reflection
Research Article
Investigating True and False Confessions Within a Novel Experimental Paradigm Melissa B. Russano,1 Christian A. Meissner,2 Fadia M. Narchet,2 and Saul M. Kassin3
1Roger Williams University, 2Florida International University, and 3Williams College
ABSTRACT—The primary goal of the current study was to
develop a novel experimental paradigm with which to
study the influence of psychologically based interrogation
techniques on the likelihood of true and false confessions.
The paradigm involves guilty and innocent participants
being accused of intentionally breaking an experimental
rule, or ‘‘cheating.’’ In the first demonstration of this para-
digm, we explored the influence of two common police inter-
rogation tactics: minimization and an explicit offer of
leniency, or a ‘‘deal.’’ Results indicated that guilty persons
were more likely to confess than innocent persons, and that
the use ofminimization and the offer of a deal increased the
rate of both true and false confessions. Police investigators
are encouraged to avoid interrogation techniques that
imply or directly promise leniency, as they appear to re-
duce the diagnostic value of any confession that is elicited.
When law-enforcement officers question a suspect they believe
to be guilty, the primary goal of the interrogation is to elicit a
confession (Joseph, 1995; Kassin, 1997). Many legal scholars
and researchers consider confession evidence to be the most
potent form of evidence that exists, and research indicates that
a confession is a very damning piece of evidence (Kassin &
Neumann, 1997). Furthermore, obtaining confessions from guilty
persons is both a desirable and oftentimes a necessary step in the
apprehension and conviction of lawbreakers, as true confessions
alleviate the pressures on an overburdened criminal justice
system by encouraging guilty pleas and speeding the process of
justice (Costanzo, 2004).
Unfortunately, numerous instances of false confessions have
been documented. A striking example involves the 1989 case of
the ‘‘Central Park Jogger,’’ in which five teenage boys provided
false confessions to the rape and assault of a 28-year-old
woman. Despite the fact that all of the teenagers later retracted
their confessions and no other physical evidence conclusively
linked them to the crime, they were convicted and served up to
12 years in prison. Years later, Matias Reyes, a convicted serial
rapist and murderer, confessed to being the sole perpetrator of
the attack. DNA tests of semen and pubic hair found at the
scene of the crime confirmed that Reyes was guilty, and the boys
were officially exonerated in December of 2002 (Younge, 2003).
Although the actual rate of false confessions is difficult to
determine, the Innocence Project’s analysis of cases in which
DNA evidence has exonerated the wrongfully convicted suggests
that approximately 20% involved false admissions or confessions
(Scheck, Neufeld, & Dwyer, 2001). In a prior assessment of 350
wrongful convictions, Bedau and Radelet (1987) found evi-
dence of false confessions in 14% of their sample. Considering
the fundamental importance of confession evidence and the
need to ensure its reliability, researchers have begun to inves-
tigate the psychological processes involved in police interviews,
interrogations, and elicitation of confessions (Gudjonsson,
2003; Kassin, 1997; Lassiter, 2004; Meissner & Russano, 2003;
Wrightsman & Kassin, 1993).
INTERROGATION TECHNIQUES
With regard to the collection of confession evidence, the goal of
the criminal justice system should be to implement procedures
that are diagnostic, meaning those that increase the rate of true
confessions while minimizing the rate of false confessions. In
order to achieve diagnosticity, it is important to understand the
factors that influence the likelihood that a suspect will provide a
confession, including the psychological techniques that police
commonly use in the interrogation room. It is widely assumed
that the techniques used by police are effective in yielding
confessions, and research indicates that between 40% and 76%
Address correspondence to Melissa B. Russano, Roger Williams University, School of Justice Studies, One Old Ferry Rd., Bristol, RI 02809; e-mail: [email protected].
PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE
Volume 16—Number 6 481Copyright r 2005 American Psychological Society
of all suspects confess in response to interrogation (see Gud-
jonsson, 2003). Inbau, Reid, Buckley, and Jayne (2001), authors
of Criminal Interrogation and Confessions (a handbook de-
scribing the most widely used interrogation procedure in North
America), have argued that although their proposed techniques
will persuade guilty suspects to confess, they do not compel
innocent suspects to do the same. However, Inbau et al. have
provided no scientific data to support this claim, and a number
of researchers have expressed concern that some of the tech-
niques advocated by modern-day interrogation manuals (in-
cluding but not limited to the Inbau et al. manual) may lead to
false confessions (e.g., Gudjonsson, 2003; Kassin, 1997; Kassin
& McNall, 1991).
Researchers have categorized the interrogation methods pro-
moted by interrogation manuals into two general types, namely,
maximization and minimization (Kassin & McNall, 1991).
Maximization involves so-called scare tactics designed to in-
timidate suspects: confronting them with accusations of guilt,
refusing to accept their denials and claims of innocence, and
exaggerating the seriousness of the situation. This approach
may also include presenting fabricated evidence to support the
accusation of guilt (e.g., leading suspects to think that their
fingerprints were lifted from the murder weapon). In contrast,
minimization encompasses strategies such as minimizing the
seriousness of the offense and the perceived consequences of
confession, and gaining the suspect’s trust by offering sympathy,
understanding, and face-saving excuses. Kassin and McNall
found that individuals most often interpreted minimizing state-
ments as implying leniency in sentencing.
EMPIRICAL RESEARCH
Kassin and Kiechel (1996) designed the first and only paradigm
for eliciting false confessions in the laboratory. In this paradigm,
the mock crime involved causing a computer to crash by acci-
dentally hitting a forbidden key on a computer keyboard during
a reaction time task. Innocent participants were falsely accused
of hitting the key, and the primary dependent measure was
whether they signed a confession. Kassin and Kiechel found
that 69% of participants falsely confessed, and that this ten-
dency was influenced by the suspects’ vulnerability and the
presentation of false evidence. Other researchers have used
Kassin and Kiechel’s paradigm to investigate various other
possible influences, such as the suspect’s age (Redlich &
Goodman, 2003), gender (Abboud, Wadkins, Forrest, Lange,
&Alavi, 2002), and preexisting stress (Forrest,Wadkins, &Miller,
2002), as well as the consequences of confession (Horselenberg,
Merckelbach, & Josephs, 2003) and the use of minimization and
maximization techniques (Klaver, Rose, & Lee, 2003).
Although this research represents an important first step, the
paradigm is limited by its failure to capture certain key elements
of real-world interrogations and confessions. First, all participants
in Kassin and Kiechel’s (1996) paradigm are factually innocent,
which precludes the elicitation and study of true confessions and
the ability to assess diagnosticity by comparing the rates of true
and false confessions. Second, participants in this paradigm are
accused of accidentally committing a highly plausible ‘‘crime,’’
leaving open the possibility that many participants are unsure
whether they are innocent or guilty. In contrast, most real-world
suspects are accused of intentionally committing a criminal act
and are certain (whether innocent or guilty) of their own culpa-
bility. It appears that researchers have not moved beyond this now
classic paradigm in part because of the difficulty in creating a
paradigm that approximates real-world conditions while treating
participants in accordance with ethical standards.
In an effort to achieve both ecological validity and the ethical
treatment of research participants, the current study introduces
a novel experimental paradigm that can be used to assess the
effects of interrogation techniques on the likelihood of both true
and false confessions. In the current paradigm, participants
were accused of breaking an experimental rule, an act that was
later characterized as ‘‘cheating.’’ Participants were paired with
a confederate, and the two were instructed to solve some logic
problems individually and others jointly. In the guilty condition,
the confederate asked for help on a problem that was supposed
to be solved individually, violating the rules of the experiment.
Participants who provided an answer were guilty of cheating. In
the innocent condition, the confederate did not make this re-
quest, and so participants did not violate the experimental rule.
We were thus able to induce some participants, but not others, to
commit a ‘‘crime’’ (helping another person) that could be con-
sidered prosocial and hence did not cast them in a negative
light. All participants were later ‘‘interrogated’’ and asked to
sign a confession.
We believe there are several strengths of the current para-
digm. The crime we used may be considered by students as a
fairly serious act, as it can be conceptualized as a form of
cheating, without the accusation of cheating necessarily im-
plying immorality. In addition, as in the real world, committing
the crime required intention, and the participants clearly knew
whether they committed the act. Finally, in our paradigm, as in
the real world, some of the individuals being interrogated were
innocent, and some were guilty, which enabled us to assess the
effects of interrogation on the rates of true and false confessions.
In the current study, we assessed the effects of two concep-
tually related techniques, namely, the pragmatic implication of
leniency via minimization tactics (Kassin & McNall, 1991) and
an explicit offer of leniency via a ‘‘deal.’’ Confessions elicited
via the offer of a deal (e.g., ‘‘I’ll make sure you get probation if
you confess to this murder’’) are generally ruled inadmissible
because of concerns that the technique may produce unreliable
confessions (White, 2003). Although the deal technique is not
generally advocated by the major interrogation manuals, there
are numerous case examples showing that the technique is
sometimes used in the real world (see White). In contrast, the
use of minimization tactics is widely advocated in interrogation
482 Volume 16—Number 6
Investigating True and False Confessions
manuals (including that of Inbau et al., 2001), and such tactics
generally yield confession evidence that is admissible at trial.
Because previous research suggests that minimization prag-
matically implies an offer of leniency (Kassin & McNall), we
predicted that the two techniques would have the same effect in
the interrogation room, namely, to increase the likelihood of
both true and false confessions.
METHOD
Participants
Three hundred thirty undergraduates (70% female) from a large
Southeastern university received credit in a psychology course
in exchange for their participation. The mean age of participants
was 19.4 years. Fourteen participants were excluded from the
analyses because they expressed a high level of suspicion re-
garding the true purpose of the study. Two were excluded be-
cause during the interrogation they expressed a desire to leave
the experiment, at which point the session was terminated and
the participants were fully debriefed. Eighteen were excluded
because they failed to conform to the guilt manipulation (see the
next section).1
Design and Procedure
Participants were randomly assigned to one of the eight cells
produced by a 2 (innocent vs. guilty) � 2 (minimization vs. no
minimization) � 2 (deal vs. no deal) between-subjects factorial
design. They were recruited for a study on individual versus team
decision making and asked to solve a series of logic problems.
A female confederate posing as another participant arrived at
the lab at the same time as the actual participant, and the pair
was greeted by one of six male experimenters who ranged in age
from 19 to 30 years old, with a mean age of 22. The pair was
escorted into a testing room that mirrored a police interrogation
room—it was small, bare, and windowless, containing only a
table and two straight-backed chairs (Inbau et al., 2001).
After the experimenter obtained informed consent and con-
ducted a brief rapport-building session, the participant and
confederate began the problem-solving phase of the experi-
ment. Before leaving them alone, the experimenter informed the
pair that they should work together on designated ‘‘team prob-
lems,’’ but that they should work individually and not discuss
their solutions on designated ‘‘individual problems’’ (this served
as the critical rule of the experiment). In the guilty condition,
the confederate asked for help on a problem that was supposed
to be solved individually, leading most participants to provide
her with an answer (those who did not help were excluded from
the analyses). In the innocent condition, the confederate did not
seek assistance. After the pair completed the logic problems
and a filler task, the experimenter informed them that there ap-
peared to be a problem and that he needed to speak to each of them
individually. The confederate was then escorted out of the room.
Approximately 5 min later, the experimenter, blind to the
participant’s guilt or innocence, reentered the testing room for
interrogation. The experimenter stated that the participant and
the confederate had the same wrong answer on the target
problem, and he accused the participant of sharing answers on
that problem (a tactic known as direct positive confrontation;
Inbau et al., 2001). He said that the professor in charge of the
study had been contacted and was annoyed and upset by the
situation. The experimenter said that he was not sure how the
professor would handle the situation or who else he would have
to notify, and that the professor might consider what happened a
case of cheating. The experimenter then said that the professor
wanted to document what happened by having the participant
sign a statement admitting to sharing answers on problems that
were supposed to be solved individually.
The types of interrogation techniques used were varied. In the
minimization condition, the interrogator was instructed to lessen
the seriousness of the offense by making statements that ex-
pressed sympathy and concern, offered face-saving excuses (e.g.,
‘‘I’m sure you didn’t realize what a big deal it was’’), and sug-
gested to participants that it was in their interest to cooperate by
signing the statement. In the no-minimization condition, no such
statements were made. The offer of a deal was also manipulated.
In the deal condition, participants were told that if they agreed to
sign the confession, then ‘‘things could probably be settled pretty
quickly.’’ Participants were assured that they would receive their
research credit for the day, but they would have to return for
another session without receiving additional credit. They were
also told that if they did not agree to sign the statement, the
experimenter would have to call the professor into the laboratory,
and the professor would handle the situation as he saw fit, with
the strong implication being that the consequences would likely
be worse if the professor became further involved. Participants
were faced with the choice of accepting the deal, which included
the known consequence of having to return for another session, or
rejecting the deal and facing an angry professor and unknown,
but potentially severe, consequences. In the no-deal condition,
participants were told that regardless of whether they signed the
statement, the experimenter would have to call the professor back
and find out what to do next.
If the participant agreed to sign a statement, the experimenter
handwrote a confession for the participant to sign. If the par-
ticipant denied the allegation or hesitated to sign, the experi-
menter repeated the interrogation script up to three more times.
If the participant still refused to sign, the interrogation was
terminated. The decision to sign or not sign a confession served
as our primary dependent measure.
The participant’s decision was followed by debriefing. After
probing for suspicion, the experimenter asked participants to
rate the amount of pressure they felt to sign the confession on
a scale ranging from 0, indicating no pressure at all, to 10,1Inclusion of these participants did not change the pattern of results.
Volume 16—Number 6 483
M.B. Russano et al.
indicating the most pressure they could imagine. The experi-
menter then explained the true purpose of the experiment and
the manipulations. He further explained that there was no angry
professor and no pending negative consequence. Participants in
the guilty condition were told that although their conduct was
portrayed as wrong during the experiment, helping another stu-
dent in need was an admirable, benevolent, and prosocial act.
Careful pains were taken to ensure that participants understood
the necessity for the deception used and that all their questions
were answered.
RESULTS
Given that we used six experimenters, we first sought to deter-
mine if there was a systematic variation in the confession rate
across experimenters. Results indicated no significant experi-
menter effects on the true-confession rate, w2(5, N 5 148) 5
2.59, p 5 .76, or the false-confession rate, w2(5, N 5 148) 5
0.63, p 5 .98. Across experimenters, the true-confession rate
ranged from 63.6% to 82.4%, and the false-confession rate
ranged from 16.7% to 25.0%.
Collapsing across experimenters, we conducted a 2 (guilt vs.
innocence)� 2 (minimization vs. no minimization)� 2 (deal vs.
no deal) hierarchical loglinear analysis on participants’ deci-
sion to confess. No interactions reached statistical significance,
w2(1, N5 296) � 0.51, ps � .48. A significant main effect was
found for guilt versus innocence, w2(1, N 5 296) 5 88.84, p <
.001, d 5 1.31, such that guilty persons were 3.53 times more
likely to confess (71.6%) than innocent persons (20.3%). There
was also a main effect of minimization, w2(1, N5 296)5 22.10,
p< .001, d5 0.57, such that participants were 1.66 times more
likely to confess when minimization was used (57.4%) than
when it was not used (34.5%). Finally, there was also a signif-
icant main effect of the deal condition, w2(1, N5 296)5 7.87,
p < .01, d 5 0.33, indicating that participants offered the deal
were 1.43 times more likely to confess (54.1%) than those not
offered the deal (37.8%).
As predicted, both the minimization tactics and the offer of a
deal led to increases in the rates of true and false confessions.
Although there were no significant interactions between inter-
rogation techniques and guilt/innocence, the combination of the
two interrogation techniques may have had a cumulative effect
on the likelihood of confession. As displayed in Table 1, both
the true- and the false-confession rates increased when either
minimization or the deal tactic was used. There was also a
dramatic increase in the confession rates when both techniques
were used in combination, compared with the use of neither
tactic. Given the goal of identifying techniques that might yield
a high rate of true confessions and a low rate of false confes-
sions, we felt it was also important to examine diagnosticity (i.e.,
the ratio of true confessions to false confessions) in each of the
four interrogation conditions. As displayed in Table 1, diagnos-
ticity was highest when neither of the techniques was used and
lowest when both were used. More specifically, diagnosticity
was reduced by nearly 40%with the use of a single interrogation
technique (when compared with the control condition), and by
74% when both techniques were used in combination.
A 2 (guilt vs. innocence) � 2 (minimization vs. no minimi-
zation)� 2 (deal vs. no deal) analysis of variance was conducted
on participants’ ratings of pressure to confess. Results indicated
a significant interaction between guilt/innocence and minimi-
zation, F(1, 284) 5 8.97, p 5 .003, d 5 0.36. Simple effects
tests revealed that innocent participants reported higher pres-
sure ratings when minimization was used (M 5 5.24, SD 5
3.14) than when it was not used (M 5 3.45, SD 5 3.14), F(1,
284)5 11.84, p5 .001, d5 0.41; however, pressure ratings of
guilty participants who experienced minimization (M 5 4.42,
SD 5 3.14) and those who did not experience minimization (M
5 4.83, SD5 3.14) did not differ, F(1, 284)5 0.63, p5 .43. No
other main effects or interactions reached statistical signifi-
cance, Fs(1, 284) � 3.52, ps � .06. Additionally, there was no
significant effect of experimenter on pressure ratings, F(5, 291)
5 1.92, p 5 .09.
Because of the ethically sensitive nature of the paradigm, we
administered a follow-up questionnaire approximately 3 to 10
weeks after participation to a subset of participants (n 5 83) to
assess their reactions to the study. As displayed in Table 2,
participants reported that they had a somewhat positive and
educational experience, that they thought the use of deception
was justified, and that they felt moderately stressed during the
interrogation. Statistical tests of these ratings indicated that
they were not significantly influenced by the participant’s guilt/
innocence, ts(81) � 1.71, ps � .09; the use of minimization,
ts(81) � 1.27, ps � .20; the offer of a deal, ts(81) � 1.36, ps � .18; or the participant’s decision to confess, ts(81) � 1.49, ps
� .14. The only exception to this pattern was that participants
who confessed found the study to be more educational (M 5
4.89, SD5 1.65) than those who did not (M5 4.08, SD5 1.60),
t(81) 5 2.27, p 5 .03, d 5 0.51.
DISCUSSION
The primary goal of the current study was to develop an ethical
laboratory paradigm with which to study the effects of psycho-
logically based interrogation techniques on the likelihood of
TABLE 1
Rates of True and False Confessions and Diagnosticity by
Interrogation Condition
Condition True
confessions False
confessions Diagnosticity
No tactic 46% 6% 7.67
Deal 72% 14% 5.14
Minimization 81% 18% 4.50
Minimization 1 deal 87% 43% 2.02
484 Volume 16—Number 6
Investigating True and False Confessions
true and false confessions. This approach involved inducing
some participants to commit an intentional act of cheating, and
then interrogating participants in an attempt to yield confes-
sions from those who were factually guilty or innocent. In the
context of a university setting, this act of cheating carried se-
rious implications with it and appeared to be considered in such
a way by the participants. To our knowledge, the current study
provides the first experimental evidence that individuals can be
induced to give true and false confessions to an intentional act.
We sought to assess the effects of two conceptually related
interrogation techniques, namely, the pragmatic implication
of leniency via minimization tactics and an explicit offer of
leniency via a deal. Our results indicated that minimization,
a common and legal interrogation technique, provided an ef-
fective means of obtaining true confessions; however, this
technique also put innocent participants at risk for false con-
fessions. One of the primary reasons for the increased rate of
confessions may have been that the participants inferred leni-
ency upon confession on the basis of the experimenter’s com-
munication and amiable tone (Kassin & McNall, 1991). As
predicted, an explicit offer of leniency in the deal condition
showed effects quite similar to those of minimization, leading to
an increase in the likelihood of both true and false confessions.
Although the deal technique is generally considered an illegal
tactic (and it is not one advocated by interrogation manuals),
courts have both allowed and suppressed confessions elicited
via its use (see White, 2003, for a review), and it is therefore
important to understand its effect. Our results indicate that
offering deals to suspects in the real world may lead innocent
persons to confess simply because they believe that they are
better off accepting the known consequences of the deal than
taking their chances of winning at trial. Although such explicit
offers of leniency are generally prohibited in the interrogation
room, it appears (rather unfortunately) that the use of pragmatic
implication, as suggested by popular interrogation manuals (In-
bau et al., 2001), will yield the same results.
It is interesting to note that although the use of the minimi-
zation and deal techniques clearly influenced the behavior of
both guilty and innocent participants, they may have been un-
aware of this influence. With the exception of innocents who
experienced minimization, participants did not report feeling
more pressure to confess when the techniques were used than
when they were not used.
The novel experimental paradigm introduced in the present
study appears to have successfully transposed into the labora-
tory several real-world interrogation elements, including use of
an intentional ‘‘crime’’ that could involve rather serious con-
sequences (i.e., when cheating is considered in the context of a
university setting). In addition, this paradigm provided the first
opportunity to assess the effects of various interrogation tech-
niques in eliciting both true and false confessions. Ultimately,
the goal of interrogation should be to maximize the likelihood of
a true confession, while simultaneously minimizing the likeli-
hood of a false confession. In the current study, diagnosticity
was reduced by nearly 40%, relative to the no-tactic condition,
when either minimization or the deal technique was used.
Furthermore, the use of the two techniques in combination re-
duced diagnosticity by 74%. Given that field research indicates
police rarely use only one technique during an interrogation
(Leo, 1996), and that interrogation manuals frequently advocate
the use of multiple techniques (e.g., Inbau et al., 2001), it would
seem that such a dramatic reduction in diagnosticity is worth
further consideration. Moreover, we encourage police investi-
gators to carefully consider the use of interrogation techniques
that imply or directly promise leniency, as they appear to reduce
the diagnostic value of an elicited confession.
TABLE 2
Descriptive Statistics for Responses to the Postexperimental Reaction Questionnaire
Question and anchors
Rating distribution
M SD1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Overall experience 9% 5% 10% 20% 23% 16% 17% 4.57 1.80
1 5 very negative
7 5 very positive
Educational value 5% 11% 8% 22% 26% 15% 13% 4.51 1.66
1 5 not at all educational
7 5 very educational
Deception justified 1% 7% 6% 15% 22% 20% 29% 5.26 1.60
1 5 not at all justified
7 5 very justified
Experiment’s contribution to psychology 2% 2% 2% 13% 33% 27% 21% 5.33 1.35
1 5 very little contribution
7 5 very big contribution
Stress experienced 15% 13% 2% 17% 23% 14% 16% 4.27 2.01
1 5 very little stress
7 5 extreme stress
Volume 16—Number 6 485
M.B. Russano et al.
The current study represents a necessary first step toward
developing a more generalizable interrogation paradigm and
understanding the influence of certain interrogation tactics on
both true and false confessions. We believe that the current
paradigm can be used to examine the influence of a variety of
other interrogation techniques (e.g., maximization) and indi-
vidual difference factors (e.g., IQ, psychological state). It is
important, however, to have an appreciation for the limitations
of the paradigm. Because suspects in the real world are accused
of criminal acts that are more severe both in nature and in
consequence than the act featured in this paradigm, one could
imagine that the confession rates overall would be lower in the
real world than in the laboratory. Nevertheless, although the
absolute confession rates may differ and further research may
be warranted, we believe that the underlying interrogative and
psychological processes that occur in the laboratory similarly
occur in the real world. It is the understanding of these under-
lying processes, and the effects of various interrogation factors,
that we aim to generalize.
Acknowledgments—The current study reflects the first au-
thor’s dissertation research conducted at Florida International
University. We would like to thank Marc Bargetze, Freddy
Campana, Victor Capo, David Fuentes, Alex Garcia, and Or-
lando Martinez for their assistance with data collection.
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co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,928351,00.html
(RECEIVED 6/2/04; REVISION ACCEPTED 8/5/04)
486 Volume 16—Number 6
Investigating True and False Confessions
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