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Sample Film Essay
The Square is a documentary that tracks the Egyptian youth revolution. “Egypt was without dignity”, according to Ahmed, a revolutionary youth highlighted in the documentary (YouTube, 2015). They were tied down by an unjust regime and its dictator. The people were tortured, electrocuted, and beaten for speaking about politics. Young Ahmed believed that demanding fundamental rights in the streets would bring change to Egypt. But, where did these ideas originate?
“Freedom” was the chant from the crowd in Tahrir Square. CNN covered the protest. They reported that people feared leaving the Square due to Secret Police taking, and potentially killing them when they returned home. They interviewed a young actor named Khalid. Khalid claimed to be engaging the discourse of democracy, freedom, social justice, and political reform. Before the protest was over, U.S. President Obama privately urged Egypt’s President to resign (Jost, 2013). A picture begins to emerge.
While interviewing, Khalid continued (in tandem with his father) to explain that the aspirations of the people were not to get rid of Mubarak only, but to establish a true democratic society in Egypt (YouTube, 2015). The film proceeded to provide footage of what appeared to be scripted interviews among leaders of the movement. Most of the dialogue was presented in Egyptian, with English subtitles. But, some dialogue was in English. In particular, there was an attorney introduced, who was later identified as such to gather evidence. What evidence, however, is needed when confronting a dictatorial regime?
Freedom House is an independent organization dedicated to the expansion of democracy around the world (Freedom House, 2015a). They advocate for U.S. leadership and collaboration with like-‐minded governments to vigorously oppose dictators. And, Human Rights Watch meets with governments, the United Nations, regional groups, financial institutions, and corporations to press for changes (Human Rights Watch, 2015a). Their research is not just about victims and perpetrators, but about determining who can and should take responsibility for stopping rights violations and providing redress, the detailed and specific steps they need to take, and who else can bring influence and leverage to bear (Human Rights Watch, 2015b). It is just these kind of organizations who seem to be advising the direction of the movement.
The revolutionary youth seem to have been parroting something they very recently learned. This became apparent in the boxed interviews. One young woman explained that removing a national leader further harms the people when that leader is replaced with someone from the same political group (YouTube, 2015). President Mubarak resigned, but the killers of protesters and those giving the orders to kill were not brought to trial. The Secret Police retained power. By the spring of 2011, two months since the beginning of the revolution in Tahrir Square, Egypt remained under Emergency Law. Since allowing the military to talk them into returning to their homes upon news of the resignation, the revolutionary youth determined to return to the Square.
Khalid exclaimed that the main way of communicating was through slogans. One came out in song: Our revolution is a people’s revolution. A tent city was set up in the Square. When asked why, Ahmed explained to fellow Egyptians that it was a mistake to leave before power was in their hands. When interviewed by phone, Military Leader General Belcheit explained that people’s demands should be submitted to authorities. They can also complain to the State media. Major Haytham relegated protestors to stoners, thieves, and thugs. But, the youth continued to lay claim to the people being the source of authority and not the military.
The General personally delivered a curfew decision to those in the square. The protestors were warned that they would be attacked, if necessary. The exchange was recorded on video. The General concluded with “Off you go. Leave”. The military proceeded to clear the Square with foot soldiers, tanks, and guns. Movement leaders monitored the action by computer screen from a distant office. A young woman reported the sequence of events to an unidentified party on the other end of a phone conversation. The tone of the conversation was such that further advice was expected as forthcoming. The question arose, “can you tell me the exact names?” The advice came to be sure of it before spreading the word.
The next move of Khalid was to request digital video cameras for compiling footage to be used at some point as evidence. Ahmed reiterated by claiming that as long as there is a camera, the revolution will continue. When advised by his father that the media would turn people from the revolution, Khalid determined to expose even the corrupt media. Pan to a billboard reading “We, Your Egyptian Armed Forces have Nothing but Love and Appreciation for Egypt’s Beloved People and It’s Innocent Martyrs of the Revolution.” Arrests proceeded nonetheless. By the summer of 2011, thousands had been arrested and tried.
The Muslim Brotherhood arranged for a gathering in the Square. Their chant was “The Quran is our constitution. Islamic Rule. Islamic rule.” It was thought that the Brotherhood made a deal with the army. They were accused of speaking in the name of religion to get what they want. The media then blamed the revolutionaries for destroying the country. But, the revolutionary youth continued to demand a new constitution. Ahmed claimed that the Brotherhood left them in the Square to be beaten, arrested, and killed only after they got what they wanted. What would the revolutions next move be?
Khalid was next found seeking the advice of Mona Anis, an activist having experience in protests going back to the 1970s. Khalid sought answers to the question since the elections would now provide two options: those from the existing regime, and those from the Brotherhood, neither of which supported the revolutionary cause. Mona advised moving forward with the elections, as the alternative was continued military rule. This is a clear indication that there is an outside force behind the movement. But, this was not to say that the movement was finished.
While conducting a demonstration with demands to enter the State media building, protestors were again attacked by government forces. Following the deaths and injuries, the call went out for all bodies to be examined, and evidence kept, with copies of autopsy reports. If this doesn’t sound scripted, consider Ragia Omran, a Human Rights lawyer conveniently arriving on the scene in a timely manner. Filmed autopsies were to provide evidence that deaths resulted from being run over by tanks. Movement leaders catered to her wishes. Then, further protests continued.
The chant that prompted the next attack followed singing at another rally. It went “The people want the fall of the military regime.” Two waves of foot soldiers and tanks dispersed the crowd with sirens, smoke, and ammunition. Nerve gas was then thought to be used at the hospital where victims were being treated due to the convulsions experienced by both patients and doctors. The big question “Did you film any of this?” After the battle had raged for days, a video was finally uploaded to YouTube. People were outraged at the extent of police brutality. In answer, the military claimed “The Armed Forces will move forward with Parliamentary elections.”
One year after the start of the revolution, elections were held, and the Brotherhood won 47% of the seats (Jost, 2013). The Presidential election followed in May of 2012 (YouTube, 2015). Brotherhood Islamist Mohammed Morsi won. The revolutionary youth were certain that the people would soon grow to hate these winners because of the control they would exercise. Within 150 days of the Presidential election, Morsi failed to meet promises, followed Islamic Supreme Leader dictates, exceeded the privileges of predecessor Mubarak, and tailored the constitution to the Brotherhood.
It is the constitution that the revolutionary youth remained determined to focus on, and it is the constitution that came under the direct scrutiny of Human Rights activists. They claimed it vested too much power in the President, created significant exceptions for rights, and instituted Islamic law at the expense of religious freedom (Jost, 2013). The President was empowered to appoint the Prime Minister, dissolve Parliament, and name members to the Supreme Court. There were significant qualifications on rights, and provisions for criminal prosecution of those insulting the president, judiciary, or prophets. Islam would be the state religion, and the basis of legislation. More protesting followed.
A grassroots campaign compiled 18 million signatures to install a transitional government, and hold early presidential elections (YouTube, 2015). Millions protested Morsi on the 1st anniversary of his election in what was reported to be perhaps the largest demonstration in the history of the world. It became the Muslim Brotherhood who would conduct a sit-‐in at this point. Early elections were announced by the head of the Armed Forces, and the Head of the Constitutional
Court would serve as interim President. The Brotherhood awaited Army death squads. And, there was a massacre. But, what of the revolutionaries?
In closing the film, Khalid is found explaining that freedom, social justice, and dignity cannot be achieved in two years. And, Ahmed concludes that the Egyptian people want not a leader, but a conscience. They are quite certain in these assertions that are coincidently reminiscent of the Civil Rights Movement and early Labor Movement in the U.S. With experienced activists and a human rights agenda, these assurances come with the conviction found in mentoring. And if organizations such as Freedom House are receiving financing from the U.S. Agency for International Development, and the U.S. Department of State to the tune of $250,000 each since 2013 alone (Freedom House, 2015b), such mentoring is adherent to policy. The cause of democracy was left to the people of the region. And, the push for political reform victimized the region because of the powerful antidemocratic power structures (Jost, 2013).
References
YouTube (2015). The Square. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VzNzOiao41
Jost, K. (2013, Feb). Unrest in the Arab World. CQ Researcher. Washington, DC: Sage Publications, Inc.
Freedom House (2015a). About Freedom House. Retrieved from https://www.freedomhouse.org/about-‐us
Freedom House (2015b). Our Supporters. Retrieved from https://www.freedomhouse.org/content/our-‐supporters
Human Rights Watch (2015a). About Our Research. Retrieved from http://www.hrw.org/about-‐our-‐research
Human Rights Watch (2015b). Impact. Retrieved from http://www.hrw.org/impact