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The United States has a long history of policy efforts to fight drug trafficking and
cartel violence in Mexico, most recently through the Merida Initiative in 2008. However,
increasing drug-related violence in Mexico over the last decade suggests that existing
foreign policies require reconsideration and increased attention under the new
administration. By redirecting emphasis to promoting fair bilateral trade and institutional
change instead of simply funding Mexican militarization, U.S. foreign policy can combat
the underlying economic and social conditions of the narcotics crisis, attacking the
problem at the root. Continuing to aid Mexico rather than estrange it will yield positive
economic benefits for both nations, strengthen the United States’ geopolitical power,
and reinforce the United States’ role as a global humanitarian leader.
American counternarcotic operations stretching back to Operation Intercept in
1969 have traditionally emphasized military action as a response to Mexican drug
violence. However, due to inherent corruption within Mexican enforcement agencies
and deteriorating socioeconomic conditions, the drug industry actually grew in spite of
crackdowns on drug trade and kingpin arrests. The Merida Initiative, like its
predecessors, focused the bulk of its aid on arming and training Mexican security forces
without first resolving the fundamental issues that fuel the growth of the illegal drug
business. Continuing to pursue such a strategy of fighting drug trafficking at the surface
level without addressing its root causes is an illogical approach that has been proven by
time and experience to yield few lasting results.
The traditional approach to counternarcotic policy has resulted in the costly,
suboptimal allocation of financial aid and resources. In the years from 2007 to 2010,
nearly 72% of U.S. assistance under the Merida Initiative went towards funding military
and security expenses, particularly training and equipment for enforcement agencies
(Carpenter). In contrast, only $15 million of the approximate $1.6 billion funding
provided went towards initiatives supporting “anticorruption, transparency, and human
rights” (Carpenter, 142). Instead of funneling resources into wasteful and ultimately
unproductive firepower endeavors, U.S. policymakers can instead promote social and
economic initiatives that address persistent problems like government corruption and
poverty, factors that continually drive poor citizens into the narcotics business and
reinforce their influence.
Though the current administration is considering the revocation and repurposing
of Merida funds for border wall construction, continuing to provide Mexico with aid in
fighting drug trafficking is actually in the United States’ economic and security interests
(Gardiner and Semple). Mexico has consistently ranked among the top three trade
partners of the United States and vice versa, including a trade increase of 506%
between the years 1993 and 2012 with the signing of NAFTA (Figueroa Ortiz). Ceasing
Merida aid would severely disrupt Mexico’s economy and destabilize current American
corporate sector interests in the nation. Preserving a cooperative relationship and a
favorable, stable economic atmosphere in Mexico ultimately benefits both parties by
fostering increased investment and productivity.
Encouraging more equitable bilateral trade between Mexico and the United
States can also help resolve the issue of poor labor conditions and unemployment in the
nation that drives thousands of poor citizens into the drug industry, staunching the
steady flow of cheap, desperate labor into cartels. By encouraging job creation and
bolstering the profitability of the legal Mexican economy, policymakers can cut off one of
the biggest factors of human capital growth to drug trafficking. If drug cartels lose a
constant source of labor to replenish losses, ongoing military efforts to weaken their
power can experience a more sustainable impact. Notably, enforcing trade agreements
with Mexico in the past has had some negative repercussions. The enactment of
NAFTA, despite its positive influence on overall U.S.-Mexico trade, unfortunately also
increased the size of the drug industry because cheaper imports of subsidized U.S. corn
resulted in the loss of 2.3 million jobs in the Mexican agricultural sector (Corchado).
If bilateral economic policies are enacted fairly, however, boosting trade with
Mexico can help alleviate the chronic poverty that many Mexican citizens experience,
improving their overall quality of life and positioning the United States as a leader in
global humanitarian efforts. As close geographic neighbors and allies, the United States
has a vested interest in improving conditions in Mexico to mitigate border crime and
strengthen its partnership by fostering greater trust in U.S. policies. Furthermore, the
United States has a responsibility to aid Mexico’s social condition due to its role in the
proliferation of the drug trade. The growth of cartel power is closely tied to, if not
dependent upon, American consumer demand for illegal narcotics and the accessibility
of American arms traffickers and money launderers (Reich and Aspinwall).
Continuing Merida Initiative aid to Mexico also ensures that the United States can
maintain its geopolitical power and hegemony in the region. A historical key tenet of
U.S. military strategy in Latin America revolves around keeping the region as a “U.S.
‘backyard’ free of European, and later Chinese, influences” (Mercille, 1640). Because
the United States partially relies on Mexico for priority access to “raw materials essential
to U.S. security” such as oil, preserving a close cooperative relationship with the nation
will keep rival foreign interests from intervening and assuming claim over these
resources (Mercille). Keeping foreign powers out of the region also poses security
benefits by distancing competitive superpowers from U.S. borders and strengthening
the geographic alliance of North America.
Finally, preserving U.S.-Mexico relations and continuing U.S. policies against
narcotics trafficking is in fact aligned with the current administration’s domestic policy
goals of constraining immigration. Clinton administration drug policy advisor General
Barry McCaffrey noted that increases in narco-terrorism cause ‘a surge of millions of
refugees crossing the US border to escape the domestic misery of violence,’ a trend
that coinciding historical spikes in border crossing and cartel violence seem to support
(Mercille). Foreign and domestic policy goals should reinforce rather than contradict.
Continued funding for the Merida Initiative, especially with focus on institutional change,
has the potential to create a much greater impact on reducing illegal drug trafficking and
meeting domestic goals than constructing a costly wall.
The United States has political, economic, and security interests in protecting its
relationship with Mexico and improving the Latin American country’s socioeconomic
situation. Alliance, not alienation, is critical for U.S.-Mexico foreign policy. Thank you for
your consideration on this issue.
Works Cited
Primary Sources: Carpenter, Ami C. "Changing Lenses: Conflict Analysis and Mexico's 'Drug War'." Latin
American Politics & Society 55.3 (2013):139-160. Academic Search Complete. Web. 20 Mar.2017.
Figueroa Ortiz, Carlos Obed. "Indirect Transportation Cost in the Border Crossing
Process: The United States-Mexico Trade." Estudios Fronterizos, 17.33 (2016): 169-196. Academic Search Complete. Web. 21 Mar.2017.
Mercille, Julien. "Violent Narco-Cartels or US Hegemony? The Political Economy of the
‘War on Drugs’ in Mexico." Third World Quarterly 32.9 (2011): 1637-1653. Academic Search Complete. Web. 20 Mar.2017.
Reich, Simon and Mark Aspinwall. "The Paradox of Unilateralism: Institutionalizing
Failure in U.S.-Mexican Drug Strategies." Norteamérica: Revista Académica Del CISAN-UNAM 8.2 (2013): 7-39. Academic Search Complete. Web. 20 Mar.2017.
Supplementary Sources: Corchado, Alfredo. Midnight in Mexico: A Reporter’s Journey through a Country’s
Descent into the Darkness. New York, NY: Penguin, 2013. Print. Harris, Gardiner, and Kirk Semple. "Rex Tillerson Arrives in Mexico Facing Twin Threats
to Relations." The New York Times. The New York Times, 22 Feb. 2017. Web. 20 Mar.2017.