the official language in Arizona, impacted bilingual education in most public education institutions in the state. Although Spanish is the most frequently spoken language in Arizona, the constant attacks on the Latinx community have led to a weak ethnolinguistic vitality that affects Spanish language maintenance.

In another study, Fitzsimmons-Doolan (2014) revealed that the educational decisions of stakeholders, who are responsible for the policy-making process and implementation of educational language policy in Arizona, are influenced by lan- guage ideologies such as pro-monolingualism that views multiple languages as a problem and English as a tool for social control. The findings of this study should be a caveat to understand that policy-making processes are not grounded in the interest of the communities they are supposed to benefit; on the contrary, pol- icy is a tool to further political agendas. In this case, Republicans’ language ide- ologies contribute to the assimilation narratives of their political party. Arizona’s Proposition 203 has had a negative effect on Latinx children’s education and on Spanish language maintenance (Dardis, 2017), just as Proposition 227 has in California. Wright (2005) argues that the creation, interpretation, and implemen- tation of 203 was a strategic political spectacle rather than a democratic rational policy that centered on the interests and needs of students. The author analyzed the rhetoric regarding Proposition 203 in articles, editorials, letters to the editor, and official policy documents. Wright also observed debates, speeches, rallies, seminars, State Board of Education meetings, and public hearings. He found that Unz, the original author and financial backer of Proposition 203 and Proposition 227, strategically used stories, plot lines, and symbolic political language to present issues in a compelling way challenging to argue with. For instance, Unz claimed that bilingual education was denying immigrant children their right to learn English and therefore be successful. The passage of Proposition 203, as a result of the political spectacle, hindered bilingual education in Arizona and severely lim- ited schools from having adequate and effective instructional programs for English language learners, who at the time made up 16 percent of the student population.

In similar research, Johnson (2005) conducted a metaphor analysis of the rhetoric strategies used by supporters of Proposition 203. The researcher found that supporters presented bilingual education as a failure and a broken system. In

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addition, the debate between bilingual education and Proposition 203 was pre- sented as a war. In fact, bilingual education was articulated as a deficient program, while English was stated to be the key to reach the “American Dream.” Johnson argues that the rhetoric formulated by the supporters of Proposition 203 distorted and degraded linguistic diversity. Furthermore, to this day, Arizona continues to be the most restrictive state in terms of language education programs. Gándara and Orfield (2012) and Dardis (2017) claim that the restrictive language policies in Arizona are a result of the linguistic hegemony of the state and the nation that targets and positions bilingual education and Spanish as a problem.

methodology This study analyzes data collected in Arizona and California to shed light on how Spanish-speaking communities are negotiating language use in public spaces, espe- cially as there is increased linguistic profiling and discrimination targeting Latinxs since the last elections.

The sample population is made up of second-generation Latinxs residing in two predominantly Spanish-speaking areas of Southern California and Arizona: Los Angeles and Phoenix. The participants are 45 heritage language speakers (HLSs), ages 19–22, enrolled in Spanish heritage language (HL) classes at a four- year public university.

The Spanish courses for HLSs in which data was collected are two similar courses in two different institutions: one (CHS 101) taught at a large public uni- versity in Southern California and the other (SPAN 203) taught at a large pub- lic university in Arizona. The typical students in these courses have no difficulty expressing themselves in Spanish to talk about everyday issues or with their family. They are exposed to Spanish on a daily basis through their community, friends, family, and media. Following the work of educators and researchers in the field of Spanish as a heritage language (e.g., Leeman, 2005), these courses seek to imple- ment a critical approach in which the variety of Spanish that the student brings to class is recognized and valued. Students’ skills are integrated into the curricu- lum through activities that make use of their own speech communities and social networks and challenge them to explore new registers and situations that have been previously discussed in class. Much of the time in the classroom is engaged in activities specifically designed to recognize different varieties and registers. The main objective during the first few weeks is to build and nurture confidence, trying to repair the damage to linguistic identity and security that speakers may have suf- fered throughout their educational or social experience.

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All participants in our study were born and raised in the U.S. At the time of data collection, they were attending college and taking HL courses. These stu- dents went to schools in which the language of education was English; none had attended bilingual schools. This is fairly typical of many heritage speakers who grow up listening to and speaking Spanish in the home, but do not formally learn it at school. Gradually, they become dominant in English; after high school, many decide they want to learn Spanish formally for employment opportunities after college, to “reconnect with their identity,” as one participant in this study asserted, and to be better prepared to pass the language on to their children.

The data collection procedure included written reflections (45 essays) that were collected as part of a Spanish as an HL course assignment. Students were asked to reflect on their use of Spanish, the presence of fear or conscious suppres- sion of the language, and any change in attitude toward the HL due to stress, fear, or linguistic discrimination since the last elections. Additionally, we created an anonymous survey to ask participants about the effect of having taken a Spanish HL course on their linguistic attitudes and confidence level. This survey was cre- ated via SurveyMonkey and sent to students after their completing the course.

In order to explore the relationship between fear and Spanish language use in public, this study was conducted through qualitative analysis of speakers’ narra- tives. Specifically, we employed Thematic Analysis (TA). Although this method was developed within the field of psychology, it has been widely used across the social, behavioral, and applied sciences. The purpose of TA is to identify patterns of meaning across a dataset that provide an answer to the research question being addressed. Patterns are identified through a rigorous process of data familiariza- tion, data coding, and theme development and revision. One of the advantages is its flexibility. TA can suit questions related to people’s experiences, views, or perceptions.

Results and analysis The written essays addressed students’ level of comfort using Spanish in public and any changes in attitude toward the language since the last presidential election. The survey included open-ended questions, such as whether the HLL’s linguistic con- fidence increased after completing the course, and whether the course influenced their daily use of Spanish at home and in public spaces.

Analysis of the reflective essays revealed that HLLs are reporting an increase in public use of Spanish since the last presidential elections. Three findings in par- ticular highlight the importance of language as a tool against discrimination: (1)

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no fear of using Spanish in public and an attitude of resistance; (2) clear recogni- tion of the link between linguistic discrimination and racism; (3) change toward more awareness.

no fear and Resistance Both Arizona and California participants reflected on how they feel using Spanish in public and whether they feel afraid given the current sociopolitical climate. Interestingly, the results show that second-generation speakers, in general, do not feel intimated or afraid of using Spanish in public spaces. In fact, their essays reveal an attitude of defiance and resistance to the idea that Spanish is not welcome or should be repressed in public, as the following quotes illustrate (our translations to English follow the speakers’ reflections in Spanish).

(Fernanda, CA) Yo no tengo miedo de usar el español. Yo siento que yo me he esforzado en usar español más cuando Trump se hizo presidente. Yo pienso que la gente tiene que resistir y reforzar la lengua. Mi actitud se me hizo más fuerte después de Trump porque lo que él piensa se me hace muy injusto. (I am not afraid of using Spanish. I feel that I’ve made an effort to use Spanish even more after Trump became president. I think that people need to resist and reinforce the Spanish language. My attitude has become firmer after Trump because what he thinks seems to me very unfair.)

(Ignacio, CA) Desde que Trump se convirtió en presidente, me he sentido más obligado a hablar español cuando puedo. (Since Trump became president, I have felt obligated to use Spanish as much as I can.)

(Emiliano, AZ) Tengo más pasión en saber el español y creo que con el ambiente sociopolítico en que estamos ahorita es más crucial en tener pasión en nuestra len- gua y en nuestra cultura latina. Es muy importante en tener una actitud que sea positiva. (I am even more passionate about speaking Spanish and I think that with the current sociopolitical climate, it is even more crucial having passion for our language and culture. It is very important to have a positive attitude.)

The phrase no tengo miedo (“I’m not afraid”) was present in almost all the responses, including those in Arizona. Initially, we speculated that Arizona HLSs would be more afraid of using Spanish in public given the more conservative, antibilingual, and anti-immigrant practices in that state. However, we found that, in general, speakers do not feel the need to stop using Spanish. Indeed, many speakers in Arizona also voiced their desire to defy the racist rhetoric and embrace Spanish as their legitimate language and as a tool of resistance, which they are committed to maintain.

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Link between Linguistic discrimination and Racism Throughout the essays, we read accounts of how recent overt attacks against Spanish have made HLSs acutely sensitive to the deep racism still present in the U.S. This is not to suggest that these young speakers were oblivious to racism in this country. However, the realization that there are so many people in this coun- try who can get behind extreme anti-immigrant and anti-Spanish measures is a wakeup call for them to see that language is a political tool and that using Spanish is in and of itself a statement. The following quotes illustrate this point.

(Oliver, CA) El racismo sentido ahorita es el mismo que ha existido antes de Trump y lo único que ha cambiado es que está expuesto más en la televisión y en protestas de las personas que no quieren a cualquier persona que no sea blanca en mi opinión. (The type of racism that we feel today has been in existence even before Trump. What has changed is its explicit manifestation in television and protests orga- nized by those who dislike people who are not white, in my opinion.)

(Amanda, AZ) La nación de hoy parece estar retrocediendo unos pasos gracias a “Trump’s America”. . . . Sé que Trump ha sacado a todos los racistas de debajo de sus rocas, pero sólo han encendido una llama dentro de mí y de muchos otros para continuar a abrazar a quienes somos y negarse a ser considerados como una minoría. (Our nation today is moving backwards thanks to Trump’s America. . . . I am aware that Trump has exposed all these racist people, but this has only lit a fire in me and in many others to continue embracing who we are and to refuse to be considered a minority.)

( Julian, AZ) El ambiente me ha enseñado que todavía hay personas que no quieren a los latinos porque quieren usarlos como un chivo expiatorio. Cuando escuchan español hay personas que lo miran negativo. Pero yo no voy a cambiar. Todo lo que ha pasado fortalece la importancia de mi cultura que incluye el lenguaje que yo hablo con mi familia, que escucho en la tele y la música, y lo que leo en los libros. Yo quiero demostrarles que están equivocados acerca de quien nosotros somos. (The atmosphere [of the current political environment] has taught me that there continue to be people who despise Latinos and only think of them as scapegoats. W hen they hear Spanish, they look at Spanish speakers negatively. But I am not going to change. Everything that has happened strengthens the importance of my culture, which includes the language I speak with my family, listen to on TV and in music, and read in books. I want to show these people that they are wrong about who we [Latinos/as] are.)

As Julian eloquently expresses, Spanish is viewed negatively by some as it is asso- ciated with an “undesirable” minority. But this very realization propels a sentiment

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of pride in the ethnic identity and language and a desire to continue resisting linguistic discrimination.

a change toward more Political awareness Just as speakers now see a clear need to use their Spanish and to stand for their cultural and linguistic heritage, they also express a change toward activism and increased political consciousness.

(Giselle, CA) Creo que yo he cambiado mi actitud después de Trump porque antes que fuera elegido Trump como presidente no me fijaba tanto en lo que estaba pasando en el mundo como cosas de la inmigración o las cosas políticas. No fue hasta que empezó las elecciones que una maestra nos puso a ver los debates políticos como tarea, que puse más atención a las cosas que quiere hacer Trump. (I think I changed my attitude after Trump, because before he was elected president, I did not pay attention to what was happening in the world polit- ically or with immigration. I began to pay attention to what was going on with Trump and what he wanted to do when a teacher had us watch the political debates for homework.)

(Sara, AZ) Creo que ahora, pasar el tiempo para aprender un idioma parece una declaración política. Creo que es importante que reconozcamos el valor del español. (I think that now spending time to learn a language seems like a polit- ical statement. I think it’s important that we recognize the value of Spanish.)

These data seem to point to a shift in youth attitudes toward a more conscious involvement in local and national politics. Most of the HLSs acknowledged not reading or listening to the news prior to Trump’s election; however, the spread of racist attacks via social media has resulted in an undeniable call of action for Latinx youth. In this case, HLSs clearly articulate their use of Spanish as a tool of resistance against the anti-immigrant rhetoric of Mr. Trump and his supporters. This indicates a positive shift as the future is in the hands of the young voters of the nation and they should be informed and educated to avoid being manipulated or ignored. Similarly, we believe that Spanish will be maintained and passed on to the future as long as HLSs feel the need and desire to use it, not only in their ethnic communities but also publicly, without fear and with pride.

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Impact of HL Instruction on Speakers’ attitudes and use of Spanish in Public The results from the Spanish as a Heritage Language course show that students built and strengthened their linguistic confidence. Most of the students report using Spanish more now in settings in which they would previously have used English, such as stores, public parks, with friends, and with Spanish speakers beyond the family realm. In addition, the majority say that after taking the HL course, they have felt motivated to continue learning on their own by engaging with reading material in Spanish, conversing with family members with more ease, initiating contact with Spanish speakers in public, and participating in other extra- curricular activities involving the use of Spanish. The following quotes from the survey exemplify this increased confidence and positive attitude toward the HL (these answers are anonymous):

Now that I’m more confident with my Spanish speaking skills, I actually attempt speaking Spanish with my family more, and I get corrected less often. I am confident in putting my skill as a bilingual on resumes and don’t have to worry about that being a half lie anymore. Thanks to my Spanish class I became a lot more confident in all my Spanish-speaking environments.

Taking this course helped me create a greater range in my Spanish vocabu- lary. I am able to communicate very well in Spanish in public areas as well as my home.

I’ve grown proud of my heritage since taking CHS 101. Learning the Spanish grammar has increased my confidence speaking the language. Additionally, the classroom setting made me feel comfortable enough to speak Spanish and learn.

It has made me interact with strangers who may only speak Spanish or don’t understand English as much.

Thus, HLLs are positively impacted by the HL course as far as their linguistic confidence and willingness to use Spanish in public spaces. Together with the data from the written essays, which showed defiance toward linguistic discrimination and an increased political awareness, we can see the potential of Spanish as a tool of resistance, rather than its being the source of fear or linguistic oppression. The results of our study agree with previous research investigating the impact of HL courses on the linguistic confidence of Latinxs as Spanish speakers. For exam- ple, in investigating the link between self-esteem and HL instruction, Beaudrie & Ducar (2005) and Sánchez-Muñoz (2013) found that HL instruction plays an important role in validating the HLSs’ cultural identity as well as making positive connections between their language and sense of self. HL classes allow students to reclaim the importance of maintaining their language and discovering the poten- tial they have to actively develop skills in Spanish.

Sánchez-Muñoz & Amezcua / Spanish as a Tool of Latinx Resistance 73

conclusion In our research, we examined the possible effects of the current sociopolitical climate on attitudes toward Spanish by Latinxs in public. Since the last presidential elections, we have witnessed an increase in anti-immigrant rhetoric and actions, including overt attacks on Latinxs and toward Spanish as their HL (Holguín Mendoza, Oliver Raján, & Vergara Wilson, 2017; Zarate, 2018). As ethnic stud- ies researchers and linguists, we worry that the current climate of intolerance and overt racism may have detrimental effects on bilingualism and language main- tenance. Yet, our data show that instead of retreating and hiding their language, second-generation Latinxs enact their ethnic pride through public use of Spanish. Contrary to what the current anti-immigrant/antibilingual rhetoric might lead one to expect, Latinx youth are using and committing to developing their Spanish skills as a form of resistance and as an instrument to fight against racial and lin- guistic discrimination. In the words of Ilan Stavans: “Thanks to Mr. Trump, the Spanish language in the United States has suddenly become a tool of defiance” (2017, p. 215).

Additionally, the gravity and severity of the attacks from the president and his supporters are leading young Latinxs to an increased critical consciousness. Many of the students spoke of a despertar (“an awakening”), a sense of urgency to resist the racist discourses and an awareness of the power of language as a tool to send a clear message that they are not intimidated, that being Latinxs and Spanish speak- ers is a source of pride, not of fear. This is a consistent result in both California and Arizona data despite different ethnolinguistic vitality and sociopolitical environ- ments. Moreover, this study points to the importance of Spanish HL classes for Latinxs since we find a positive effect on speakers’ linguistic confidence. Linguistic confidence is tied to language maintenance (Sánchez-Muñoz, 2013) and thus, HL classes can motivate Latinxs to reclaim the value of their Spanish even in a hostile political climate.

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ana Sánchez-muñoz  is Professor in the Department of Chicana/o Studies at California State University, Northridge (CSUN), where she teaches language acquisition, especially related to English Language Learners (ELLs), and other linguistics/language courses, including Spanish for heritage speakers. She also is a faculty member in the Department of Linguistics at CSUN.

angélica amezcua is a fourth-year PhD student in the Spanish linguistic program at Arizona State University, pursuing a concentration in heritage language pedagogy and a certification on CALL (Computer-Assisted Language Learning). Her research interest includes critical language awareness, Spanish maintenance, and digital storytelling. She also teaches Spanish as a heritage language.