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SECTION I – Introduction

Research Description:

According to a recent UN report, India has the largest diaspora network in the world,

accounting to almost 16,000,000.1 The phenomenon of an Indian diaspora dates back to pre-colonial

migration times and is not a recent development. There have been four waves of migration in history

and during each period, Indian s have ventured out of India for various reasons and have established

communities in their host nations, arguably creating a home away from home. The process in which

Indians create a community outside their country of origin is intriguing. In cosmopolitan cities like

Dubai and London, we can find a myriad of Indian communities that showcase the culture in various

aspects (religious, ethnic, language, food). Moreover, owing to the phenomenon of globalisation, the

dynamics of interaction between Indian diasporas and their host country, as well as their homeland is

interesting. There are two major areas that the research will look into, these are identity and

citizenship, along with migration policies and ho the can contribute to the creation of an Indian

diaspora in these t o global cities. It is evident that certain policies can impede Indians from being

assimilated into their host nations (Andreouli, Jain, Sahoo, Sater, Vora). There is a question of

citizenship and how it can arguably impact the perceptions of identity amongst Indians living outside

India. Therefore, e need to anal se the factors that contribute to the creation of the Indian diaspora

and policies of respective host countries and how it could facilitate the process of assimilation and

integration of persons of Indian origin.

Research Statement:

This research will focus on the Indian diaspora in Dubai and London and will be a

comparative analysis on how these communities assimilate and create their distinct identities.

Moreover, it will identify and analyse naturalisation policies of both countries and how it can

facilitate one in becoming a citizen. The study will revolve around two main areas: identity and

citizenship.

Statement of Purpose:

The aim of this research is to primarily provide an insight into the ways in which Indian

diasporas are formed in cities like Dubai and London. The research will try to understand what factors

are at play in shaping the identities of Indians living away from their homeland. Moreover, it will look

into the underlying reason of migrations like what triggered Indians to move to these two nations?

Simultaneously, the process of naturalisation and its impact on Indians will be closely analysed in

1 "Number of International Migrants Reached 244 Million in 2015." UN News Center. UN, n.d. Web. 02 Oct. 2016.

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order to examine their relationship with their host country; and how this can in the future impact their

relationship with India as a whole.

Research Questions:

1. How and to what extent do the Indian diasporas in each city reproduce their cultural identities (in particular: religion; gender relations and marriage patterns)?

2. What is the process of naturalisation in both, the UAE and the UK? 3. How can the acquirement of a foreign citizenship and/or possession of Overseas Citizens of

India (OCI) card impact the perception of an Indian identity? 4. How can the presence of an Indian diaspora in the UAE and UK transform the bilateral

relations in respective host nations? SECTION II- Literature Review

Introduction The Indian diaspora of the 20th century has created a unique global identity. Owing to the

phenomenon of globalisation, the dynamics of interaction between Indian diasporas and their host

country, as well as their homeland is intriguing. It can be argued that the Indian diaspora found in the

UAE and the UK embodies certain features of globalisation. This literature review will provide an in-

depth analysis into the available range of contemporary scholarship on the topic of Indian diaspora, in

tandem with the phenomenon of globalisation of migration and its impact on shaping the Indian

diaspora identit . The structure of this literature ill include ke definitions, the role of globalisation

of migration in regards to producing Indian diasporas and how it is linked to the creation of their

identities. The final section of the review will look into specific global cities like London and Dubai,

where there is a salient Indian diaspora. The aim of this literature review is to assess and critique the

existing literature on the topic and how it can facilitate the research. Moreover, the review will

highlight the areas for further research; that can contribute to the literature on global Indian diaspora

studies.

Definitions To begin with, several terms need to be defined and contextualised. These include:

globalisation, migration, diaspora, and identity. Most of these terms are too broad and have a

manifold of connotations, nevertheless, scholars of diaspora and migration studies have provided a

narrow definition of each of these terms; making them more comprehensible. A simple definition of

globalisation is the rate at which the world is becoming highly interconnected and impacting all

aspects of contemporar social life (C aika and Haas 4). Globalisation, ithout a doubt has

contributed to the creation of unique migratory patterns and identities. This brings us to the next

definition, migration. The term has been associated ith a general concept of movement , hich

can relate to various forms of human mobilit , taking place under various conditions and

circumstances that could be political, economic or personal (Sahoo 82). Various forms of migration

will be discussed in detail in the following paragraphs along with the concept of globalisation of

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migration. Next, the term diaspora can signify a different phenomena. For instance, the classical

definition refers to the displacement and de-territorialisation of Jews. However, in the context of the

Indian diaspora , it is commonl associated ith the e perience of migration and the attendant

an ieties of displacement and a ish to return (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 3) home. Just like

migration, the various categories and features of the Indian diaspora will be discussed. Finally,

identity can be divided into two categories: identity relating to a group and identity relating to an

individual. It is believed that there is an inverse mutual relationship between the two; the individual

develops identity through collective social practices (Sahoo 89). In essence, these key terms are

intertwined in one way or the other, these will be witnessed in the following sections.

Globalisation of Migration Along with globalisation, we are witnessing the transformation of cultures, economies,

political regimes etc. Moreover, there is a globalisation of migration, meaning that migratory

movements are increasingl affecting countries hich leads to diversification of immigrant

populations here migrants belong to a diverse spectrum of economic, social and cultural

backgrounds (C aika and Haas 5). Arguabl , the orld has become more interconnected and there

are increasing countries of origin or destination for migrants , hence depicting ider global

inclusion of those involved (Martell 117). There are multitude of reasons behind the cause of

migration. These can be summarised into the following: voluntary and forced, permanent and

temporary or transitional, labour or economic and family reunion or chain migration (Martell 106-

107). All these categories are equally important and they characterise the reason behind the creation

of the Indian diaspora.

There have been four waves of migration amongst Indians which include: pre-colonial,

colonial, post-colonial and the recent migration to West Asia. The former can be regarded as

voluntary migration and dates back to 1st century AD, when Buddhist missionaries migrated to

neighbouring states. The next wave of migration took place during the colonial era when the Indian

government imported [its citi ens] under the designation of indentured labor (Sahoo 83-84), the

migrants migrated for fixed time and worked in British colonies. To an extent, indentured labour is a

form of economic or labour migration and is even present today in the region of West Asia. Then, it

was during the post-colonial era there was an influx of Indian migrants who moved to the UK and

created their o n diaspora and maintained e tensive ties ith India o ing to their comparative

affluence (Sahoo 86). This ave of migration became permanent and led to chain migration, in other

words, migration led to further migration. The migrants had an incentive or a reason to migrate owing

to famil ties. Overseas famil or communit links provided conducive locations for migrants

(Martell 108) and cultural ties strengthen chain migration, as witnessed in the UK. Roger Ballad,

author of The South Asian Presence in Britain claims that man Indians ent out of their a to

assist their kinsmen to make their a to Britain , this resulted in continuous aves of chain

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migration that enabled members of the developing orld peasantr ho ere fortunate enough to

have those familial ties. The pre-existing Indians who arrived during the post-colonial era had well

established small businesses and the new wave of family migrants were fortunate enough to have

direct access to aged emplo ment in metropolitan Britain (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 200). It

can be argued that chain migration can lead to permanent international migration, where the question

of citi enship or changing national identit arises (Martell 106-107), as opposed to temporary

migration, that is witnessed in majority of West Asia.

The final surge of migration is identified as the movement of Indian migrants to West Asia, in

particular to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, including the UAE, post-1973 oil era.

Indians who migrated to the UAE during this era were mostly driven by economic factors and were

temporar migrants (Oonk) as the mainl came to the nation as indentured labourers. These

migrants, usuall belonged to the orking class and the could not settle or acquire citi enship

(Azhar 100). Furthermore, in the article, Culture and econom in an incipient diaspora: Indians in

the Persian Gulf region , Prakash C. Jain, states that the the Indian diaspora in the GCC are incipient

because of stringent naturalisation and citi enship la s that obstructs them from even gaining a

permanent resident status (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 102), despite of the number of ears the

have lived or worked for, and even in some cases of being born in those nations. The existing

literature on the topics of migration and globalisation provides us with a deeper understanding in to

the various dimensions of migration and how it is driven by globalisation, demonstrating the

complexity of both phenomena. Moreover, a stark contrast can be derived from the available

scholarship on the aspect of Indian migrants who are present in countries like the UK and the UAE, in

relation to them being classified as permanent or impermanent migrants, paving the way to the

creation of Indian diaspora identities and also raises the question of naturalisation and citizenship.

Globalisation and the Indian Diaspora- the complexity of culture and identity

Next, the process of globalisation does not only transform migration, but also the face of

cultural exchange. Globalisation of migration can alter and impact identities which is a component of

culture. Essentiall , the phenomenon has radicall restructured traditional relationship between

culture and econom as ell as heightening a consciousness (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 5) of

Indianness and a sense of belonging to an Indian diaspora. It is important to understand that a sense

of belonging to a nation can also define identit . Martell argues that globalisation brings cultures into

contact and pro imit through migration, hich could potentiall give rise to friction and

conflict (Martell 91). The friction and conflict can impact both, the migrants and the host nation.

On the other hand, identity can be positive; it can be seen as a process and the diversity of

possibilities and inputs as exciting and an opportunit (Martell 98). It is imperative to understand the

role of identity in the creation of Indian diasporas. One of the core features of the Indian diaspora is

its collective imagining of India- of emotions, links, traditions, feelings and attachments that together

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continue to nourish a ps chological appeal among successive generation of emigrants for the mother

count (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 4). Before we move on, we need to understand that there are

two distinct forms of Indian diasporas.

Scholars like Ajaya Kumar Sahoo, Laxmi Narayan Kadekar, and Ravindra K. Jain agree upon

the fact that there are two types of diasporas: old and new. The former constitutes of Indians who

emigrated during the colonial period to European colonies, as indentured workers. Few of them

belonged to the free or passage emigrant categor and had relativel better occupations than their

counterparts, the ere traders, clerks, bureaucrats and professionals (Sahoo and Kadekar 2).

Conversely, those belonging to the ne diaspora , migrated to the UK and Gulf countries during the

post-1960s. Initiall , the ere economic migrants of orking-class and white-collar occupations

and later the increasingl became professional migrants (Jain 46). Sahoo, further develops these

two categories and states that the old diaspora, to an extent, have lost the contact to their homeland, as

opposed to the ne diaspora ho have retained a vibrant relationship ith famil and communit in

India (Sahoo 88). Nevertheless, it is important to analyse the reasons behind why the old diaspora

might no longer be connected to their homeland. Further research must be done in this aspect, in order

to get a clear conceptualisation on the concept of old and new diaspora and how it can affect the

Indian diaspora as a whole.

Diasporas have transnational identities, meaning that when they migrate from their country of

origin to a host nation, the are actuall transforming the e isting relationship ith their societ of

origin, and also establishing a life ithin the societ of residence (Diaspora and Development).

Moreover, majority of diasporas have social networks and familial ties, they have shared culture and

citi enship bet een distinct societies in their countr of origin. In essence, the transnational nature

of diasporas suggests that these members are actual or potential bridges bet een countries, through

their multiple net orks, identities and sense of shared belonging . O ing to the transnational

characteristic, identities are d namic, the are constructed through social interaction (Diaspora and

Development), according to a background paper complied by the International Organisation for

Migration. In this regard, transnational identities are positive and they could act as potential bridges ,

that could open doors to new interactions, for instance, the Indian diaspora in the UK plays a vital role

in important service sectors (Sahoo and Kadekar 91), and contributes to social capital of the nation

(Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 206). Similarly, the Indian diaspora in the UAE contributes significantly

to the econom , arguabl the relationship bet een the host and the immigrants are s mbiotic ,

meaning that the Indians are in need of income and job opportunities, whilst the Arab regimes find

[them] hard- orking, disciplined and docile orkforce (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 119).

Furthermore, there are other dimensions of identity. Sometimes, Indians living in a diaspora

are faced ith identit conflict due to the fact that identit discourses are understood in terms of

lo alt to nations and nation-states . Sahoo argues that Indians are able to fortif their identit in

host nations through language, religion, dress, food, cuisine, cinema, and so on (Sahoo 89).

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Similarl , Jain confirms that Indians tend to bring their cultural baggage to their host nations,

despite of having a a tenacious capacit for diasporic integration (Jain 50). Additionall , Sahoo,

highlights the fact that hat makes the Indian diasporic communit unique is her diversities in terms

of languages, religions and sects, castes and sub-castes, rural and urban, food and st le of dress

(Sahoo 81) along with ethnicity etc. that is reflective of the nation itself. As we can see, culture and

identity is multifaceted and highly complex. There are immense cleavages that are conducive to the

realisation of an Indian diaspora identity. Another dimension, making it even more intricate is the role

of citizenship and naturalisation of individuals belonging to the diaspora in their host societies. This

issue will be tackled in the following sections of diaspora communities in London and Dubai.

The Indian diaspora in Dubai

The constitution of an Indian diaspora in the the GCC region, dates back to the 1970s. They

were part of the new diaspora and were mainly economic or labour migrants. Today, Dubai, a major

global cit as and continues to be the major centre of Indo-UAE (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec

113) trade. South Asians, in particular, Indians became a major source of providing labour (Sahoo

and Kadekar 5), as the countr embarked on ver ambitious and highl e pensive developmental

programmes (A har 101), post-1973, after the hike in oil prices which brought unprecedented

change in the nation and region as a hole. This had a direct effect on the abnormal inflo of

migrant orkers (A har 101). To put this into conte t, there has been an e ponential gro th in

Indian migrant workers in the UAE; from 107,500 in 1975 to 1,800,000 in 2010 (Azhar 103), it is

believed that the nation remains to be an El Dorado (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 118), for an

incredible number of Indians.

On the other hand, there are prominent number of companies in the region that consist of

pett bourgeoisie (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 111) Indians, ho are professionals i.e. doctors,

bankers and executives etc. We can understand that the Indians in the nation come from various social

classes and also belong to various regions of India like Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and

Maharashtra, to name a fe . Ho ever, most individuals ho belong to the diaspora are temporar

migrants and the have managed to establish various number of socio-cultural associations based on

regional, linguistic and religious affiliations (A har 106), creating a home a a from home.

Nevertheless, this leads us to the question of permanent residence or citizenship and whether it can be

granted to these migrant workers or even off-springs of Indian immigrants. The simple response is,

no. Scholars like Muhammad Azhar, Neha Vora, J. Sater and Prakash C. Jain have conducted research

in the field of citizenship among the Indian diaspora living in the Gulf. There is a common

understanding that can be gauged from their works, that concludes, there are stringent caveats that

hinder the immigrants from gaining citizenship status. Unfortunately, they are usually regarded as

second-class citizens in the only place the (Vora 34) know as home. Indeed, a question of identity

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is also raised as individuals who might be born to immigrant Indians in the country, would not have

the rights of a normal citizen, owing to the naturalisation and citizenship policies of the UAE.

Essentiall , this represents a guest orker s stem that involves migrants in being elcomed to the

countr to ork, ho ever, the ould not gain full citi enship rights as this usuall depends on

famil links blood relations, hich means it is often effectivel based on shared ethnicit (Martell

120). This can potentially lead to exclusionary experience of the Indian diaspora, who are considered

to be Impossible Citi ens , according to Neha Vora.

On the other hand, there is limited information on the creation of an Indian diaspora identit

and hat it means to be an Indian outside of India. For instance, in the literature, Global Indian

Diaspora , the editors Sahoo and Kadekar onl provide a brief overvie on the Indian diaspora. There

is lack of information on the Indian identit . Majorit of scholarship, onl provide information on

the reasons behind migration. The most detailed scholarship on the study of citizenship in the Gulf is

found in J. Sater s ork, here he claims that there is a sense of fear and insecurit among the host

nation and it could be a possible reason behind the question of citizenship (Sater 294). Despite of

providing insightful data, like the superseding percentage of expatriate population that accounts to

88.5% against 11.5% (Azhar 106) of Emirati nationals, there are loopholes in the work of Muhammad

Azhar. The author claims that the migrants agree to receive lower wages as opposed to Europeans or

Americans. However, this is not the case as increasing off-springs, belonging to the diaspora have the

opportunit to have globali ed education making them more entrenched and politicised (Vora

34). The common understanding that could be derived form this is that, as more individuals become

aware about their rights, there is an assumption they might demand for them, though, there is no room

for active political engagement in the nation (Sater 297). This leads us to our final section on the

Indian diaspora found in London. It could be argued that there is a significant difference between both

cities.

The Indian diaspora in London

The Indian diaspora in the UK arrived during the late 19th and early 20th centuries and they

were a necessary manpower since there was a labour shortage. Initially, migrants who arrived from

India in Britain, were mainly men who came from the Punjab region who served in the frontlines

during the First World War. Gradually, families and relatives moved to the nation and took positions

as semi-skilled orkers ; ho ere seeking better opportunities (Sharma 3); an example of chain

migration. It is believed that around 37% of migrants live in and around the capital and India is

considered as one of the main countries of origin of long-term migrants (Sharma 20). So, the main

influx of migrants of Indian origins arrived during the early 20th century. In particular, they

established communities in major cities like London, Leicester, Bradford, Manchester, Birmingham

and Coventry (Sahoo and Kadekar 91), and relatively had stable jobs. They have also done well in the

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education and economic sector. British-born offspring have achieved spectacular degree of

educational success and this has paved the a for social mobilit .

Along with the aspect of social mobility, there is a strong correlation between the former and

assimilation. It can be argued that individuals belonging to the Indian diaspora, who have been born

or lived there for a long period of time have been integrated, owing to their access to citizenship. The

Indians born in Britain, also have the abilit to s iftl [acquire] high level of bi- and indeed

multicultural competence has enabled them to act and react appropriatel in a ide range of

different ordered arenas (Parekh, Singh and Vertovec 203). Moreover, they have the ability to

identif themselves ith the host societ , the have created mini-Indian localities, for instance in the

area of Southall, in the London borough of Ealing, they call themselves as Southallian emphasising

their multi-racial character (Oonk 18). We can re-convene the issue of citizenship and how it can

transform Indian diasporic identities. To begin ith, citi enship in the nation is linked more to

contribution or participation . The UK offers citi enship on basis of residence or emplo ment over

time (Martell 121). This is not the case in the UAE, which is based on a guestworker system.

Moreover, migrants and their children are not differentiated from longer-term residents and

citizens and there is less of a racial element to citizenship status (Martell 121). The access to

citizenship is linked to naturalisation policies that take diasporas into consideration. These policies

enabled millions of people to the entitlement of citi enship in the EU member states (Valenta 13).

Moreover, the Indian diaspora in the UK is actively involved in the British political sphere, this can

only be ensured through the naturalisation process. The above does not mean that all people belonging

to the Indian diaspora in the UK can automatically become citizens, according to the Home Office, in

order to gain British citizenship, individuals must belong to a specific category:

People born in the UK before January 1st 1983 are British citizens. People born in the UK on or after 1 January 1983 (or in a qualifying territory4 on or after 21 May 2002) to a parent who is a British citizen or legally settled in the UK are British citizens. Depending on the type of citizenship of the parents (British citizenship by descent or otherwise than by descent), people born outside the UK may also be British citizens (Andreouli 20).

Therefore, we can understand that in order to be considered as a citi en, an individual s parent(s) must

be an existing citizen. There are other channels to citizenship as well, but the chosen scholarship does

not comment on those categories. Further research needs to be done in this area, in particular how

citizenship can impact the Indian diaspora living in the London. There are various factors that

contribute to the creation of an Indian diaspora identity, along with citizenship.

The existing literature on the Indian diaspora in London needs to be further developed as

most scholarship tend to have made their arguments based on data collected in the early 2000s.

Moreover, there is also a contradicting argument about old and new diaspora. Sahoo s development of

the new diaspora and how they tend to be more nostalgic and maintain relations with their homeland,

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than the old diaspora is contested in Sheetal Sharma s, "Immigrants in Britain: A Study of the Indian

Diaspora." Sharma claims that the individuals of the old diaspora, or the first generation are

invariabl nostalgic about their countr of origin (Sharma 35). There is some discrepancy

amongst the existing scholarship on the Indian diaspora overall in Britain, possibly reflecting the

relevance of the time period when the data was collected. Nevertheless, the scholarship on the

diaspora community in London, UK provides an antithesis to the diaspora found in Dubai, UAE.

Overall, we have seen the different branches of literature pertaining to the topic of the Indian

diaspora. The aim of this study is to shed light in what constitutes as an Indian diaspora and how it is

formed in two cosmopolitan cities like Dubai and London. The existing literature provides an insight

into the history of the Indian diaspora and the origins of the diaspora, triggered by four waves of

migration. The literature has both weaknesses and strengths, in terms of the former, there seems to be

limited information on the Indian diaspora identit . On the other hand, the scholarship highlights the

stark differences between the UAE and the UK and underlines the different forms of naturalisation

procedures. The main objective of this research is to contribute to the existing literature on the Indian

diaspora studies by developing a concept of the aforementioned Indian diaspora identit . It could be

argued that this had not been done before, owing to the complexity of identity itself.

SECTION III- Research Methodology

Justification for qualitative research:

Majority of the research will require qualitative data. Therefore, I will be conducting

qualitative research in order to answer my research questions. Nevertheless, for certain questions, I

will be interpreting statistics and graphs, therefore it will quantitative. Qualitative data methods like,

interviews, surveys and social observations will be highly beneficial for the extraction of data. The

most significant primary data collection will come from interviews in my opinion, as they will

provide me with in-depth answers to questions pertaining to naturalisation, citizenship policies and

the Indian cultural identity, and how the former might alter the latter. Moreover, through interviewing

individuals between the age group of 18-45, I will be able to get different perspectives on the issue,

since my key informants will be academics, lawyers, and also the young expat community in Dubai.

In order to gather data for the Indian diaspora in London, I will also conduct interviews with

academics, lawyers (immigration), as well as young British Indians in order to gauge how their

identit is shaped. The data ill be e tracted from both secondar and primar sources, the one s that

I have listed above are part of the primary data. On the other hand, secondary data will be derived

from governmental reports, official legal documents from the Indian consulate on the aspect of

naturalisation and citizenship, of which some are available online, whilst for others I would have to go

to the consulate and collect information for my study, in addition to academic sources. Overall, in

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regards to this research, it is essential to have qualitative data in order to gain complete knowledge

about the topic.

Data Collection Methods:

1) How and to what extent do the Indian diasporas in each city reproduce their cultural identities (in particular: religion; gender relations and marriage patterns)?

Types of Data Sources of Secondary Data Methods to Collect Primary Data x Qualitative x Academic sources relating to the

Indian identit perceived b the Indian diaspora by Sahoo Ajaya Kumar, Bhiku Parekh, Gurharpal Singh and Steven Vertovec

x Interview data that is found in one of the academic sources by Judith Frübing, provides an insight into the types of question I could potentially ask my key informants

x Interviews with academics and people of the Indian diaspora (between the age of 18-45)

x Surveys that will address various cultural aspects like language, religion, gender relations (in order to gauge how culture is reproduced in the diaspora)

x social observation

(attending meetings and visiting Indian diaspora neighbourhoods in Dubai), as well as attending weddings in London

The table above briefly illustrates the types of data alongside the methods that will be used to collect the data, in the aim of answering the question. To begin with, this question addresses the Indian cultural identity, particularly, gender relations and marriage patterns, owing to the complexity of the Indian culture. In regards to the source of secondary data, I will be using academic sources that are related to identity and how it is perceived by the Indian diaspora. The answer can be found in the works of scholars like Sahoo Ajaya Kumar and Bhiku Parekh who have works relating to the Indian diaspora identit . Moreover, a master s level thesis b Judith Fr bing, ill provide me ith a framework and guidelines to design my very own questions for future interviews. Next, in terms of primary data collection, interviews will be conducted, mainly focusing on a specific social class: middle and upper-middle class. This is due to the fact that academics, officials like lawyers will most probably come from this particular socio-economic background. Moreover, the individuals who will be interviewed will be more aware about abstract concepts like identity and diaspora formation. On the other hand, the Indian youth from the expat community in Dubai and the British Indian youth will provide me with personal insights and experiences in what makes them who they are, an individual of Indian origin, living outside their country of origin. My aim is to get a clear picture about what constitutes as an Indian diaspora identity, particularly through understanding religion, gender relations

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and marriage and how they contribute to the creation of the identity. In terms of survey, it will be designed as a simple questionnaire, addressing identity questions like: which part of India are you from? Were you born outside India? Finally, social observation will provide me with a first-hand experience with the diaspora. It will be an opportunity for me as the researcher to observe unusual aspects that I might have not been exposed to.

2) What is the process of naturalisation in both, the UAE and the UK? Types of Data Sources of Secondary Data Methods to Collect Primary

Data x Qualitative x Official documents, reports from

the Indian consulate x Official publications from

governmental websites (both the UAE and the UK: www.gov.uk ),

x Legal documents from consulates

that delineates the process

x Interviews with academics and people of the Indian diaspora (between the age of 18-45), the former will enhance my understanding, whilst the latter will provide me with personal rhetoric

x Interviews with immigration

lawyers in order to understand the procedures

x Site visit to General Directorate of Residency and Foreign Affairs, Dubai

x Qualitative

and Quantitative

x Academic sources relating to the naturalisation and citi enship

processes

x Academic working papers and briefings on the topic of naturalisation and citizenship

This question specifically revolves around processes of naturalisation in respective countries.

The secondary data that will be derived from the government, like naturalisation and citizenship policies which will provide me with an insight into the procedures behind naturalisation. In terms of academic sources, Neha Vora s ork ill be used e tensivel as it addresses the issue. Moreover,

orking papers b The Migration Observator at the Universit of O ford and briefing b the Middle East Centre at the LSE, will provide me with answers in regards to the process of

naturalisation in respective nations. Next, primary data will be collected from interviews that will be conducted with immigration lawyers, as well as individuals who have been naturalised (in the case of UK, as it is not possible in the UAE for Indians; I will talk to lawyers and ask them why it is not possible for them to do so). Nevertheless, there might be some discrepancies between officials and official documents and reality, as individuals who will be recounting their experiences might possibly

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convey a different story. I also intend to visit the General Directorate of Residency and Foreign Affairs, hoping to find more information on the process of naturalisation (so far, the UAE governmental websites have limited information on the topic). Overall, this question address the issues associated with the process of naturalisation and how in one nation, the UK, it is possible for an Indian to be naturalised, as opposed to the case in the UAE.

3) How can the acquirement of a foreign citizenship and/or possession of Overseas Citizens of India (OCI) card impact the perception of an Indian identity?

Types of Data Sources of Secondary Data Methods to Collect Primary Data

x Qualitative and Quantitative

x Official documents, reports from the Indian consulate, as well as information that is provided on www.mea.gov.in/ (Ministry of External Affairs)

x Interviews with academics and people of the Indian diaspora (between the age of 18-45)

x Interviews with officials (immigration lawyers) and academics who are specialised in the area of immigration and citizenship studies

x Qualitative x Academic sources relating to the

Indian identit , naturalisation and citizenship processes, along with globalisation as a factor that ties the three aspects

x Surveys that will address the question of identity, for instance, do you possess a citizenship other than the one from your home country? If so, how do you think this impacts your identity and also mobility?

In essence, this question is interrelated to question one and the composition of the Indian identity. However, this question explores two aspects that can potentially impact identity, these being, the acquirement of foreign citizenship or OCI card and how this can affect the relationship between India and its host nation. I will be using official documents, the origin of the source will be the Indian consulate in Dubai and London (one or the other, depending on the accessibility). As these documents will be coming from verified sources, the validity of the data will be accurate. Moreover, the consulate will know the actors and their interests, hence making it feasible for me, as the researcher. Nevertheless, there might be limitations as some documents could possibly be protected and unavailable to the public, on the other hand academic sources might be more accessible. The sources of secondary data will come from official documents and reports located in the official Indian government agency website: www.mea.gov.in (Ministry of External Affairs) that has official documents on the topic of Overseas Citi enship of India Scheme . Moreover, the ebsite also has a relevant document that ties citi enship and identit together, Vice President s speech at the O ford centre for Islamic Studies on Identit and Citi enship: An Indian Perspective . M presumption is

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that majority of the data will be qualitative, however there might be statistics available in the consulate, hence it will be quantitative. Academic works by prominent scholars like Neha Vora and J.Sater address issues of citizenship and perception of identity, they also provide statistics that will be interpreted and analysed qualitatively. In regards to primary data collection, interviews and surveys (with slightly different questions like: do you possess a foreign citizenship and if so how does that alter your identity?) will be conducted in a similar light as the question one.

4) How can the presence of an Indian diaspora in the UAE and UK transform the bilateral relations in respective host nations?

Types of Data Sources of Secondary Data Methods to Collect Primary Data

x Qualitative x Official reports from governments and consulate, www.mea.gov.in, www.mofa.gov.ae

x Interviews with officials, academics and business executives (to explain economic and political bi- lateral relations)

x Qualitative and quantitative

x Academic sources that provide an insight into the bi- lateral relations between the UAE and India; UK and India

Without a doubt, the presence of an Indian diaspora in both nations will account to some form of bi-lateral relations. The relationship between India and the UAE is more economical, rather than political, owing to the fact that there is no room for political activism in the nation. On the other hand, in the UK, the Indian diaspora account to both political and economic relations with their host nation. Through official reports derived from the Ministry of External Affairs, I will be able to understand the contemporary bi-lateral between India and the two host nations, the UAE and the UK. Moreover, the Indian Embassy in the UAE website contains a brief section on bi-lateral relations. There are also academic sources that address bilateral relations between nations. M.J.H Jabed s article on British Interests in a Regionalised South Asia , ill shed light on the e isting programmes bet een both nations and provides innovative strategies in order to sustain the ties. Conversely, in regards to UAE- India relations, a scholarl source, Persian Gulf 2014: India s Relations ith the Region , edited b P.R. Kumaraswamy, will be analysed. The secondary academic sources have numerical data and I will analyse them qualitatively, interpreting the findings. Next, in terms of primary data, I will be conducting interviews with academics, business executives as well as officials in order to comprehend the relations between India and the host nations of the Indian diaspora. Hopefully, through these interviews I can understand how successful these relations are and whether they are sustainable. Preliminary Research:

In terms of preliminary research for my topic, I have spoken to an academic from AUD,

Professor. Jigar Jogia, who is of British Indian descent. I had a brief informal interview with him and

asked him questions pertaining to the Indian identity. I believe that he will be one of my key

informants, given the fact that he is an academic who is well-versed. Moreover, he provided me with

details to Professor. Sunil Khilnani, ho is also the Director of the India Institute at the King s

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College London, who will possibly help me with understanding the concept of the Indian identity and

diaspora. I have also located www.nationalarchives.gov.uk website that addresses the process of

naturalisation in the UK. On the other hand, I have been looking for information on UAE

governmental websites, however, there is little or no information on the issue of naturalisation, hence

I will have to make site visits and contact immigration lawyers.

Limitations:

Despite of carefully planning and designing this research, there are several limitations. To

begin with, this research will be conducted within a short period of time, between the months of

December 2016 to April 2017. Owing to time constrains, as the researcher, I will only have a limited

period to conduct my research and collect data; moreover, I will not be travelling to London for data

collection. Next, it could be argued that there might be a discrepancy in the data collection, in

particular the data that will be collected from governmental websites and officials in terms of

naturalisation policies and procedures, might vary from personal experiences recounted by individuals

who have undergone the process. Also, owing to the complexity of the topic and the embedded

abstract concepts, I have limited my interviewees to a particular socio-economic background: middle

and upper-middle class. This might be a restraining factor as I will be leaving behind a significant

group of people.

Ethical Principles:

Several ethical principles need to be observed during the duration of the research. One of the

main ethical norm is to be an objective independent researcher and to be completely free of biases, by

following the principles of academic integrity. Next, during the interviews, I will delineate the

procedures of the research to the interviewees, before conducting the meeting. I will respect the

privacy of the human participants and will ensure to get their consent (verbal or written) before

proceeding with the interviews and I will ask for their permission before publishing the results. In

addition, I will get their approval to use their identity, if they wish to remain anonymous, I will ask

them to choose a pseudonym to protect their identity. Finally, as a moral researcher, I will ensure that

the data is analysed critically and revealed properly to the audience; in its original form, without any

manipulation of the data.

Timetable: MONTH TASK December Further reading, further development of interview questions, social observations

and site visit January Further reading, conducting interviews, online surveys, site visit February Further reading, conducting interviews, start of data analysis March Further reading, data analysis, start writing (mid-March)

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April Complete research by 2nd week of April (writing + presentation), review the final project before the 20th of April 20th- paper submission 22nd- presentation

SECTION IV- Conclusion This project proposal delineates and highlights some important aspects of this research. It

starts off with the introduction section that includes the central idea of the research (the Indian

diaspora in two global cities: Dubai and London) which revolves around two main areas of study-

identity and citizenship; followed by the research objectives/goals. The four research questions were

also listed in this section and these are the essential driving factors of the research, as it is my

intention to answer these questions through conducting field work. The next section includes the

review of literature and the different branches of scholarship available on the topic and briefly

describes the contribution of this project to the global Indian diaspora studies. The subsequent section

provides an overview of the research methodology, that is comprised of: justification of qualitative

research, data collection methods, preliminary research, limitations, ethical principles and a monthly

timetable that lists the tasks that will be undertaken.

To date, a considerable amount of research has been conducted on the field of the Indian

diaspora. The scholarship entails extensive study on the history of the people belonging to the Indian

diaspora and how they have come to create their own lives outside India. Nevertheless, previous

research on the topic does not provide a clear concept of what it means to be a Non-Residential Indian

(NRI), in other words, what is the identity that they hold onto and reflect to the world? My

contribution to the existing literature is to develop a concept of an Indian diaspora identit and

primarily to figure out what it means to be an Indian who is residing outside of India.

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Bibliography Andreouli, Eleni. S akeholder Per pec i e on Na rali a ion in the UK: Implications for Citizenship and National Identity. Thesis. The London School of Economics and Political Science, 2010. Michigan: ProQuest LLC 2014, 2010. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. Azhar, Muhammad. "Indian Migrant Workers in GCC Countries." Diaspora Studies 9.2 (2016): 100-11. Web. 8 Oct. 2016. Blinder, Scott. "Naturalisation as a British Citizen: Concepts and Trends." Migration Observatory Briefing, COMPAS, University of Oxford, UK, August 2015.

Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. 2nd ed. N.p.: Taylor & Francis E-Library, n.d. 2008. Web. 1 Dec. 2016. Czaika, Mathias, and Hein De Haas. "The Globalization of Migration: Has the World Become More Migratory?" International Migration Review 48.2 (2014): 283-323. Web. 8 Oct. 2016. Diaspora and Development: Bridging Between Societies and States: International Migration Institute (IMI), Oxford Department of International Development, June 2013. PDF. Fr bing, Judith. The Third Generation of Indians in Britain: Cultural Identity and Cultural Change. Thesis. Potsdam, 2008. Web. 19 Oct. 2016. Jabed, M. J.h. "British Interests in a Regionalised South Asia." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 35.3 (2012): 726-52. Web. 2 Dec. 2016. Jain, Ravindra K. "Anthropology and Diaspora Studies: An Indian Perspective." Asian Anthropology 10.1 (2011): 45-60. Web. 7 Oct. 2016. Jamal, Manal A. "The Tiering of Citi enship and Residenc and the Hierarchi ation of Migrant Communities: The United Arab Emirates in Historical Context." International Migration Review 49.3 (2015): 601-32. Web. 14 Oct. 2016. Martell, Luke. The Sociology of Globalization. Cambridge: Polity, 2010. Print. Oonk, Gijsbert, ed. Global Indian Diasporas: Exploring Trajectories of Migration and Theory. 1st ed. Netherlands: Amsterdam UP, 2007. Web. Parekh, Bhikhu C., Gurharpal Singh, and Steven Vertovec. Culture and Economy in the Indian Diaspora. London: Routledge, 2003. Print. Sahoo, Ajaya Kumar. "Issues Of Identity In The Indian Diaspora: A Transnational Perspective." Transnationalism: Diasporas and the Advent of a New (dis)order Transnationalism (n.d.): 81-91. Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

Sahoo, Ajaya Kumar, and Laxmi Narayan Kadekar. Global Indian Diaspora: History, Culture, and Identity. Jaipur: Rawat

Publications, 2012. Print.

Sater, J. "Citizenship and Migration in Arab Gulf Monarchies." Citizenship Studies 18.3-4 (2013): 292-302. Web. 14 Oct.

2016.

Sharma, Sheetal. "Immigrants in Britain: A Study of the Indian Diaspora." Diaspora Studies 5.1 (2012): 14-43. Web. 3 Oct. 2016.

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Valenta, Marko. "A Comparative Analysis of Migration Systems and Migration Policies in the European Union and in the

Gulf Cooperation Council Countries." Migration and Development (2016): 1-20. Web. 4 Oct. 2016.

Vora, Neha. Impossible Citizens: Dubai's Indian Diaspora. Durham: Duke UP, 2013. Print.

Young, Karen E., Kevin W. Gray, and Yuting Wang. CHALLENGES TO CITIZENSHIP IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA REGION. Working paper. LSE Middle East Centre, Apr. 2015. Web.

Appendix 1: Protocols

Interview Protocol:

It is important to have an interview protocol prior to conducting interviews with key

informants. One of the main objective of doing this is to systematically and critically extrapolate data

from the interviewees. Through organising interviews, I intend to gain an enhanced understanding of

my topic. In particular, the interview questions will be based on the research questions, in order to

get a(n) answer(s). I am going to probe into how Indian diasporas are formed, along with analysing

processes of naturalisation in host nations, and hether it has an impact on one s identity. The

primary focus is on two main areas: identity and citizenship, amongst the Indian diaspora. The

interview questions will be divided into four categories and posed to individuals residing in Dubai

and London: questions posed to the academics, questions for the officials, questions for the expat

population in Dubai and questions for the British Indians. The interviews for the first group will be

conducted in person, face-to-face. On the other hand, the interviews with the Indian diaspora in

London will be conducted through Skype since I will not be there in person. All interviews with key

informants (academics, officials [immigration lawyers], business executives, and individuals

between the age of 18-45) will be conducted during the months of January and February 2017, in a

formal setting.

Questions for the Academics 1. How are diasporas formed? 2. What constitutes as an Indian identity? 3. How do Indians reproduce their identities in Dubai/London, in terms of: gender relations (is the

patriarchy system transported to Dubai/London?), then in terms of religion (are they a Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Buddhist, Sikh? Do they have religious sites that they go to? How do they recreate religious festivities? And marriage patterns (are arranged marriages prevalent in the communities? What are their sentiments towards the practice?)

4. What are the processes of naturalisation? 5. Are there any impediments towards naturalisation? 6. Why do people of Indian origin apply for citizenship (where possible)? Questions for the Officials (lawyers, government officials etc.) 1. Why do people apply for citizenship in respective host nations? 2. Is it possible to possess a dual citizenship as an Indian? If no, is there an alternative?

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3. What are the naturalisation processes in respective nations? 4. What are the impediments faced by Indians during the process of naturalisation? 5. Why are there such impediments in the first place? 6. What are the benefits of having an Indian diaspora in both these nations? 7. What forms of bilateral relations exist between India and the host countries? Questions for the expat population in Dubai ( aged 18-45) 1. Which part of India are you from? 2. What does it mean to be an Indian who is living outside India? 3. Are you aware that you are part of an Indian diaspora, constituting of 16 million Indians? 4. Why did you move to the UAE? 5. How long have you lived in Dubai? 6. Were you born in the UAE? 7. Is it possible for you to acquire a citizenship if you were born in the UAE? If not, are you

aware about why you cannot become a UAE citizen? 8. Is there a way to become a permanent resident? 9. What language(s) do you speak at home? 10. Have you been to India? If yes, how many times? 11. Do ou consider Dubai as our home ? 12. Are gender roles reflective of a patriarchal society? 13. What do you feel about arranged marriages? 14. Do you have a business in Dubai? 15. Does this demonstrate any form of bilateral relation between India and the host city? 16. Do you in any way contribute to the Indian economy (remittances etc.)? 17. Is there any room for political activism in Dubai? If no, why do you think there is no room for

it? Questions for the British Indians (aged 18-45)

1. Which part of India are you from? 2. What does it mean to be an Indian who is living outside India? 3. Are you aware that you are part of an Indian diaspora constituting of 16 million Indians? 4. Why did you move to the UK? 5. How long have you lived in London? 6. Were you born in the UK? If not, were you naturalised? 7. Please recount your naturalisation experience. 8. Is there a way to become a permanent resident? 9. What language(s) do you speak at home? 10. Have you been to India? If yes, how many times? 11. Do you rather feel British or Indian? Or both? 12. Do ou consider London as our home ? 13. Are gender roles reflective of a patriarchal society? 14. What do you feel about arranged marriages? 15. Do you have a business in London? 16. Does this demonstrate any form of bilateral relation between India and the host city? 17. Do you in any way contribute to the Indian economy (remittances etc.)? 18. Are you in any way involved in politics? 19. How do you think this transforms political bilateral relations between the UK and India? Social Observation Protocol:

It is important to have a social observation protocol in order to systematically examine the

social reality. During my research, I will be attending Indian cultural events in Dubai to understand

the a s in hich people of Indian origins interact and possibl recreate their Indianness .

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Essentially, I believe that the Indian identity reality will be recreated in such environments and it

would be interesting to note the similarities and differences between what is being done in, for

instance in Dubai and London vs. back home in India. Through these social observations, I intend to

enhance my overall understanding about the Indian diaspora communities, mainly in Dubai. In terms

of London, I have previously attended a wedding, I will use it to compare it to my observations in

Dubai.