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Lorenzo de' Medici's Sculpture Garden Author(s): Caroline Elam Source: Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 36. Bd., H. 1/2 (1992), pp. 41-84 Published by: {kif}, Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz, Max-Planck-Institut Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27653323 Accessed: 03-03-2020 18:15 UTC

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LORENZO DE' MEDICI'S SCULPTURE GARDEN

by Caroline Elam

Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden at San Marco is the meeting place of two powerful Renaissance myths ? the myth of the Medicean golden age and the myth of the young Michelangelo as untutored genius. For most historians it has been sufficient to deconstruct or even debunk the myth without enquiring too far into the physical actuality that lay behind its formation. A recent article by Ludovico Borgo and Ann H. Sievers made a useful start on the task of identifying the location and original functions of property owned by the Medici at S. Marco1, but unfortunately did not succeed in identifying the actual piece of ground known in his lifetime and after as Lorenzo's garden, in which the young Michelangelo and others are said to have worked. In focussing their discussion largely on the wrong garden they were led into yet further unwarranted attacks on Vasari's reliability as a source for the garden and on Lorenzo's role as its founder.

Knowledge of the nature and functions of Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden has largely been derived from Vasari and Condivi, who both used it as an element of a larger biographical or historical argument. Vasari, as has often been pointed out, was concerned by the time of his 1568 edition to present the sculpture garden as a prototype for the sixteenth-century Ac cademia del Disegno, and had already in 1550 outlined its importance as one of the means by which later fifteenth-century Florentine artists gained access to the ancient works of art that ? according to his construction of history ? were vital to the formation of the 'third

manner' of Italian art.2 Condivi's aim, by contrast, was to underplay the extent to which his subject, Michelangelo, had undergone any degree of formal artistic education, but to emphasise his closeness to the Medici. Thus the garden is presented in Condivi's narrative as a place to which Michelangelo was casually introduced by Granacci in c. 1490, and which gave him the possibility of impressing Lorenzo il Magnifico, who then took the young artist into his household.3

It does not fall within the brief of either biographer to be very specific about the physical, appearance of the garden or its history. Condivi called it the Medici garden of San Marco "al giardin de' Medici di San Marco") and said that Lorenzo had decorated it with "various statues and figures"; it was also a kind of masons' yard, where marbles and dressed stones were being worked for a library that Lorenzo was then constructing.4 It was, says Condivi, from one of these pieces of marble that Michelangelo carved the legendary faun's head that attracted Lorenzo's attention.

Vasari, while vastly expanding in his second edition the types of object that Lorenzo is al leged to have collected at the garden ? to include drawings, paintings, and figures by earlier artists ? also referred there to "la loggia, i viali, e tutte le stanze"5 of the garden which Lorenzo had made at "il giardino ch'? ora in sulla piazza di S. Marco".6 It is worth emphasis ing at this point that in both editions Vasari describes the garden as being on the Piazza San

Marco, and that it was evidently still in existence at the time he was writing.7 As is well known, Vasari claimed that the sculptor Bertoldo was both the conservator of the works of art at S. Marco and also the director of the scuola of young painters, sculptors and nobleman which assembled there.8 According to Vasari, Lorenzo's purpose in setting up this proto academy was to create a school specifically for sculptors, since he felt that this art had begun

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42 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

to lag behind that of painting in Florence.9 The longest account of the garden in Vasari's Vite is in the passage inserted into the 1568 edition of the Life of Torrigiano: here Michelangelo's co-scholars are named as Rustici, Torrigiano, Granacci, Niccol? Soggi, Lorenzo di Credi, Giuliano Bugiardini, Baccio da Montelupo and Andrea Sansovino.10 The An?nimo Maglia bechiano, writing quite independently from Vasari and a few years before him, introduces no less a figure than Leonardo da Vinci into the garden, claiming that "he stayed as a young man with the Magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici, who, giving him a salary, made him work for him in the garden on the piazza of San Marco, Florence".11 Twentieth-century historians outside Italy have tended to be extremely sceptical about

Vasari's claims for the nature and role of Lorenzo's garden. The most sustained analysis is that of the late Andr? Chastel12, who did not doubt that the garden or its collections existed, but saw Vasari's account of the school there as essentially a convenient myth. In his classic essay on "The Early Medici as Patrons of Art", Ernst Gombrich wrote: "Alas, these famous gardens have proved as elusive as their owner. We do not know where they were or what they con tained".13 Simplifying Gombrich's and Chastel's subtle arguments into bald statements, more recent historians have been even more dismissive : John Hale, in Florence and the Medici, writes that the story of a "Medici garden, where Lorenzo had young sculptors, including Michelange lo, trained in the principles of classical art, was an invention of the art historian Giorgio Vasari ... Lorenzo fostered no school"14; Judith Hook's biography of Lorenzo, published in 1984, left the garden out altogether.15

In fact the only serious attempt until recently to date and locate the sculpture garden was made by Karl Frey in 1907.16 All subsequent scholars have depended heavily on Frey's conclu sions, which were unfortunately (and uncharacteristically) based on an extremely partial sam pling of the documentary evidence. Indeed, it turns out that Frey's documents refer to the wrong garden. Frey based himself on the tax return of 1480 (doc. 2.ii), in which Lorenzo declared as property belonging to his wife Clarice: "a garden ... opposite the garden of San Marco, commonly called the garden of Francesco goldsmith". This had been acquired by Loren zo's wife Clarice and was occupied by "Francesco di Matteo orafo" and his wife, as sitting tenants with a life interest; after the goldsmith's death, it would come into Clarice's possession. Since Clarice herself died in 1488, Frey argued that it was only in that latter year that Lorenzo would have been free to transform the garden into his antiquity collection and school for ar tists. And the year 1488 has consequently been cited since as a terminus post quern for the formation of the garden, although Chastel admitted the possibility that Lorenzo could have installed antiquities on his wife's property from 1480 onwards.17 As a result of this depen dence on Frey's dating, several of the artists mentioned by Vasari as frequenting the garden have been excluded from it on the grounds that they were too old or absent from Florence during the years 1488-92 (e.g. Niccol? Soggi, Lorenzo di Credi and Andrea Sansovino).18 Still less, on this dating, could Leonardo have worked there, as claimed by the An?nimo Maglia bechiano, since he left Florence in 1482 : even if we take 1480 as the terminus post quern, and suggest that Leonardo worked there for two years after that, he was scarcely then a young man as the An?nimo implies with the phrase "da giovane" (Leonardo was born in 1452).19 However, as we shall see, all this reasoning is based on a false premise.

In their recent article, Borgo and Sievers have suggested that "the history of the gardens, or at least of Medicean control of the site, begins not with Lorenzo but with Cosimo de' Medi ci".20 Although there is some evidence that Cosimo was in possession of land opposite San

Marco, it is not at all clear that this included the future site of the sculpture garden itself. Even if it did (and this would accord with the long-term and cumulative character of Medici land acquisition), there seems no reason to doubt that it was Lorenzo who gave the garden its distinctive character.

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici s sculpture garden 43

1 View of San Marco with the Hospital of the Maestri di Pietra e Legname from the Codex Rustici, c. 1450. Florence, Seminario Maggiore di San Frediano in Cestello.

The Chronicle of San Marco states that in 1455 Cosimo handed over to the silk-weavers' confraternity, the Compagnia dei Tessitori, part of a field opposite San Marco which he had bought from the Chapter of San Lorenzo as a plot for houses. On this the Tessitori were to construct their confraternity, relinquishing the site of their former meeting place on the second cloister of San Marco, which Cosimo wanted to give to the Compagnia de' Magi. Again accord ing to the Chronicle, the Tessitori began to build immediately, but were forced to stop after one year by lack of funds.21 When taking on the task of housing the Dominican observants at the Convent of San Marco

after 143622, Cosimo de' Medici had also to find quarters for the three lay confraternities that then met in the convent ? the Tessitori23, the Compagnia dei Magi, which has excited so much attention in the context of Medicean ritual24, and the boys' confraternity of the Purificazione della Vergine Maria e di San Zanobi, known as the Fanciulli.25 All three were initially housed around the second cloister of San Marco to the north of the church: the Magi between the church and the cloister; the Tessitori north of them; and finally the Fanciulli,

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44 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

who had windows looking out over the convent garden (see Fig. 1). Cosimo bought^land on the other side of the Via Larga for the Tessitori, and it is stated in the later records of the convent that he intended eventually to house the Fanciulli there as well26; here there may be an element of hindsight, since, as we shall see, the Fanciulli were to acquire part of Clarice's garden and to build there some fifty years later. The Tessitori site, however, described as "op posite San Marco" and Clarice's garden, described as "opposite the garden of San Marco", were both further north than the sculpture garden proper, which is always described by Vasari and earlier sources as being "in sulla piazza di San Marco".27 Before discussing these other gardens, therefore, I shall first attempt to date and locate the sculpture garden itself.

Lorenzo's garden llin sulla Piazza di San Marco"

One of the reasons that make it difficult to date the acquisition of the garden on the piazza is that it is not declared in Lorenzo's Catasto return of 148028, even though he certainly owned the garden by that date. It is hard to explain this omission. It can scarcely have been an attempt to evade tax, since, as a site Tor use', generating no income, the garden would not have been subject to the levy.29 Nonetheless it seems odd that the property does not ap pear among the Medici palaces and villas that were likewise exempt, but were fully declared in the tax returns.

The first explicit references I have to Lorenzo's garden are in documents and images of the 1470s. It is named in 1475 ? "ortum Laurentii de Medicis" ? as a boundary of the Compa gnia de' Preti, the priest's confraternity, which had its oratory on the Via San Gallo at the corner of the present Via degli Arazzieri (doc. l.i; Fig. 14).30 Three years later, in 1478, it is described as "lo zardino di Lorenzo de' Medici" in a declaration by the church of S. Maria della Neve, which then owned the garden that was to pass to Clarice de' Medici (doc. l.iii).31 The records of the Compagnia de' Preti enable us to locate Lorenzo's garden precisely on the corner of the Piazza San Marco and the Via degli Arazzieri. It stretched back on the west side to meet the boundary wall of the Preti, and extended northwards behind the hospitals fronting the Via Larga (Cavour) to meet the wall of what was to become Clarice's garden. Also dateable to the 1470s is the tiny view of the garden that appears in Pietro del Massaio's

bird's eye view of Florence in a manuscript of Ptolemy's Cosmography in the Biblioth?que Nationale in Paris (Figs. 2 and 3).32 Here the garden. "Ort[us] L[aurentii] de medicis" is represented as one of around seventy notable structures within a generalised plan of the city walls. The Paris view of Florence is one of three well-known versions, all found among groups of city plans in de luxe manuscripts of Ptolemy; all these originated in the workshop of Vespa siano da Bisticci. The Paris manuscript was made for Alfonso, Duke of Calabria33, while the two other copies, both now in the Vatican, were made for the humanist Niccol? Perotti34, and for Federigo da Montefeltro Duke of Urbino.35 The Paris manuscript is undated, but is almost certainly later than the other two, which bear dates of 1469 and 1472/73 respective ly.36 Interestingly, the Paris plan focuses particularly on green spaces: the gardens behind the

Medici and Pitti palaces are shown, as are those at the major Florentine hospitals and monas teries, including S. Marco itself.37 Neither of the other two versions shows Lorenzo's garden, or indeed any other leafy areas in the city. However, there is a fourth bird's eye view which includes the sculpture garden: this is in the presentation manuscript of Poggio Bracciolini's Florentine History, dedicated by his son Jacopo to Federico da Montefeltro, and produced in a luxurious copy by Vespasiano da Bisticci (Figs. 4 and 5).38 In this version there are only about half the number of buildings that appear in the Ptolemies, and none of them is labelled. It is significant that the sculpture garden was considered sufficiently imprtant to be included. The row of cypress trees that seem to have been its distinguishing feature are much more clearly

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C. Elam j Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 45

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2 Plan of Florence by Pietro del Massaio from Ptolemy's Cosmographia, c. 1472-80. Paris, Biblioth?que Nationale, MS Lat. 4802.

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46 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

visible here than in the Paris manuscript. It is perhaps not too rash to infer from these pieces of documentary and visual evidence that Lorenzo's garden was acquired and became a well known landmark between 1472 and 1475.39

The row of cypress trees marking the garden can be seen in several other late fifteenth- or early sixteenth-century views of the city: in the painted view in a London private collection, of c. 1489-1500 (Fig. 6)40, in Granacci's painting of the Entry of Charles VIII into Florence in 1494 (Fig. 9; painted long after the event, in the second or third decade of the sixteenth century)41, and in the view of S. Marco from a Medici Book of Hours in the British Library, London, dateable c. 1512-16 (Fig. 7). From around the same date as this last, but superior in quality, are two splendid vedute of the Piazza San Marco and the garden by Monte di Giovanni, who lived in a house on the other side of the square. The first (Fig. 16) forms the background of an Annunciation on the title-page of a Roman missal made for the Baptistry in c. 1509-10. The second is in an initial showing the Marriage Least at Cana in a C?rale made for the Opera del Duomo inc. 1515 -19.42 Interestingly and oddly, there are still cypress trees in exactly this position today. Lorenzo's garden is now partly connected ? appropriately enough ? to a florist's shop, and partly attached to the little eighteenth-century palazzo called the Casino di Livia.43 I should add that Florentine local antiquarians have always known this to be the correct location of the sculpture garden, and the wall bears a plaque to this effect:44 it is in this case the foreign scholars who have confused the issue!

Putting together the visual evidence of the bird's eye views (not likely to be accurate in detail) with the illuminations in the Vatican and the British Library, we may conclude that the garden had a small, casino-like structure with a high castellated fa?ade on the corner of the Via Arazzieri, perhaps with a loggia at the side giving on to the garden proper : then, north of that, another building with a loggia on to the street, and five arched openings resembling a third loggia on the north side.45 Vasari, who had probably seen some of the original build ings, talked of a loggia, camere, and viali46, and his account is corroborated by the Medici tax returns of 1495/98, which list a loggia, chamere e chucina (doc. l.ix). The document recording the sale of the garden in 1495, to which we shall return (doc. i.x.a-c), speaks of lodia, camera, and sala terrena. In other words, the 'giardino' was not just a walled garden, but a small villa or casino with rooms for eating, entertaining, and (possibly) sleeping.

I have been able to trace only a handful of other documentary references to the garden dur ing Lorenzo's lifetime (docs, l.ii-vi), but they include some significant clues as to its cultural role. On 22nd February 1477, the boys' confraternity of the Purification, who had become celebrated for their staging of Sacre rappresentazioni, made a payment for the repair of a cloth "which was torn in Lorenzo's garden during the feast of St Eustace" (doc. l.ii). Nerida Newbi gin infers plausibly from this reference that the Fanciulli had been performing a play of the life of St Eustace there.47 That the garden was indeed used for performances by confraterni ties is confirmed by the title of one of Bellincioni's poems dedicated to Lorenzo "per una certa festa che si fece al giardino di Lorenzo de' Medici da una certa compagnia".48 As we shall see, these festive functions continued to be associated with the garden after the Medici return from exile in 1512.

By 1480 the sculpture garden figured on the itinerary followed by distinguished tourists dur ing their visits to Florence. A letter from the Ferrarese ambassador, written in August of that year (doc. l.iv), describes the visit of the Cardinal of Aragon, Ercole d' Este's brother-in-law: he "went to see S. Marco, and the library, then quello zardino di Lorencio It, after which he returned to the Medici palace". The letter suggests that the garden was a well-known landmark by 1480, and a convenient staging point for Medici visitors traversing the festive route from the Duomo to the Medici Palace via SS. Annunziata and San Marco.49 Nonetheless, it is tan talisingly laconic, telling us nothing of what the Cardinal actually saw at the garden.50

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C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 47

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3 Detail of Fig. 2 showing Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden.

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48 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

4 Plan of Florence from Poggio Bracciolini's De historia florentina, c. 1480. Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, Cod. Urb. Lat. 491.

Clarice's garden and its extensions

By the time of the Cardinal's visit, Lorenzo's wife Clarice had gained possession of her own garden. As we have seen, Clarice's garden was originally owned by the church of S. Maria della Neve, a dependency of the Badia of Fiesole: they were already letting it to "Francesco orafo" in 1478 (doc. l.iii), and Clarice had acquired it two years later (doc. 2.ii). Despite his nickname, Francesco di Matteo was no "obscure goldsmith"51, and there is no mystery about why the Medici should have allowed him to continue renting the garden after they acquired it. He is described in the earlier document (doc. l.iii) as "Francesco che fa i facti di Lorenzo": in other words, he was Lorenzo's factor. Indeed this very interesting individual is known from

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 49

many other documents as a land agent and general Medici factotum all through the 1470s and 1480s:52 he appears in the Medici correspondence carrying out such tasks as supervising the renovation of a chapel in Pisa53, inspecting damage at Lorenzo's mill at Ripafratta54, preparing Cafaggiolo for a visit of the Duke of Urbino in 148255, and setting up a banquet at Poggio a Caiano in 1491.56 On several occasions he is mentioned in the context of building activities57, and Michael Mallett has discovered that he was sent with the woodworker ar chitect Francione and "tre altri capomaestri" to make a measured survey of Poggio Imperiale in 1481.58 As a goldsmith, even if no longer a practising one, he would have been experienced in 'disegno'59, and he may well have had some creative as well as supervisory role in Lorenzo's architectural activities. As the tenant of Clarice's garden, he would have been in a position to keep an eye on Lorenzo's property next door, and conversely, Lorenzo would have been able to use his and Clarice's gardens as extensions of his own. He represents only one example of the many Medici retainers installed along the Via Larga in the fifteenth century.60

On the Via Larga side Lorenzo's garden seems to have been separated from that of Clarice by two 'hospitals', one belonging to the Arte dei Maestri di Pietra e Legname, built in the 1460s (Fig. I)61, and the other to the Compagnia dei Tessitori, constructed and operational by 1481.62 Both these properties and others were to be swallowed up by Clarice de' Medici in the expansion of her garden during the 1480s. As so often with Medici land acquisitions, this process involved either silent appropriation or subtle pressure on the owners to lease or sell. In 1485 Clarice acquired a perpetual lease on the Spedale dei Maestri, which the previous tenant had already been sub-letting to her (doc. 2.iii). The next summer she acquired from a widow an irregular garden plot next to, and probably behind, her own garden (doc. 2.iv). By 1495 part of the Compagnia dei Tessitori's hospital had become attached to the garden "ch'era di Mo. Chlarice di Lorenzo de Medici" (doc. 2.vii). The stonemasons' guild complained in 1496 that they had been forced to grant a lease to Clarice against their will, and that the transaction was typical of high-handed Medici behaviour: "since the said lease and sale was not made legally with a legitimate and just price, but was made against the wishes of the men and members of the said guild, as was the custom in other similar cases concerning the family

5 Detail of Fig. 4 showing Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden.

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50 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

6 Detail of view of Florence, c. 1490-1500, panel. London, Private Collection.

and house of the said Lorenzo" (doc. 2.viii). There are indeed several other examples of this kind of complaint involving property transactions, which mainly, for obvious reasons, were voiced after the expulsion of the Medici.63

Thus, by the time of Lorenzo's death, he and Clarice had put together a large zone of gardens stretching from the Via Arazzieri to what was later to become the Chiostro dello Scal zo.64 The sculpture garden proper occupied only the southernmost section of this property ? much of the rest corresponding to the Via Larga frontage of the later Casino Mediceo, built by Buontalenti for Francesco I after 1576.65

The gardens and the Medici expulsion

The gardens at San Marco played a dramatic role in the events surrounding the flight of the Medici in 1494, and in some ways can be seen as the site where the Laurentian era reached its symbolic close. Lorenzo's luckless and inept son Piero opposed the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII, setting his own policy against the traditional Florentine alliance with the French. At the eleventh hour he changed his mind and unilaterally agreed to hand over Florence's key fortresses to Charles in exchange for immunity from attack for the city.66 The King's trium

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 51

phal entry into Florence in November 1494, initially arranged with Piero, was in the event to take place after the Medici had been ignominiously expelled.67 Parenti tells us that in the autumn of 1494 Piero was secretly moving arms up to the Medici garden in preparation for a possible show of force (doc. l.vii). It was easy to do this covertly, because many possessions and valuables were being taken to store at the garden in preparation for the imminent arrival of the king of France (see doc. l.viii.a).68

The garden is also mentioned in a contemporary account of the flight of Michelangelo from Florence in October 1494, anticipating by a month that of his patron, Piero de' Medici.69 I shall return to this crucial piece of evidence for Michelangelo's association with the Medici garden. Another great recipient of Medici patronage, Poliziano, was evidently a resident here: he is recorded as dying in the house attached to Clarice's garden in early September 1494.70

After Piero himself was forced to flee in early November, both the gardens at San Marco were sacked by the enraged populace (doc. l.viii.a-b). In his record of this event, the Medici agent Francesco Cegia is careful to distinguish between "el giardino" (Lorenzo's garden) and "l'altro orto dirimpetto a Sancto Marcho" (Clarice's garden and its appurtenances) (doc. l.viii.a). The flight of Piero and his brothers through the San Gallo gate is symbolically shown in the border of the tapestries designed by Raphael for the Medici pope Leo X (Fig. 8), although these record the erroneous legend that the Medici palace itself was looted, which was not the case.71 In the background we probably see the convent of S. Antonio, where Cardinal Giovanni had a palatial dwelling which was also sacked.72 Just outside the gate was the church of San Gallo rebuilt by Lorenzo for the Augustinian hermits to Giuliano da Sangallo's designs73; these hermits also played their part in the secret convoy of Medici valuables out of Florence in 1494-95.74 Perhaps it is not too fanciful to suppose that Lorenzo might have seen from the beginning that the gardens had defensive possibilities, placed as they were half way between the Medici palace and the Porta San Gallo. Certainly they were to perform this function again: in 1527, just before the second expulsion of the Medici, detachments of young infantrymen were kept at the Medici palace, at the garden and along the Via San Gallo.75

The Sale of the Medici Gardens in 1495-96

After the flight of Piero and his brothers, the Medici's property was confiscated and trustees (sindaci) of Medici property were appointed to administer and sell off the family's posses sions.76 Both of the gardens at San Marco were to change hands in this way, but they fetched very different prices and enjoyed very divergent subsequent fortunes ? an indication of their different status in the eyes both of the Medici and of their friends and enemies in Florence.

The sculpture garden was officially confiscated and sold in November 1495 to a foreign buyer and friend of the Medici ? Giovanni Bentivoglio, the ruler of Bologna. The copy of the sale document in the Bentivoglio archives in Modena (doc. 1.x.b) is considerably more informative than that recorded by the Florentine notary (doc. 1.x.a). We learn from it that the sale was publicly advertised and that there were six would-be purchasers, whose offers are listed. The successful bid came from the agent acting for Giovanni Bentivoglio, who offered 1036 florins, sixty-one florins more than the underbidder, represented by Tommaso di Marco del Brutiolo. Bentivoglio was immediately named as the purchaser, but payment was taken care of by his procurator "Giovanmarco gioielliere", the Bolognese Giovanmarco di Ser Beninzino de' Bonal di. Francesco di Agostino Cegia, one of Piero's chief stewards (and Lorenzo's before him) was among the witnesses at the original meeting.77

Such a very unusual transaction ? the only example I know of a piece of Medici property bought at one of these sales by a foreign purchaser ? demands some explanation, which is

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52 C. Elam ? Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

surely to be sought in behind the scenes negotiations between the Medici and the Bentivoglio. Giovanni Bentivoglio and Piero de' Medici had been in contact by letter up to late October (22nd) of 1494.78 Piero had failed in his bid to win Giovanni round to the cause of military opposition to France, despite his offers to help obtain a cardinal's hat for Antongaleazzo Ben tivoglio, and the same Giovanmarco who later bought the garden on behalf of the Bentivoglio was instructed (as we learn from a letter of 3rd September 1494) to recover from Piero the 18000 florins Giovanni had deposited with the Medici to that end.79 After the Medici expul sion, it was to Bologna that Piero and his brothers fled on 8th November 1494, and, according to the Bolognese chronicler, Ghirardacci, they took refuge for a few days in the Bentivoglio palace.80 Giovanni allegedly upbraided Piero for his flight, saying "You have acted with little prudence, O Pietro: it is not the act of a wise man to leave through the gate and then to want to return over the walls."81 Nonetheless, the Bentivoglio continued to lend the Medici support ? if of a somewhat unstrenuous kind82 ? and Cardinal Giovanni and Giuliano passed through Bologna once more on 14th November 1495, two days before the auction of the garden was put in train.

I think we may safely assume that Piero asked Giovanni Bentivoglio as a personal favour to acquire the sculpture garden, but it is still not obvious why. A few other Medici properties (such as the Cascine at Poggio a Caiano)83 were secured by sale to friendly families in Flor ence, and the hope of recovering the property intact must surely have played a part in prompt ing Piero's request. It remains to ask why a non-Florentine had to be enlisted in this case, and why Giovanni Bentivoglio in particular. Is it possible that valuables were hidden in the garden, and that Piero hoped in this way either to get them out or to preserve them intact?84 More prosaically, it is likely that Piero had failed to repay the 18000 florins, and possible that the sculpture garden was to function as collateral for the loan. Another interesting strand to the intrigue is the presence of Michelangelo in Bologna in this year, living in the household of Giovan Francesco Aldovrandi, who was at that period an uomo di fiducia' of the Ben tivoglio, and had been Podest? in Florence in 1488.85 One is tempted to wonder whether the sculptor could have played some role in persuading the Bolognese ruler to purchase his erstwhile place of work.

The sculpture garden under the sixteenth-century Medici

Whatever the background to this transaction, it had the desired results. Whereas the orto di Francesco orafo, as we shall see, was divided up and built on during the years of Medici exile, the sculpture garden remained intact; in 1510, if the reference in Francesco Albertini's

Memoriale is to this spot, it still contained a number of antique sculptures86; it was sold back to the Medici the year after their return to the city in August 1513 (doc. l.xi). Already in

March of that year allegorical triumphal carts drawn by oxen, to celebrate the election of Pope Leo X, had processed from the garden down the Via Larga87, and after its reacquisition the giardino resumed its place in Medici festive life and ceremonial.88 Trees cut from the garden were used to make the entrance doors into the Medici stables on the other side of the Piazza

San Marco in 1515-16 (doc. i.xii)89, and Baccio d'Agnolo supervised improvements to the garden commissioned by Piero's widow Alfonsina in 1519 (doc. l.xiv). Equally, the garden con tinued to house marbles and building materials, for in 1524 Michelangelo records having marble taken from there to San Lorenzo to make stucco for the New Sacristy.90

The garden on the piazza seems to have survived the period of the last Republic unscathed, and is declared by Duke Alessandro in his 1534 Decima in terms evidently copied from the 1495 return (doc. l.xv). Cosimo I retained the property, but it seems to have had less sig nificance for him at a time when the axis of Medici interest was shifting to the Palazzo Vecchio

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C Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 53

7 View of Piazza San Marco from the Book of Hours of Lao domia de' Medici, c. 1502-17. London, British Library, Yates Thompson MS 30, fol. 117.

and the Pitti palace. Probably from as early as 1545 when the Medici tapestry works were founded, the garden was given over to the weavers from whom the street alongside the garden, the Via degli Arazzieri, derives its name (docs, l.xvi-xvii).91 The weavers were certainly in residence there during the decades in which Vasari published both editions of the Vite. It is particularly satisfactory, then, that the most Vasarian image of the sculpture garden functioning as a school for artists should appear in a tapestry ? one of a set woven in 1571, to Stradanus's designs and under Vasari's supervision, for the Sala di Lorenzo il Magnifico in the Palazzo Vecchio (Fig. 10).92 It may not be too incautious to suggest that Stradanus's tapestry represents the loggia and the garden on the piazza as they actually looked in his day.93 The brick piers of the loggia to the left could even be taken to date from Lorenzo's time, although the door in the background is clearly Cinquecento in style. At all events Stradanus's scene

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54 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

is clearly aiming at a greater degree of topographical verisimilitude than Ottavio Vannini's more celebrated image of the garden frescoed in the next century in the Palazzo Pitti (Fig. 12)94, where Lorenzo and his artists are posed in the impossibly wide bay of a portico opening straight out onto a hillside. Unlike Vannini, Stradanus does not present the famous episode of Michelangelo and the faun's head: instead, he shows young artists at work under the loggia, carving sculptures, drawing from the antique, preparing materials and painting frescoes; two of their number show their work to the seated Lorenzo, while members of his entourage stand behind. Interestingly, the image is less evocative of an academy than of fifteenth-century representations of artists at work under the tutelage of the planet Mercury ? but here they revolve instead around the figure of their illustrious patron. After Cosimo's death, the garden appears to have passed to his third son, Don Pietro de' Medici (see doc. 2.xx).95 Although it would be tempting to pursue the vicissitudes of the site up to our own day, I must leave to others the task of tracing its post-Vasarian history.

The sale and subsequent fortunes of Clarice's garden

The history of the gardens further up the Via Larga after the Medici expulsion has been partially traced by Borgo and Sievers.96 On 14th April 1496 Clarice's garden was sold for 325 florins to Luca di Fruosino di Panzano who named the convent of San Marco as the purchaser (doc. 2.ix.a-c) (It should be noted that the price was less than a third of that paid for Lorenzo's garden). This sum was paid by Girolamo de' Rossi, a syndic of the convent, who, a few months earlier had taken out a lease on the Spedale de' Maestri (doc. 2.viii). The understanding was that, after a new confraternity had been constructed on the site for the Compagnia dei Fanciul li, the title to the remainder would pass to Rossi. This proved to be an illegal transaction, as no alienation of ecclesiastical property to a lay person could take place without a licence from the Pope. Thus the garden reverted to the ownership of the convent in 1503.97

The following year the convent built to Stefano di Tommaso's design a new residence on part of the garden for the Compagnia dei Fanciulli98, thus releasing the confraternity's old site by the side of the second cloister for the new San Marco novitiate.99 The remainder was sold off for 250 florins to Francesco Petrucci acting on behalf of yet another confraternity, the Compagnia dell'Assunzione (the 'Contemplanti', to whom in turn a building plot was given, Francesco disposing of the remainder for 250 florins to Bartolomeo Cerretani (docs. 2.xii-xiii). The latter transaction was rescinded in 1511, and the garden was sold to the neighbouring Compagnia dei Tessitori for 420 florins (doc. 2.xiv).

After the return of the Medici in 1512 the family evinced no desire to repossess Clarice's garden, by now much depleted and containing two new confraternities. Instead Lorenzo di Piero di Lorenzo was content to accept 150 florins in compensation from the procurators of the Tessitori, in exchange for renouncing his rights on the property (doc. 2.xv). All this sug gests that Clarice's garden occupied a much less important place than the sculpture garden on the piazza in the Medici's immediate cultural ambitions. Nonetheless, Clarice's garden was in the end to return entirely to Medici hands, and to be

come the site of an even more resplendent Medici residence. Over a period of about twenty years, from the 1520s to the 1540s, Ottaviano de' Medici re-pieced together the property, dis placed all the hospitals and confraternities, and constructed his own palatial dwelling with its magnificent gardens, which stretched from the Via Larga to the Via San Gallo (doc. 2.xvi-xvi).

According to his tax return of 1534 (doc. 2.xvi), Ottaviano had acquired his casa grande op posite San Marco from Paolo di Bartolomeo Cerretani (whose father had attempted to buy the residue of Clarice's garden); this was probably in 1516, when the casa was first registered by the Decima officials.100 Ottaviano was appointed procurator to supervise the recovery of

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 55

Medici properties in 1522101, and suffered for his loyalty to the family by being imprisoned throughout the siege of 1529-30. Clement VII is said to have given him Clarice's garden and house in 1527102, and, according to the biography of his son, who briefly became Leo XI, he received another gift of a house opposite S. Marco from the pope after 1530.103 Ottaviano also acquired all the property of the confraternities104, so that by 1561 his sons' possessions stretched from the Medici garden to the Chiostro dello Scalzo (doc. 2.xvii). It was on this site, acquired by Francesco I from Ottaviano's two sons in 1568 and 1577 respectively (docs. 2.xix-xx), that Buontalenti from 1574 onwards constructed the Casino Mediceo, where the Medici decorative arts workshops were to be installed. The complex story of the acquisition, loss, and reappropriation of these properties over the course of a century, from the 1470s to the 1570s, is a remarkable tribute to the atavistic character of Medici territorial ambitions. Vasari, who was a prot?g? of Ottaviano, must have known his houses extremely well, and

refers to them in the Wte.105 At no time does he identify them with Lorenzo's sculpture garden "in sulla Piazza di San Marco". He correctly treats the two properties as being separate entities. Thus, from a topographical point of view at least, Vasari's account of the Medici gardens at San Marco is entirely reliable. One wonders indeed whether Ottaviano, who was such a key figure in Medici artistic patronage of the 1520s, was one of Vasari's informants about the academic functions of the sculpture garden under Lorenzo. As Borgo and Sievers have pointed out, Ottaviano was married to Lorenzo's granddaughter, Francesca Salviati, and for this reason as well as because of his guardianship of Medici property, must have been well informed on the history of the site.106 His decision to reappropriate the whole area that Lorenzo and Clarice had acquired north of the sculpture garden can hardly have been a casual one.

The function and significance of the Medici garden

Little information has so far come to light about the actual pieces of antique sculpture held in the garden in Lorenzo's day.107 It would seem that the most celebrated antiquities were in the Palace itself, disposed in the courtyard, rooms and indeed the garden (references to 'il giardino' with no further specific location may be to the one behind the palace).108 It is likely that the sculptures stored in the gardens at S. Marco were the less showy pieces, such as the

8 The flight of the Medici in 1494. Border of Raphael's tapestry, Christ's charge to Saint Peter. Rome, Pinacoteca Vaticana.

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56 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

9 The entry of Charles VIII into Florence in 1494, by Francesco Granacci, c. 1527. Panel. Florence, Uffizi.

"statua di marmo lungo e co' panni intagliati e non ha capo" found during the digging of foundations for the Palazzo Gondi in March 1490 as reported in a contemporary letter of Benedetto Dei. Thought by the cognoscenti to have come from a gate in the Roman walls, it was "portata all'orto del magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici".109 It seems very likely that the refer ence here is to the garden on the Piazza San Marco, for Lorenzo would hardly have wanted to clutter the palace garden with headless statues. However, when Lorenzo wrote to his son Piero a month later (9th May) instructing him to show a visitor (Ermolao B?rbaro) the collec tion of antiquities, "tucte quelle dell'orto et cosi delle nostre altre che sono nello scriptoio", it is more likely that he was referring to the Medici Palace garden.110

Borgo and Sievers have suggested that one of the major functions of the garden may have been the construction of the floats for Lorenzo's Triumphs, which Vasari tells us that Granacci designed.111 They find confirmation of this in the fact that these spectacles were staged by the Compagnia della Stella, which they take to have been identical with the Compagnia de'

Magi, whose residence was in their view on the site of the garden.112 This hypothesis is a chain constructed of several weak links. First, the Compagnia della Stella was probably a quite separate organisation from the Compagnia de' Magi. It was, as the diarist Tribaldo de' Rossi tells us, Lorenzo's creation ("fu suo trovato") and specialised exclusively in the mounting of festivities.113 The fact that it does not appear in any list of Florentine confraternities is no doubt because it was a completely secular affair, with no penitential or devotional aspect; it was probably more akin to the literary and artistic clubs of the early sixteenth century than to the lay confraternities of the period. Moreover, the Compagnia de' Magi, as we have seen, did not meet at the Medici garden, but continued to occupy its residence at San Marco until it was disbanded in 1494.114

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C Elam j Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 51

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10 Lorenzo de' Medici and his artists under the loggia of the sculpture garden. Tapestry after design by Giovanni Stradano, 1571. Florence, Soprintendenza alle Gallerie.

Nevertheless the garden on Piazza San Marco is documented as playing a part in the tri umphs of the Medici regime after 1512, and may well have performed a similar function in Lorenzo's day. Triumphal carts processed from it in 1513 and 1518 (doc. l.xiii), and perhaps so too did those of the celebrated Triumph of Emilius Paulus in June 1491, and the Triumph of the Seven Planets staged for the Carnival two years earlier.115 Perhaps most intriguing is the suggestion that the garden was used for a sacra rappresentazione in 1477 staged by the near by Compagnia de' Fanciulli (doc. i.lll).116 The history of urban gardens and theatrical perfor mances is very closely linked117; plays were often performed in loggias looking on to gardens

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58 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

in the sixteenth century: two well-known examples are the Villa Farnesina in Rome118, and the Palazzo Medici itself, where plays were performed for the betrothal of Margaret of Austria to Duke Alessandro in 1533 and for the wedding of Cosimo de' Medici and Eleonora di Toledo in 1539.119 If in Lorenzo's time the garden was used for plays, this could have added to the growing tension between Lorenzo's household and the group around Savonarola at San Marco. It is ironical that the juxtaposition of the Dominican Observantist convent and Lorenzo's gardens, ultimately the fruit of Cosimo il Vecchio's patronage, should by the early 1490s have meant that pagan vanities were cheek by jowl with Savonarolan reform.120

The sculpture garden and Elorentine artists

The aim of this article has primarily been to establish some physical, spatio-temporal facts about Lorenzo's garden, and it would be outside its scope to rehearse once more all the argu ments for and against Vasari's claim that it functioned as a school for young artists. Nonethe less one or two points may be made to bring the garden back into the discussion about Lorenzo's patronage.

First it should be stressed that if the garden school is a myth, it was not one invented by Vasari. The life of Leonardo in the Codice Magliabechiano, probably written in the late 1530s or early 1540s, is the first literary source to state unambiguously that an artist worked at the garden in Lorenzo's service.121 As has often been pointed out, Leonardo later made a cryptic note to himself about the 'Orto de' Medici'.122 Now that we know that Lorenzo's garden was in existence as early as 1475, there is no chronological obstacle to supposing that Leonardo did indeed work there while still 'giovane', i.e. in his twenties.123 Lorenzo's support might help to explain how this young and untried artist was awarded the important commission for the Palazzo della Signoria altarpiece in 1478.124 Vasari appears not to have used the Codice

Magliabechiano at all in constructing his life of Leonardo (although he knew other manuscripts derived from the so-called Libro di Antonio Billi), and therefore missed an opportunity to give added weight to his account of the 'school'.125 However, it is Michelangelo whose place at the garden is best supported ? both by the

biographical sources and by a single, but very important, contemporary reference. This is the letter describing his flight from Florence to Venice in 1494: "Sapi che Michelagnolo ischultore dal giardino se n'? ito a Vinegia sanza dire nulla a Piero, tornando lui in chasa; mi pare che Piero l'abia auto molto male".126 The wording of this letter is ambiguous. At first sight it seems that the words "Michelagnolo ischultore dal giardino" should be taken as a single phrase implying a kind of title ? 'Michelangelo the sculptor at the garden'. But it is possible that the word order is a little contorted, and that the sense is 'Michelangelo has left the garden and gone to Venice', or even, 'Michelangelo left from the garden and went to Venice, without saying anything to Piero, who returned home'. In the first two senses the letter would imply that Michelangelo had a position at the garden, or at least that he was normally to be found there; if the third is correct, it could simply mean that he happened to be at the garden one day with Piero, and slipped off to Venice after his patron had returned home. Despite these ambiguities, the letter does firmly document Michelangelo's presence at a garden not that of the Medici palace before the Medici expulsion, and we may assume that the garden was the one on the Piazza San Marco. Nor is there any reason to doubt Condivi's and Vasari's com bined claims that Michelangelo worked there both for Piero and when Lorenzo was still alive, probably from 1490. The artist was obviously not anxious in later life to associate himself with Lorenzo's luckless son, and the biographies imply that Piero gave him little to do.127 However, there is no question but that Michelangelo remained in Medici service after Loren zo's death. In addition to the Madonna of the Steps and the Battle of the Centaurs, both likely

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 59

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11 Detail of map of Florence, by Stefano Buonsignori, 1584, showing the San Marco area and the Casino Mediceo. Florence, Museo Topogr?fico Firenze com'era.

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60 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

12 Lorenzo de' Medici and his artists in the sculpture garden, by Ottavio Vannini, 1635. Fresco. Palazzo Pitti, Sala di Giovanni da San Giovanni.

to have been executed during his time at the garden, it may well have been for Piero de' Medici that he made the colossal sculpture of Hercules, which later belonged to Filippo Strozzi.128 It is intriguing, since Condivi tells us that it was Poliziano who suggested to Michelangelo the literary subject for his battle relief, that the Medici poet and tutor ended his days close by in the house attached to Clarice's garden.129 Nor is there any reason to doubt Vasari's account of Bertoldo as being in charge of the

sculpture garden. He, like Michelangelo, must have been a salaried member of Lorenzo's house hold; a room is described as his in the 1492 inventory of the Medici palace, and he appears ("Bertoldo sculptore") in a list of thirty-eight 'familiari' who accompanied Lorenzo on one of his many trips to the baths (with, also, a musician, a chaplain and two singers). He died at Poggio a Caiano in December 1491.130 Ulrich Middeldorf has tried to suggest that Bertoldo might have been a well-born dilettante, or even an illegitimate member of the Medici family, but this is to put an implausibly romantic construction on the evidence.131 In the famous jokey letter to Lorenzo in which Bertoldo complains that he is going to throw away his sculp tors' tools because a certain hated rival had obtained a knighthood, he says the incident makes him wish he had trained as a cook rather than "under Donatello", demonstrating that he un derwent a normal sculptural apprenticeship.132 That Bertoldo transmitted elements of the

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 61

Donatellesque tradition and the alVantica sculptural style to Michelangelo during the period in which they were together in the Medici garden still remains the most attractive and plausible explanation of Michelangelo's transition from apprentice in Ghirlandaio's painting workshop in 1488 to able pasticheur of antique marble sculpture, as he had become by the time of his first visit to Rome in 1496.133

Torrigiano's and Granacci's association with the garden we can probably take on trust, since they feature in Condivi's as well as Vasari's narrative.134 For the other artists mentioned by Vasari we have no independent evidence, and the notion that they were attached in any formal sense to a school is almost certainly an elaboration by the myth-maker. No doubt the Medici collections were available to copy ? as Vasari describes Albertinelli doing in the palace in the Via Larga135 ; perhaps artists were employed to restore the antiquities in the garden, as Verroc chio certainly did with the sculpture of Marsyas.136 But however embroidered Vasari's ac count, certain key elements of it seem to me to remain valid: first that the garden and Bertoldo provided for Michelangelo the link with Donatello that was crucial at the beginning of his career; secondly that Lorenzo was fostering artists ? both young and old ? in a way quite unknown before in fifteenth-century Florence; I can think of no earlier example of artists be coming members of the household of a Florentine patrician137, and in this respect Lorenzo was clearly modelling himself on the example of the signorial courts ; thirdly, that Lorenzo was encouraging artists in the particular direction of emulating antiquity ? to the extent of pastiche ? while his children's tutor Poliziano was providing them with subjects in the manner recommended by Alberti.138

13 View of Piazza San Marco today, showing the Casino di Livia, the sculpture garden and on the right, hidden by the five cypresses, the south side of the Casino Mediceo.

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62 C. Elam j Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

14 Reconstruction of the area of the Medici gardens in 1492.

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C Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 63

15 View of Piazza San Marco from Giuseppe Richa, Notizie Istoriche delle Chiese Florentine, 1758.

Urbanistically, as I have argued elsewhere, one can see the location of the garden as part of Lorenzo's wider policies of land acquisition and urban improvement.139 Across the road from the convent of San Marco, and up the Via Larga from S. Lorenzo and the Medici palace, it reinforced the Medicean presence in this important thoroughfare, which may in turn be con nected with Lorenzo's intentions to improve the main processional streets on the northern side of the city, and to punctuate them with Medicean structures. Placed as it was along the route from the Medici palace to the Porta San Gallo, the garden also had a strategic potential in terms of Medici security, which was drawn on at the two most important crises of Medici power in 1494 and 1527.

The typology of the urban garden in Florence

It may finally be worth asking how Lorenzo's sculpture garden fits into a wider typology of urban gardens in renaissance Italy, and in Florence in particular. Only a sketch of this neglected topic can be attempted here.140 Within its over-extensive third circle of walls, Flor ence remained a green city throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Most houses, even of a modest size, had gardens and much land at the perimeter of development inside the walls was actively under cultivation in the form of orchards and market gardens. Many institutions, especially monasteries and hospitals, had extensive gardens, and although little is known of palace gardens in the fifteenth century, they were clearly considered a desirable adjunct, espe cially outside the old centre of the city.

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64 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

In the second half of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, there was a discernible trend towards the creation of ambitiously conceived and designed private gardens in the outer areas of the city, and the Medici gardens at San Marco must have had an important place in this development. If not the first instance of a separate 'free-standing' garden, quite independent of the family palace, Lorenzo's garden was certainly an influential example, and, together with the garden of the Medici palace, perhaps the first in Florence to incorporate ancient sculpture as a conscious part of its design.

In his description of Florence as it was before the siege in 1529, Benedetto Varchi lists a number of private gardens as a category separate from that of palaces.141 In so doing, he took his tune from Benedetto Dei's celebrated enumeration of the ingredients of 'Firenze bella' in c. 1470.142 Dei, according to Varchi, had cited 138 gardens "tra orti e giardini", listing both institutional and private gardens under each quarter and by proprietor.143 Unfortunately the manuscript of Dei's Memorie used by Varchi has not come to light, and none of the many surviving versions discusses gardens at all. Varchi himself decided to list only the principal private gardens that existed at the time

of the siege; the Busini garden at Porta alla Giustizia behind the S. Croce gardens144; the Guardi gardens called 'alia Mattonaia' north of Porta alla Croce145; the gardens of the Scala palace in Borgo Pinti146; those of the Palazzo Pandolfini in Via San Gallo147; the Bartolini Salimbeni gardens of Gualfonda near the Porta a Faenza148; the Rucellai gardens149; the gardens of the Pitti palace150; the Serristori gardens151; the Medici garden "in sulla Piazza di San Marco" which has been the object of this study; the Pazzi garden in Via dell'Oriuolo152; and the Pucci gardens in the Via de' Servi.153 Most of these examples date from after the creation of Lorenzo's garden in the 1470s; the

one notable exception ? the Pazzi garden ? will be discussed shortly. By the time he was writing, Varchi did not think fit to mention either the garden of Michelozzo's Medici palace or the earlier garden created behind the old Medici palace a few doors up the Via Larga. Doris Carl has recently discovered that Cosimo il Vecchio and his brother Lorenzo created in 1432 a large hortus conclusus behind the casa vecchia, surrounded by a battlemented wall. It had a paved court, gardens for pomegranates and roses, and a well surmounted by a "spiritello dora to". As Carl points out, this seems to have been an essentially medieval garden, with no per spective vistas, and no relationship with the palace filtered through loggias; access to it was through a single doorway in the perimeter wall.154

The garden behind the new palace in Via Larga, although much smaller in size, was clearly ? as Borgo and Sievers have pointed out ? one model for the San Marco garden. With a north-facing loggia and closed south-facing arcade, fountains and antiquities deployed around, its appearance as it may be reconstructed from present state and past descriptions is very similar to Vasari's account of the sculpture garden.155 From the examples on Varchi's list, only the Pazzi garden on the Via dell'Oriuolo pre-dates the Medici garden at San Marco.156 This, un like the Medici garden at San Marco, seems to have been a palace garden, attached to Gugliel mo de' Pazzi's main palace on the Borgo degli Albizi, but it had a separate entrance portal and was embellished with sculpture. Vasari in his life of Donatello claims that the sculptor designed for the Pazzi garden a granite fountain like one he had made for Cosimo (presumably in the Medici palace garden?) ? "un bellissimo vaso che gettava acqua".157 Albertini in 1510 describes a fountain ? perhaps the same one ? in the Pazzi garden as by 'Rossello' (presuma bly one of the Rossellino brothers)158; by the time of his Memoriale it was surmounted by an ancient bronze of Hercules. The castellated wall of the Pazzi garden is still visible in the Buonsignori map of Florence in 1584.

In their use of antiquities and sculptures disposed around a garden, the Medici and Pazzi could have been influenced by the sculpture gardens of the humanists. In his De Nobilitate

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C Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 65

of 1440 Poggio Bracciolini describes a visit from Lorenzo Valla and Niccol? Niccoli to his garden at Terranuova, which he "wanted to fill with lovely sculptures". Valla laughed and said, "our host has read about that ancient custom of adorning houses, villas, gardens, porticoes and gymnasia with signa and paintings and statues of ancestors to glorify their families, and since he has no images of his ancestors he has ennobled this place with these little broken bits of marble, so glory shall remain to his posterity through the nobility of these things". There followed a discussion of whether collections could in fact serve an ennobling function, with citations of Cicero, Varro and Aristotle.159

One wonders whether the young Lorenzo de' Medici, who, together with Bernardo Rucellai, was shown the sights of Rome in 1471 by no less a guide than Alberti160, visited gardens in the city adorned with ancient statuary. Certainly the vast expanses of unbuilt up areas in Rome within the Aurelian walls encouraged the creation of urban villas with gardens, which in the sixteenth century continued to be described as 'Orti'.161 Other precedents and parallels for Lorenzo's garden might be sought in the courts that Lorenzo cautiously emulated, although no obvious examples have yet emerged. The Bentivoglio themselves, who were the absentee owners of Lorenzo's garden for eighteen years, created a celebrated garden in Bologna.162

If precedents for Lorenzo's garden are hard to trace, it is not difficult to point to later giardi ni influenced by his example. Bartolommeo Scala's large garden at the back of his palace in the Borgo Pinti, is perhaps best described as one ingredient of a suburban villa163, but in this as in other respects Scala was, as he was described by Ficino, 'in the shade' of his Laurentian patron.164 Lorenzo and Bartolommeo's architect Giuliano da Sangallo had a collection of an tiquities in his own palatial house further down the Borgo Pinti.165 But the two most obvious offshoots of Lorenzo's garden ? independent gardens with casino-like structures ? were the celebrated Rucellai gardens and the Gualfonda casino of the Bartolini Salimbeni, both men tioned by Varchi. The organisation of the Rucellai gardens into a place of antiquarian and philosophical delight seems to have taken place in the early sixteenth century; Bernardo Rucel lai describes it as an orchard and market garden still in his tax return of 1495/98.166 And alas, it is impossible to reconstruct the renaissance appearance of the Rucellai gardens as a result of their many transformations over the centuries. It was, however, said at the time that the Rucellai had acquired some of their antiquities from the dispersal of the Medici collections.167 A much clearer picture emerges of the Bartolini Salimbeni gardens in Via Gualfonda, which were attached to a casino with logge designed by Baccio d'Agnolo, and decorated with sculpture by the young Jacopo Sansovino, Lorenzetto, Benedetto da Rovezzano and Giovanni della Rob bia.168 Such luoghi di delizia were the forerunners of the much better known gardens created in Florence in the later sixteenth century by the Medici Grand Dukes and their courtiers.

Conclusion

I have called Lorenzo de' Medici's garden on the Piazza of San Marco the 'sculpture garden' in order to distinguish it from other Medici gardens further up the Via Larga, and to establish a precise historical locus for the l?gende m?dic?enne. To give it this modern name is to give priority to what was, we may be sure, only one aspect of the garden's functions and role in the eyes of Lorenzo and his contemporaries. In insisting, nevertheless, on the garden's impor tance in a multiplicity of contexts, including the early career of Michelangelo, my intention has not been to breathe new life into the myth of the Medicean golden age ? although there is surely no doubt that the time is ripe, on the occasion of the five-hundredth anniversary of his death, to re-assess Lorenzo's status as a patron of the arts.

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66 C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

NOTES

1 L. Borgo and Ann H. Sievers, The Medici Gardens at San Marco, in: Flor. Mitt., XXIII, 1989, pp. 237-256. I very much regret that the tragic death of Ludovico Borgo has made it impossible for us to collaborate on a larger study of Lorenzo's garden as we had planned. For a brief account of Lorenzo's garden in the context of Medicean urbanistic strategies, see C Elam, II Palazzo nel contesto della citt?: strat?gie urbanistiche dei Medici nel gonfalone del Leon d'Oro, 1415-1530, in: II Palazzo Medici Riccardi di Firenze, ed. G. Cherubini and G. Fanelli, Florence 1990. I should like to take this opportunity to thank a number of people who have generously shared archival information on the garden with me: Candace Adelson, Philip Foster, F.W. Kent, Daniela Lamberini, Michael Mallett, Nerida Newbigin and Charles Rosenberg. Suzanne Brown Butters and Michael Hirst kindly read a draft of the article and made helpful suggestions.

2 For Vasari's account of the garden see Vasari-Milanesi, vol. IV, pp. 256-259 (Torrigiano), vol. VII, pp. 141-143 (Michelangelo), vol. VIII, pp. 117-118 (Ragionamenti). For a review of the problem see P. Barocchi, La vita di Michelangelo nelle redazioni del 1550 e del 1568, vol. II, Milan 1962, pp. 89-92.

3 A. Condivi, Vita di Michelangelo Buonarroti, ed. E.S. Barelli, Milan 1964, pp. 27-28. It should be em phasised that Condivi sought to deny that Michelangelo underwent any kind of formal training, even includ ing his apprenticeship with Domenico Ghirlandaio, for which Vasari produced the documents in the 1568 edition of the Vite. Thus his underplaying the instructional side of the garden fits into his general biographi cal strategy.

4 Ibid. 5 Vasari-Milanesi, vol. IV, p. 256. 6 Id., vol. VIII, p. 117: "Lorenzo aveva fatto fare il giardino, ch'? ora in sulla piazza di S. Marco,

solamente perch? lo teneva pieno di figure antiche di marmo, e pitture assai, e tutte eccellenti, solo per condurre costi una scuola di giovani".

7 Also significant for the formation of the 'myth of the garden' are the references to it in the descriptions of Michelangelo's funeral exequies in 1564; see: The Divine Michelangelo. The Florentine Academy's Homage on his Death in 1564, tr. and ed. R. and M. Wittkower, London 1964, pp. 45, 53, 62, 90-93. Lorenzo's 'scuola' is there presented as fundamental to Michelangelo's development and explicitly cited as the inspiration for the Accademia del Disegno. See pp. 90-93 for the location and role of the school as depicted on the front face of the catafalque, and described as a source of support for poor artists: "& a questo fine [i.e. to encourage virtu] in fra l'altre cose, haueua in un suo giardino in sulla piazza di San

Marco rizzato vno studio di virtuosi Artifici di pittura, e di scultura ; & quelli, che per pouert? non poteuano aiutarsi, erano da lui sostentati con salarij, & altri donatiui. E perche non mancasse occasione alcuna al ben fare, oltre a quella virtuosa, e generosa emulatione, che nasce fra i giovani, che operano a concorrenza, vi erano maestri esperti, che indirizzauano que' giouani per la buona via. Fra questi fu eletto Michelagnolo, e qui si crearono le radici della grandezza sua."

8 Vasari-Milanesi, vol. IV, p. 256. The noble youths are stressed only in the second edition of the life of Torrigiano.

9 Id., vol. VII, p. 152: "che ne' suoi tempi non si trovassero scultori celebrati e nobili come si trovavano mold pittori di grandissimo pregio e fama". This is in both editions.

10 Id, vol. IV, pp. 256-259. 11 "stette da giovane col magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici, et dandoli provisione, per se il faceva lavorare nel

giardino sulla piazza di San Marco di Firenze"; II Codice Magliabechiano, ed. K. Frey, Berlin 1892, p. 110. For Vasari's failure to use this source see below, n. 125.

12 A. Chastel, Vasari et la l?gende m?dic?enne, in: Studi Vasariani, Florence 1952, pp. 159-167; and id., Art et Humanisme ? Florence au temps de Laurent le Magnifique, Paris 1961, pp. 19-25 (the second edition, Paris 1982, contains nothing new on the garden). The account of the garden in E. Barfucci, Lorenzo de' Medici e la societ? artistica del suo tempo, 2nd ed., updated by Luisa Becherucci, Florence 1974, pp. 177-221, which has been derided for its over-laudatory tone, actually contains a great deal of useful

material. 13 E. Gombrich, The Early Medici as Patrons of Art, in: Norm and Form, London 1966, pp. 35-57, esp.

pp. 56-57; originally published in: Italian Renaissance Studies: A tribute to the late Cecilia M. Ady, ed. E.F: Jacob, London 1960, pp. 279-311. But Gombrich does conclude: "the seeds of a new kind and concep tion of art were in fact planted in Lorenzo's garden", a much more positive view than that of Chastel.

14 /. Hale, Florence and the Medici, London 1977, p. 59. 15 /. Hook, Lorenzo de' Medici, London 1984. Neither the garden nor Michelangelo's service in the Medici

household is mentioned in this book. If I mention mostly non-Italian historians, this is not out of disrespect

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C Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 67

16 View of Piazza San Marco by Monte di Giovanni, in a Roman Missal of c. 1509-10. Vatican, Biblioteca Apost?lica Vaticana, Cod. Barb. Lat. 610, fol. 7r.

for the Italian contribution: on the contrary, it is the foreign scholars who have led the argument astray. 16 K. Frey, Michelangelo Buonarroti : Quellen und Forschungen zu seiner Geschichte und Kunst, Berlin

1907, pp. 62-64. !7 Chastel 1952 (n. 12), p. 163; id. 1961 (n. 12), p. 22. !? Ibid. ? Chastel 1952 (n. 12), p. 166; id. 1961 (n. 12), p. 25. 20 BorgoISievers (n. 1), p. 237. 21 See ibid.y p. 238, where the authors cite R. Mor?ay, La Cr?nica del convento fiorentino di San Marco,

in: Arch. Stor. Ital., LXXI, 1913, pp. 1-29, esp. p. 29. They interpret this passage as meaning that the Compagnia de' Magi took over the new Tessitori site on the west side of the Via Larga. This is impossible, first because the Tessitori are recorded on the new site from 1481 at the latest (Archivio di San Lorenzo 1929/3, fol. 78r, "avendo la compagnia de tessitori ... di fondamenti fondito e edificato uno spedale dirim petto a San Marcho nuovo") and secondly because the Compagnia de' Magi are never mentioned as confini in any of the dozens of documents I publish below in the appendices concerning property on the west side of the road. Thus the connexion between the Magi confraternity and the Medici gardens is less close than Borgo and Sievers suggest.

22 For San Marco, see M. Ferrara and F. Quinterio, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo, Florence 1984, pp. 185-196, with further bibliography.

23 For brief mentions of the Compagnia di Sta. Croce dei Tessitori, Torcitori e Filatolai di Seta, see R. Trex ler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, New York 1980, p. 411; R. Weissmann, Ritual brotherhood in Renaissance Florence, New York 1982, pp. 64-65. The confraternity was founded in 1405, and its records (after 1511 only) are in ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., 673 (68 vol. I pt B), Interessi Diversi 1511-1579.

24 For the Magi, see esp. R. Hatfield, The Compagnia de' Magi, in: Warburg Journal, XXXIII, 1970, pp. 137-161.

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68 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

25 For the Compagnia dei Fanciulli see R. Trexler, Ritual in Florence: Adolescence and Salvation in the Renaissance, in : The Pursuit of Holiness in late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, ed. C. Trinkaus, Leiden 1974, pp. 200-264, esp. pp. 207, 213, 214, 219. Its records are in ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., P.XXX. Its altarpiece by Benozzo Gozzoli of 1461, made for the new confraternity off the second cloister of S.

Marco, is in the National Gallery, London; see M. Davies, National Gallery Catalogues. Earlier Italian Schools, London 1961, pp. 73-76.

26 Mor?ay (n. 21), La cronaca del convento di San Marco, in: Arch. Stor. Ital., LXX, I, 1913, pp. 1-29, esp. pp. 14 and 29, fols. 6v and lOv. See also Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence, MS San Marco 903, Libro di Ricordi 1495-1532, fol. 23v: "Attendendo che la volunta di Cosimo fu che fanciulli si ragunassino quivi tanto che facessi loro una compagnia al dirimpecto dove anchora extant fundamenta quondam per eum in cepta". The writer, Fra Ruberto Ubaldini, who completed the Cr?nica di San Marco, may have confused the Fanciulli for the Tessitori at this point.

27 See notes 6 and 11 above, and Vasari-Milanesi, vol. IV, p. 256 ("nel giardino che in sulla Piazza di San Marco di Firenze aveva quel magnifico cittadino"), and vol. VII, p. 141 ("il Magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici nel suo giardino in sulla piazza di San Marco").

28 ASF, Catasto 1016, fols. 451 ff.; for the declaration of Clarice's garden see doc. 2.ii. 29 See E. Conti, L'imposta diretta a Firenze nel Quattrocento (1427-1494), Rome 1984, p. 139. 30 For the Compagnia de' Preti, see L. Passerini, Storia degli Stabilmenti di Beneficenza e dTstruzione

elementare gratuita d?lia citt? di Firenze, Florence 1853, pp. 519-534. The Preti's spedale was partly a hostel for visiting priests from the contado and partly an old priests' home. In 1475 they opened a hospital for women. Their archive is ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., G.III.

31 For S. Maria della Neve, see Richa, vol. V, p. 245, and Limburger, pp. 101-102. 32 Paris, Biblioth?que Nationale, Lat. MS 4802, fol. 133v; reproduced in Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 245, figs.

4 and 5. They mistranscribe the inscription as "Ortum de Medicis". 33 See T. de Marinis, La biblioteca napoletana dei Re d'Aragona, Milan 1952, vol. I, pp. 97-98; vol. II, p.

140 and plates 202-212. 34 Biblioteca Vaticana, Vat. Lat. 5609; G. Mercati, Per la cronologia della vita e degli scritti di Niccol?

Perotti (Studi e Testi 44), Rome 1925, p. 129. For the Florence plan (fol. 126v), see G. Boffito and A. Mori, Piante e Vedute di Firenze, Florence 1926, pp. 8-12.

35 Biblioteca Vaticana, Urb. Lat. 277. For the Florence view (fol. 130v), see Boffito/Mori (n. 34). 36 De Marints (n. 33) dates the Paris plan between 1470 and 1480. 37 Most intriguing are two inscriptions in a red ink slightly different from the rest: 'Domus Vespasiani' (in

the Via de' Bardi), and 'Orti Vespasiani' (in the Costa S. Giorgio). For Vespasiano's urban property, see A. de la Mare, Vespasiano da Bisticci, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London 1965, pp. 321, 343, 344 and 380. The Via de' Bardi houses were sold in 1485 (p. 380), which gives a terminus ante for the manuscript.

38 Biblioteca Vaticana, Urb. Lat. 491, fol. 4r. See I. Hyman, Fifteenth Century Florentine Studies. The Palazzo Medici and a Ledger for the Church of S. Lorenzo, New York/London 1977, pp. 221-222, where the representation of the Palazzo Medici is discussed. All four plans are reproduced and discussed by Corne lia Danielson in Cherubini/Fanelli (n. 1), pp. 215-211. For Urb. Lat. 491, see L. Michelini Tocci, Poggio Florentino e Federico di Montefeltro, in: Miscellanea Augusto Campana (Medioevo e Umanesimo, XLIV XLV), ed. R. Avesani et al, Padua 1980-81, pp. 507-536 (I am grateful to Albinia de la Mare for this reference). He dates the MS to 1472 on the basis of Jacopo di Poggio's dedicatory letter, but his explanation of the appearances of the initials FD in places and of the ermine impresa (usually taken to be post-1474 indicators) are not entirely convincing.

39 Although I have not succeeded in pinning down exactly when, or from whom, Lorenzo bought the property, by far the most likely original owner is the closest neighbour to it, the Compagnia de' Preti, and this finds support in their Catasto return of 1438, where a property on the Piazza S. Marco is men tioned: ASF, Catasto 603, Beni ecclesiastici, fol. 122r: "Una casa in sulla piazza di San Marcho a p. s.o via a 3.o beni del detto spedale la quale tiene Mariotto di Chasino forzerinaio fl. 15 ... f 1.214 s.6." I could find no trace of Lorenzo's purchase of this in the Preti's records. Catherine Whistler acutely pointed out to me that the cypress trees must have long pre-dated Lorenzo's acquisition of the garden.

40 See L.D. Ettlinger, A fifteenth-century painted view of Florence, in: Burl. Mag., XCIV, 1952, pp. 160-165. The presence of the Palazzo Strozzi dates the view to after 1489. The garden is not shown in the 'Catena' woodcut view (usually dated c. 1472), from which the London view is largely drawn; see Boffi to/Mori (n. 34), between pp. 44 and 45; and is unlikely to have appeared on the original engraved version (ibid., pp. 24-25).

41 See C. von Hoist, Francesco Granacci, Munich 1979, pp. 159-160, cat. 54, where it is dated c. 1527 after the establishment of the Last Republic.

42 London, British Library Yates Thompson, MS 30, fol. 117v. For this dating, see Elam (n. 1), pp. 52-53.

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 69

For the view in the Vatican missal (Biblioteca Apost?lica Vaticana, Cod. Barb. Lat. 610, fol. 7r), see A. Garzelli, Miniatura florentina del Rinascimento, 1440-1525. Un primo censimento ..., Florence 1985, Vol. I, pp. 275-278, Vol. II, pp. 614-615 (ill.); and, for further bibliography, G. Morello, Raffaello e la Roma dei Papi, exh. cat., Rome 1986, p. 40, no. 32. For the view in the Florence C?rale (Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Codice C, fol. 71), see Garzelli, vol. II, pp. 640-641 (ill.).

43 The Casino della Livia was built by Pietro Leopoldo de' Medici for Livia Malfatti in 1775-78; the ar chitect was Bernardo Fallani; see G. Fanelli, Firenze, Architettura e Citt?, Florence 1973, p. 369. The view of the Piazza in Richa (Fig. 15) dates to some twenty years before the construction of the Casino della Livia.

44 Transcription of plaque. 45 For a discussion of the buildings shown on the Paris plan, see Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 242. Of course I

do not agree with them that the Compagnia de' Magi is represented here (see n. above). It is just possible, however, that the buildings of the Spedale de' Maestri (see n. 61) or the Tessitori may have attached them selves to Lorenzo's garden in this representation.

46 See note 5 above. 47 Dr Newbigin most generously provided me with this reference, which she has now published in: The Rap

presentazioni of Mysteries and Miracles in Fifteenth-Century Florence, in : Christianity and the Renaissance, ed. T. Verd?n and/. Henderson, Syracuse 1990, pp. 361-375, esp. n. 23. Trexler (n. 23), although discussing the dramatic performances of the boys' companies, was unaware of the rich material on the Fanciulli's plays.

48 B. Bellincioni, Rime, Bologna 1876-88, vol. II, LIX, p. 64. Philip Foster kindly informed me of this refer ence. The poem is a Burchiello-like satire on the hypocrisy of the confraternity members' devotion to food in the name of piety. It is not clear whether those concerned were the Fanciulli or another compagnia.

49 For this aspect of the garden see Elam (n. 1). 50 A "Descriptio Horti Laurentii Medicis" by Alessandro Braccesi, which Giovanni Poggi had evidently

hoped might provide more information on the garden (Michael Hirst kindly told me of the reference he had found to it in Poggi's papers) turns out to be a description in verse, dedicated to Bernardo Bembo, of the trees, vegetables and flowers in the garden at the Medici villa of Careggi; see Alexandri Bracci Carmi na, ed. A. Perosa, Florence 1954, pp. 75-77 ; and, for a poem written "Ad Laurentium Emporianum Horto rum Cultorem", where reference is made to a Theanensius hortus, ibid., p. 90.

31 Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 248, speculate on the basis of Francesco's nickname that there may have been a goldsmith's shop complementary to the garden. Although this would not be prima facie implausible, Fran cesco's links with the Medici transcended metalwork.

52 I have first found him in Lorenzo's correspondence in 1469 (ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato XX, 546); for summaries of twelve letters from Lorenzo to him (none of which survives), see M. del Piazzo (ed.), I Protocolli del Carteggio di Lorenzo il Magnifico, Florence 1956, pp. 119, 167, 235, 265, 304, 305, 355, 499, 500, 503. Eight letters from him to Lorenzo survive, and he is referred to in correspondence between Lorenzo and Ser Niccol? Michelozzi (see below).

53 P. Foster, A study of Lorenzo de' Medici's villa at Poggio a Caiano, New York 1978, vol. I, pp. 579-580, n. 894.

54 ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato XXXV, 687; published by Foster (n. 53), vol. I, n. 918, pp. 588-589. 55 BNCF, Fondo Ginori Conti 29, ins. 128: Lorenzo de' Medici from Le Chiane to Ser Niccol? Michelozzi

in Florence: "E potrebbe molto bene essere che el Duca andrebbe a Careggi o in Cafaggiuolo. Mandate per Francesco orafo et ditegli che metta in ordine un di grasso et ... cose del convito per che ad ogni modo sar? costi di tempo che sendo facto il prevedimento si poter mandare dove al Duca parer di andar?".

56 "Francesco orafo ha la cura di quello convito"; Ser Piero Bibbiena to Lorenzo de' Medici, 24th May 1491; Foster (n. 53), vol. 1 p. 390, n. 281.

57 See above, n. 52-53 and esp. BNCF, Fondo Ginori Conti 29, 128 and 129, 16 September 1485: "Solleci ta oportune et importune Francesco orafo nella camera mia, che io ho questa cosa tanto a cuore ..."; pub lished by M. Martelli, I pensieri architettonici del Magnifico, in: Commentari, XVII, 1966, pp. 107 ff.

Michelozzi replied (ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato, LI 356, Foster [n. 53], p. Ill): "La camera si solleci ta forte et ? cominciato a murare l'armare e gl'embrici non sono ancora venuti e di gi? loro [? loco] disegnato buono".

58 ASF, Otto di Pratica, Responsive I, fol. 135r, Luigi Guicciardini to the Otto from Poggibonsi, 10 April 1481. I am very grateful to Michael Mallett for informing me of this document. For Poggio Imperiale see Vasari-Milanesi, vol. IV, p. 276; G. Severini, L'architettura militare di Giuliano da Sangallo, Pisa 1970, pp. 21-29.

59 For Maso Finiguerra and Pollaiuolo, goldsmiths described as Maestri di disegno, see M. Haines, The Sacrestia delle Messe of the Florentine Cathedral, Florence 1983, pp. 170-172.

60 See Elam (n. 1), p. 48, n. 42.

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70 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

61 For the construction of the Spedale de' Maestri, see R. Goldthwaite, La costruzione della Firenze rinasci mentale, Bologna 1984, pp. 380-381.

62 See J. del Badia, La Compagnia dei Tessitori di Drappi e la sua loggia, in: Bull, per la difesa di Firenze Antica, IV, 1904, pp. 51-62; and note 21 above.

63 For other examples see C. Elam, Lorenzo de' Medici and the urban development of Renaissance Florence, in: Art History, I, 1978, p. 60, n. 18; for an unsuccessful attempt at bullying, see C. Elam and E. Gom brich, Lorenzo de' Medici and a frustrated villa project at Vallombrosa, in : Florence and Italy. Renaissance Studies in Honour of Nicolai Rubinstein, ed. P. Denley and C. Elam, London 1988, pp. 481-492.

64 For the Chiostro dello Scalzo see J. Shearman, Flor. Mitt., IX, 1960, pp. 207 ff. 65 For the Casino see P. Covoni, Don Antonio dei Medici al Casino di San Marco, Florence 1892; A. Fara,

Bernardo Buontalenti, l'architettura, la guerra e l'elemento geom?trico, Genoa 1988, pp. 160-165. 66 A very full account of these famous events is given in G.B. Picotti, La Giovinezza di Leone X, Milan

1928, pp. 554-607. I can, incidentally, find no evidence to support the statement of M. Weinberger, Michelangelo the Sculptor, 2 vols., New York 1967, vol. I, p. 4, n. 4, that until 1494 Cardinal Giovanni was housed in the garden.

67 For the Entry, see E. Borsook, Decor in Florence for the Entry of Charles VIII of France, in: Flor. Mitt., X, 1961-63, pp. 106-122 and 217.

68 Presumably the fear was that the French might have their eye on the Medici treasures. Ludovico il Moro expressed an interest in the fate of the Medici collections on 17 November 1494 (see B. Buser, Die Bezie hungen der Mediceer zu Frankreich w?hrend der Jahre 1434-94 in ihrem Zusammenhang mit den allgemei nen Verh?ltnissen Italiens, Leipzig 1879, pp. 34 ff.).

69 G. Poggi, Della prima partenza di Michelangelo Buonarroti da Firenze, in: Riv. d'Arte, IV, 1906, pp. 33 ff. 70 "... in domo orti qui dicebatur Giardinus dominae Claricis olim uxoris Magnifici Laurentii de Medicis";

see Padre V. Chiaroni, Le ossa di Poliziano, in: Rinascita, 1939, 2, pp. 476-477. 71 See A. Grote, Un documento figurativo sulla cacciata dei Medici, in: Il Tesoro di Lorenzo il Magnifico

2: I Vasi, ed. D. Heikamp, Florence 1974, pp. 138-139. 72 As observed by Grote (n. 71). See Picotti (n. 66), pp. 83-84. 73 For the church of San Gallo see G. Marchini, Giuliano da Sangallo, Florence 1942, pp. 32-33, 89; and

F.W. Kent, New light on Lorenzo de' Medici's convent at Porta San Gallo, in: Burl. Mag., CXXIV, 1982, pp. 292-294.

74 See G. Pampaloni, I ricordi segreti del mediceo Francesco di Agostino Cegia (1495-97), in: Arch. Stor. ItaL, 1957, pp. 188-234, p. 196.

75 See G. Cambi, Istorie, in: Frate Ildefonso di S. Luigi, Delizie degli eruditi toscani, vols. XXI-XXII, Flor ence 1785-86, pp. 316-317.

76 See A. Grote, La cacciata, i saccheggi e Carlo VIII a Firenze, in Heikamp (n. 71), pp. 9-15; J.N. Stephens, The Fall of the Florentine Republic 1512-30, Oxford 1983, pp. 26-28.

77 For Cegia, see Pampaloni (n. 74). He was actively working for the Medici throughout this period smug gling out gems or money to them, and was eventually arrested and executed (p. 193). There is some evidence that during the initial sales he was helping to secure Medici property for friendly buyers.

78 See ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato XVI, 447, 22 October 1494, Giovanni Bentivoglio to Piero. "Giovanmarco gioielliere" wrote to Annibale Bentivoglio two days later about a meeting he had had with Piero; Mediceo avanti il Principato XCVI, 286.

79 ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato XIV, 432, Giovanni Bentivoglio to Piero, 3 September 1494; "Io man dai per Zoanne Marco n[os]tro in mani del la MV Ducati XVIIIm doro in oro, sperando che essa con lauctorit? sua dovesse operare chel protonotario mio figliolo fosse creato e publicato Cardinale ... Hora vedendo le cose di questo Cardinalato andar? alquanto in longo, prego la MV che per stesso zoanne marco li piaccia remandarmi de presenti li dicti miei xviiim ducati li quali prometi? de remandare indrieto ogni volta che senta essere facta la publicatione al Cardinale desso mio figliolo ..." See also CM. Ady, The Bentivoglio of Bologna, Oxford 1937, pp. Ill ff., citing AS Modena, PER B187, 11 April 1496. Interest ingly, Giovanni Bentivoglio also bought furniture at the sale of Medici possessions held by the Syndics; see ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato 129, fols. 345r-362 r, Inventario di robe finite per li sindiachi de

Medici da libro rosso, fol. 355v: "A Messer Giovanni Bentivogli / la letiera / lo cha??lo / lo letuccio / 4 tavole con trespoli / lo cha[illeg.~] da tascha', costing 34 florins, 19 lire and 3 soldi. This document also notes the sale of the garden, the only real-estate sale recorded in it.

80 C. Ghirardacci, Della Historia di Bologna, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, XXXIII, 1-2, p. 284, 1 f.: "Si parti di Fiorenza insieme con Giuliano et con Giovanni il Cardinale suoi fratelli, et vennero a Bologna a di 10 di novembre; et gionti al palazzo di Giovanni, fulli nonciato che Pietro Medici con li fratelli erano gionti. Meravigliatosi Giovanni di si repentina venuta, tosto scese le scale, et gli and? ad incontrare; et fattoli salire, gli diede alloggiamento."

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 71

81 Ibid. : "Poco prudentemente havete fatto, o Pietro, perch? non ? cosa da savio ad uscir fuori della porta per voler poi entrare a quel luogo sopra le mura".

82 See G. Gozzadini, Memorie per la vita di Giovanni II Bentivoglio, Bologna 1839, pp. 111-113. 83 They were purchased by Giovanni and Lionardo Tornabuoni, and bought back from them on 5 September

1516; see ASF, Notarile M. 239 (Ser Jacopo di Martino 1512-19), fols. 125v-126v; Stephens (n. 76) states that most of the buyers of property were hostile to the Medici ; while this may be true in some cases (but dealers, or sensali, should not be confused with eventual purchasers), certain key possessions seem to have been secured.

84 Parenti records that chests of silver worth 5000 ducats were found buried at Careggi; see Grote (n. 71), p. 10. 85 See C Tolnay, Michelangelo I, The Youth of Michelangelo, 2nd ed., Princeton 1969, pp. 22, 139. Condi

vi (n. 3), pp. 31-32. 86 F. Albertini, Memoriale ..., ed. C. Milanesi and C. Guasti, Florence 1863, p. 10: "Nel giardino de' Medici

sono assai cose antique venute da Roma". It is not clear from the context whether this refers to the palace garden or that at Piazza San Marco.

87 B. Masi, Ricordanze di Bartolomeo Masi calderaio florentino dal 1478 al 1526, ed. G.O. Corazzini, Flor ence 1906, p. 120: "Ogni sera use! un trionfo, tirato da' buoi del loro giardino di sulla piazza di santo

Marco, e venivono gi? diritto per la via Larga, e quando giugnievono in sul canto de' Medici, si fermava". 88 For the use of the garden again as the starting place for trionfi in 1518, see doc. l.xiii. 89 For the Medici stables, see Elam (n. 1), p. 52, n. 94. 90 I Ricordi di Michelangelo, ed. L. Bardeschi Ciulich and P. Barocchi, Florence 1970, p. 116: "E adi octo

di marzo [1524] in dua fachini, che portorno marmo pesto dal giardino de' Medici a-sSan Lorenzo per chonto dello stuchp, decti cratie sei" ; see also p. 121. The syntax is a little ambiguous, and it is just possible that the Medici palace garden may be referred to.

91 Candace Adelson kindly drew my attention to the presence of the tapestry weavers on the site. Janni Rost's workers had been established in three houses belonging to the Compagnia di Preti at the back of the garden in Via San Gallo from at least May 1546; see C. Adelson, Tapestry weaving under Cosimo I, in: Renaissance Studies in Honor of Craig Hugh Smyth, ed. A. Morrogh, F. Superbi Gioffredi, P. Morselli and E. Borsook, 2 vols., Florence 1985, vol. II, pp. 3-12, esp. p. 27, note 27.

92 See D. Heikamp, Giovanni Stradanos Bildteppiche f?r den Palazzo Vecchio mit Darstellungen aus dem Leben der ?lteren Medici, in: Flor. Mitt., XIV, 1969, pp. 184-200, esp. pp. 198-199.

93 The tapestry is reproduced by Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 247, who also suggest it may be true to life, but identify it with the other garden.

94 For Vannini's frescoes in the Sala di Giovanni di S. Giovanni, see Baldinucci-Ranalli, vol. IV, 1846, pp. 265-266; the document recording their completion in March 1642 is in M. Campbell, Medici patronage and the Baroque: A reappraisal, in: Art Bull., XLVIII, 1966, pp. 137 and 146, doc. 105.

95 The property which had belonged to Cosimo and passed to Don Pietro is specifically excluded from the donation of the Casino Mediceo by Ferdinando de' Medici after Francesco's death in 1587 to his bastard 'son', Don Antonio; see Covoni (n. 65).

96 Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), pp. 238-239 and Appendix, pp. 254-255. 97 The history of these transactions is also recorded in the Libro di Ricordi of San Marco of 1495-1532 cit

ed at note 26 above. 98 This is recorded in great detail in ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., 1646, ins. 7, Libro dello schrivano 1501-20,

fols. 240v -245r. The residence had a chapel of SS. Cosmas and Dami?n at the front, and a choir/meeting hall behind, with a sacristy at the back. All three rooms were vaulted. The old wooden choir stalls and the rest of the Fanciulli's liturgical furnishings, including their double-sided banner by Fra Ang?lico were transferred from the old site. Interestingly, the Medici arms, in honour of Cosimo il Vecchio who had been their benefactor, were installed above the choir for the possession ceremony on 1st May 1506.

99 According to the Libro di Ricordi (see n. 26 above), it had originally been Cosimo's intention to build a new residence for the Fanciulli on the west side of the road. See also U. Mazzone, "El buon governo" : Un progetto di riforma nella Firenze savonaroliana, Florence 1978, p. 193, for Domenico Cecchi's 1497 observation that it would have been better, instead of granting S. Marco the Sapienza site for the novitiate, to give it "da l'altro lato chol giardino e la chompagnia de tessitori ella via in su quanto tiene l'orto de detti frati".

100 AM. Bracciante, Ottaviano de' Medici e gli artisti, Florence 1984, pp. 1 and n. 3, p. 100, claims that Ottaviano's father, Lorenzo di Bernardetto de' Medici, had lived opposite S. Marco in the Via Larga, but there seems to be a confusion here. For Bartolommeo Cerretani, see docs. 2.xii-xiii.

101 See Stephens (n. 76), p. 169. 102 Bracciante (n. 100), p. 16, "una casa con Orto, che si dice l'Orto di Ma Clarice", citing ASF, Carte Dei,

'Famiglia Medici', unnumbered folios. I have not been able to check this reference, which may be a little

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72 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

muddled, as it is not clear that Clement VII had title to Clarice's garden at this stage. For Ottaviano's houses see also C Sodini, II Gonfalone del Leon d'Oro, Florence 1979, p. 18.

103 Bracciante (n. 100), p. 112, n. 138, citing a manuscript Vita del Cardinale di Firenze, che fu Papa Leone XI scritta da un suo Consigliere in sin al tempo che fu mandato in Francia da Clemente VIII, Bibl. Casanatense, MS 4201, fol. 4, which I have not been able to check.

104 See ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., 1646 (P.XXX, 7 and 8), 8, fols. 287r-289r: Ottaviano had occupied the site of the Compagnia dei Fanciulli; by 1540 and on 10th November 1542 the Confraternity sold him 'la compagnia nostra' for 825 florins. For his acquisition of the Compagnia dei Tessitori site, see ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., 673, fol. 287r.

105 Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 245. Vasari mentions "le case del Magnifico Ottaviano de' Medici dirimpetto al l'orto di San Marco" as being just south of the Chiostro dello Scalzo in his life of Andrea del Sarto; Vasari

Milanesi, vol. V, pp. 8-9. 106 Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 246, although, because of their main thesis, they are forced to conclude that Otta

viano misled Vasari. 107 por Lorenzo's collection of antiquities and speculations about those in the garden, see especially E.

Muentz, Precursori e Propugnatori del Rinascimento, tr. G. Mazzoni, Florence 1902; L. Beschi, Le antichit? di Lorenzo il Magnifico: caratteri e vicende, in: Gli Uffizi. Quattro secoli di una galleria, ed. P. Barocchi and G. Ragionieri, Florence 1983, vol. I, pp. 161-76.

108 For the palace garden, see W.A. Bulst, Uso e trasformazioni del Palazzo Medici fino ai Riccardi, in: Cherubini/Fanelli (n. 1), pp. 98-129.

109 G.B. Uccelli, Della Badia florentina, Florence 1858, p. 94: "statua di marmo lunga e co' panni intagliati e non ha capo, la quale si s tima per chi intende che quella fosse in sulla porta del primo cerchio di Firenze ... e fu portata all'orto del Magnifico Lorenzo de' Medici".

110 See Frey (n. 16), pp. 74-75: "lo apportatore di questa e quello di chi lui [se. Baccio Ugolini] mi scrive che viene cost? per passare pi? inanzi. Parmi persona intendente, et che si dilecti di vedere antichaglie. Vorrei, che tu li facessi mostrare tucte quelle delPorto et cosi delle nostre altre, che son? nello scriptoio, quelle pi? o mancho paressino a te ..." Frey thought the reference was to the sculpture garden, but Chastel 1961 (n. 12), p. 23, takes it to be the palace garden, for which view further support is given by Piero's letter of 10th May to Lorenzo describing the visit (IF. Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, 2 vols., Liver pool 1795, vol. II, pp. 96-97), where the visitor is identified as Ermolao B?rbaro: "Dipoi ehe havemmo desinato, li mostrai la casa, le medaglie, vasi et cammei, et in summa ogni cosa per insino al giardino, di che prese grande piacere, bench? non credo s'intende molto di scultura ..."

m Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 249. 112 Ibid., p. 249 and 253, n. 49. 113 For the Compagnia della Stella, in addition to the references above, see M. Martelli, Studi Laurenziani,

Florence 1965, p. 39, citing a letter of 20th February 1490 from Filippo da Gagliano to Lorenzo: "Atten deremo a godere questo carnasciale che sar? pi? fredda che una tramontana, se non fussi la Stella di Marotaz zio che fa domani una magnifica lumieria con 7 trionfi di 7 pianeti con mille belle cose e invenzioni di mano del maestro"; and, another letter of 1492 from the same to Niccolo Michelozzi: "Ragionavasi che la Stella facessi una caccia in sulla Piazza di Santa Croce co' Lioni e orsi, e parmi vadi alia Grascia". See also ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato 241, fol. 287 (no date): "Inventario di arienti prestati alia Stella et per quella compagnia gli prese Amerigo Vespucci"; the silver is itemised, and in many cases is described as bearing Medici arms or devices.

114 See above n. 21. 115 See above, notes 87 and 113. 116 See above, note 47. 117 See, for Florence, II luogo teatrale a Firenze, ed. L. Zorzi, M. Fabbri, E. Garbero Zorzi and A. Petrioli

Tofani, Milan 1975; La Scena del Principe, ed. E. Garbero, A. Petrioli Tofani, and L. Zorzi, in: Firenze e la Toscana dei Medici nell'Europa del Cinquecento, exh. cat., Florence 1980.

118 See C.L. Frommel, Die Farnesina und Peruzzis architektonisches Fr?hwerk, Berlin 1961, pp. 36-37. 119 See Garbero/Petrioli Tofani/Zorzi (n. 117), pp. 309-310. 120 See P. Villari, La Storia di Girolamo Savonarola e de' suoi tempi, 2 vols., Florence 1910, vol. I, p. 138,

citing Burlamacchi, Vita del P.F. Girolamo Savonarola, Lucca 1784, pp. 20-21, for the story of Lorenzo going often to mass at San Marco, and proceeding to the convent garden, but being snubbed by Savonarola.

121 See note 11 above. For the date see Frey (n. 11), p. xcviii (1537-42); C. von Fabriczy, II Codice del FAn?nimo Gaddiano nella Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, Florence 1893, p. 31 (1542-48).

122 II Codice Atl?ntico della Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano. Trascrizione diplom?tica e critica di A. Marino ni, vol. IX, Florence 1979, pp. 175-176, fol. 783v; fol. 286v-c: "fatiche d'ercole a piero / ginori / orto de' medici". Carlo Pedretti dates the notes on mechanics on the same sheet to the period of the anatomical studies at Windsor Castle, i.e. c. 1508-10 (C. Pedretti, The Codex Atlanticus of Leonardo da Vinci. A Cata

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 73

logue of its newly restored sheets, Part II, Florence 1979, p. 112). Unfortunately there is no clue as to the exact meaning of all this; the reference is sometimes taken to be to a commission from Piero Ginori for Labours of Hercules in some medium, but there is no other evidence for such a commission. It is possi ble that Leonardo is noting that Ginori has ([h]a) such a work (perhaps a Roman sarcophagus?). The nota tion about the garden is clearly written at the same time and in the same sequence of thought.

123 Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 242, also make this point, although their chronological limits for the garden are more vague, and they translate the An?nimo Magliabechiano's "sulla Piazza di San Marco" as "near the square", in order to make it fit with their location of the garden. L. Beltrami (Documenti e Memorie riguardanti la Vita e le Opere di Leonardo da Vinci, Milan 1909, p. 5) dates Leonardo's period with Loren zo as 1476-82, after the sodomy case of 1476, when he is cited as being with Andrea del Verrocchio, and before 1482, his thirtieth year, when the An?nimo says he was sent to Milan by Lorenzo with Atalante Migliorotti to take the Duke a lyre. C. Pedretti (Leonardo: A Study in Chronology and Style, London 1973, p. 54) takes the Anonimo's account seriously, and suggests that Leonardo was involved in the sculptured reliefs of ancient generals that Lorenzo commissioned from Verrocchio to send to Matthias Corvinus.

124 For the S. Bernardo altarpiece, see Vasari-Milanesi, vol. IV, p. 87; the contract is published in Beltrami (n. 123), p. 5, no. 10. When in 1483 a commission for an altarpiece in the Palazzo Vecchio was given to Domenico Ghirlandaio, the Signoria ruled that he should carry it out "via qualitate iure modo et forma prout et sicut libere videbitur et placebit Magnifico Laurentio Pieri Cosmi de Medicis" (ASF, Signori Deliberazioni Duplicad 24, fol. 407v, 20 May 1483); A. Lensi, Palazzo Vecchio, Milan 1929, p. 115.

125 Patricia Rubin kindly directed me on this point to W. Kallab, Vasaristudien, ed. /. von Schlosser, Vien na/Leipzig 1908, pp. 178-207. Fabriczy (n. 121), p. 43, notes that the An?nimo and Vasari wrote quite independently of each other and of this passage he says (p. 321): "Anche qui il Vasari non era la sua fonte; ma neppure lui attinse al nostro An?nimo". The passage about the garden occurs in the version of the life of Leonardo that Fabriczy thought to be a kind of fair copy, slightly later than the rest of the lives. Most of the information in it about Leonardo's life is accurate, and not known to Vasari.

126 First published by Poggi (n. 69). Ser Amadeo, a young cleric hoping for a benefice from Piero, was writ ing to his brother, the sculptor Adriano Fiorentino (Adriano di Giovanni de' Maestri), a bronze caster and medallist who had earlier collaborated with Bertoldo and was now in the service of the Neapolitan court; see C. von Fabriczy, Adriano Fiorentino, in: Jb. d. preuss. Kslgn., XXIV, 1903, pp. 71-98. We may presume that Adriano could pick up the cryptic reference to the garden because of his own experience with Bertoldo. These important points were made by M. Hirst, in a review of M. Weinberger, Michelangelo : The Sculptor, in: Burl. Mag., CXI, 1969, p. 763.

127 See the famous story of the snowman, in Condivi (n. 3), p. 29. However, Condivi states explicitly that Piero gave Michelangelo the same room in the Medici house, and the same access to the Medici board, that he had had under Lorenzo.

128 See M. Hirst, Michelangelo, Carrara, and the marble for the Cardinal's Piet?, in: Burl. Mag., CXXVII, 1985, pp. 154-159, esp. p. 155. We arrived at this conclusion independently.

129 See n. 70 above. The account of Poliziano's death in Clarice's garden and burial in Dominican habit in San Marco was written, intriguingly enough, by Fra Ruberto Ubaldini, the author of the Cr?nica di S. Marco; see n. 26. The whole passage is published in Roscoe (n. 110), vol. II, p. 100, doc. LXXXII.

130 For Bertoldo, see especially W. von Bode, Bertoldo und Lorenzo de' Medici, Freiburg im Breisgau 1925 ; C. Seymour, s.v. Bertoldo in Diz. Biog. (sceptical on Bertoldo's role in the garden); /. Draper's book on Bertoldo is forthcoming.

131 U. Middeldorf, On the Dilettante Sculptor, in: Apollo, CVII, April 1978, pp. 310-322. 132 Bode (n. 130), pp. 10-11: "volessi idio chi fussi istato sottol cibacha piutosto che sotto donatello ... sendo

dicepol di donato ..." 133 This was the view of the garden taken by Pope-Hennessy, Sculpture I, pp. 4-5. 134 See above note 2. 135 Vasari-Milanesi, vol. IV, p. 218: "Si diede alio studio di quelle anticaglie, che erano allora in Fiorenza,

la maggior parte e le migliori delle quali erano in casa Medici; e disegn? assai volte alcuni quadretti di mezzo rilievo che erano sotto la loggia nel giardino di verso San Lorenzo; che in uno e Adone con un cane bellissimo, ed in un altro duoi ignudi, un che siede ed ha a piedi un cane."

136 Chastel 1952 (n. 12), p. 166, suggested that artists were employed to restore sculpture in the garden. 137 The closest precedent might be Donatello's relationship with Cosimo il Vecchio: Vespasiano da Bisticci

suggests that Cosimo kept Donatello in work, and gave him clothes (see Vespasiano da Bisticci, Le Vite, ed. A. Greco, Florence 1970-75, pp. 193-194), and it is significant that he rented a house from Cosimo in 1433 on the future site of the Medici palace; see B. Bennett and D. Wilkins, Donatello, Oxford 1984, pp. 33, 77-82.

138 See Condivi (n. 3), p. 28: "Un giorno gli propose il ratto di Deianeira e la Zuffa de' Centauri, dichiaran dogli a parte per parte tutta la favola".

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74 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

139 See Elam (n. 1), and ead. (n. 63). 140 There is a synthetic account by A. Rinaldi, Ideologia e tipologia del giardino urbano a Firenze, in : II

giardino storico italiano, ed. G. Ragionieri, Florence 1981, pp. 125-146. 141 B. Varchi, Storia Florentina, Bk IX, ed. L. Arbib, Florence 1843, vol. 2, pp. 114-115. 142 See G.C Romby, Descrizioni e rappresentazioni della citt? di Firenze nel XV sec?lo, Florence 1976. 143 Varchi (n. 141), ibid. (37 each in Sto Spirito and S. Croce, 24 in S.M. Novella, and 40 in S. Giovanni). 144 I have not as yet been able to identify this garden. Limburger, no. 117, notes a Palazzo Bombicci Pontelli

on the Corso de' Tintori, which passed through Busini hands, but it seems to be too far west on the Corso. Varchi's Busini garden must have been on the Via delle Casine near the Palazzo Dufour Berte (ibid., no. 233).

145 For the Mattonaia gardens, see L. Ginori Lisci, La Mattonaia, un casino di delizia del sec?lo XVIII, Flor ence 1945.

146 See P. Sanpaolesi, La casa florentina di Bartolommeo Scala, in: Studien zur toskanischen Kunst. Fest schrift f?r L.H. Heydenreich, Munich 1964, pp. 275-286; L. Pellecchia, The Patron's Role in the produc tion of Architecture: Bartolommeo Scala and the Scala Palace, in: Renaissance Quarterly, XLII, 1989, pp. 258-291.

147 For the Palazzo Pandolfini and its garden (Torto di Troia') see P. Ruschi, in: Raffaello e l'architettura in Firenze nella prima meta del Cinquecento, exh. cat., Florence 1984, esp. pp. 44-45, where a long eulogis tic poem to palace and garden written in 1525 by 'Benedetto Varicenzio' (presumably Varchi himself) is published from a manuscript of poetry by Ferdinando Pandolfini in the Biblioteca Nazionale (BNCF, Cod. Magi. VII, 718).

148 Ginori Lisci, Palazzi, vol. I, pp. 317 ff. ; id., Gualfonda. Un antico palazzo ed un giardino scomparso, Florence 1983.

149 L. Passerini, Degli Orti Oricellari : Memorie Storiche, in : Curiosit? storico-artistiche florentine, Florence 1866.

150 por the Pitti Palace before its acquisition by Eleonora di Toledo, see L. Baldini Giusti, F. Facchinetti Bot tai, Documento sulle prime fasi costruttive di Palazzo Pitti, in: Filippo Brunelleschi, la sua opera e il suo tempo, Florence 1980, vol. II, pp. 703-731.

151 For the Serristori gardens, see Limburger, no. 650, p. 158, and Ginori Lisci, Palazzi, vol. I, pp. 689-697. The palace to which they were attached was built between 1515 and 1520.

!52 See below, n. 156-157. 153 For the Palazzo Pucci in Via de' Servi, see Ginori Lisci, Palazzi, vol. I, pp. 405-414. The garden with

its muro merlato and coat of arms by Baccio da Montelupo on the corner, is visible on the Buonsignori map of 1584 and on a seventeenth-century painted lunette showing the Via de' Servi in the Museo di Firenze com'era.

154 D. Carl, La Casa Vecchia dei Medici e il suo giardino, in: Cherubini/Fanelli (n. 1), pp. 38-43. ^Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 242; Bukt (n. 108), p. 111. 156 The Pazzi garden is already referred to as "ortum dicti guglielmi de pazi" in a dispute with his neighbour

Guglielmo di Gherardo Cortigiani in 1460; ASF, Capitani di Parte Numeri Rossi 130, fol. lr-v; in 1478 it is described together with the domus magna of Guglielmo di Giovanni on Borgo degli Albizi and backing on to the street behind S. Maria Nuova as "cum quodam orto et casolare ubi est quidam puteus cum hedifi cio ad aurendum (?) aquam"; ASF, Not. ant?eos. G.426 (Ser Giovanni di Ser Marco da Romena), fol. 256r. See also Ginori Lisci, Palazzi, vol. I, pp. 485-486, under Palazzo Pazzi della Colombaria, Borgo degli Albizi, 28. A nineteenth-century drawing of the muro merlato and renaissance gate of the garden is reproduced in C. Ricci, Cento Vedute di Firenze Antica, Florence 1906, no. LXXVIII. The remains of these ornamental details are now being studied by Dr Giancarlo Gentilini, and will be published in the Acts of the Giuliano da Maiano conference held in Fiesole 13-15 June 1991.

157 Vasari-Milanesi, vol. II, p. 407. 158 Alhertini (n. 86), p. 10 ; this comes immediately after the reference to the 'Giardino de' Medici' (see doc.

l.xiv), and runs: "et in quello de'pazzi la fonte e per mano del Rossello excepto lo Hercole di bronzo antiquo" ; in a mid-sixteenth-century version of Albertini's Memoriale, the garden is described as "di Guglielmo dei Pazzi" and the fountain "per mano del Rossello"; see E. Bentivoglio, Un manoscritto in?dito connesso al "Memoriale di molte statue et picture di Francesco Albertini", in: Flor. Mitt., XXIV, 1980, pp. 345-356. The Pazzi fountain is today in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, and will be discussed by Giancarlo Gentilini (see above n. 156).

159 Poggio Bracciolini, Opera Omnia, ed. R. Fubini, vol. I, Turin 1964, p. 63, 65, 66, quoted in Muentz (n. 107).

160 por Lorenzo's visit to Rome, see A. Fabroni, Laurentii Medices Vita, Pisa 1784, p. 38 and notes, pp. 57-58, n. 30; B. Rucellai, De urbe Roma, in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. J.M. Tartini, vol. II, Florence 1770, cols. 828, 839, 841, 1077; see coll. 771-772 for the Orti Oricellari.

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 15

161 por gardens in Rome, see now D. Coffin, Gardens and Gardening in Papal Rome, Princeton 1991, ch. 2, Statuary Gardens. Coffin traces the development of gardens adorned with ancient remains, citing only two notable examples early enough to be relevant to this discussion: Prospero Colonna's 'Gardens of Maece nas', behind his palace dating from the 1440s (but the antiquities were kept in the palace itself), and Pompo nio Leto's collection of inscriptions in his garden on the Quirinal near the Baths of Constantine, gathered in the 1470s (p. 17). Coffin also cites Poggio Bracciolini's garden at Terranuova Bracciolini in the Valdarno, but the comment he attributes to Lorenzo de' Medici was made by Lorenzo Valla.

162 F. Bocchi, II patrimonio Bentivolesco alla meta del Quattrocento, Bologna 1970, pp. 60 ff., describes the large garden of the Palazzo Bentivoglio in Bologna, constructed in the (?) 1470s. In March 1479 Giovanni tried unsuccessfully to power a fountain there from an artesian well. The garden had a loggia with scenes from the Trojan war painted by Lorenzo Costa in the 1480s. See also B. Basile, "Delizie" Bentivolesche. II Zardino Viola nella descrizione aut?grafa di Giovanni Sabadino degli Arienti, in: id. (ed.), Bentivolorum

Magnificentiae. Princeps e cultura a Bologna nel Rinascimento, Rome 1984, pp. 255-285. 163 See Pellecchia (n. 146). 164 For the letter from Ficino to Scala of 11th November 1490 imagining a visit to Scala's house 'sub umbra

lauri', see A. Brown, Bartolommeo Scala 1430-97, Princeton 1979, p. 208. 165 See Albertini (n. 158): "In casa Martelli & Braccesi & Iuliano da Sancto Gallo architecture son? assai cose

antique di Roma." This entry immediately follows that on the Medici and Pazzi gardens. 166 See Passerini (n. 149). 167 According to Passerini, ibid., Bernardo himself wrote in a manuscript at the Riccardiana that the antiqui

ties in his garden had been partly "s?lvate a gran fatica dalla dispersione ehe ebbe luogo per il saccheggio a cui vennero abbandonate le case dei Medici nel 1494"; I have not been able to check this.

168 See above, note 148.

APPENDIX. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE MEDICI GARDENS AT S. MARCO

Most documents come from the Archivio di Stato, Florence. Conventional abbreviations have been expanded and some accents and punctuation added. The original spellings have been respected.

I. THE SCULPTURE GARDEN (THE "GIARDINO SULLA PIAZZA DI SAN MARCO")

Li. 20 May 1475: The Compagnia de' Preti plaster the wall of their church on the side of Lorenzo de' Medici's garden ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., G.III (Compagnia de' Preti), 830, fol. 49r; see Elam (n. 1), p. 48 Item deliberaverunt et commiserunt operariis quod facerent ariciari murum ecclesie versus viam que venit ad ortum laurentii de medicis versus sanctum marcum ...

l.ii. February 1477 (st. c): The Compagnia dei Fanciulli repairs a cloth damaged during a play in Lorenzo's garden ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., 1654, P.XXX.30, fol. 130r. This document was kindly drawn to my attention by Nerida New bigin; see Elam (n. 1), p. 48 A Giovanni del Raggio rimendatore lire 1 soldi 2 sono per rimendatura d'un panno rovescio che si stracci? nel ghardino di Lorenzo a la festa di Santo Stagio, fecesi a di 22 di febraio 1476.

Lui. 147S: Lorenzo's garden is cited as a confine by the church of S. Maria della Neve ASF, Catasto 988, fol. 14r; this reference was kindly given to me by F.W. Kent-, see Elam (n. 1), p. 48 E pi? ha decta chiesa di Sancta Maria de la Neve uno orto confinando cum decta chiesa de drieto et cum Lorenzo de' Medici iii cum lospedale apresso lo zardino di Lorenzo de Medici iiii via che va a San Marcho, lo quale orto hae a ficto Francesco orafo che fa i facti di Lorenzo pagane a lanno fl. 6 sug.o.

l.iv. 21 August 1480: The Ferrarese amabassador, Antonio da Montecatini writes to Ercole d'Est? describing the visit of the Cardinal of Aragon to Lorenzo's garden.

AS Modena, Archivio Segreto Estense, Carteggio degli ambasciatori, Firenze 2, under date; this reference and transcription were kindly supplied by Michael Mallett; see Elam (n. 1), p. 49

Poi el prefato Reverendissimo Signore and? a vedere S.to Marcho et la libraria; poi quello zardino di Lorencio li; poi torn? a casa.

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76 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

l.v. 25 January 1486: The Compagnia de' Preti paves the road by the garden {the present Via degli Arazzieri) ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., G.III, 830, fol. 150v ... commiserunt p.Giorgio nostro carnerario generali quod de pecuniis nostre congregationis faciat et silicare et seu lastricare ab hostio parvo ecclesie nostri hospitalis versus Sanctum Marcum usque ad bona Laurentii de Medicis eo modo et forma prout est aliud lastricum ibi iuxta dictam ecclesiam prius factum et positum ...

l.vi. 15 May 1492: The Compagnia de' Preti decides to make a women's hostel between themselves and the Medici garden ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr., G.III, 831, fol. 75r ... retro ospitale nostrum inter nostram sacrestiam et Giardinum seu ortum Petri Laurentii de Medicis ...

l.vii. Early November 1494: Piero de' Medici has been secretly having arms cached at the garden Piero Parenti, Storie florentine, BNCF II IV 169, fol. 192v; see Elam (n. 1), p. 50

II perch? facto segretamente portare arme al giardino suo da San Marcho ...

l.viii.a. 9 November 1494: After Piero's flight the populace sack both gardens, where valuables had been stored G. Pampaloni (n. 74), pp. 188-234, esp. p. 197 E detto di 9 (di novembre) el pop?lo misse a sacho el giardino e l'altro orto dirinpetto a Sancto Marcho, ne' quali era roba di molta valuta che sera isghombera di palagio loro per la venuta che aveva ad eser de' re di Francia ...

l.viii.b. The same incident recorded by Paolo Giovio; Paolo Giovio, Historiarum sui temporis Liber I, Basle 1578, p. 33

Interea populus omnis, qui tametsi infestis armis saevisque vocibus Mediceos persequendo, diuturnae servitutis jugum fortiter excusisse videri volebat, aliquanto tarnen praedae quam libertatis avidior, ad diripiendas Mediceas aedes ex omnibus regionibus advolant, effracti statim sunt Marciani horti nobilissima Petri supellectile instructi

l.ix. 1495/8: Decima return of the heirs of Lorenzo di Piero de' Medici describing the garden ASF, Decima Repubblicana 28, fol. 450v; see Elam, (n. 1), p. 49 Un orto che volgharmente si chiama el g[i]ardino dirimpetto alla piazza di S.o Marcho chon logg[i]a chamere e chucina a prima la piazza 0/2 via 0/3 beni dello spedale de portatori 0/4 la chonpagnia de tessitori

------. fl. -. [margin] dassi per uso e oggi intendemo esser di Giovanmarcho gioielliere

1.x.a. 6 November 1495 : the Syndics of the Medici heirs sell the garden to Giovanni Bentivoglio of Bologna; France sco di Agostino Cegia is one of the witnesses ASF, Not. ant?eos. M 89, Ser Giovanni di Francesco Manetti 1485-98, fol. 25lr; see Elam (n. 1), p. 50 Pateat evidenter qualiter Spectabiles et dignissimi viri et officiales et sindici super rebus Pieri de Medicis et Redis Laurentii de Medicis ... Vendiderunt Illustrissimo ac magnifico domino Iohanni magnifici domini Michae lis [sic] de Bentivoliis de Bononia ... Unum giardinum cum lodia camera sala terrena vel aliis suis habituris positum super plateam Sancti Marci a primo via a ii.o et iii.o bona societatis de tessitoribus a iiii.o bona congre gationis presbiterorum ... pro pretio ducatorum mille centum triginta sex larghorum auri in auro ...

1.x. b.: The same sale is described at much greater length in AS Ferrara, Fondo Bentivoglio, Catasto "+ " fols. 252r-260r, a document located and photocopied for me with great kindness by Charles Rosenberg. This is a complete copy of the transaction from the decision taken by the Syndics to sell, through the public announcements of the auction, to the auction itself, and its ratification. Fascinatingly, the other bids are listed: Simone di Leonardo bid 820 florins; Bardo di Mich?le Dati bid 115; Tommaso di Marco del Bru??lo 975, and Lorenzo di Zenobio del Magno bid 815. Ser Matteo di Raimondo bidding on behalf of the Bentivoglio, bid 1036 florins, only 61 florins more than his closest rival (The Florentine sources give 1136 florins as the final price). The money was paid out by the Bentivoglio's procurator Giovanmarco gioielliere whose name is given here in full as Tohanni marcho Domini Beninzini de Bonaldis gioglilerii de Bononia . Here the garden is described as:

Unum Ziardinum cum Lodia Camera et sala Terrena et aliis suis habituris positum super platea Sancti Marci de Florentia et super ?ngulo dicto porta vechia sive porticiola cui a p.o via a ii.o et iii.o Bona Societatis de tessitori di Drappi a iv.o Bona Congregationis presbiterorum

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C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 11

l.x.c: The same sale is referred to briefly in ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato CXXIX, fol. 356v:

A Giovanmarcho da Bologna. II giardino cho' loggie et altro posto in la piaza di San Marcho Fiorini 1139 - 12 - 2

l.xi. 26 August 1513: The heirs of Giovanni Bentivoglio sell the garden back to the Medici heirs ASF, Not. ant?eos. M.238. Ser Jacopo di Martino (1512-19), fols. 20v-22r

1513

Item postea dictis anno indictione et die xxvi augusti. Actum in populo S?nete Margerite de Florentie et in domo infrascripti Jacopi presentibus Tommasio Bernardi de Corbinelli et Laurenti Mariotti de Gondis [?] civi bus florentinis testibus etc.

Certum esse dicitur qualiter de anno domini 1496 [sic, but wrong] et sub die xxiii mensis decembris dicti anni seu alio veriori tempore tune Spectabiles et egregii viri sindici et offitiales heredum Laurentii de Medicis vendi derunt magnifico et generoso viro domino Iohanni domini Hanibalis de Bentivoliis de Bononia et seu Iohanni Marcho gioielliere eius hie procuratori pro eo reeipienti infrascripta bona dictorum de Medicis Uno giardino con loggia et chamera et sala terrena et altre sua habituri posto in sulla Piazza di San Marcho a p.o via a 2.0 et 3.0 bona della compagnia de tessitori a 4.0 beni della congregatione de preti infra predecios confines etc. Et pro pretio florenorum mille centum triginta sex larghorum in auro cum pactis promissis et obligationibus de quibus et prout constare dicitur publico instrumento manu S. Iohannis Francesci del Seracino notarii florentini ad quod et contenta in eo relatio habeatur Unde hodie hac presenti suprascripta die honorabilis vir Brunonis quondam S. Baldassaris de Florentia procura tor substitutus et procuratorio substitutione [-is?] nomine magnificorum virorum dominorum Hanibalis Alesan dri et Hermes nec non Reverendi in Christo presbiteri et protonotarii apostolici domini Antonii Galeazi omnium fratrum et filiorum et heredum prefati domini magnifici domini Iohanni de Bentivoliis prout de eius substitutione constare dixit publico instrumento manu S. Francesci quondam Bartolomei de Mutiis [?] notarii publici florentini sub die xxii mensis aprilis anni 1512, substitutus dictus Brunonis a S. Antonio quondam Bar tolomei de Paganellis cive bononiense procuratore principali prefatorum domini Hanibalis Alexandri et Hermes ac domini Reverendi in Christo protonotarii domini Antonii Galeazi ... vigore legis et deliberationis edite et firmate pro presente balia predictis de Medicis sub die [lacuna] mensis [lacuna] anno 1512. Et dictis modis et nominibus vendidit et seu retrovendidit dictis heredibus quondam magnifici Laurentii P?tri Cosme de Medi cis licet absentibus et nobili et prestanti viro Jacobo quondam Iohannis de Salviatis ibidem presenti et ementi etc. Suprascriptum viridarium et bona suprascripta ut supra contenta et confinata et empta et acquistata per prefatum magnificum dominum Iohannem a dictis sindicis infra eosdem suprascriptos confines etc ... [formulae] pro pretio et nomine veri et iusti pretii florenorum quingentorum largorum de auro in auro nitidorum et nitide solvendorum ut infra dicto Brunoro dictis modis et nominibus quod quidem pretium florenorum quingentorum larghorum de auro in auro dictus Brunonis et dictus Jacobus dictis modis et nominibus convenerunt deponan dum esset et quod poni debeat in depositum penes Jaobum et heredes Alamannis et socios de Florentia de Salviatis sub nominibus dictorum Reverendi in Christo presbiteri domini Antonii Galeazi et dictorum domino rum Hanibalis Alexandri et Hermes pro dando et solvendo in libris eorum ... [formulae]

l.xi.b: The same sale back to the Medici is summarised ASF, Carte Strozziane Serie I.X. 40, fol. 17r, "Brevis nota bonorum recuperatorum sub nomine heredum Magnifici Laurentii quondam Leonis pape X et Clementii Setimi" :

Add! 26 d agosto 1513 dagli heredi di Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio si recupero il giardino di su la piaza di S.o Marco per fl.500 d oro . fl. 500

l.xi.c. : The same is recorded in ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato 157, fol. 95r, "Inventario et nota per le possessioni de Medici nuov ament? acquistate de lio anno 1512 in qua" :

Ricompera del Giardino da S.o Marcho fatto da figliuoli di Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio sotto di xxvi di agosto 1513 per fl.500 d oro deputati appresso Jacopo Salviati et heredi d Alamanno Salviati e compagni di Firenze per pagharli a detti figli figliuoli di Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio.

l.xii. 14 August 1516: The Op?rai di Palazzo use trees from the garden to make doors for the Medici Stables at San Marco Op?rai di Palazzo XIV, fol. 157r [the Op?rai receive from Alfonsina Orsini widow of Piero de Medici] ... castagni di quelli ch'erono nel giardino e quali si feciono segare ... per fare le due porte che serrano da capo la via ch'? inanzi alle stalle.

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78 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

l.xiii. 1518: The Op?rai di Palazzo repair the hole in the garden wall through which triumphal cars had passed Otto di Pratica, Deliberazioni Partiti Stanziamenti 13, fols. 13r-14v

[payments for 12 staia of calcina 200 mattoni and 2 opere] per rimurare il muro del giardino donde uscirno e carri triomphali

l.xiv. 1519: Baccio Bigio and Baccio d'Agnolo are building for Alfonsina at the Medici garden ASF, Mediceo avanti il Principato 149, fol. 27: accounts of 1515-19 relating to Poggio a Caiano, the Lago di Fucecchio and the 'giardino di Firenze' E de dare add! detto [27 April 1519] lire 398 soldi 14 piccioli sono per valuta di traina 60 di legniame d'abeto in capi 40 di valuta di piu sorta consegniato a bartolomeo d'antonio legnaiuolo per conto della muraglia del giardino in sulla piazza di St Marcho che vaglio[no] a f.d'oro in tutto - ?1.56 y 6 s. 14 E de dare a ddi detto lire cinque soldi xvii piccioli per tante paghate per ordine di baccio bigio a pi? trainatori che tirorno detto legniame al detto giardino . fl.-y 5 s. 17

I.xv. 1534. The garden is cited in Duke Alessandro de' Medici's Decima return ASF, Decima Granducale 3628. S. Giovanni Leon d'Oro A-, fol. Ir; partially publ. by C. Sodini (n. 102), p. 17

Uno horto vulgharmente si chiama el giardino dirimpecto alia piazza di San Marcho con loggia chamere et chucina a p.o la piazza a 0/2 via a 0/111 Beni dello spedale de portatori a 0/1111 la compagnia de' tessitori quale ? per uso [left margin:] al 98 Decima a 450 in decta Rede per uso.

l.xvi. 1546-53: The Medici tapestry weavers are housed near and at the garden

ASF, Mediceo 1170, ins. 9, doc. 436, Carteggio of Pier Franceso Riccio, fol. Ir; reference and transcription kindly supplied by Candace Adelson [Preti de la Congregazione del Pellegrino petition Cosimo for exemption from D?cime, and ask him to be satisfied with] la pigione di scudi 60 l'anno, si cava di tre case, che hanno servito alii Arazzieri stanno al Giardino.

l.xvii. 1561: The garden belongs to Duke Cosimo I and is still inhabited by the tapestry weavers ASF, Decima Granducale 3783. Ricerca delle case di Firenze. Descrizione del Quartiere di San Giovanni, fol. 87 1352 Habitationi et stanze del giardino de' Medici posti sulla piazza di San Marco dove habitano li Arazzieri di S.E. le quali stanze sono di S.E.I. Stima scudi 30 bocche 7.

II. THE GARDEN OF CLARICE, CALLED 'L'ORTO DI FRANCESCO HORAFO', AND ITS LATER ACCRETIONS

2.i. 1435: The Spedale de' Portatori own a garden near or on this site ASF, Catasto 630, Beni ecclesiastici, fol. lOOr Un'orto presso al detto spedale p.o via 2 Beni di S.pier del Murrone 3 Beni di S. Maria della Neve

2.?. 1480: Lorenzo de' Medici's tax return describes Clarice's garden ASF, Catasto 1016, fol. 414v; first published by K. Frey, Michelangelo Buonarroti: Quellen und Forschungen zu seiner Geschichte und Kunst, Berlin 1907, p. 63

Un orto posto in Firenze in pop?lo di Sto Lorenzo et dirimpetto all'orto di San Marcho volgharmente chiamato Forto di Francesco horaffio, il quale horto chonperai da frati et chapitolo della Badia di Fiesole. in questo modo ehe doppo la morte di Francesco di Mateo orafo et sua donna viene a m. a claricie mia donna liber ament?. Et alla sua heredit?. Et mentre che detto Francesco et la sua donna viver? anno a tenere detto horto e paghare a detta M.a Clarice ho sua rede fl.- 1 ano. Et detta M.a Clarice fece detta chonpera chon detti frati per via di permuta. Et dette loro in chanbio una Bottegha posta nel chorso degli Adimari allato all? speziale del Chapel lo E nel pop?lo di St Christof ano la quale detta M. a Clarice la chonper? da Gino di Francesco Ginori. Et di detta permuta fu roghato Ser Lionardo da Cholle sotto detto

- fl. 5. 14. 4

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 79

2.Hi. 16-19 January 1485: The Maestri di Pietra e Legname grant a perpetual lease on the hospital to Clarice de' Medici ASF, Arte di Maestri di Pietra e Legname 3, fols. 46r-47r; the formal contract notarised by Ser Bastiano di Antonio di Ser Forese is on fols. 48r-49r Et attendentes qualiter infrascripta domus et bona olim ad triennium locata per c?nsules dicte artis Ioanni Betti tintori per se et nominandum ab eo pro annua pensione florenorum undecim larghorum auri fuisse et esse penes egregiam mulierem dominam Claricem uxorem magnifici Laurentii olim Pieri Cosme de Medicis ip sam que cupit pro se et suis heredibus et successoribus dictam domum et bona pro dicta annua pensione retine re. Et volentes dictam pensionem pro dicta arte conservare dicteque domine Clarici gratificare ... [they elect consuls, including Simone della Robbia to let] prefate domine Clarici uxori dicti magnifici Laurentii pro se et suis heredibus et successoribus domum dicte artis vulgariter lo spedale nuncupatam positam Florentie in populo Sancti Laurentii prope conventum Sancti Marci cum omnibus suis hedificiis et pertinentiis cui a primo via a secundo hospitalis tessitorum a iii et iiii viridarium et bona prefate domine claricis infra predictos confines ad habendum ... et quicquid dicte domine Clarici et eius heredibus et successoribus placuerit faciendi ... [the rent is never to be less than 11 florins per annum]

2.iv. 22 July 1486: Clarice buys another piece of land to add to her garden ASF, Not. ant?eos. G.427, Ser Giovanni di Ser Marco da Romena (1485-86), fols. 153v-154r

[Donna Matthea wife of Bartolommeo di Bartolo di Antonio tessitore di drappi, through her mundualdo Matteo di Giovanni, canon of Volterrra, sells to Clarice de Medici:]

Unum petium terre ortive positum Florentie in populo Sancti Laurentii iuxta ortum prefate domine Claricie longitudinis iuxta dictum ortum bracchiorum triginta septem, vel circa, et latitudinis a muro dicti orti usque ad quandam clausuram ... positam inter dictum petium terre et reliquum orti dicti venditoris bracchiorum trede cim vel circa et longitudinis iuxta murum orti hospitalis portatorum a dicto orto dicte domine claricie usque ad murum domus Pauli et fratum del Larione et latitudinis a dicto muro orti dicti hospitalis usque ad quandam portam [?] sitam in orto dicti venditoris bracchiorum quinqu? vel circa: Et longitudinis iuxta dictam domum Pauli del Larione et fratrium et iuxta domum dicte abbatie prosimiorem dicte domui Pauli et fratrum del Lario ne quatenus est a dicto muro orti dicti hospitalis usque ad dictam domum dicte abbatie inclusive : Et latitudinis bracchiorum quinqu? prout est inter dictum murum et dictam portam [?] cui petio terre a primo dictus ortus dicte domine claricie a ii.o dictus murus dicti orti dicti hospitalis a iii.o dicta domus dicti Pauli et fratrum del Larione et dicte abbatie a iii.o reliquum orti dicti venditoris et a quinto dicte abbatie infra predictos confi nes vel alios etc. [there follow legal conditions including a proviso concerning residual rights the Badia of Fiesole has over the property] ... pro pretio florenorum auri triginta largorum in auro

2.v. 1490 25 September. The Compagnia dei Preti sells to the Compagnia dei Tessitori some property in the Via San Gallo for the construction of a new hospital ASF, Not. B.2322, fols. 58r, 69r-v ... pro conficiendo inibi habitationem ad usum dicte hospitalis sive unum hospitale ... [fol. 69r] tres domos simul iunctas positas in Via Sancti Galli civitatis Florentie in populo secularis et collegiate ecclesie Sancti Lau rentii vulgariter el palagetto numcupatas cum terreno puteo curia palchis et cameris et aliis suis habitaculis quibus a primo dicta via a ii.o et iii.o bona dicte congregationis presbiterorum a iiii et quinto dicta societas textorum etc. [price 320 gold florins ; fol. 71r-v: on 16th October the Tessitori in order to liberate the three houses from the payment of the annual census hand hack to the Preti the part of the property called the palagetto plus a new party wall. It seems likely that Lorenzo and Clarice made the Preti sell the Tessitori this property, so they could take over the Tessitori s old hospital next to the garden; see the discussion by the Preti on 7th March 1471 of pressure on them to sell their hospital; ASF, Comp. Relig. Soppr. 830, fol. 20r:] "alii cives et potentes delibera verunt edificare quandam societatem ubi se coadunare possint ad orandum etc. et si nobis placeret conceder? predictis hospitale ubi habitant et dormiunt pauperes clerici Christi quod ipsi unum novum hospitale nobis edificarent apud hospitale mulierum eius suntibus."

2.vi. 1495; Decima return of the heirs of Lorenzo de' Medici ASF, Decima Repubblicana 28, fol. 450v Un orto che si dice Forto di Francesco horafo: e dello spedale de portatori dirinpetto a S.o Marcho a chonfini la chasa de maestri via e beni della Badia di Fiesole e spedale de portatori [margin] dassi per v.a di Sig. Ufficiali di Decima di stima di fl.X - ?1.10

(the garden is also mentioned on fol. 467v among a list of alienated property)

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80 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

Una bottegha in detto luogho [Via Ferravecchi] allato alia sopradetta apigonassi a fl.10 dettesi all? spedale de portatori per aver lorto dirimpetto a S.o Marcho

2.V?. 1495/8: Decima return of Compagnia dei Tessitori includes the hospital which had been partly appropriated by Clarice de' Medici Decima Repubblicana 67, fol. 90r Una stanza dirimpetto a San Marcho chon una loggia in cholonne e chon certe stanze di sopra che una parte ne tiene a pigione Lorenzo di San.o B.to ... el resto di detta muraglia si tiene chol giardino ch era di mo. Chlarice di Lorenzo de Medici per valuta a gli ufficiali fl. sei di suggello - fl. 62.

2.viii. 28 February 1496: The Maestri di Pietra e Legname appoint syndics to let the hospital, and grant a lifetime's lease to Girolamo de' Rossi ASF, Maestri 3, fols. 61r-64v Accio che lo spedale del arte ritorni nella pristina liberta et esser che soleva inanzi si conferisse a mona Clarice donna fu di Lorenzo de Medici e che si metta ad executione quanto insino a qui ? stato praticato per che fu deputato sopra ci? co' sindaci overo offitiali di Piero di Lorenzo de Medici ... [the consuls have authority to let but not to alienate the hospital; Vittorio di Lorenzo Ghiberti and Simone della Robbia are among the six appointed!

[62r] Et attendentes qualiter de anno 1484 et die 19 mensis Januarii ... fuit concessum traditum et locatum ad pensionem in perpetuum domine Clarici uxori laurentii de Medicis presenti et accipienti pro se et suis heredi bus et successoribus unam domum vulgariter nuncupatam lo spedale del arte de maestri positam Florentie prope conventum Sancti Marchi infra suos confines cum omnibus suis pertinentiis pro annua pensione florenorum xi larghorum ut patet manu mei notarii infrascripti [illeg.] et qualiter postea de anno domini 1494 heredes et successores dicte domine Claricis propter affectatam tiranidem civitatis Florentie fuerint facti rebelles comu nis civitatisque dicte Et volentes c?nsules dicte artis et ... dictum hospitale recuperare et illud redire in pristi nam libertatem et potestatem dicte artis prout equum et iustum videbatur: ex eo maxime quia dicta locatio et venditio non fuit facta legiptime cumque legiptimo et iusto pretio sed contra voluntatem hominum et perso narum dicte artis prout in similibus de aliis per earn et familiam predictam domus dicti olim Laurentii de Medi cis fieri consuevit ... [Six syndics are elected with power to recuperate the property and to relet it, but not for longer than 'vitam unius hominis']

Attendentes ... Girolamo di Giovanni de' Rossi da Pistoia ... cupiet conducere in affictum hospitale et domum hospitalis dicte artis [the six syndics have the right to let to him] domum dicte artis vulgariter nuncupatam lo spedale del arte de maestri positam Florentie in populo Sancti Laurentii prope conventum Sancti Marci cum omnibus suis edificiis et pertinentiis cui a primo via a secundo hospitalis textorum 3.o et 4.o viridarium et bona olim domus Laurentii infra predictos confines [for the life of Girolamo*. at an annual rent of 8 florins; on 10 March 1496 (fols. 63r-64r) this is changed to 8 florins plus a down payment of 100 florins and any improvements

made by Girolamo are to revert to the hospital]

2.ix.a. 14 April 1496: Luca di Fruosino di Panzano buys the garden from the Syndics of Medici property ASF, Not. ant?eos. V.356, Ser Lorenzo Violi 1500-03, fols. 158r-161r; Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), p. 254; the property is described as:

... unius orti sive viridarii positi in civitate Florentie et e contra ecclesiam Sancti Marci de Florentia videlicet e contra portam fianchi dicte ecclesie. Cui orto a primo via a 2.o bona artis magistrorum a 3.o bona societatis textorum a 4.o bona abbatie Fesularum a v.o hospitalis de portatoribus a vi.o ecclesie Sancti Petri del Murrone a vii.o societatis sancti Iohannis Scalzi de Florentia, infra predictos confines vel alios veriores pro pretio floreno rum 325 auri largorum in auro [cf. Libro di Ricordi di S. Marco (n. 26 above), fol. 17r: this was bought as a site for the Compagnia de' Fanciulli]

2.ix.b. 18 April 1496: Luca di Fruosino di Panzano names San Marco as the purchaser of this garden ASF, Not. ant?eos. V.356, Ser Lorenzo Violi (1500-03), fols. 158r-61r; Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), ibid.

2.ix.c. 5 May 1496: Official record of this sale ASF, Not. ant?eos. V.306, Ser Antonio di Ser Anastasio Vespucci (1492-96), fols. 231v-232r

2.x. 14 November 1503: Agreement between S. Marco and Girolamo de' Rossi Violi as above; Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), pp. 254-255 As appears in the books of the Syndics of the Medici heirs kept by Tommaso Borghini (n.b. these obviously had the fullest account of these transactions), Girolamo de' Rossi had paid the purchase price for the garden on behalf

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C. Elam I Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 81

of S. Marco. Both parties thought it would be legitimate for the property to pass into the hands of de' Rossi as appears in an act of 14 June 1496. Girolamo has held the garden up to now and has spent 39 florins on improvements. According to canon law this transaction was never legal. The garden is now to revert to San Marco, who are to pay to de Rossi the original purchase price of 325 florins plus 39 florins.

2.xi. 1504: San Marco builds a new residence for the Compagnia dei Fanciulli on the site of Clarice's garden Cr?nica di San Marco, fol. 73v; R. Hatfield, The Compagnia de' Magi ..., doc. 13; the site is described as "e regione [i.e. opposite] veteris habitationis" ; Borgo/Sievers (n. 1), n. 11. Comp. Relig. Soppr. 164, ins. 7, fols. 240r-244r

2.xii. June 14 1504: The Syndics of San Marco sell the remainder of the garden to Francesco Cesare Petrucci acting for the Compagnia dell'Assunzione ASF, Not. ant?eos. C.554, Ser Filippo di Cione di Giovanni (1504-06), fols. 36r-37r Unum petium terre ortive cum muris circum circa latitudinis brachiorum lx vel circa et longitudinis brachiorum lxxv vel circa una et cum quodam quadro orti paschi in parte posteriore cuiusdam domus artis magistroum civitatis de Florentia stariorum unius ad cordam vel circa posta in populo Sancti Laurentii de Florentia et seu in populo Sancti Marci predicti cui a p.o via a secundo societatis purificationis vulgariter nuncupata la compa gnia de fanciulli di S.o Marcho a iii.o dicte artis magistrorum a iiii.o hospitalis textorum de Florentia a v.o S.Marie [lacuna] a vi.o [lacuna] ... pro pretio et nomine veri iusti pretii florenorum ducentorum quinquaginta auri largorum in auro [with the proviso that] quod in presenti venditione non veniat nee venire intelligatur quod dam spatium latitudinis et longitudinis brachiorum octo et sic unum quadrum brachiorum octo per ogni verso quod spatium et seu quadrum est positum iuxta societatem puerorum sancti marci et iuxta viam comunem pro ibidem conficiendo quandam curiolam pro pueris dicte societatis prout dictis fratribus in capitulo [lacuna] liceat edificare super dictum murum dicte cortiarie in parte anteriori dicte curie ... dicta bona ut super vendita et cum pactis etc. quod ... prefatus emptor [vel] pro se nominandi ab eo non possint construere aut edificare in dicta latitudine et longitudine dicti totius orti prout trahit via comunis et versus dictum conventum sancti marci nisi ecclesiam et seu societatem et quod in parte anteriori dicte ecclesie et seu societatis non possint fieri aliquae fenestre que spiciant aut respicere possint in ortum dictorum fratrum ... et altitudinis brachiorum sex ... in diet ... dicte terre et in parte posteriori dicti totius orti liceat dicto emptori et nominando ab eo edificare finestras ... et al. ad eius libitum respicientes versus viam Sancti Galli ita quod in dictum ortum fra trum non videant ambulantes ut supra ... [If they disobey this proviso the whole garden and buildings revert to San Marco; reference is also made to the Innocenti and Bigallo]

2.xiii. 20 December 1504: Francesco Petrucci gives a site to the Compagnia dell'Assunzione for their residence, having sold off the rest of the garden to Bartolommeo Cerretani ASF, Not. ant?eos. C.554, Ser Filippo di Cione di Giovanni (1504-06), fols. 135v-136r Cum sit quod de presenti anno domini MDIIII et de mense Iunii proximi preteriti Reverendus in Christo Domi nus Fransciscus Cesaris de Petruccis clericus florentinus [et] pro se nominando ab eo emerit a fratre Francisco Marie de Gondis sindico fratrum capituli et conventus S.Marci de Florentia quendam ortum positum prope dictam ecclesiam infra suos confines pro pretio 250 largorum in auro ut constat manu mei notarii infrascripti. Et cum sit quod idem dominus Franciscus prefatum ortum emerit pro se et pro se nominando ab eo et ad instantiam hominum societatis assumptionis beate virginis pro ibidem construendo unam societatem. Et cum sit quod prefatus dominus Franciscus post modum nullum nominaverit in emptorem orti predicti. Et cum sit quod post lodum idem dominus Franciscus edificere fecerit in parte orti predicti et prope societatem puerorum purificationis Sancti Marci predicti Unam societatem et seu situm societatis latitudinis brachiorum xxii et longi tudinis brachiorum 54 in circa cum uno quadro existenti inter ambas societates contiguas que muramenta idem dominus Franciscus fecit et'se fecisse asseruit partim de peeuniis suis et parte hominum dicte societatis assump tionis. Et cum sit quod post modum idem dominus Franciscus vendiderit per quandam scripturam privatam confeetam manu tertie persone residuum dicti totius orti Bartolomeo de Cerretanis pro pretio florenorum 250 auri largorum in auro ... quod dictum quadrum esse solum ubi et super quo fuit et est edificata societas predieta seeundum supra narratum esset et remaneat. Et dictus ... quare prefatus dominus Franciscus volens se reddere gratum versus homines societatis predicte ... dedit et ... inter vivos donavit dictis hominibus societatis predicte licet absentibus et mihi notario pro eis reeipienti et aeeipienti Totum illum quadrum et seu solum ubi edificata est dicta societas cum omnibus iure pertinentiis et speetantiis in quadro contiguo inter dictam societatem puero rum et societatis predicte ...

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82 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

2.xiv. 29 April 1512: Francesco Petrucci sells the garden to the Compagnia de' Tessitori di drappi, the transaction with Bartolommeo Cerretani having been declared void ASF, Not. ant?eos. C.555, Ser Filippo di Cione di Giovanni (1501-14), fol. 21r-v Certo essere si dicie che insino dell'anno 1504 el venerando Messer Francesco di Cesare Petrucci chierico fioren tino a preghiera et instantia delli huomini di certa compagnia che in decto tempo si ragunava nella casa di Sancta Maria della Neve di via di San Ghallo la quale di presente si chiama la compagnia della assumptione Uno pezo di terra ad uso d orto murato intorno di staiora ... [sic] incirca posto nel pop?lo di S. Lorenzo di Firenze et a rincontro la Chiesa di S. Marco confinato da p.o via a ii.o l'arte delli maestri a iii.o beni della compagnia de tessitori di drappi a iiii.o di Sancta Maria della Neve a 5.0 de frati di Sancto Marco predicto infra le predicte confini per prezzo di fl.250 di oro in oro ... Et conciosiache di poi et dello anno predicto decto messer Francesco in parte di decto orto murasse et edificasse di nuovo uno sito di compagnia come di presente si vede intitolato la Compagnia dell'assumptione la quale muraglia in parte fu facta delle pecunie di decto messer Francesco et il restante della propria pecunia delli huomini di decta compagnia. Et certo essere si dice come di poi et dello anno ... [sic] o altro pi? vero tempo decto messer Francesco donasse gratis e beni sopra del quale fu edificata decta compagnia Et pi? dello anno ... [sic] donasse et finisse al decta compagnia et huomini ogni aconcime miglioramenti et spese in qualunque

modo per lui fatte in decta muraglia insino a decto di come del tucto et appare ... [r?f. to above act, but with lacunae] Et certo essere si dice come insino alio anno 15... [sic] decto messer Francesco promisse di vender? a Bartolomeo di Pag?lo Cerretani el restante di decto orto comperato da decti frati come di sopra et dallui hebbe certa quanti t? de danari le quali si converti in muramenti et acconcimi di decta compagnia. Et conciosiache dello anno 1511 et del mese di dicembre proxime passato o altro pi? vero tempo Niccolo di Girolamo Lapi et ... [sic] sindichi et procuratori di decta compagnia dessino et restituissino al decto Bartolomeo Cerretani in nome di

messer Francesco ... et di suo consentimento tutta quella quantit? che infra loro furono dacordo che al decto Bartolomeo si dovesse restituere in tal modo che decto Bartolomeo ricevuta in sua quantita di danari rilasciasse decto orto e beni libero et expedito al decto messer Francesco Petrucci el quale messer Francesco tenne per decta compagnia insino a di ... [sic] del mese [sic] 1511. Onde hoggi questo di decto di sopra constituti il prefato messer Francesco in presentia di me notario et sopra scritti testimoni et volendo dichiarire la verit? delle sopradette cose et di ciascuna di ipsa dixe et afferma tucte le cose predecte essere state et essere ver? et pero e essere contento che il prezzo di decte terre et beni cosi vendute o da vendersi a decta compagnia de tessitori si paghi et debbe pagare alli huomini della compagnia della assumptione o ver loco o a Piero di Bernardo Mazzinghi o a Niccolaio di Girolamo Lapi o a Pag?lo di Giovanni Federighi li ciptadini fiorentini sindichi et procuratori di decta compagnia d assumptione del quale prezzo essi sindichi son? tenuti debbon render buon conto a decta compagnia et huomini d assumptione ...

2.xv. 20 October 1513: Lorenzo di Piero di Lorenzo de' Medici cedes his rights on the garden to the Compagnia dei Tessitori ASF, Not. ant?eos. M. 239, Ser Jacopo di Martino (1512-19), fols. 30v-32v; cf. also ASF, MAP 157, fol. 95r: "A di di 21 di ottobre 1513 lo Illustrissimo Signor Duca d Urbino fecie fine dello orto a contemplanti [The history of the transactions above is given. The confraternity of the Assumption is described as "societas assump tions virginis marie vulgariter nuncupata de contemplanti"; the price of the sale to the Compagnia dei Tessitori is given as 420 florins, and the notary as Ser Benedetto di Matteo di Bartolo, the dates 9 January 1512 (st. c.) and 7 December 1512. It is agreed that "loco restitutionis dicti orti et seu pro dicto orto et pro eo liberando dicte societati testorum", the procurators are to pay Lorenzo 150 gold florins, and he renounces his rights to that part of the property.

2.xvi. 1534: Ottaviano's house and garden are now on the site of Clarice's garden ASF, Decima Granducale 3628, fol. 124v Beni comperati e non achonci Una casa in Via di San Ghallo apichata colla casa e orto grande di Ottaviano che a p.o via a o/2 o/3 detto Ottayiano de Medici a 0/4 la chasa di Santa Maria della Nev? e piu altri veri honfini - se Una casa posta nella Via Largha grande al dirinpetto alia Chiesa di San Marcho per fiancho con orto e altre sue appartenenze posta nel pop?lo di San Lorenzo dove oggi s'abitano predetto Antonio et Ottaviano a p.o via 0/2 el giardino de Medici a 0/3 Via di San Ghallo a 0/4 la chonpagnia de fanciulli di San Marcho e altri piu veri chonfini chonperossi da Pagholo di Bartolomeo Cerretani e per decima di se. 11. 8. come si vede all'arroto 1513 no. 51 (?) in hor.no (?) di Pagholo di Niccolo Cerretani e dallui sa allevare - se. 7 [cancel led] ridotta per uso

[left margin] Da hontadini estimo Sa. Ma. Na. no. 5 allaroto 1513 no. 6 in Pagholo di Niccolo Cerretani per decima di se.xi di viii

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C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden 83

2. xvii. 1561: Ottaviano's sons have divided the property, the casa grande going to Bernardetto ASF, Decima Granducale 3783. Ricerca delle Case, fol. 87r; see also Decima Granducale 3060, no. 544; the following three documents were kindly found for me by Daniela Lamberini

1353 M. Alexandro di M. Ottaviano de Medici una casa posta in Via Larga contigua al giardino de Medici et a M. Bernardo de Medici. Habita lui detto stimata se. 80 bocche 8

. se. 80. 4. 4. 1354 M. Bernardetto de Medici una casa contigua alia sopradetta et alle monache di Sto Giovannino Habita lui stimata 80 boche

20. se. 80. 4. 4.

2.xviii. 1568 23 March: Grand Duke Francesco I de' Medici buys the casa grande and garden from Bernardetto di Ottaviano ASF, Reali Possessioni 4117, Campione di Beni Stabili del Ser.mo don Francesco Medici Gran Duca di Tosca na, fol. lv, Beni comperi il Ser.mo Gran duca Don Francesco ...

Una casa grande con due giardinetti con spalliere frutti pozzi con sua conserva d'acqua et con uno attignitoio da Acqua con due statue di pietra et ballatoio con faculta d'aprire tre finestre serrate m?rate che rispondono sopra l'horto et con tutte le sue appartenenze posta nel pop?lo di San Lorenzo in Via Larga, confini detta via oltre alia piazza di San Marco et ricontro al Monastero di San Marco 0/2 beni di Messer Alessandro d'Otta viano de' Medici 0/3 beni di frati della Badia di Fiesole 0/4 beni del detto Bernardetto de Medici 0/5 beni di suor Scolastica de Massaconi monaca nel monastero di San Bernaba di Firenze 0/6 beni della compagnia de' Portatori di Norcia 0/7 beni delle monache di San Giovannino di Firenze 0/8 della Compagnia di San Giovanni dello Scalzo infra predetti confini Compera dal Signor Bernardetto de Medici come si dira appresso come fu contratto rogato Ser Giovanbattista Giordani a di 23 di Marzo 1567 [8] (The total cost of this, a neighbouring house, and four houses in the Via San Gallo was 4762 scudi)

2.xix. 1577 16 February: Francesco I exchanges with Alessandro di Ottaviano a house on the Via Maggio for Alessan dro's Via Larga house Ibidem

... una casa grande con tutte le sue apartenenze et una casetta drieto con horti et sue apartenenze posti in Firenze nel pop?lo di San Lorenzo in Via Larga ... [the confines are] 1 via 2 Francesco 3 Donato Bini 4 Badia 5 Ser Andrea Recuperati 6 Ser Fr.co Filippi 7 Congrega de preti 8 Sr Don Pietro de Medici.

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84 C. Elam / Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden

RIASSUNTO

Con l'ausilio di una ricerca archivistica approfondita, questo studio tenta di mettere in luce qualche elemento di 'realt?' dietro il mito del "giardino di scultura", presentato da Vasari come scuola di giovani artisti. I problemi riguardanti la ricostruzione storica dei dati cronologici e topografici del giardino son? stati complicad dagli errori degli storici del Novecento, a comin ciare da Karl Frey, il quale nel 1907 identifico come il giardino di Lorenzo l'orto contiguo spettante alia moglie Clarice Orsini. Lo studio pi? recente, di Lodovico Borgo ed Ann H. Sie vers, perpetua questo fraintendimento, incolpando Vasari della creazione di ulteriori 'sbagli' immaginari.

I nuovi documenti stabiliscono che "il giardino in sulla Piazza di San Marco" citato da Vasari come sede della scuola pu? identificarsi con una propri?t? sulPangolo della Piazza con l'odierna Via degli Arazzieri (dove oggi si trovano il Casino della Livia ed il giardino contiguo). Essa fu acquistata da Lorenzo de' Medici prima del 1475 e qui si trovavano al tempo della sua morte "loggia, camera, sala terrena e cucina". Dopo la fuga dei Medici, il giardino fu comprato nel 1495 da Giovanni Bentivoglio, signore di Bologna, e rivenduto ai Medici nel 1513 dopo il ritor no dalPesilio. All'epoca di Vasari fu abitazione dei tessitori delParazzeria granducale, passando poi nelle mani di Don Pietro de' Medici.

Negli anni '80 del Quattrocento la moglie di Lorenzo, Clarice, accumulava una serie di orti e spedali confinanti con il giardino del marito, proseguendo fino al futuro Chiostro dello Scalzo. Nel periodo dell'esilio dei Medici, questi orti furono venduti e ripartiti, trasformandosi in sedi di diverse confraternit?. Fu Ottaviano de' Medici che, cominciando dagli anni '20 del Cinque cento, ricompr? questi pezzi spartiti per costruirvi il magnifico palazzo con giardino dove pi? tardi Buontalenti edificava il Casino Mediceo per conto di Francesco I. Vasari, il protetto di Ottaviano, conosceva bene questa zona, e la distingue nettamente dal "giardino in sulla piazza".

Alcuni documenti isolati e frammentari indicano il ru?lo cult?rale giocato dal giardino sotto Lorenzo il Magnifico ? come sede di sacre rappresentazioni recitate dalla Compagnia dei Fan ciulli e posto di tappa negli itinerari dei visitatori illustri. Dopo il 1512 funziona come luogo di partenza per i carri trionfali durante le feste medicee. Purtroppo, rimane difficile l'identifica zione delle antichit? che si conservavano nel giardino.

II ru?lo dato dal Vasari al giardino come scuola di giovani artisti non incontra ostacoli di carattere cronol?gico o topogr?fico, pur essendo nei dettagli un'elaborazione anacronistica. Leo nardo da Vinci avrebbe potuto lavorare nel giardino come asserisce l'Anonimo Magliabechiano, e la presenza di Michelangelo li, almeno nel 1494, trova conferma nella lettera di Ser Amadeo al fratello, lo scultore ed allievo di Bertoldo, Adriano Fiorentino.

L'articolo conclude con un breve esordio sulla tipologia del giardino urbano nella Firenze del Quattrocento e della prima meta del Cinquecento, uno sviluppo in cui il giardino di Lorenzo sulla Piazza di San Marco si inserisce come esemplare pioneristico.

Photo Credits:

Gab. Fotogr?fico, Florence: Figs. 1, 9, 10, 15. - KIF: Figs. 2, 3, 11, 13. - Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome: Figs. 4, 5, 16. - Author: Figs. 6, 7, 14. - Anderson: Fig. 8. - Alinari: Fig. 12.

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Print Quarterly Publications The Academy of Baccio Bandinelli Author(s): Ben Thomas Source: Print Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 1 (MARCH 2005), pp. 3-14 Published by: Print Quarterly Publications Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41826335 Accessed: 03-03-2020 18:17 UTC

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The Academy of Baccio Bandinelli

Ben Thomas

The writer and printer Anton Francesco Doni (1513-74) introduced the sculptor Baccio Bandinelli (I493_ i56°) as a character in the sixth book of his dialogue Disegno of 1549. Described as a 'miraculous draughtsman' possessing both 'the science of colouring and sculpting', Bandinelli was ideally placed to bring to a resolution the principal subject of the dialogue: the controversy about whether painting or sculpture was the better art form.1 According to Doni, the artist had acquired the 'il principato del disegno' by means of the prints of the Massacre of the Innocents and the Martyrdom of

St Lawrence , engraved after his designs by Marco Dente da Ravenna and Marcantonio Raimondi respectively.2 Giorgio Vasari, in his biography of the sculptor, also attributed Bandinelli's fame as an artist - in part at least - to the medium of printmaking: the Massacre of the Innocents had 'showed good design in the figures and a knowledge of the muscles and the limbs which brought him great fame in Europe'.3

Bandinelli's ability as a draughtsman was seen as somewhat unusual for a sculptor, and the quality of his design was, according to his critics, not always realized in his sculptural works. Vasari records that while Bandinelli was working at the Holy House in Loreto he

was criticized by Andrea Sansovino, who pointed out that 'good design does not consist in the paper but in the perfection of the finished stone'.4 Vasari is also our source for the anecdote of how Bandinelli complained to Pope Clement VII that the engraver had committed many faults in the execution of his design for the Martyrdom of St Lawrence. However, when Raimondi went to Clement 'and showed him Baccio 's original drawing and then the print . . . the Pope perceived that he had not made any errors, but had corrected many of Baccio's of no small importance, and his engraving was more skilful than Baccio's drawing'.5

It can be argued, therefore, that Bandinelli's fame derived to some extent from prints and was certainly sustained by them. Perhaps the sculptor's somewhat disengaged, if elevated, conception of disegno can also be associated with the processes of printmaking, exem- plified by the arrangement between Raphael as design- er and Raimondi as executor that he was emulating in his own collaboration with engravers. What we can surmise of Bandinelli's views on art theory depends largely on Doni's Disegno , a text that was probably con- ceived as a response to the sculptor's exclusion from Benedetto Varchi's survey of artistic opinion on the

My thanks are due to the staff of the British Museum and Ashmolean Museum print rooms. I am most grateful to Michael Bury and Louis Waldman, both of whom read earlier drafts of this article and generously shared their knowledge and expertise with me.

i. A. F. Doni, Disegno , 1549, edited by M. Pepe, Milan 1970, p. 39 (cited hereafter as Disegno). On Bandinelli, see R. Goffen, Renaissance Rivais , New Haven and London 2002, pp. 339-85; L. Barkan, Unearthing the Past : Archaeology and Aesthetics in the Making of

Renaissance Culture , New Haven and London 1999, pp. 270-338; J. Woods-Marsden, Renaissance Self-Portraiture , New Haven and London 1998, pp. 139-48; K. Weil-Garris Brandt, 'The Self- Created Bandinelli', in World Art. Themes of Unity in Diversity , edit- ed by I. Lavin, London 1989, n, pp. 497-508; K. Weil-Garris Brandt, 'Bandinelli and Michelangelo: A Problem of Artistic Identity', in Art the Ape of Nature: Studies in Honor of H. W.Janson, edited by M. Barasch and L. F. Sandler, New York 1981, pp. 227-33; R* Ward, 'Baccio Bandinelli as a Draughtsman', Ph.D. thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London 1982.

2. A. von Bartsch, Le Peintre Graveur , Vienna 1803-21, xiv, 24, 21 and 89, 104. See also The Illustrated Bartsch, edited by K. Oberhuber, New York 1978, xxvi, 21 (24), p. 33 and 104-I (89) and 104-II (89), pp- 135-36.

3. G. Vasari, Le Vite de 3 più eccellenti pittori , scultori e architettori nelle

redazioni del 1550 e 1568, edited by R. Bettarini and P. Barocchi, Florence 1984, v, p. 245: 'la quale . . . fece conoscere il buon dis- egno che aveva nelle figure e l'intelligenza de' muscoli e di tutte le membra, e gli recò per tutta Europa gran fama'.

4. Vasari, op. cit., v, p. 244: '... che'l buon disegno non sta nelle carte, ma nella perfezzione dell'opera finita nel sasso

5. Vasari, op. cit., p. 13: '. . . perciò che avendo finita Marcantonio la carta, prima che Baccio lo sapesse, andò, essendo del tutto avisato, al Papa, che infinitamente si dilettava delle cose del dis- egno, e gli mostrò l'originale stato disegnato dal Bandinello, e poi la carta stampata; onde il Papa conobbe che Marcantonio con molto giudizio avea non solo non fatto errori, ma correttone molti fatti dal Bandinello e di non piccola importanza, e che più avea saputo et operato egli coll'intaglio che Baccio col disegno'. For discussions of this print and incident, see I. H. Shoemaker and E. Broun, The Engravings of Marcantonio Raimondi, Lawrence, KS 1981, pp. 14-15; and L. Pon, Raphael j Dürer, and Marcantonio Raimondi, New Haven and London 2004, pp. 36-38 (although Pon's book touches only briefly on Bandinelli, its argument has parallels with that of this article, for example p. 68: 'If a new con- ception of the artist was emerging in the early Cinquecento, it was at every step held back by widespread collaborative processes, the ubiquity of copies and versions of works, and the production of multiple images among other things.').

PRINT QUARTERLY, XXII, 2OO5, I

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4 THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI

i. Agostino Veneziano, Academy of Baccio Bandinelli , 1531, engraving, B.xiv, 314, 418, 274 x 301 mm (London, British Museum).

paragone question in 1547. Here, a theory of disegno emerges from the dialogue between personifications of Nature and Art: conceived in abstract terms (according to Nature), disegrio is an intellectual process analogous to divine creation, but conceived in practical terms (according to Art), it is the means by which works of art

come into being - in other words, through drawings that ultimately derive from the three-dimensional 'sculpture' that is the natural world.6 It seems, therefore, that Bandinelli was able to

ground his theory of disegno as divine in the argument that drawing derived its outlines, lights and darks from

6. Disegno , op. cit., p. 8: 'Il primo disegno è un'inventione di tutto l'u- niverso, imaginato perfettamente nella mente della prima causa, inanzi che venisse all'atto del rilievo, & del colore; il quale rilie- vo volgarmente si chiama scoltura'. Z. Wazbinski, L'Accademia Medicea del Disegno a Firenze nel Cinquecento: Idea e istituzione , Florence 1987, 1, p. 71: 'Il dialogo di Doni era stato ideato pro- prio per presentare le opinioni sull'arte e sul patrimonio artisti-

co del Bandinelli.' Wazbinski's views on Bandinelli's partial authorship of Disegno have been substantiated by Louis Waldman's important discovery of a manuscript treatise by Bandinelli on 'disegno', for which see L. Waldman, Baccio Bandinelli and Art at the Media Court : A Corpus of Early Modern Sources ,

American Philosophical Society (forthcoming).

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THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI 5

2. Agostino Veneziano, Academy of Baccio Bandinella 1530. engraving, 274 x 301 mm (Oxford, Ashmolean Museum).

the three-dimensional relief constituting the intrinsic nature of sculpture. He was thereby able to root his abilities as a draughtsman in his art, while simultane- ously aspiring to rise above the traditional lowly status of the sculptor. However, between conception and exe- cution, between the origination of the design and its dissemination, the artist and his contemporaries per- ceived a falling short, or even, in the case of the

Martyrdom of St Lawrence , an improvement; in any case a difference, a transformation of the quality of the design, which in the case of prints might suggest a dis- egno of the burin as distinct from a disegno of the pen or chalk. No other print so clearly addresses this anxious dissonance between art theory and print culture as the Academy of Baccio Bandinelli engraved by Agostino Musi, known as Veneziano.7 In the process of analysing this

7. Bartsch, op. cit., xiv, 314, 418; The Illustrated Bartsch , xxvii, 418 (314), p. 106: ACADEMIA DI BACCHIO BRANDIN IN ROMA IN LUOGO DETTO BELVEDERE MDXXXI A. V, 274x301 mm. For Veneziano's academy print, see E. Fiorentini, Ikonographie eines Wandels: Form und Intention von Selbstbildnis und Porträt des Bildhauers

im Italien des 16. Jahrhunderts, Bonn 1999, no. 29, p. 145; D. Landau and P. Parshall, The Renaissance Print 1470-1550, New Haven and London 1994, p. 286; E. Borea, 'Stampe da modelli fiorentini nel Cinquecento' in II Primato del disegno , Florence 1980, no. 687, p. 264.

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6 THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI

print in its different states and variants, this article explores a particularly informative instance of the problematic dynamics of the print medium that proved useful in disseminating a pictorial statement of the artist as originator of disegno , but which also had the effect of calling into question the integrity of the image and the identity of its author. In the academy print engraved by Veneziano (fig. i),

Bandinelli is shown seated at a table, elegantly dressed in a coat with a thick fur collar, and holding in his hands the statuette of a female nude. He is surrounded

by apprentices who are drawing from this model, and also from a statuette of a male nude standing on the

table, by the light of a centrally placed lamp. The quiet absorption of the young men in their work, and the nocturnal setting for these activities, suggests an atmos- phere quite different from a craftsman's workshop. The mood conveyed is instead one of reverent study, similar to that found in depictions of saintly scholars like St Jerome (for example, the well-known print of 15 14 by Albrecht Dürer, which like the academy print also has perspectivally receding wooden boards in the ceiling). The use of a table to unite the composition, together with the central light source, suggests to the beholder that the revelation of a mystery is unfolding, not unre- lated to those that occur around the tables found in

3. Anonymous Artist, copy of Agostino Veneziano, Academy of Baccio Bandinelli , engraving, 275 x 297 mm (London, British Museum).

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THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI 7

representations of the Last Supper or the Supper at Emmaus. There is even a hint of adoration in the eager expression of the garzone peering over his master's shoulder at the nude female form held up for inspec- tion. Nor can it be coincidental that the two sculptural models placed on either side of the light source, and which are enveloped in its luminescence, are male and female nudes, nor that their poses recall Apollo and Venus as much as Adam and Eve. The subdy varied rhythm of facial orientation and physiognomic expres- sion around the table creates a sense of different

degrees of engagement in the process of design: ques- tioning observation, creative involvement and commu- nicative understanding. This strongly recalls, if it does not directly quote, Raphael's treatment of philosophi- cal enquiry, theological argument and poetic inspira- tion in the Stanza della Segnatura in the Vatican. As in Raphael's frescoes, the viewer is addressed by Veneziano's print, and invited to take part in the intel-

lectual cycle represented. This effect is achieved by such motifs as the combination of the back view of one

draughtsman alongside the outward gaze of the figure at the far left of the composition, and above all by the steady expression of Bandinelli himself acknowledging our presence.

Above the table, arrayed on stepped shelves, is an intriguing collection of objects. Three further sculptur- al models, two male and one female, cast long shadows onto the wall behind them. The alternation of shadow

and sculptural form, and the reiterated upward-point- ing gestures, create an ascending rhythm, almost like a musical phrase, denoting inspiration. Such a sustained exploration of cast shadows is unusual and must surely refer in this context to Pliny's anecdotes concerning the origins of the visual arts, as well as to Bandinelli's own opinions concerning the derivation of disegno from relief.8 Alongside these statuettes, one of which appears to rest on a book with an antique fragment of a foot, are

8. Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia , xxxv, 15: 'The origin of paint- ing is uncertain . . . but there is universal agreement that it began by the outlining of a man's shadow'; xxxv, 151: the daughter of Butades of Sicyon so loved a young man that when he went

abroad 'she drew the silhouette on the wall round the shadow of

his face cast by the lamp'. The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of Art, edited by K. Jex-Blake and E. Sellers, London 1896, pp. 84-85, 174-75.

4. Anonymous Artist after Baccio Bandinelli, An Artist and His Assistants, pen and brown ink on light tan paper, 268 x 418 mm (London, British Museum).

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8 THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI

5. Enea Vico, Academy of Baccio Bandinelli , engraving, B.xv, 305, 49-I, 306 x 525 mm (London, British Museum).

variously shaped vases and goblets and a water bottle. There is a homely still-life quality to these details, but the juxtaposition of human form with the abstracted beauty of the vases recalls Bandinelli's design for a print of Cleopatra , also engraved by Veneziano (dated I5I5? establishing an early, pre-Roman date for the association of sculptor and engraver), together with other motifs in Raphael's work, such as the woman car- rying two vases at the right of the fresco of The Fire in the

Borgo in the Vatican's Stanza dell'Incendio.9 The juxta- position of the female form with antique-style vases occurs in other prints from the Roman milieu, and suggests that this comparison informs an aspiration towards idealized form, implied by the study of sculp- tural models rather than the life model - a comparative process of aesthetic judgement made quite explicit in

Agnolo Firenzuola's dialogue on the beauty of women (first published in 1548, but dating earlier).10 As such, the print could even be considered a response to the more practical images of artistic creativity illustrating Dürer's Underwessung der Messung of 1525. An inscription on the base of the table identifies the

artist represented as Bacchio Brandin , dates the print to 1531 above the engraver's A. V. monogram, and locates the room as being in the Belvedere in Rome, while also dignifying thď gathering with the name of academia. While this term had previously been used on orna- mental 'knot' engravings after designs by Leonardo da Vinci, this was the first time that drawing was explicit- ly linked with the idea of an academy (at this time acad- emies were not formal institutions with educational

programmes, but consisted of groups of friends sharing

9. The Illustrated Bartsch , op. cit., xxvi, 193 (158), p. 190, boccio, fiorenti- no. iventor. A. V. 1515. See Landau and Parshall, op. cit., p. 144, for doubts relating to the date.

10. For Firenzuola s comparisons of female beauty to vases, see 'Dialogo delle bellezze delle Donne intitolato Celso', in Opere di

Agnolo Firenzuola , edited by D. Maesti, Turin 1977, pp. 781-83, and also E. Cropper, 'On Beautiful Women, Parmigianino, Petrarchismo and the Vernacular Style', Art Bulletin , Lvra, 1976, PP- 374-94-

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THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI 9

6. Enea Vico, Academy of Baccio Bandinella engraving, B.xv, 305, 49-II, 306 x 525 mm (London, British Museum).

a dedication to vernacular literature or antiquity).11 Given the date, it is curious that Bandinelli, who had been made a Knight of St James by the Emperor Charles V in 1530, is not identified as such. Indeed, he is identified here as Bacchio Brandini rather than

Bandinelli, the name of the noble Sienese family to whom the artist claimed to be related in order to qual- ify for membership of the Order of Santiago.12 Vasari commented in his biography of the sculptor that 'he

was variously called Brandini and Bandinelli. The for- mer name is on his engravings. Later on he preferred Bandinelli, and he kept it to the end, saying that his ancestors were the Bandinelli of Siena, who came to Gaiuole and thence to Florence.'13 Benvenuto Cellini also commented - in much less measured tones -

on Bandinelli's adoption of noble nomenclature, and it is a frequent point of criticism in the many satirical poems directed against the sculptor's Hercules and

II. On the evidence provided by the Veneziano and Vico academy prints, that Bandinelli was at the centre of a precursor institution to the late sixteenth-century academies, see N. Pevsner, Academies of Art, Past and Present , Cambridge 1940, pp. 39-42; Wazbinski, op. cit., i, pp. 53-69; and K. Barzman, The Florentine Academy and the Early Modern State: The Discipline of Disegno , Cambridge 2000, pp. 4-6. For the six interlace 'knot' engravings, and an engraving of a profile bust of a young woman with a garland of ivy, all of which carry forms of the inscription Achademia Leonardi Vinci , see A. M. Hind, Early Italian Engravings , London 1948, v, pp. 83-86, 93-95, nos. 19-25, p. 90, no. 13. Carmen Bambach Cappel has argued, by comparing these engravings with needlework pattern books, that the inscription credits Leonardo not only with 'the invention but also with the teaching of the design', and that the term acad- emy should be understood here as meaning a lesson rather than

an institution: Carmen Bambach Cappel, 'Leonardo, Tagliente and Dürer: "La scienza del far di groppi'", Achademia Leonardi Vinci, IV, 1991, pp. 72-98.

12. Bandinelli met the Emperor Charles V in Genoa in 1529 (between 12 August and 26 September) and presented him with a bronze relief of the Deposition. He then joined Pope Clement VII in Bologna in 1530 for the Emperor's coronation. Charles V departed from Bologna on 22 March 1530, and subsequendy sent word from Innsbruck to Bandinelli that he was conferring on him a Knighthood of the Order of Santiago. For a documented chronology of Bandinelli's career, see Ward, op. cit., 1982, pp. 24-39. For important clarifications concerning the chronology of Bandinelli's ennoblement and Florentine style dates, see also Weil-Garris Brandt, 1989, op. cit., p. 499 and n. 26, p. 501.

13. Vasari, op. cit., v, p. 276.

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IO THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI

Cacus when it was revealed in 1534, prominently signed on the plinth, Baccius Bandirteli. Floren . Faciebat MDXXXIIIL 14

A textual source that provides much information about the related issues of the artist's ennoblement and

subsequent name change, his views on the social status of artists, his academy and the value of his drawings, exists in a single manuscript copy in the Biblioteca Nazionale in Florence.15 The Memoriale , ostensibly an autobiographical account written c. 1552 for Bandinelli's descendants, discusses prints after his designs on two occasions. First, a print designed by me and printed at Rome with the words: Accademia Baccii ex Senarum comitibus Bandinella is stated to record 'my par- ticular Academy of Design' in the context of the artist's disputes with Averardo Zati, the overseer of the Opera del Duomo in Florence.16 In the second instance, the high repute and wide dispersal of Bandinelli's drawings is connected to the fact that some of them were also

engraved, including the design for the Martyrdom of St Lawrence. Bandinelli's descendants are alerted here to a

mistake made by the engraver, who instead of writing Band, inscribed Brand, on the plate. As a result, the Memoriale claims, many people ignorandy misread his name as Brandi, Brandini or Brandinelli, so consequently the design was re-engraved in a smaller and better form with the name of its creator spelt correctiy.17

The account given in this text of prints after Bandinelli's designs is very confused. The Latin inscription referred to in the Memoriale on a print pro- viding a visual record of Bandinelli's academy does not match that on the Veneziano academy print, nor does the context of Florentine struggles dating to the 1540s coincide with the print's date of 153 1. It is probable that

the text refers to the later academy engraving by Enea Vico (discussed below), but this would also be an inac- curate reference with regard to the inscription on that print, which simply credits Bandinelli as inventor and does not use the term academia as the Veneziano print does. Similarly, the inscription on the Martyrdom of St Lawrence {BACCIUS BRANDLN. INVEN.) was not an 'error' at the time that it was engraved, shordy after Marcantonio Raimondi's imprisonment for engraving Giulio Romano's I Modi in 1524, nor does a smaller version with a corrected inscription exist. Vasari, who credits Bandinelli with helping to secure Raimondi's release from prison, relates the production of this engraving to unexecuted designs for frescoes of Saints Lawrence, Cosmas and Damian intended for the Church of San Lorenzo in Florence, and also to the artist's first knighthood, the Order of St Peter, bestowed on him by Clement VII.18 The unreliability of the Memoriale with regard to prints is one aspect of the text's general historical inaccuracy, and, together with handwriting analysis, it has prompted Louis Waldman to argue convincingly that it is a retrospec- tive forgery of sorts by Bandinelli's own grandson, Baccio Bandinelli il Giovane.19 This retrospective and justificatory quality of the Memoriale explains its confu- sion concerning prints, where the details of different engravings have been conflated inaccurately. The safest conclusion to draw from this text's account of

prints is that it records a general dissatisfaction felt by Bandinelli and his descendants that the continuing demand for engravings after his designs perpetuated a previous artisanal identity, while simultaneously dis- seminating his inventions. It is only from the point of view of the sculptor's widely mocked social pretensions that the inscriptions on prints naming him as Brandini

14. B. Cellini, Opere di Benvenuto Cellini , edited by G. G. Ferrero, Turin 1971, p. 596: 'Michelangelo orefice . . . Questo uomo fu il padre di Baccino, il quale fu fatto da papa Clemente Cavaliere di Santo Iacopo, e da per sé si cercò del casato de' Bandinelli. E perché egli non aveva né casata né arme, si prese quell segno, ch'ei si portava del cavalieri, per arme'. On the satirical poems written against Bandinelli, see D. Heikamp, 'Poesie in vituperio del Bandinelli', Paragone, clxxv, 1964, pp. 59-68; L. Waldman, "'Miracol' novo et raro": Two Unpublished Contemporary Satires on Bandinelli's Hercules', Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz* xxxvm, IQQ4., dd. ¿IQ- 27.

15. Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence: Cod. Pal. Bandinelli 12. For modern editions, see A. Colasanti, 'Il memoriale di Baccio Bandinelli', Repertorìum fiir Kunstwissenschaft, xxvra, 1905, pp. 406-46, and Scritti d'arte del Cinquecento , edited by P. Barocchi, Milan and Naples 1971-77, n, pp. 1359- 141 1. Barocchi's edition is cited hereafter as Scritti.

16. Scritti, op. cit., pp. 1384-85: 'Al Zati perché nell'Opera mi faceva

storiare e ritardava le provisioni concesse dal sig[no]re Duca a' giovani che nella mia Accademia particolare del Disegno sotto di me studiavono, come si vede in una carta da me disegniata e fatta stampare in Roma con le parole: Academia Baccii ex Senarum comitibus Bandinellus'

17. Scritti, op. cit., p. 1396: 'avertendovi però di uno errore che nacque nella stampa di S.o Lorenzo, ove l'intagliatore, in cambio di intagliare Band., intagliò Brand., onde molti che non sapevano lo interpretavano per Brandi, Brandini e Brandinelli, onde io ne feci ristampare un'altra in più piccola e migliore forma, col nome finito Bandinelli.'

18. Vasari, op. cit., v, p. 247. For the two states of the Martyrdom of St Lawrence print, and two copies by Giulio Sanuto and Michele Greco, see Illustrated Bartsch , xxvi, 104 (89), pp. 1 <55-38.

19. L. Waldman, Rewriting the Past: The Memoriale attributed to Baccio Bandinelli and the Culture of Forgery in Early Modern Europe (forth- coming).

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THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI II

can be considered mistaken; engravers were perfectly correct to identify the inventor of the designs of prints by this name.

The questions raised by the inscription on the Veneziano academy print are further complicated by the existence of a hitherto unpublished earlier state, in a worn and stained impression in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (fig. 2). In this state, there is no inscription on the table; instead, the large tablet hang- ing from the wall at the right is signed with the engraver's monogram and dated 1530. Also, the faint sketches of figures visible in the drawings being pro- duced around the table in the state described by Bartsch do not exist in this earlier state. If Veneziano

engraved the plate in Rome in 1530, then it would have been one of the first that he made after his return, pos- sibly from a period in Mantua, following the Sack of Rome in 1527. The combination of A. monogram and date is typical of how Veneziano signs his prints, as is the combination of his monogram with an empty framed tablet - a characteristic signature device of the school of Marcantonio, possibly deriving from that engraver's earlier copies of prints by Dürer, although here the empty tablet is unusually large.20 The earlier date of 1530 would coincide with a period when Bandinelli was resident in Rome, and based at the Belvedere in order to work on a commission from

Clement VII for a group of colossal bronze statues cen- tred around a victorious St Michael for Castel Sanť

Angelo. Vasari also informs us that at this time Bandinelli was active in making numerous bronze stat- uettes of the type we see in the print.21 The inscription added to the second state is, strictly speaking, not an invertit but the identification of a group portrait. The centrality of the inscription, its geographical specificity (IN ROMA IN LUOGO DETTO BELVEDERE) and its enhanced Roman-style dating, appear to invest the image with the value of a historical document - and indeed it is often interpreted in this way as providing evidence of Bandinelli's presence in Rome in 1531. The addition of small sketches of figures to the two visible drawing surfaces on the table also clarifies that this is an artistic academy and not a literary one, preventing the possible misinterpretation that the print represents

a learned antiquarian scholar lecturing or dictating text. It is also worth remarking on the form of the inscription, which recalls those on Diirer's portrait engravings of famous men and scholars, such as his 1526 engraving of Erasmus writing at his desk, where the inscription is prominently framed and carefully laid out like a colophon, with the artist's monogram 'sup- porting' the date in Roman numerals. The inscription could equally be compared with those on other prints from the Raimondi school or to Venetian prints, such as the woodcut of The Sacrifice of Abraham of 15 15 by Ugo da Carpl. One consequence of the addition of the inscription beneath the table is that it deprives the empty frame hanging from the wall of its original pur- pose, leaving it as a somewhat curious detail in the composition.

If, as suggested above, the inscription was added by Veneziano to the academy print in order to securely identify the subject and to prevent possible misreading of the image, then it must have been galling to Bandinelli to find his name 'incorrecdy' spelt by the engraver. A later engraved portrait of Bandinelli by Niccolò della Casa shows the artist three-quarter length, standing among sculptural models and wearing the shell-and-cross insignia of the Order of Santiago. This print is inscribed Baccio Bandinel Flo.s., and Erna Fiorentini and Raphael Rosenberg have argued that it is based on a self-portrait drawing in the Uffizi, whose design has been reversed in the process of executing the print (Bandinelli's collaboration with this engraver can be dated to the mid- 1540s, on the basis of a portrait engraving of Duke Cosimo I dated 1544).22 This image would, on the evidence of the inscription, appear to be an attempt by Bandinelli to disseminate through the print medium an authentic self-image, along with his newly acquired noble status and name. It would in part, therefore, represent a response to the type of 'mis- take' regarding nomenclature made by Veneziano in the academy print, executed by a more closely super- vised engraver. Such 'mistakes' remained in circulation on impressions of earlier prints, and continued to be made by printmakers working in Rome from Bandinelli's designs: for example, Nicolas Beatrizet's Combat of Love and Reason of 1545. 23

20. On the issue of the 'empty tablet' signature that appears in Marcantonio 's prints c. 1515, and also in Agostino Veneziano's œuvre , see Shoemaker and Broun, op. cit., p. 11, p. 18, note 24, and p. 22; Landau and Parshall, op. cit., pp. 144-45; and Pon, op. cit., especially chapter three.

21. Vasari, op. cit., v, p. 251: '. . . per passarsi tempo e per vedere come gli doveva riuscire il getto, fece molte figurine alte due terzi e tonde, come Ercoli, Venere, Apollini, Lede, et altre sue fantasie. . ..' Ciardi Duprè noted that the male statuette to the left

of the shelf was based on a bronze of Hercules Holding the Apples of the Hesperides in the Victoria and Albert Museum: M. G. Ciardi Duprè, 'Per la cronologia dei disegni di Baccio Bandinelli fino al 1540', Commentari , xvn, 1066, pp. 160-61.

22. E. Fiorentini and R. Rosenberg, 'Baccio Bandinelli's Self- Portraiť, Print Quarterly , xix, 2002, pp. 34-44.

23. Bartsch, op. cit., xv, 262, 44. The print is inscribed BACCIUS BRANDLN INVEN halfway along its base.

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12 THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI

A copy of the state of the Veneziano academy print described by Bartsch can also be identified (fig. 3). Although the oudines of the design appear to be iden- tical, and do not reverse it, the far cruder execution, lack of tonal subtlety, and the significant differences that a sustained comparison reveals, demonstrate that this is a copy. For example, the grain of the wood in the bays of the ceiling, the physiognomies of the artist and his pupils and even of the statuettes have all been altered and simplified, while the hatching on the table- cloth no longer reaches its bottom edge. Another inter- esting detail in the copy is the shadow cast by the right hand of the central, female statuette on the shelf above the table: this no longer points implausibly upwards, having been 'corrected' by the copyist. On the other hand, there is a literal loss of disegno in the disappear- ance of the figures sketched by the draughtsmen from the drawing surfaces they hold. In the inscription, the word Belvedere is no longer underlined, and significant- ly the A. V monogram is omitted. The copying of prints was a common practice in

the Roman school of printmakers associated with Marcantonio, and David Landau and Peter Parshall have convincingly argued that it was prompted by the control over the plates exerted by Raphael's agent, Baviero Carocci or II Baviera, on his behalf.24 In the case of the Veneziano academy print, a copy probably indi- cates a similar need to reproduce the image on anoth- er plate, because the original was controlled by one print-seller, while demand for the print exceeded this source of supply. However, establishing the extent to which the academy print circulated and how it was marketed is difficult: neither Doni nor Vasari mentions

it in their discussion of prints, and it is not listed in later catalogues of the Vaccari and De Rossi firms. The 1572 printed catalogue of Antonio Lafréry's stock records a portrait of Bandinelli, but not explicitly the academy print.25 This probably refers to the three-quarter-length portrait by Niccolò della Casa, because a later state of

this engraving carries Lafréry's name as publisher.26 A very worn impression of Veneziano 's academy print in the collection of the Davison Arts Center of the

Wesleyan University, CT, has the name of the publish- er Antonio Salamanca added at the bottom right, demonstrating the existence of a third state and the absorption of the plate into the stock of a prolific Roman publisher.27 The continued presence of the plate in Rome raises the question of whether Bandinelli had any control over the marketing of the print, and also whether the plate had ever been in his possession. Perhaps he was supplied with impressions while the engraver retained the plate? With regard to its intend- ed audience, Veneziano 's academy print would cer- tainly have been of interest to other artists, one of whom may have been Titian, since there are some interesting parallels between it and Titian's late portrait of Jacopo Strada in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. A much less sophisticated record of the print's artistic reception exists in the form of a weak pen-and-ink drawing in the British Museum (fig. 4), which Roger Ward has correctly identified as a pas- tiche of elements of both the Veneziano and Vico

prints.28 A consideration of the three states of the Veneziano

print and its one copy raises a whole series of intriguing questions concerning the nature of its creation, the degree to which Bandinelli was directly involved in its publication, the extent of its circulation and the subse- quent history of the plate. If the unprecedented sub- ject-matter of the print and the sophistication of its treatment indicate Bandinelli as the originator of the design, then the complicated circumstantial details raised in the foregoing discussion certainly make the evidential nature of the print more problematic. These issues arise more forcefully if we turn to the closely related print representing Bandinelli's academy engraved by Enea Vico of Parma (fig. 5).29 This version is a clarification and an amplification of the

24. Landau and Parshall, op. cit., pp. 131-32. 25. Vasari, op. cit., v, pp. 11-14; Disegno , op. cit., pp. 52-53; E Ehrle,

Roma prima di Sisto V. La pianta du Pérac-Lafréry del 1577, Rome 1908, pp. 53-59. The portrait of Bandinelli is mentioned among 'effigie diverse' at p. 59, no. 567. The Vaccari stock list is also reproduced in Ehrle. For the printed catalogues of the De Rossi firm, see A. Grelle lusco, Indice delle Stampe De* Rossi: Contributo alla storia di una Stamperia romana , Rome 1996.

26. See, for example, the impression in the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC, reproduced in Woods-Marsden, op. cit., p. 145.

27. Reproduced in Barkan, op. cit., p. 290. Other impressions of the Salamanca state of the Veneziano academy print are noted by Fiorentini, op. cit., no. 29, p. 145, and Borea, op. dt., no. 687, p. 264. For Salamanca, see Landau and Parshall, op. dt., p. 303.

28. Bntish Museum, 1868-8-8-3178. R. Ward, A Catalogue of the

Drawings by Baccio Bandinelli in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum', MA Report, Courtauld Institute, University of London 1978, no. 27, p. 52: . . clearly a drawing derived from the prints.' The drawing is not Bandinelli's preparatory sketch for the print as suggested by Olsewski and Fiorentini: E.J. Olszewski, 'Distortions, Shadows and Conventions in Sixteenth Century Italian Art', Artibus et Historiae, vi, 1985, pp. 101-24, and in particular p. 123, n. 13; Fiorentini, op. dt., no. 29, p. 145.

29. On the Vico academy print, see M. Cazort, M. Korneli and K. B. Roberts, The Ingenious Machine of Nature: Four Centuries of Art and Anatomy, Ottawa 1996, no. 35, pp. 142-43; Fiorentini, op. cit., no. 30, p. 146; Borea, op. dt., no. 688, p. 264; Ciardi Dupré, op. dt., pp. 163-65 (the dating of 1531-32 given there for the Vico print is not sustainable).

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THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI 13

Veneziano academy print (rather than a repetition), since it demonstrates the artist's noble status through an inscription and coat of arms, and his elevated artis- tic status through a multiplication of the elements of the previous design: there are now five books instead of one, six male statuettes, tight garzoni instead of five, four mature artists instead of one, three light sources, two 'philosophers' dressed in togas, and additional anatom- ical material. Bandinelli's presence is, however, curi- ously marginal: a portrait in profile at the far right of the print, wearing the emblem of his chivalric order and recalling the sculpted portrait on his tomb.30 Three states of this engraving are known. The first

state (Bartsch xv, 305, 49-I) has the inscription Baccius Bandinellus invent, on the left-hand page of the open book to the right of the cornice. Then, at bottom left, below the sleeping dog, a publisher is identified: Romae Petrus Paulus Palumbus formis (fig. 5). In the second state the name of the engraver is added on the right-hand page of the open book: Enea vigo Parmegiano sculpsit .31 Finally, in the third state (Bartsch xv, 305, 49-II) the transfer of the plate from one publisher to another is recorded below two skulls: Gaspar Albertus successor Palumbi (fig. 6). While Passavant was correct in point- ing out the existence of a second state with an inscrip- tion identifying the engraver, Bartsch was quite accurate in his description of the first state, notably with regard to the publisher's inscription.32 The Palumbi were a family of book and print-sellers based at S. Agostino in Rome, and Pietro Paolo Palumbo is known to have flourished from c. 1562 to 1586.33 This fact suggests a significantly later date for a print that is usually dated on stylistic grounds to the 1540s or 1550s, possibly later than Bandinelli's own death in 1560. Vico is documented as being in Rome in 1561 and could

have executed the plate then.34 In this context, it is interesting to note that the engraver's 'signature' was only added in the second state, in a different hand, and using a formulation that is otherwise unknown in Vico's œuvre (the engraver usually signs E. V, Enea Vico or some variant of AENEAS VIC US, but not Enea vigo).

A number of links can be made between motifs in

the Vico print and related Bandinelli drawings and works. For example, a pen-and-ink drawing in Chicago of Two Studies of the Head of a Youth can be compared with those of two garzoni to the right of the print.35 Less directly, the Ashmolean's red chalk drawing of a Woman Reading by Lamplight recalls the figures seated around the table.36 The cross-legged poses of the youths standing and sitting around the fireplace are favoured motifs in Bandinelli's art: they can be found in the series of prophets carved for the choir screen in the Duomo in Florence, some of which are signed and dated 1555, and the sculptor is represented in a similar pose in the portrait of the artist in the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum in Boston, variously attributed to Bandinelli himself and, more recendy, to Jacopino del Conte. Occurring, as they do, alongside motifs derived from the prints of Dürer - the meditating man and the sleep- ing dog from Melencolia /, the shadows cast by stools from St Jerome in His Study (both dated 15 14) - these links with Bandinelli's works read more like quotations than authentic inventions.37 Although Vico's engraving technique is impressive, it cannot disguise the formal incoherence of the composition with its inconsistent treatment of cast shadows, perspective and scale. Also, the theoretical argument of the Veneziano print is lost through the relegation of the sculptural statuettes to peripheral attributes of the academy, among skeletal remains and books. Whereas in the Veneziano print

30. For sculpted self-portraits of Bandinelli, including the relief self- portrait on the sepulchral monument in SS. Annunziata in Florence, 1558-59, see I. Galicka and H. Sygietynska, A Newly Discovered Self-portrait by Baccio Bandinelli', The Burlington Magazine, cxxxiv, 1992, pp. 805-07. Also relevant is a black chalk self-portrait drawing in the British Museum, reproduced in this article on p. 807, and dated c . 1550 by Ward, for which see Ward, op. cit., 1978, no. 23, p. 45.

31. ror example, the impression in the Museum 01 fine Arts, Boston (1976.611), reproduced in E. J. Olszewski, The Draftsman's Eye , Cleveland 1981, no. 74, p. 99.

32. J. D. Passavant, Le Peintre-Graveur , Leipzig 1864, xvi, no. 49, p. 122. Borea, op. cit., no. 688, p. 264, follows Passavant in listing three states.

33. M. Bury, The Print in Italy 1550-1620 , London 2001, p. 230. 34. V Pagani, 'Documents on Antonio Salamanca', Print Quarterly,

XVII, 2000, p. 153, n. 18. 35. S. F. McCullagh and L. M. Giles, Italian Drawings Before 1600 in

The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago 1997, no. 703, p. 398. Ward

has drawn attention to the connection of this drawing with the Vico print and suggested that the youth represented may be Bandinelli's son Clemente, suggesting a date of about 1550: R. Ward, 'New Drawings by Bandinelli and Cellini', Master Drawings, 31, 1993, pp. 395-98. Other drawings identified by Ciardi Dupré as preparatory for this print are more likely to derive from it: Ciardi Dupré, op. cit., pp. 162-63.

36. K. T. Parker, Catalogue of the Collection of Drawings in the Ashmolean Museum, n, Italian Schools, Oxford 1956, no. 79.

37. A comparable use of a motif from Dürer's St Jerome can be found in Vico's engraving after Parmigianino of Venus and Mars Embracing as Vulcan Works at his Forge, 1543 (Bartsch, xv, 294, 27), where the shadows around the window are transferred from the

scholar's study to the lovers' bedroom. For the attribution of the Boston portrait to Jacopino del Conte, see S. Béguin and P. Costamagna, 'Nouvelles considerations sur Baccio Bandinelli peintre: la redécouverte de la Lèda et le cygne', Les Cahiers d'Histoire de l'Art, 1, 2003, pp. 7-18.

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14 THE ACADEMY OF BACCIO BANDINELLI

Bandinelli's sculptural works are the focus of the drawing activity, thereby demonstrating practically and symbolically the derivation of disegno from rilievo, in Vico's print the attention of the draughtsmen is directed inwards and their efforts appear unconnected. The Veneziano academy print functioned as an

effective pictorial statement both of Bandinelli's dis- tinctively sculptural conception of disegno and of the high social position he enjoyed from prestigious patronage. It sought to raise the status of disegno , and with it to extend Bandinelli's fame, by stressing its sim- ilarities with literature: design requires inspiration, the study and imitation of antique precedents, and is wor- thy of the institution of the academy. However, the print medium was effective not only in disseminating this message but also in distancing the image from the control, the 'authority', of its designer. Shortly after it was first published in 1530 an explanatory text was added in order to clarify the nature and identity of the group: the inscription added by Veneziano correcdy identified the artist - the 'Brandini' well-known to the

print-buying public as the author of the print of The Martyrdom of St. Lawrence - but in a manner that unin- tentionally denied the sculptor's claim to noble status.

A later anonymous copy of Veneziano 's print is indicative in a general sense of how the appropriation and assimilation of the work of others was characteris-

tic of Renaissance print culture, while at the same time revealing how trivial mistakes can occur in the execu- tion of a plate (comparable to the typesetter's errors in laying out a page of text), such as the female statuette's cast shadow 'corrected' by the copyist. The existence of a state of the Veneziano print published by Antonio Salamanca testifies to the enduring demand for images by Bandinelli, as does the later date proposed here for the academy print by Vico, published by the Palumbi print-sellers. In the awkwardness of its composition and its eclectic referencing of different phases of Bandinelli's artistic development, Vico's academy print appears to be a manifestation of a more prosaic method of disegno than the one it purports to represent. The inscription on Vico's print, Baccius Bandinellus invent , no doubt accurately represents the preferences of a sculptor who had convinced himself of his nobility with regard to how his surname should be spelt, but it is questionable whether it records Bandinelli's direct involvement in the print's production.

Dancing with Death in Poland

Aleksandra Koutný

There are two approaches to death in art: the exalt- ed, and the humble.1 That is, there are monuments that glorify and impress the beholder, and didactic works that frighten and teach. The former is often the result

of individuell patrons' wishes to promote their own life after they have passed away, for instance by means of epitaphs and, in some privileged cases, large funerary chapels. Diametrically opposed to this is moralizing

i . I am greatly indebted to my supervisor, Jean Michel Massing, for his unfailing good humour during long discussions about death and devils, and to the Arts and Humanities Research Board for their generous sponsorship of my doctoral research. I would fur- ther like to thank Eva Schuster for giving me access to Dance of Death prints in her care at the Heinrich-Heine-Universität in Düsseldorf, and Uli Wunderlich of the Europäische Totentanz- Vereinigung for her advice on the Kassel bier-cloth. My research in Poland has benefited enormously from the kind help and assis-

tance ofjuliusz Chrošcicki of the University of Warsaw; Joanna Dziubkowa of the National Museum, Poznan; Jerzy Miziotek of the University of Warsaw; Stanislaw Mossakowski of the Institute of Art, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw; Dubravka Mossor of the Royal Castle, Warsaw; and Przemyslaw Mrozowski of the Royal Castle, Warsaw. My thanks also go to the staff of the Kupferstichkabinett in Berlin, and to the members of the religious community who made it possible for me to view and photograph Dances of Death in their churches.

PRINT QUARTERLY, XXII, 2OO5, I

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The President and Fellows of Harvard College Harvard Art Museum

Prints and Privileges: Regulating the Image in 16th-Century Italy Author(s): Lisa Pon Reviewed work(s): Source: Harvard University Art Museums Bulletin, Vol. 6, No. 2, Two Exhibitions (Autumn, 1998), pp. 40-64 Published by: The President and Fellows of Harvard College on behalf of the Harvard Art Museum Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4301572 . Accessed: 13/12/2012 22:34

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HARVARD UNIVERSITY ART MUSEUMS BULLETIN - VOL. VI, NO. 2

Figure I Marcantonio Raimondi, Glorificotion of the Virgin (after Durer), cat. no. 12

-7, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ n

Figure 2 Albrecht Durer, Glorification of the Virgin, from The Life of the Virgin, cat. no. 7

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Prints and Privileges: Regulating the Image in 16th-Century Italy

Lisa Pon

Beware, you envious thieves of the work and inven- tion of others, keep your thoughtless hands from these works of ours. We have received a privilege from the famous emperor of Rome, Maximilian, that no one shall dare to print these works in spurious forms, nor sell such prints within the boundaries of the empire.... Printed in Nuremberg, by Albrecht Durer, painter.'

With this fierce warning in the colophon of his 1511 edition of The Life ofthe Virgin, Albrecht Durer gave notice to would-be copyists that his prints were protected by a privilege from the Holy Roman Emperor. Diirer had reason to worry, as his images had for years been copied repeatedly by other artists in Germany and abroad. Since at least 1494, many print- makers, including Wenzel von Olmutz, Israel von Meckenem, Hieronymus Graff, Giulio Campagnola, Nicoletto da Modena, and Hieronymus Hopfer, had made prints copying those of Dtirer.2 During his trip to Italy in 1506, Durer sent a letter back to Germany, complaining that Italian artists "imitate my work in churches and wherever they can get hold of it."3 In 1515, an Italian edition of The Apocalypse featured woodcuts taken directly from Duirer's series of prints depicting the same subject, first published with German or Latin text in 1498.4

Perhaps the most widely known instance in which Duirer's work was copied is Marcantonio Raimondi's engravings after Duirer's Life of the Virgin woodcuts (see figs. 1 and 2). Seventeen of the twenty woodcuts published in 1511 with a frontispiece bearing the privilege cited above had already been in circulation in the early six- teenth century, when the young Marcantonio encountered them on his first trip to Venice. Giorgio Vasari describes this encounter in his biography of Marcantonio, published as part of the 1568 edition of his influential Lives of the

Artists. According to Vasari, Marcantonio saw some Duirer woodcuts for sale in the Piazza San Marco, and was so struck by them that "he spent almost all the money he had brought from Bologna" on them, and copied them in engrav- ing.5 Marcantonio even copied Duirer's "AD" monogram, which appeared on the prints, Vasari says, and the engravings came to be bought and sold as prints by Durer. Upon receiving this news in Germany, an enraged Durer returned to Venice, where he complained to the Venetian Senate, which, however, only prohibited Marcantonio from copying Dtirer's monogram.

Although Marcantonio copied Duirer's images and signature from the Life of the Virgin series, he may not have been acting as an "envious thief." These copies were produced in a time when pictures were not always understood as an artist's property, as "works of ours" that could be stolen. Furthermore, Marcantonio's engravings after Duirer also involved the early-sixteenth- century publishers and booksellers Nicolo and Domenico dal Jesus Sandri. Looking at Nicolo and Domenico's output will set the discussion of Marcantonio's copies after Durer within a broader cultural context, one that recognizes that Venice in these years was not only the pre- sumed site of Marcantonio's encounter with Duirer's prints, but also the dominant center for the production of printed books in Italy and in Europe.6 This essay and the accompanying exhibition demonstrate how closely entwined these two types of printed production were, and lay the groundwork for understanding how each influenced the other.

In addition to Marcantonio's engraved Life of the Virgin series, Nicolo and Domenico pub- lished single-sheet images of saints, and printed books, including three editions of Johann Lichtenberger's Pronosticatio. Lichtenberger's text was one among many in the flourishing genre of prophecy books in Europe between

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HARVARD UNIVERSITY ART MUSEUMS BULLETIN - VOL. VI, NO. 2

1450 and 1530; it was extremely successful, appearing in Latin, German, French, Dutch, and English, as well as in fourteen Italian editions during this period.7 The first edition- a Latin edition published in Germany before 1488-contains some forty-five woodcuts. The 9 August 1511 edition put out by Nicolo and Domenico translates the text into Italian, and copies many of the woodcuts, including the sibyl from the German first edition (fig. 3; fig. 4 shows the matching woodcut from Nicolo and Domenico's book). The remarkable colophon in a later edition published by Nicolo and Domenico openly admits this borrowing, and even identi- fies an intermediate Italian source: "Printed in Venice in the year 1525 on the 13th of September. Taken from another [edition] printed by 'maestro Pietro francioso' in Modena in 1492 on the 14th of April."8 The point is not that Nicolo and Domenico copied these woodcuts from an earlier edition, but that this type of copying in sixteenth-century Europe was widespread, explicit, and well documented.9 Since Vasari, the discussion of Marcantonio Raimondi's engravings after Durer's woodcuts has centered on the idea of a plagiarist stealing artistic prop- erty. But it is perhaps more profitably cast in terms of conceptions emerging through and because of these events-conceptions of what an artist is, of the artist's relationship to the work, and of how legal regulation was used to fashion or enforce these conceptions.'0

What we are witnessing, then, is the collision of Durer's efforts at constructing an artistic identity based on a sense of legal possession of his artistic output, and an older system of producing printed texts and images that often did not value the originating author or artist above others involved in the work's production. For example, in Renaissance Venice it was often the editor, translator, or publisher of a text or image who applied for a privilege, rather than the author." Thus it may be that the Venetian

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government's judgment was meant to uphold Durer's rights not as an author but as a publisher of images. Nonetheless, Diirer's response in the 1511 book edition of The Life ofthe Virgin is clear. He felt that his inborn personal talent (ingenium) was at stake,'2 not merely his manual labor and financial outlay, and he obtained a privilege from the emperor to protect that.

Privileging Books

Though the scholarly literature has often equated privileges and copyrights, it is impor- tant to note the differences between Renaissance privileges and modern copyright. Anglo- American copyright is an author's right, based on a notion of the author as originator of his

Figure 3 Johann Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in Latino, Germany: unknown printer (first edition), cat. no. 18

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PRINTS AND PRIVILEGES

14

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Figure 4 Johann Lichtenberger, Pronosticatione in Vulgare Rara, Venice: Nicolo and Domenico dal Jesus, cat. no. 19

or her work. In contrast, as the name implies, a privilege was a favor, bestowed by a govern- mental authority to some individual it deemed worthy of distinction.'3

Privileges were granted not only for books, but for a variety of projects such as opening mines, improving windmills, or experimenting with poison gas.14 They were often bestowed by the governmental body that administered other sorts of official recognition. In France, for example, the chancery responsible for book privileges also processed petitions for such royal favors as the naturalization of foreigners and ennoble- ment of commoners.'5 Privileges could offer permanent or fixed-term monopolies to people engaged in initiating or developing new and potentially profitable processes or products,

including books and pictures, or could be a more symbolic but still potentially profitable sign of favor, such as appointing an entrepre- neur to an official post.'6

Since privileges were granted by a governmental authority, they were valid only within that government's jurisdiction. Those petitioning for privileges asked that others be barred from printing, from having others print, and from importing the protected item within the domain of the granting authority.'7 Some canny peti- tioners attempted to expand the geographic range of protection by applying for privileges from multiple governments. In 1516, for example, Ariosto obtained privileges for his epic Orlando Furioso from Pope Leo X, the king of France, the Republic of Venice, "and from other poten- tates. 1:8 The validity of a privilege also depended on the granting government's continued reign: astute holders of French royal privileges reapplied at the death of a king, as it was not certain that their privileges would remain valid under his successor.'9

Aldus Manutius, perhaps the greatest book publisher in Venice at the turn of the sixteenth century, held a number of privileges from the Venetian government.20 His petition for the privilege for his edition of the letters of St. Catherine of Siena, granted on 23 July 1500, is typical, recounting his "great effort and expense" in gathering together the letters from all parts of Italy. Aldus stated that he was "printing that most useful and most holy work now, with the greatest diligence and the most beautiful characters, but [was] afraid that, once having printed the book with such care, others would find the thing completed without any effort on their part, and would become competitors" by copying his edition. The Venetian govern- ment ruled that no one else be allowed to print the work or to import it into Venice or Venetian domains for ten years, with a penalty

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HARVARD UNIVERSITY ART MUSEUMS BULLETIN - VOL. VI, NO. 2

Figure 5 Francesco Petrarca, Le cose volgari, Venice: Aldus Manutius, cat. no. 32. Department of Printing & Graphic Arts, Houghton Library, Harvard University.

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of the loss of the books and a fine of ten ducats per copy.2'

Another privilege, granted to Aldus on 23 March 1501, was more unusual. It was not for a specific author's works, or for a specific text, but for the design of a typeface: the cancellaresca or chancery type now known as italic (fig. 5).22 Aldus petitioned that "for ten years, no one else be allowed to print in chancery type of any sort in the dominion of Your Serenity, or to import and sell books printed elsewhere into any part of our Dominion with the said cursive letters."23 Aldus also applied to Pope Alexander VI and

was granted a ten-year privilege on 17 December 1502, a privilege he renewed under Julius II shortly after it expired.24 But these various privileges did not deter imitators, and Aldus's elegant and easily legible type style was quickly copied in Fano, Florence, and Lyon.25 These rampant copyists and Aldus's railings against them demonstrate that privileges were not always an efficacious means of legal protection. In any case, Aldus's privilege for his chancery type had been granted on the basis of how a text looked, rather than what it said, and this type of privilege is conceptually very close to those regulating the production of pictures.

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PRINTS AND PRIVILEGES

Privileging Pictures

One of the earliest privileges for a printed image is dated 1498, for a view "of the city of Venice, just as it lies and is situated."26 The text of this privilege uses the same terms found in book privileges of the period. The supplicant, book publisher Girolamo Biondo, contrasted his own "utmost zeal, labor, and diligence" in creating the image with the minor efforts someone copying his map would expend. The privilege prohibited anyone else in the Venetian territories from making prints of "this city of Venice in this form" for a period of ten years. Those disregarding the privilege were to be punished by the loss of the prints and a fine of ten ducats per copy. The privilege for this image is indeed so similar to a book privilege that at the end of the document is appended protection for two books-Servius's commen- tary on Terentius, and the works of Johannes de Turrecremata-under the same terms as the view of Venice.

But Girolamo Biondo never published the two books or the map.27 Instead, it was Anton Kolb, a Nuremberg merchant living in Venice, who published a map of Venice in 1500 (fig. 6). This large-scale map is a tremendous achievement, made from six large woodblocks, each roughly 66 x 99 centimeters, showing an aerial view of the entire city and incorporating a wealth of topographical detail into a stunning visual design.28 Jacopo de'Barbari, whose style is recognizable in the figures of Mercury and Neptune, and whose mark, the caduceus, is prominently held by Mercury, designed the view, probably drawing directly on the six blocks, which are still preserved in the Museo Civico Correr in Venice.29

Like Biondo, Kolb applied for and was granted a privilege for his view of Venice, and one may wonder whether he was the "someone else"30 whom Biondo was worriedwould copyhis map.3' Yet Kolb stated in his petition that he had been working on his view of Venice for three years,

Figure 6 Designed by Jacopo de'Barbari, Bird's Eye View of Venice, cat. no. 25. Helen and Alice Colburn Fund, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

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HARVARD UNIVERSITY ART MUSEUMS BULLETIN - VOL. VI, NO. 2

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starting the year before Biondo's 1498 privilege, and he cites the difficulties in composing the work, in obtaining the very large sheets of paper which "had never been made in this manner," and in printing an image of this size.32 He was exempted from paying the usual taxes and pro- tected against copyists for four years.

The 1500 View of Venice was only one of a num- ber of wall-sized prints produced in the six- teenth century. Perhaps the finest woodcut of this great scale is The Submersion of Pharaoh's Army in the Red Sea designed by Titian, in which the vigorously swirling waves threaten to engulf not only the Egyptians in the print but the viewer as well (fig. 7). Almost as large as the Kolb-de'Barbari print, this woodcut has survived only in a state published in 1549 by Domenico dalle Greche, but its style and some of its figural details point to a much earlier design from around 1515. A single surviving impression of one of the twelve blocks without the wormholes that mar other extant copies gives visual evidence that now-lost impressions

must have been pulled much earlier, before the woodblocks had been damaged.33 A privilege dated 9 February 1514 listing a "history of Sub- mersion of Pharaoh," among a number of items protected, provides documentary evidence for an earlier edition, and suggests that Titian was working on the design for the Submersion as early as 1514.34

The privilege was granted to Bernardino Benalio, a publisher who had worked in Venice since 1483.35 One of the other "histories" listed in the 1514 privilege was the Sacrifice of Isaac, a large woodcut designed by Titian and printed from four blocks; it was published by Benalio, and cut by Ugo da Carpi, whose work we will discuss shortly. The Sacrifice of Isaac went through at least five editions, and the printed inscription changed with each edition.36 It is likely that the Submersion of Pharaoh's Army went through a similar change of inscription before receiving the text given in the 1549 state: "... Drawn by the hand of the great and immortal Titian, in Venice through the efforts of Domenico dalle Greche,

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Venetian painter, 1549." Benalio, like Girolamo Biondo, held privileges for both printed pictures and printed books,37 and he was in fact the publisher of a book with woodcuts by Ugo da Carpi. In this context, it is interesting to note that in that edition, a Breviarium Romanum of 4 May 1514, Ugo, like the cutters working for Nicolo and Domenico dal Jesus, copied an image from an earlier book. The woodcut showing the Procession with the Ark of the Covenant is taken from a cut of the same subject in the 1506 Roman missal published by Bernardinus Saginus.38

In 1567, Titian himself applied for a privilege, for "a design of Paradise [a painting known as the Gloria] and diverse other pieces of diverse other inventions" which he had had newly en- graved.39 An earlier privilege may exist, because by 1565, engravings by Cornelis Cort after works by Titian like the St. Jerome (fig. 8) were already published bearing the words cum privilegio. In any case, the existing petition shows Titian's concern for the quality of engravings after his paintings, prints that he would personally send to noble patrons like the Duchess of Parma.40 He complained that

certain men of little skill in art, in order to avoid hard work and out of greed for money, have adopted this profession [of printmaking], defrauding of honor the original author of said prints by worsening them, [and] stealing the labor of others, in addition to swindling the public with forgeries of little value.4'

Like Durer, Titian accuses copyists of "stealing the labor of others." But Titian frames the"honor of the original author" in terms of providing high quality prints "for the common enjoyment of those interested in pictures." Unlike Durer, who felt his generative powers as an artist vio- lated by copyists, Titian used his privilege to exploit the publicity offered by engravings made by others after his paintings, while remaining in control of the quality of the prints.

The Chiaroscuro Woodcut

U go da Carpi was an artist who, even decades earlier, used privileges to his own advantage with acumen, and his privilege from the Venetian Senate, dated 24 July 1516, is an espe- cially interesting one.42 A document recording the petition survives:

... 1, Ugo da Carpi, cutter of pictures in wood, have been in this most preeminent city of Venice for a long time, and have passed my youth here. Now, having come to old age, though I want only to mind my own business, I must occupy myself with how others live, lest I find myself bereft of both my wits and my profession. And 1, having found a new way of printing in light and dark ["chiaro et scuro"], something new and never before done, a beautiful innovation, and very useful to the many people who enjoy the art of drawing; and, moreover, having already cut and being about to cut designs never before done or

Figure 8 Cornelis Cort, St. Jerome Reading in the Desert (after Titian), cat. no. 29

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even thought of by others, the labor of which has prostrated me, I request, ask, and beg for the grace of your Most Illustrious Lords, if it is judged worthy of your clemency, to concede to me that no one be able to copy any of my designs or woodcuts, ... and that those so presumptuous as to counterfeit [my designs and woodcuts] here or elsewhere not be able to sell them in the regions ruled by the Most Illustrious Doge of Venice, under penalty of losing the pictures, and of being fined ten ducats per copy ...

Ugo's language is inflated. For one thing, he was most likely in his mid-thirties in 1516 when this petition was written, hardly old age at a time when Michelangelo lived to his late eighties and Titian to his late nineties.43 Furthermore, other artists had been making multicolored woodcuts before the date of Ugo's petition. For instance, in Augsburg eight years earlier, Lucas Cranach had already printed woodcuts on hand-tinted paper using a line block to print the black outlines in the image and a tone block to define highlights and add color. Even in Venice in the early 148os, Erhard Ratdolt, who would

feed the same aristocrats' enthusiasm for color printing by publishing multicolor texts in luxury editions of books after his return to Augsburg in 1487,45 experimented with book illustrations printed in color from more than one block.46 Nonetheless, Ugo petitioned for and received protection against copying his designs and woodcuts on the basis of his claim of having found a new technique. In his fully developed chiaroscuro style, Ugo would, in fact, conceive of the line block less as outline and more as patches of darkest shadow, and he would develop the technique by increasing the number of blocks used to three or even four, but his early work in Venice is technically closer to that of his German predecessors.

Ugo sought to extend this local Venetian protec- tion for his woodcuts by applying for a papal privilege as well. Though the documents for this privilege may now be lost,47 Ugo claimed it by including it on two prints made early in his stay in Rome. One of them, his woodcut Aeneas and Anchises, is ultimately derived from figures in Raphael's Vatican fresco The Fire in the Borgo, and it shows Ugo's distinctive chiaroscuro technique of dissolving the outlines of the com- position into planes of dark shadow (fig. 9). The inscription on this print reads: "Raphael of Urbino. Whoever prints these images with- out the permission of the author shall incur the excommunication of Pope Leo X and other penalties of the Venetian Doge."48 Like Ariosto and Aldus before him, Ugo sought and received the protection of the pope as well as of the Venetian government for his work.

During his years in Venice, Ugo had also cut woodblocks for illustrations in printed books,49 and he continued and expanded this work after he reached Rome in 1518. He was the cutter for Ludovico Arrighi Vicentino's writing manual La operina, published around 1524 and printed from woodblocks rather than movable type to

Figure 9 Ugo da Carpi, Aeneas and Anchises, cat. no. 35. Bequest of W. F. Russell Allen, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

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show the various handwriting styles.50 With his virtuosity in woodcutting and his experience in the production of type,5' Ugo was well suited to this difficult task. But his collaboration with Arrighi soured, and the breakdown of their partnership led Arrighi literally to stamp out signs of Ugo's participation in producing the book. There is a single surviving copy of this edition of La operina, now in the Houghton Library, in which the closing lines read, "Here ends the Art of writing in cursive or chancery letters printed in Rome through the invention of Ludovico Vicentino, writer," followed by a cartouche, printed askew and bearing the words CVM GRATIA & PRIVILEGIO (fig. lo). Obscured beneath that apparently hand-printed cartouche are the words "& Ugo da Carpi, cutter."52 Arrighi obliterated the line attesting to Ugo's role in making the book with a stamp declaring that he, Arrighi, published his work with papal approval and a papal privilege.

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Figure 10 .. ''i. Ludovico degli Arrighi, La operina, Rome: unknown pub- lisher [1524]. Department of ' Printing & Graphic Arts, Houghton Library, Harvard University (not in exhibition).

But Ugo had his revenge. In 1525, Pope Clement VII withdrew the privilege from Arrighi and gave it to Ugo instead. The privilege shows the extent to which Ugo had Clement's support:

... Our beloved son Ugo da Carpi is about to print, for the common usefulness of all people, new symbols and characters of letters, by which very young people are easily guided towards learning the art of writing, although he had previously been impeded by Ludovico Vicentino, so that he was not able to publish or sell these new characters. We, attentive both to the common good and to the justice of the people, especially because he, as is clear, had been defrauded by the same [Ludovico], we want and concede wholly that Ugo be able to print these characters and books, to fashion as many [of them] as often as he might wish, and to put [them] up for sale...."

Arrighi was allowed to keep the blocks for the book, which he subsequently had printed in

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Venice, so Ugo had to recut all the blocks for his edition of La operina. He took advantage of this labor to produce a closing page that commented on Arrighi's obliteration of his name. In Ugo's edition (included in the exhibi- tion), he pointedly left Arrighi's name but inserted a strategic "no," so the text reads "through the invention not of Ludovico Vicentino" (Per inuentione no di Ludouico Vicentino). To underscore his triumph over Arrighi, he closed with the words "Ugo has risen again" (resvrrexit Vgo da Carpi), printed over a similar cartouche labeled "Sepulcher" (Sepulchrum) (fig. 1i).

Prints and Signatures

The signature in Ugo's edition of La operina- resvrrexit Vgo da Carpi-is an unexpected one, and unusual for him. For instance, he signed his Diogenes on a book bearing the words FRANCIS VS PARMEN[SIS]PER VGO CARP[I], pointed to by the philosopher's wand. The first name, referring to Francesco Parmigianino, who designed the image, is followed by the phrase highlighting Ugo's labor in producing the print: "through the efforts of Ugo da Carpi." This signature does not use the terms that would become standardized in the seventeenth century to denote the various roles in the making of a print: invenit for the person who conceived the image; sculpsit for the engraver who actually cut the plate; excuditfor the publisher.54 In contrast, in the sixteenth century, many different terms and formulae were used, and the exact meaning of each signature was not always fixed, but could change from print to print.

A case in point is Giulio Bonasone's print of Judith and Holofernes, after the scene in the Sistine Chapel painted by Michelangelo (fig.

rv

12).55 In the state of the engraving included here, there are no fewer than three inscriptions, in addition to a poem describing the story of Judith and Holofernes. One inscription, added at lower right after the others, abbreviates the name of the publisher of the print, Antonio Lafreri. Another inscription describes Bonasone's own role: I[ULIUS] BONASON[US] IMITA[N]DO PINSIT & C[A]ELAVIT (By imitating, Giulio Bonasone depicted and engraved [this] .)56 The third inscription, printed below the poem, states MichaelAngeluspincitIn Vaticano (Michelangelo depicted [this] in the Vatican).57

Bonasone may have borrowed the formula for this last inscription from Marcantonio Raimondi's engraving of Raphael's fresco The Parnassus. The inscription RAPHAEL PINXIT IN VATICANO may imply-to modern viewers at least-that the print shows the scene as Raphael depicted it (pinxit) in the Stanza della Segnatura of the Vatican. Yet the engraving, made seven or eight years after the fresco was completed, differs from the fresco in a number of respects, including the absence of figures flanking the window, the presence of flying putti, and Apollo's lyre instead of the bowed instrument in the painting. Thus there can be no doubt

Figure 12 Giulio Bonasone, Judith Leaving the Tent of Holofernes (after Michelangelo), cat. no. 20

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that Marcantonio made the engraving using a preliminary drawing or drawings.58

The term that later became standard to indicate the person who painted the picture engraved in the print was invenit, rather than the pinxit used by Bonasone or by Marcantonio in the print after Raphael's Parnassus. What is perhaps the first usage of invenit on a print is Marcantonio's engraving known as The Climber. It is based on a figure from Michelangelo's cartoon for The Battle of Cascina, a full-scale drawing for a fresco planned for the Great Hall of the Palazzo della Signoria in Florence. The fresco was never completed because Michelangelo was called to Rome to work on Pope Julius's tomb, but the cartoon was widely admired, and it became, in Vasari's words, "a school for craftsmen."59

Marcantonio was one of those "craftsmen" who studied Michelangelo's drawing, making two prints based on it. In one, a study of a single climbing figure set into a landscape including a weathered architectural block, he added the abbreviated inscription IVM1.AG.FL, standing for invenit Michelangelo Florentinus, followed below with his own monogram, the intertwined letters M, A, and F, which Vasari tells us honors Marcantonio's teacher Francia, standing for MarcAntonio de' Francia.

Though the term invenit is often thought to indicate the designer generically, it specifically denotes the person in whose mind the image arose.60 In the case of Marcantonio's Climber, that original image seems to include only one figure by Michelangelo, and not the landscape

Figure 13 Giorgio Ghisi, The Dream of Raphael, cat. no. 22

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Figure 14 1' Baccio Baldini, Italian, d. 1487, Jeremiah. Engraving, 143 x 103 mm. Fogg i Art Museum, Gray Collection of Engravings Fund, G8198 (not in exhibition).

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Figure 15 Francesco Rosselli, Italian, 1 448-before 151 3, Jeremiah. Engraving, 176 x I 00 mm. Fogg Art Museum, A

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Randall Fund,TtECSF R822NA (not T in exhibition). ETSAR& S R

or other figures from his cartoon for The Battle of Cascina. Giorgio Ghisi's print known as The Dream of Raphael (fig. 13) 61 uses a related term in the inscription at the lower left: RAPHAELIS VRBINATIS INVENTVM. I PHILIPPVS DATVS ANIMI GRATIA I FIERI IVSSIT ([This is] an invention of Raphael of Urbino. Philippus Datus ordered [it] to be made for the good of his soul.) This splendid image is rich but enigmatic, with no clearly discernible relationships between the crowned woman at lower right, the bearded man left of center, the various other creatures, includ- ing basilisk, lion, centaur, scorpion, and mer- maid, and the fabulous landscape. Also unclear is Raphael's role in making the image, since as a whole it does not seem outwardly Raphaelesque. But one figure is suggestive of Raphael's work: the bearded old man takes the same stance, albeit in reverse, of a clean-shaven youngster leaning on the base of a capital below the statue of Athena in Raphael's fresco The School ofAthens. As with Marcantonio's Climber, the "invention" seems to lie in the pose of a single figure. 62

Replication without Regulation

I nventum or invenit seems to indicate the bor- rowing only of individual figures. But through- out the sixteenth century, entire compositions, unprotected by privileges, were at times also replicated in prints. As we have already seen, many prints repeated images from Durer's oeuvre even in the late fifteenth century, years before Durer obtained imperial privileges for the 1511 book editions of The Apocalypse and The Life of the Virgin.

Another example of this wholesale reuse of images in the late fifteenth century appears in twin images of the prophet Jeremiah by Baccio Baldini and by Francesco Rosselli (figs. 14 and 15). It has recently been suggested that Francesco began copying earlier Florentine Fine Manner

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compositions, including Baldini's sets of Proph- ets and Sibyls, when he started working with a lozenge-shaped burin previously unknown in Florence, a tool that made possible the deeper, longer-lasting strokes of the Florentine Broad Style.63 Baldini's Jeremiah does not appear to have been protected by a privilege, perhaps because privileges for images before the late 1490S did not yet exist. Furthermore, even into the early years of the sixteenth century, Florence does not appear to have granted many privileges, even for books.64

Paintings and sculpture were not privileged in the sixteenth century, and were often depicted in the print medium. Titian's woodcut Six Saints shows the reversed images of saints Sebastian, Francis, Anthony of Padua, Peter, Nicholas, and Catherine from a group in the lower register of his altarpiece for the church of San Nicolo ai Frari, though no inscription signals this imita- tion. According to Vasari, Titian drew on the woodblocks for this print, which was itself cop- ied in the sixteenth century at least twice, possi- bly prompting Titian's petition for privileging engravings after his work.65 Giulio Bonasone's print of Michelangelo's sculpted Pieta names the Florentine as "inventor" at the bottom of the sheet, but removes the sculptor's own signature from the band across Mary's chest66 and inserts the grouping of Mother and Son under a cross into a rudimentary landscape.

Near the end of the century, there arose a more complicated case of a series of prints imitating works of art, a case that brings us back to the subject matter of Marcantonio's engraved copies of Durer.

The Life of the Virgin Once Again

Hendrick Goltzius's Meesterstukjes or Master Engravings form a set of six engravings made

between 1593 and 1594 that depict scenes from the lives of Mary and Christ: the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Adoration of the Shepherds, the Adoration of the Magi, the Circumcision of Christ, and the Holy Family with St. John the Baptist.67 Goltzius dedicated this series of prints to Duke Wilhelm V of Bavaria, who then rewarded the printmaker with a gold chain, and Wilhelm's devotion to the cult of Mary was clearly one motivation for Goltzius's choice of subject.68 Another reason for this choice-which Wilhelm, the knowledgeable patron of repro- ductive printmaker Jan Sadeler, would also have appreciated-was that ever since Marcantonio Raimondi had copied Durer's Life of the Virgin series almost ninety years earlier, a set of engrav- ings depicting these scenes could provoke questions about relations between Northern

Figure 16 Hendrick Goltzius, The Circumcision (in Durer's style), cat. no. 10

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Figure 17 Albrecht Durer, The Circumcision, from The Life of the Virgin, cat. no. 6

European and Italian art, and about copying and originality. In fact, Goltzius raises these issues with his series, declaring in the dedicatory inscription, "Just as Proteus, captivated by eager love for the graceful Pomona, transformed him- self in the midst of the waves, so, Prince, through his mutable art Goltzius, astonishing engraver and inventor, changes himself for you."69

Goltzius is indeed protean, mimicking a differ- ent style in each of the six prints. The Annuncia- tion, Visitation, Adoration of the Shepherds, and Holy Family with St. John are made in distinct and recognizably Italianate styles. TheAdoration of the Magi is extremely close to an engraving of the same subject by Lucas van Leyden.70 The

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Circumcision (fig. 16) recalls Durer, and the central group, with a hooded, magnificently bearded man holding a wriggling Christ child with outstretched arm before the moyl seated on a tasseled and pillowed chair, specifically evokes Durer's woodcut of the same scene in the Life of the Virgin (fig. 17)-the same Circumcision cop- ied earlier byMarcantonio.7' But Goltzius places this central group of figures in a chapel of St. Bavo's church in Haarlem, and includes himself in the crowd of onlookers. With his trim mus- tache and beard shown in a style distinctly later than those ofthe other men in the image, Goltzius depicts himself looking, not so much at the scene of Christ's circumcision, but at us, the beholders of the print, his calm gaze measuring our response to the image he has refashioned.

Van Mander describes this engraving as one of the printmaker's "very witty practical jokes." According to this account, Goltzius burnished out his self-portrait and his signature on the plate and then artificially aged the resulting prints with smoke. The engravings "thus dis- guised and masked" captivated European con- noisseurs hungry for Diirer prints:

[Goltzius's reworked Circumcision] was eagerly seen with great admiration and pleasure by artists and art lovers who had knowledge of these things, and was also bought at high price by some who were happy that they had been able to obtain such a piece by the art-full Nuremberger, which had never been seen before. It was of course very funny that the master was praised everywhere way above himself; for when it was said or asked whether Goltzius could have made something like that, some people, who were not poor in art, replied that it was far beyond Goltzius to be able to make anything that good in the whole of his life; and that it was easily the best by Albert Durerthat had been seen. Some asserted furtherthat Albert had engraved a particular plate which, when he died, he specified should remain hidden for a hundred years after his death and it could be printed

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only if his work was then still appreciated-and that this must be none other than this print.72

When Goltzius was revealed as the printmaker, van Mander continues, these collectors were ashamed, bewildered, or angry with "those who had played the joke."

Though both accounts describe an engraver copying prints by Durer, van Mander's tale about Goltzius resembles Vasari's story about Marcantonio and Durer less than it does an early incident in Vasari's "Life of Michelangelo." As a young man, Michelangelo sculpted a marble Sleeping Cupid, and he or someone else- Vasari equivocates-buried it to age its surface. The sculpture was then sold at an inflated price as an antique to Cardinal Raffaele Riario in Rome.73 When the cardinal found out that the cupid had been made by Michelangelo, he was so impressed that he summoned the young artist to Rome to enter his service. Vasari tells us the moral of the story explicitly: "The fact is that, other things being equal, modern works of art are just as fine as antiques."74 In van Mander's story, Goltzius was similarly concerned with how his works ranked with older, already canonical works of art. Unlike Vasari's story about Marcantonio and Durer, there is no outraged author demanding redress from governmental authorities. Instead, van Mander's tale is more about connoisseurship than about authorship, more about an artist being appreciated by his contemporaries than about one concerned with artistic property.

With this parallel to an episode from Michelangelo's life in mind, Goltzius's Master Engravings in the Italian styles are even more interesting. Scholars have long debated which specific painter Goltzius might have been emulating in the four Italian-based engravings: for example, Mariette and Bartsch believed the style of the Annunciation (fig. 18) to originate

Figure 18 Hendrick Goltzius, Annunciation (an Italianate style), cat. no. 9

in Raphael;75 Hirschmann, in Federico Zuccaro or Correggio. Yet Goltzius did not indisputably invoke a single Italian master in this or the other Italianate engravings; neither did van Mander mention a single model for these prints. Walter Melion is correct to speak of a "short-circuit" in the reproductive nature of these engravings: they are copies following no originals.76

NOTES

1. I have used Joseph Koerner's translation from The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art (Chicago, 1993), 213.

2. See VorbildDurer: Kupferstiche undHolzschnitteAlbrecht Darers im Spiegel der europaischen Druckgraphik des 16. Jahrhunderts, exh. cat., Germanischen Nationalmuseums Nurnberg (Munich [1978]) and Durerthrough OtherEyes: His Graphic Work Mirrored in Copies and Forgeries of

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T hree Centuries, exh. cat., Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute (Williamstown, Mass. [1975]).

3. Erwin Panofsky, The Life and Art of Albrecht Di>er (Princeton, N.J., 1955), 109. See also Koerner's transla- tion, which says copy where Panofsky says imitate for the key word machen (Koerner, The Moment of Self- Portraiture, 209). Translations throughout this essay are mine, except as otherwise noted.

4. Durer's Apocalypse appeared in a second Latin edition in l5llwith the same privilege as TheLife ofthe Virgin. The Italian Apocalypse was published by Alexandro Paganini in Venice. See Panofsky, Albrecht Darer, 96 and David Rosand and Michelangelo Muraro, Titian and the Vene- tian Woodcut (Washington, D.C., 1976), 94-105.

5. Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de'piu eccellentipittori, scultori e architettori: Nelle redazioni del i55o e 1568, ed. Rosanna Bettarini and Paola Barocchi (Florence, 1966), 6-7. Vasari's "Life of Marcantonio" is the only sixteenth-century text documenting Marcantonio's encounter with Durer's prints. My dissertation, "Raphael, Durer, and Marcantonio Raimondi: Drawn, Painted, and Printed Images in the Early Cinquecento," includes a more extended analysis of this fundamental, tortuous, and often self-contradictory text.

6. The presence ofthe two devices ofNicolo and Domenico dal Jesus added to the last print in the series, The Madonna with Saints, has been noted since the late nineteenth century. Delaborde could not identify the marks, though he recognized them as publishers' marks; Paul Kristeller (Die italienischen Buchdrucker- und Verlegerzeichen bis 1525 [Strassburg, 1893], 88), and more recently, Peter Strieder ("Copies et interpretations de cuivre d'Albert Durer 'Adam et Eve,"' Revue de l'Art 21 [1973]: 44-47); Innis Shoemaker and Elizabeth Broun (The Engravings of Marcantonio Raimondi [Lawrence, Kansas, 1981], xiv), and Marzia Faietti and Konrad Oberhuber (Bologna e l'Umanesimo 1490-1510 [Bologna, 1988],153) did identify the device on Marcantonio's print as the mark of Nicolo and Domenico dal Jesus, but did not pursue the connec- tion further. Giuseppina Zappella (Le marche dei tipografi e degli editori italiani del Cinquecento [Milan, 1986], 2:25, listed the device as that of Nicolo and Domenico, but did not link it with Marcantonio's engraving.

7. Domenico Fava, "La fortuna del Pronostico di Giovanni Lichtenberger in Italia nel Quattrocento e nel Cinquecento," Gutenberg jahrbuch 5 (1930): 126-48, and

Ugo Baroncelli, "Altri incunabuli bresciani sconosciuti o poco noti" in Contributi alla storia del libro italiano: Miscellanea in onore di Lamberto Donati (Florence, 1969), 58-60.

8. The colophon appears on G4v. These types of colo- phons are unusual, though Nicolo and Domenico pro- duced two more books with similar ones. Nicolo and Domenico's other editions of Lichtenberger's Pronosti- catio include a Latin one, dated only "die uero. xxiii.Augusti." (Brit. Lib. 1609/794, currently dated 1520?; formerly catalogued as 863.1.cc.34 and dated 1511). Fava also noted a similar colophon in another edition by Nicolo and Domenico, published just three months after the one discussed in the text, on 20 October 1511, but I have not seen it ("La fortuna del Pronostico," 133). For more on Nicolo and Domenico dal Jesus, see my forthcoming essay, "Alla Insegna del Giesui: Publishing Books and Pictures in Renaissance Venice," The Papers of the Biblio- graphical Society of America 92 (December 1998).

9. See, for example, Karen Lee Bowen, "Wierix and Plantin: A Question of Originals and Copies," Print Quarterly 14 (1997): 131; or Nancy J. Vickers, "The Unauthored 1539 Volume in Which Is Printed the Hecatomphile, TheFlow- ers ofFrench Poetry, and OtherSoothing Things" in Subject and Objectin Renaissance Culture, eds. Margreta De Grazia, Maureen Quilligan, and Peter Stallybrass (Cambridge, 1996), 179.

1o. The role of legal regulation and penalization in shap- ing what an author is has been discussed in Michel Foucault, "What Is an Author?" in The Foucault Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow (New York, 1984), 101-20. See also Roger Chartier's response in "Figures of the Author" in The Order of Books, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Stanford, 1994), 25-60.

ii. Horatio Brown points out that although there are "abundant instances of copyright to the author ... they are not so numerous as the examples of ... copyright to editor or publisher"; The Venetian Printing Press (Lon- don, 1891), 54. Ruth Chavasse, "The First Known Author's Copyright, September 1486, in the Context of a Humanist Career," in Bulletin ofthe John Rylands UniversityLibrary of Manchester 69 (1986): 11-37, thoroughly discusses the privilege to Marcantonio Sabellico for his Historiae rerum Venetarum ab urbe condita. I thank Lilian Armstrong for this reference. For a more general view of book privileges in the Renaissance, see, in addition to Brown, Frederick John Norton, Italian Printers, 1501-1520 (London, 1958),

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xxiv-xxx; Rudolf Hirsch, Printing, Selling and Reading: 1450-1550 (Wiesbaden, 1974), 78-103; and Leonardas Gerulaitis, Printing and Publishing in Fifteenth-Century Venice (Chicago, 1976), 31-56. For summaries of petitions for privileges from the Venetian government, see Rinaldo Fulin, "Documenti per servire alla storia della tipografia veneziana," Archivio veneto 23 (1882): 82-212, 390-405.

12. Koerner discusses how ingenium denotes an innate ability that cannot be learned, in contrast to ars, a skill learned through rule and imitation (The Moment of Self- Portraiture [n. 1 above], 213).

13. These issues were discussed in a session entitled "His- tory, Art, and Copyright" that I chaired at the 1997 meet- ing of the College Art Association.

14. Regarding mines, see Elizabeth Armstrong, Before Copyright: The French Book-Privilege System 1498-1526 (Cambridge, 1990), 1; as to windmills and poison gas, see Martin Lowry, The World of Aldus Manutius (Oxford, 1979), 7 and 41, n. 1.

15. Armstrong, Before Copyright, 22-28. See also Evelyn Lincoln, "Making a Good Impression: Diana Mantuana's Printmaking Career," Renaissance Quarterly 50 (1997): 1116, for the range of favors bestowed by Pope Gregory XIII.

i6. Nadine Orenstein, Hendrick Hondius and the Business of Prints in Seventeenth-Century Holland (Rotterdam, 1996), 91.

17. In the Venetian publisher Aldus Manutius's 1501 privi- lege for a cursive font, described below, he asks for regulation "nel Dominio di Vostra Serenita" ("in the Dominion of Your Serenity") (Carlo Castellani, Lastampa in Venezia dalla sua origine alla morte di Aldo Manuzio Seniore [1973], 75). Benedetto Bordon similarly asks for protection for his 1494 edition of Lucian "in civitatibus dominio vestro subiectis" ("in the cities ruled by your Lordship") (Lilian Armstrong, "Benedetto Bordon, Miniator, and Cartography in Early-Sixteenth-Century Venice," Imago Mundi 48 (1996): 65-92, Privilege 1. See also Duirer's privilege for the Life ofthe Virgin, cited at the opening of this essay, in which he claims protection "within the boundaries of the empire," and the French royal privilege first published in 1558 to Robert Granjon, that his version of the chancery typeface be protected "en ce royaume" ("in this realm") (Herman de la Fontaine Verwey, "Les debuts de la protection des caracteres

typographiques au XVIe siecle," Gutenberg Jahrbuch [1965]: 27).

18. Armstrong, Before Copyright (n. 14 above), 11-12. As she notes, one expects that the Duke of Ferrara was one of the "other potentates" who granted a privilege, since the book was published in his domain.

19. Ibid., 26-27.

20. Castellani, La stampa in Venezia (n. 17 above), docs. 4, 6, 7, 8, 12.

21. Ibid., doc. 7.

22. In 1496 Aldus had been granted a similar privilege for his Greek types (ibid., doc. 4).

23. Ibid., doc. 8. See also de la Fontaine Verwey, "Les debuts de la protection des caracteres typographiques au XVIe siecle" (n. 17 above): 24-34, and Martin Lowry, The World of Aldus Manutius: Business and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 1979),137-41.

24. As savvy as the petitioners who reapplied for French royal privileges at a given king's death, Aldus applied for and was granted the same privilege under Leo X, on 28 November 1513, just after Julius's death. These papal privileges are printed on fol. 79 recto and verso of his 1513 edition of the Cornucopia of Perottus (Houghton *flC.P4255c.1513 [A] ). Theywere also published byAntoine Auguste Renouard, Annales de l'imprimerie des Alde (Paris, 1834), 504-8. The papal privileges also protected Aldus's Greek type.

25. The Fano edition was published by Giralomo Soncino, whose collaborator was Francesco Griffo, the disgruntled typecutter for Aldus's chancery type. In Soncino's first edition in chancery type, there is a dedication to Cesare Borgia that describes Griffo as "inventor and designer of the first order, who had cut all the forms of letters which Aldus had ever printed." See de la Fontaine Verwey, "Les debuts de la protection des caracteres typographiques" (n. 17 above): 25, n. 3.

26. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Collegio Notatorio, XIV, fol. 174v, in Juergen Schulz, "Jacopo de'Barbari's View of Venice," Art Bulletin 6o (1978): 429, n. 1o.

27. Fulin, "Documenti" (n. ii above), no. 79. The Short Title Catalogue of Books Printed in Italy and of Italian

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Books Printed in Other Countries from 1465-1600 Now in the British Museum (London, 1958) shows no editions of Turrecremata between 1498 and 1508, the term of the privilege, and similarly no editions of Servius's commen- tary on Terentius. Schulz agreed that "no impression of this print [the map] has ever come to light" ("Jacopo de'Barbari's View of Venice": 429). It is not clear why Biondi did not publish the books, as he was still putting out books as late as 1517, when he published Grapaldi, De Partibus Aedium. He had taken advantage of a previous privilege granted by the Venetian government in 1494, rapidly publishing both books protected, but the follow- ing year he obtained a ten-year privilege for two books, then allowed it to lapse without publishing either ofthem.

28. Though Schulz ("Jacopo de'Barbari's View of Venice") rightly points out that the image is most correctly called a view and not a map, the specificity of detail is astonish- ingly rich given that, in the early sixteenth century, for- eign ambassadors were allowed to view the city from the Campanile only at high tide when the channels in the lagoon were hidden (Robert Finlay, Politics in Renais- sance Venice [New Brunswick, N.J., 1980], 164).

29. See Jay Levenson, "Jacopo de'Barbari and the North- ern Art of the Early Sixteenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1978), esp. 278-81.

30. Schulz was first to make this suggestion ("Jacopo de'Barbari's View of Venice" [n. 26 above]: 429).

31. There are other cases in which privileges for the same workwere grantedto more than one person (for example, see Fulin, "Documenti" [n. 11 above], nos. 33 and 34). Leonardas Gerulaitis remarked, "If the situation (regard- ing privileges in Renaissance Venice) seems to be con- fused today, it was perhaps even more confused in the fifteenth century" (Printing and Publishing in Fifteenth- Century Venice [Chicago, 1976], 33).

32. Abstracted in Fulin, "Documenti" (n. 1i above), no. 105, reprinted in Schulz, "Jacopo de'Barbari's View of Venice" (n. 26 above): 473. My own transcription differs slightly from that of Schulz.

33. This fragment is now in the Museo Civico Correr. See Rosand and Muraro, Titian and the Venetian Woodcut (n. 4 above), 70-71.

34. Erica Tietze-Conrat, "La xilografia di Tiziano 'Il passaggio del Mar Rosso,"' Arte Veneta 4 (1950): 110-12.

35. The year of the privilege for the Submersion, 1514, was marked by a return to regular activity for Benalio, who had had a period of inactivity in the early years of the six- teenth century. See Norton, Italian Printers (n. ii above), 129.

36. These changes are thoroughly discussed in Rosand and Muraro, Titian and the Venetian Woodcut (n. 4 above), 55-69.

37. See Fulin, "Documenti" (n. ii above), no. 191. Fulin gives the date for this privilege as "1514, 6 Febbraio," just three days before the privilege for the Submersion. It is tempting to speculate that these two privileges are actually one, but the full text has not been published for either document. Fulin gives an abstract of the books protected; Fabio Mauroner (Le incisioni di Tiziano [Padua, 1949], 72, n. 21) cites only the parts pertaining to printed images.

38. Ugo even places his own signature where the earlier cutter, Jacob of Strassburg, had put his monogram "ia." The Breviarium Romanum of 4 May 1514 is catalogued in Victor Massena, Prince d'Essling, Les livres illustres venetiens de la fin du XVe siecle et du commencement du XVIe (Florence, 1907-14), vol. 2, no. 964; the missal is no. 67 in the same author's catalogue of missals. I am grateful to Lilian Armstrong for pointing out this example, and for showing me an image of Jacob of Strassburg's Proces- sion oftheArk. See also Massena, Les livres illustres venetiens, vol. i, no. 481.

39. Paul Kristeller, "Tizians Beziehungen zum Kupfer- stich," Mitteilungen der Gesellschaftfur Vervielfaltigende Kuinste 34 (1911): 23-26. See also Rosand and Muraro, Titian and the Venetian Woodcut (n. 4 above), 22-23. As Landau and Parshall point out, this privilege was to protect from copyists the engravings done by Cort under Titian's aegis, not Titian's paintings themselves. But I disagree with their interpretation that another docu- ment published by Kristeller is "a much more sweeping privilege applying to all prints that at any time in the future he might print himself or have others print for him ... the first real copyright for the invention of a painter" (David Landau and Peter Parshall, The Renaissance Print [New Haven, 1994], 361-62). Rather, the document of 22 January 1566 gave Titian a license simplifying the procedure of obtaining necessary ecclesiastical approval for his prints. This license, as Kristeller himself stated (25), itself offered Titian no protection against copyists of his engravings.

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40. Kristeller, "Tizians Beziehungen zum Kupferstich": 24-25.

41. I use the translation given in Rosand and Muraro, Titian and the Venetian Woodcut (n. 4 above), 23.

42. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Notatorio del Collegio Reg. 18,1515-1520, c. 38v. This petition was published by Jan Johnson, "Ugo da Carpi's Chiaroscuro Woodcuts," The Print Collector 57-58 (1982): 12, n. 1, and Rosand and Muraro, Titian and the Venetian Woodcut (n. 4 above), 36, n. 14, but my translation comes from my own tran- scription.

43. Though Passavant suggested a birth date of c. 1450, currently the most accepted dating for Ugo's birth is c. 1480. Ugo died between January and October 1532. See Johnson, "Ugo da Carpi's Chiaroscuro Woodcuts": 8.

44. Cranach's experiments with multiblock printing can be dated by letters written by admiring members of the German aristocracy, such as Konrad Peutinger's letter of 24 September 1508 to Friedrich the Wise of Saxony. The dates on the prints themselves are sometimes sus- pect. For example, Cranach's St. Christopher, inscribed with the year 1506, also bears the winged serpent on his coat of arms, which he was granted only in 1508. It seems likely that Cranach predated some of his color prints in order to claim that he had started printing with multiple blocks before Hans Burgkmair, another German artist who used this technique well before Ugo. See Landau and Parshall, The Renaissance Print (n. 39 above), 184-200.

45. See ibid., 184.

46. See Arthur Hind, Introduction to the History of Wood- cut (New York, 1935), 2:462. The copy of one of these books, Hyginus's Poetica Astronomica, in the Houghton Library (Inc 4387), has the woodcuts printed only with the line blocks, without color.

47. I did not find it during my research in the Vatican archives during winter 1996-97.

48. This inscription differs from the one on the other print bearing the privilege, the Death ofAnanias, in which both the Doge and Senate of Venice are invoked. The transla- tion of the Ananias privilege in Landau and Parshall (The Renaissance Print [n. 39 above], 150) omits the word Principis ("of the Doge").

49. See n. 38 above, and the accompanying text.

50. On the dating of the first edition of La operina, see Stanley Morison, EarlyItalian WritingBooks, Renaissance to Baroque, ed. Nicolas Barker (Boston, 1990),158-63.

51. In 1502, Ugo had a contract with the Modenese typog- raphers Benedetto Dolcibelli and Niccol6 Bissoli (alias Lelli) to manufacture type. See Jan Johnson, "Ugo da Carpi's Chiaroscuro Woodcuts" (n. 42 above), 6.

52. See Philip Hofer, "Variant Issues of the First Edition of Ludovico Arrighi Vicentino's Operina," Harvard Library Bulletin 14 (1960): 334-42.

53. Ludovico Arrighi, La operina (Rome, 1525), a2 recto (Department of Printing & Graphic Arts, Houghton Library, Houghton TypW 525.25.62): "... Dilectus filius Vgo de Carpi ad communem omnium utilitatem novas litterarum notas, & characteres impressurus, quibus Adulescentuli ad scribendi Artem percipiendam facile diriguntur, Et si alias per Ludovicum Vicentinum fuit impeditus, ut is, hos nouos characteres in lucem dare, ac uendere non posset: Nos tamen communem hominum & utilitatem & iusticiam attendentes, et praecipue quia is (ut constat) ab eodem fuit defraudatus, uolumus, ac de integro concedimus, ut ipse Vgo possit ipsos characteres imprimere, libellosque formare quot, & quoties uoluerit, eosque dare uaenum...."

54. There are of course still subtleties in how seventeenth- century prints are signed, especially when the signatures are in the vernacular. See for example Nadine Orenstein et al., "Print Publishers in the Netherlands 1580-1620," in Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620, eds. Ger Luijten et al. (Amsterdam, 1993), 168. For a discussion of signatures in general, see Andre Chastel, "Signature et signe," Revue de l'Art 26 (1974): 8-15, in which he astutely points out, "It is the genesis of fundamental habits of Western artistic life that is implicated: the phrases invenit, fecit ..., which have become familiar through their usage on prints, are here in the process of being established."

55. See Stefania Massari, Giulio Bonasone (Rome, 1983), 73, cat. no. 83.

56. Madeline Cirillo Archer halfieartedly suggests that the imitando indicates that Giulio "studied the painting itself' ( TheIllustratedBartsch, vol. 28, Commentary [New York, 19951, 222).

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57. Pinsit and pincit are both corruptions of pinxit.

58. John Shearman ("Raphael's Unexecuted Projects for the Stanze," in Walter Friedlaender zum go. Geburtstag [Berlin, 1965], 158-80) argues that the engraving records a lost compositional study. Lidia Bianchi ("La fortuna di Raffaello nell'incisione," in Raffaello, L'opera, lefonte, la fortuna [Novara, 1968], 2: 647-89) suggests that the engraving was made on the basis of a number of drawings.

59. Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Artists, trans. George A. Bull (London, 1965), 342. The classic study of the Battle of Cascina is by Johannes Wilde: "The Hall of the Great Council of Florence," in Creighton Gilbert, ed., Renais- sance Art (New York, 1970), 92-132.

60. See Silvia Gavuzzo-Stewart, "Sull'uso di invenit nelle stampe," TheItalianist lo0(ggo): 103-10. Gavuzzo-Stewart also discussed these issues in a paper, "On the Use of Invenit in Prints," given in a session called "Publishing Printed Images" that I organized at the 1997 meeting of the Society for the History of Authorship, Reading, and Publishing (SHARP). See also Wolfgang Braunfels, "Die 'Inventio' des Kunstlers: Reflexionen uber den Einfluss des neuen Schaffensideals auf die Werkstatt Raffaels und Giorgiones," in Studien zur Toskanischen Kunst: Festschrift fiur Ludwig Heinrich Heydenreich (Munich, 1964), 20-28.

61. This is the traditional, nineteenth-century title, also given to a very different print showing a nocturnal scene byMarcantonio Raimondi. Suzanne Boorsch and Michael and R.E. Lewis call Ghisi's print "Allegory of Life" (The Engravings of Giorgio Ghisi [New York, 1985], 114-20). See also Gioconda Albricci, "Il 'Sogno di Raffaello' di Giorgio Ghisi," Arte cristiana 71 (1983): 215-22.

62. This usage of invenit when using only the figures of a composition (or some of them) accords with Michael Bury's findings with regard to Ghisi's Nativity after Bronzino in "On Some Engravings by Giorgio Ghisi Commonly Called 'Reproductive,"' Print Quarterly io (1993): 9.

63. Landau and Parshall, The Renaissance Print (n. 39 above), 72-73.

64. Armstrong, Before Copyright (n. 14 above), 7.

65. See Rosand and Muraro, Titian and the Venetian Woodcut (n. 4 above), 177-78.

66. For more on the signature on the sculpture, see my essay "Michelangelo's First Signature," Source: Notes in the History ofArtis (1996): 16-21.

67. Walter L. Strauss, ed., Hendrik Goltzius 1558-1617: The Complete Engravings and Woodcuts (New York, 1977), vol. 1, nos. 317-22.

68. Wilhelm commissioned a number of works relating to Marian themes, including a Presentation of Christ in the Templeby Engelhard de Pee, in which the figure of Joseph bears the features ofthe duke himself, and Mary and Jesus appear as his consort Renata von Lothringen and his son Maximilian I, respectively. See Walter Melion, "Piety and Pictorial Manner in Hendrick Goltzius's Early Life of the Virgin," in Hendrick Goltzius and the Classical Tradition, ed. Glenn Harcourt (n.p., 1992), 44.

69. The inscription appears on the Annunciation. I have used Melion's translation, from "Piety and Pictorial Manner," 44.

70. Cf. Lucas van Leyden, B.37. The major change is a shift to a vertical format.

71. B.86(132).

72. Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Nether- landish and German Painters, trans. Hessel Miedema (Doornspijk, 1994), 397.

73. For a recent discussion of the Sleeping Cupid, see MichaelHirstandJillDunkerton, The YoungMichelangelo: The Artist in Rome 1496-1501 (London, 1994), 13-28.

74. Vasari-Bull, Lives (n. 59 above), 334.

75. The Illustrated Bartsch (n. 56 above), vol. 3, Commen- tary, 19. Melion more astutely suggested that the Annun- ciation "imitates neither a specific master nor even a lineage of handelingh. Rather, it posits a new handelingh, amalgamated from a melding of regional styles," and pointed out parallels to Raphael, Barocci, Zuccaro, and Titian ("Piety,and Pictorial Manner in Hendrick Goltzius's Early Life of the Virgin," in Hendrick Goltzius and the Classical Tradition [n. 68 above], so).

76. Melion, "Hendrick Goltzius's Project of Reproductive Engraving," Art History 13 (1990): 479.

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Checklist of the Exhibition

The following abbreviations that appear on the checklist refer to the works listed below:

B. Bartsch, Adam. Le peintre graveur. 21 vols. Vienna, 1803-21.

BdH. Bierens de Haan, Johan Catharinus Justus. L'oeuvre grave de Cornelis Cort, graveur hollandais, 1533-1578. The Hague, 1948.

D. Delaborde, Henri. Marc- Antoine Raimondi. Paris, i888.

HD. Hollstein, F.W.H. Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings, and Woodcuts, C. 1450-1700. Amsterdam, 1949--

HG. Hollstein, F.W.H. German Engravings, Etchings, and Woodcuts, c. 1400-1700. Amsterdam, [1954]-

LeBl. LeBlanc, Charles. Manuel de l'amateur d'estampes. Paris, 1856-88.

P. Passavant, Johann David. Le Peintre-Graveur. Leipzig, 1860-64.

R&M. Rosand, David and Michelangelo Muraro. Titian and the Venetian Woodcut. Washington, D.C, [1977].

All works are in the collection of the Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, unless otherwise noted. The dimensions given for woodcuts are the block size and for intaglio prints the plate size, unless otherwise noted. All measurements are given in millimeters, height before width.

PRINTS AND PRIVILEGES

Albrecht Durer German, 1471-1528

1

Expulsion from Paradise, from The Small Passion, 1511 Woodcut, 126 x 1oo B. 18 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G4416

2

Christ before Caiaphas, from The Small Passion, 1511 Woodcut, 126 X 97 B. 29 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G4427

3 Christ Appearing to Mary Magdalen, from The Small Passion, 1511 Woodcut, 126 X 99 B. 47 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G4445

4 Last judgment, from The Small Passion, 1511 Woodcut, 125 x 96 B. 52 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G4450

5

Madonna on a Crescent, title page from The Life of the Virgin, i5u Woodcut, 188 x 193 (sheet) B. 76 Gift of William Gray from the collection of Francis Calley Gray G1121

6 The Circumcision, from The Life of the Virgin, c. 1503-5 Woodcut, 298 X 213 B. 86 Gift of the heirs of Mrs. Mary Hemenway M807 [fig. 17]

7 Glorification of the Virgin, from The Life of the Virgin, c. 1502-4 Woodcut, 297 X 213 B. 95 Gift of William Gray from the collection of Francis Calley Gray G1140 [fig. 2]

8 The Cannon, 1518 Etching, 218 x 316 (sheet) B. 99 Anonymous loan in honor of Jakob Rosenberg TL3o.1979

Hendrick Goltzius Dutch, 1558-1617

9 Annunciation (an Italianate style), from The Master Engravings, 1594 Engraving, 478 x 355 B. 15, HD. 9 Gift of William Gray from the collection of Francis Calley Gray G1657 [fig. i8]

10

The Circumcision (in Durer's style), from The Master Engravings, 1594 Engraving, 477 x 356 B. 18, HD. 12 Gift of William Gray from the collection of francis Calley Gray Gi66o [fig. 16]

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11

Hieronymus Hopfer German, active 1525-50 The Cannon (after Diirer) Etching, 190 X 278 B. 45, HG. 50 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G4728

12

Marcantonio Raimondi Italian, c. 1480-before 1534 Glorification of the Virgin (after Duirer), c. 1504-8 Engraving, 295 x 21.6 (sheet) B. 637, D. 251 Gift of Belinda L. Randall from the collection of John Witt Randall R781 [fig. 1]

Traditionally attributed to Marcantonio Raimondi

13 Expulsion from Paradise (after Duirer), c. 1517-20 Engraving, 128 x 99 B. 586, D. 254 Francis H. Burr Fund M22462

14 Christ before Caiaphas (after Duirer), c. 1517-20 Engraving, 127 x 99 B. 597, D. 265 Francis H. Burr Fund M22473

15 Christ Appearing to Mary Magdalen (after Duirer), c. 1517-20 Engraving, 124 x 98 (sheet) B. 615, D. 281 Francis H. Burr Fund M2249o

16 The Last Judgment (after Diurer), C. 1517-20

Engraving, 130 x 97 (sheet) B. 620, D. 287 Francis H. Burr Fund M22495

17

Epistole: & eva[njgelii volgari hystoriade Venice: GiovannAntonio de' Nicolini da Sabbio and brothers, for Nicolo and Domenico dal Jesus, publishers, 1512 [sic, actually 1522]. Folio. Department of Printing & Graphic Arts, Houghton Library, Gift of Philip Hofer, '21 TL36389.i

Johann Lichtenberger

i8 Pronosticatio in Latino Germany: unknown printer, after i April 1488 (first edition). Folio. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Gift of Harrison D. Horblit, '33 TL36389.3 [fig. 3]

19

Pronosticatione in Vulgare Rara Venice: Nicolo and Domenico dal Jesus, 1511. Quarto. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Gift of Ward M. Canaday TL36389.2 [fig. 4]

REPLICATION WITHOUT

REGULATION

Giulio Bonasone Italian, active 1531-74

20

Judith Leaving the Tent of Holofernes (after Michelangelo) Engraving, 323 x 451 B. 9 Gift of Mrs. Eleanor A. Smyth M12o87 [fig. 12]

21

The PietO (after Michelangelo), 1547 Engraving, 275 x 176 B. 53 Gift of Ian Woodner M20400

22

Giorgio Ghisi Italian, 1520-1582 The Dream of Raphael, 1561 Engraving, 378 x 549 (sheet) B. 67 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G7313 [fig. 13]

23 Marcantonio Raimondi Italian, c. 1480-before 1534 Parnassus, c. 1517-20 Engraving, 358 x 472 (sheet) B. 247, D. 110 Gift of William Gray from the collection of Francis Calley Gray G25o6

24 Enea Vico Italian, 1523-1567 Portrait of Ariosto, c. 1548 Engraving, 153 x 113 (sheet) B. 241

Anonymous Loan 107.1985

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PRINTS AND PRIVILEGES

PRIVILEGING PICTURES

25 Jacopo de'Barbari Italian, 1450-1516 Bird's Eye View of Venice, 1500 Woodcut, 1340 X 2832 P. III 33 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Helen and Alice Colburn Fund TL36390.1 [fig. 61

26 Federico Barocci Italian, 1535-1612 St. Francis in the Chapel, 158i Etching, 549 x 324 B. 4 Arthur Knapp Fund, by exchange M13655

27

Agostino Carracci Italian, 1557-1602 The Great Crucifixion (after Tintoretto), 1589 Engraving, 509 x 1197 B. 23

Alpheus Hyatt Fund S1.21

Cornelis Cort Dutch, 1533-1578

28 La Gloria (after Titian), 1566 Engraving, 522 x 374 BdH. iii, LeBl. 124 Gift of William Gray from the collection of Francis Calley Gray

G759

29

St. Jerome Reading in the Desert (after Titian), 1565 Engraving, 305 x 257 (sheet) BdH. 134, LeBl. io6 Gift of William Gray from the collection of Francis Calley Gray G757 [fig. 8]

30 Giorgio Ghisi Italian, 1520-1582 The School ofAthens (after Raphael), 1550 Engraving, 514 x 809 B. 24 Gift of William Gray from the collection of Francis Calley Gray G1620

31 Titian, designed by Italian, c. 1480-1576 The Submersion of Pharaoh's Army in the Red Sea, c. 1514-C. 1515 Woodcut, 118o x 2150 R&M. 4, P. IV4 Gift of W. G. Russell Allen M12047 [fig. 7]

32

Francesco Petrarca Le cose volgari Venice: Aldus Manutius, 1501 Octavo Department of Printing & Graphic Arts, Houghton Library, Bequest of Mrs. Martin Brimmer TL36389.4 [fig. 5]

THE CHIAROSCURO WOODCUT

33 Domenico Beccafumi Italian (1486-1551)

St. Peter Chiaroscuro woodcut, 409 x 210 (sheet) B. 14 Bequest of Horace M. Swope M9789

Ugo da Carpi Italian, c. 1480-1532

34 Death of Ananias (after Raphael), 1518

Chiaroscuro woodcut, 244 x 376 B. XII, 2, 27

Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G7483

35 Aeneas and Anchises, 1518 Chiaroscuro woodcut, 524 x 375 (sheet) B. XII, 6, 12 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston Bequest of W.G. Russell Allen TL36390.2 [fig. 9]

36 Diogenes and the Cock (after Parmigianino) Chiaroscuro woodcut, 476 x 355 B. XII, 1oo, 1o

Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G7486

Ugo da Carpi, circle of

37 Faith (after Parmigianino), c. 1530 Chiaroscuro woodcut, 149 x 94 B. XII, 8, 1 Anonymous Loan 71.1997

63

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HARVARD UNIVERSITY ART MUSEUMS BULLETIN - VOL. VI, NO. 2

64 38 Faith (after Parmigianino), c. 1530 Chiaroscuro woodcut, 138 x 94 B. XII, 8, 1 Bequest of Horace M. Swope M9767

Lucas Cranach German, 1472-1553

39 St. Christopher, c. 1508 Woodcut, 282 x 193 B. 58 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund

G7475

40 St. Christopher, c. 15o8 Chiaroscuro woodcut, 285 x 204

(sheet) B. 58 Gray Collection of Engravings Fund G7476

41 Ludovico degli Arrighi La operina Rome: Ugo da Carpi, [1525] Quarto Department of Printing & Graphic Arts, Houghton Library, Gift of Philip Hofer, '21 (TypW 525.25.62) TL36389.5 [fig. il]

This content downloaded on Thu, 13 Dec 2012 22:34:23 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions