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Black Women Talk About Workplace Stress and How They Cope Author(s): J. Camille Hall, Joyce E. Everett and Johnnie Hamilton-Mason Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 43, No. 2 (MARCH 2012), pp. 207-226 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23215207 Accessed: 25-09-2018 00:14 UTC

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Article

Black Women Talk

About Workplace Stress and How

They Cope

Journal of Black Studies

43(2) 207-226 © The Author(s) 2012

Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

DOI: 10.1177/0021934711413272

http://jbs.sagepub.com

(DSAGE

J.Camille Hall1, Joyce E. Everett2, and Johnnie Hamilton-Mason3

Abstract

Black women face the same struggles as White women; however, they have to face issues of diversity on top of inequality.The purpose of this study was to explore work-related stressors that affect the lives of Black women and how they cope with them. Using an exploratory design with grounded-theory methods, five basic themes emerged that identify when racism and sexism are experienced as stressors for African American women in the workplace. The themes are: ( I ) being hired or promoted in the workplace, (2) defending one's race and lack of mentorship, (3) shifting or code switching to overcome barriers to employment, (4) coping with racism and discrimination, and (5) being isolated and/or excluded.The results from this study indicate African American women use emotion- and problem-focused coping responses to manage stress (e.g., racism and sexism) in the workplace.The article concludes with a discussion of practice implications of these findings.

Keywords

racism, sexism, Black women, stress, coping responses

'University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN, USA 2Smith College, Northampton, MA, USA

3Simmons College, School for Social Work, Boston, MA, USA

Corresponding Author: J. Camille Hall, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1618 Cumberland Ave., 323 Henson Hall, Knoxville, TN 37996-9999

Email: [email protected]

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208 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

Although labor force participation rates for Black women have been consis tently high and relatively stable (Bowman, 1991 ; U.S. Census Bureau, 2006), little is known about their work experiences (Cox & Nkomo, 1990), how they cope with these experiences, or how these experiences affect their psychologi cal well-being.1 According to the U.S. Department of Labor Bureau of Labor Statistics (2010), Black women experience occupational disadvantages based on gender and race. They are more likely to experience higher rates of unem ployment; work in support positions, where there are fewer rewards and less opportunity for advancement or skill use; and work in jobs that are less secure than those held by men (Hughes & Dodge, 1997; U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). Brown and Keith (2003) report that racism and sexism also play a part in the occupations selected and the income and benefits that African American women receive. It is also well documented that African American women

encounter bias and discrimination in the workplace on the basis of gender and race (Hamilton-Mason, Everett, & Hall, 2009). Work is demanding regardless of one's racial or gender background, but exposure to racial bias and dis crimination is especially stressful for those who face racism and sexism everyday (St. Jean & Feagin, 1998). The purpose of this study was to identify and describe the work-related stressors that affect the lives of Black women

and how they cope with them.

Literature Review

Stress can cause physiological changes to the body as well as changes in behav ior, mood, and emotions. Stress is difficult for scientists to define because it

is a highly subjective phenomenon that differs for each person. It is a concept with no consistent definition (Bacchus, 2008). For most people, stress is something that causes distress. Things that are distressful for some individu als can be pleasurable for others. Each person responds differently to stress. Although stress is more likely to be associated with unpleasant threats, it is not always harmful, since increased stress can result in increased productivity (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2011). Stress can be healthy. Pearlin, Menaghan, Lieberman, and Mullan (1981) define stress as the problems, hardships, or threats that challenge the adaptive capacities of people, and Smith and Carlson (1997) define it as "an event, situation, or combination of situations in which

demands are perceived as exceeding one's capacity to comfortably respond" (p. 232). The latter definition assumes that certain life events demand adapta tion and emphasizes the importance of cognitive appraisal in defining an event as stressful. Stressors can originate from within the individual or from the environment and vary in intensity. Several researchers categorize stressors as

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Hall et al. 209

acute or chronic (Compas, 1987; Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2011 ; Taylor, 2006). Acute stress consists of "changes in existing conditions or a disruption of the status quo," whereas chronic stressors are those that "are an ongoing aspect of the internal or external environment" (Compas, 1987, p. 277).

The particular stressors in the lives of African American women reflect their distinct history, sociocultural experience, and position in society. These stressors differ in magnitude and content from those of White women, White men, and African American men (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). The usual stressors of the working environment may be unbearable because Black women can be easily singled out and treated differently than their col leagues. Discrimination in the workplace on the basis of race and gender is a chronic stressor for Black women. Brown and Keith (2003) report that rac ism and sexism play a part in the occupations selected, the income, and the benefits Black women receive when employed.

The connections between life stress, unfavorable health, and mental health

outcomes have been solidly established among some populations (e.g., Caucasians, Latino, Native Americans), yet the effects of stress on health and mental health outcomes for African American women remain inadequately examined. One reason for the limited amount of research is the challenge of defining stress within this population (American Institute of Stress, 2009). Woods-Giscombe and Lobel (2008) argue that prior studies of stress in African American women focused on either race- or gender-specific experi ences. These authors tested a model that provided a comprehensive con ceptualization of stress among African American women that consisted of three to four dimensions, including race-related, gender-related, socioeco nomic status-related, and generic stress (e.g., general, nonspecific worries, etc.). Results from their study show that for Black women, the experience of race-related, gender-related, and generic stress predicts distress rather than these three categories of stress separately. Each of the dimensions used in Woods-Giscombe and Lobel's model can and has been viewed separately, but the intersection between all three dimensions is more important for explaining

stress among Black women. The consequences of stress on Black women are numerous. Researchers

have already established that African American women have shorter life spans than some other groups; have higher infant mortality rates; suffer higher rates

of high blood pressure, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease; have high levels of emotional distress; and have a low sense of general well-being (Griffith, Neighbors, & Johnson, 2009; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). In 2005 to 2008,21.3% of non-Hispanic Black women were found to have high blood pressure, compared to 16.3% of non-Hispanic White, 10.6% of Mexican

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210 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

American, and 12.4% of other Hispanic women. Diabetes is a chronic con dition and a leading cause of death and disability in the United States and is especially prevalent among minority and older adults. Among women with diabetes, however, non-Hispanic Black women were most likely to have been diagnosed with the condition by a health professional (63.7%), compared to only 49.1% of non-Hispanic White women (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2010). Studies show that racism is associated with indica tors of poorer health in African American women, including general psycho logical distress, depression, alcohol consumption, poorer perceived health status, and so on (Griffith et al., 2009; Mercer, Heacock, & Beck, 1993). Non Hispanic American Indian and Alaska Native women and non-Hispanic women of multiple races are more likely than women of other races and ethnicities to report ever having had depression (40% each), followed by non-Hispanic White women (36.5%) (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2010). Sexism has also been correlated with racism and psychological dis tress for African American women. The relationship between stress, race, and gender is understudied. Managing the interlocking effects of racism and sex ism is a core theme in Black women's daily life experiences. The triangulation of race, gender, and socioeconomic status affects the psychological well-being of African American women (Brown & Keith, 2003).

Stress is only one part of the equation. The other part consists of the adap tive capacities or ability to respond or to cope with acute or chronic stressors (Hamilton-Mason, Hall, & Everett, 2009). Coping is a process that involves "constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage internal and external demands appraised as exceeding a person's resources" (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984, p. 114). Coping is characterized as having four basic steps. The first is an appraisal to determine the meaning of the event or situation, whether it is controllable, and its implications for one's well-being. The second

step involves an assessment of one's coping resources and an assessment of the extent to which a coping strategy will be effective. Carrying out the coping

strategy is the third step, and the final step is to evaluate the effectiveness of

the coping strategy "in eliminating or reducing the stressor or managing one's response to the stressful event" (Smith & Carlson, 1997, p. 236). Researchers (Compas, 1987; Smith & Carlson, 1997) have differentiated between active and passive coping strategies. Problem-focused strategies, also referred to as "active" coping strategies, reflect cognitive and behavioral efforts to master or resolve life stressors. Seeking information or attempting to alter the source of stress illustrates problem-focused strategies. Emotion-focused, or "passive,"

strategies are those aimed at "adapting to the stressor without altering it" (Smith & Carlson, 1997, p. 237). Problem-focused strategies are superior to

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Hall et al.

emotion-focused strategies because they are associated with more self-confi dence and less dysfunction. Understanding which type and the most effective coping strategy employed by Black women has received limited attention in the literature. This study explores how Black women cope with workplace stressors.

Stressors in the Workplace St. Jean and Feagin (1998) assert that discrimination against African American women is widespread in workplaces (p. 41). Discrimination in the workplace against Black, female workers comes in the form of stereotypes, excessive demands, an absence of mentoring, exclusions from work [office] cliques, being ignored and/or harassed, and assumptions that they are incompetent. Alternatively, racial bias in the workplace has been conceptualized along two distinct dimensions of institutional discrimination and interpersonal preju dice. Institutional discrimination refers "to organizational policies and pro cedures that unfairly restrict the opportunities of Black Americans or that perpetuate advantages or privileges for the majority group" (Hughes & Dodge, 1997, p. 584). Conversely, "interpersonal prejudice refers to the negative beliefs, attitudes and feelings toward Black Americans and actions and behav ior that are based on them" (Hughes & Dodge, 1997, p. 584).

In their study of Arkansas nursing homes, Mercer et al. (1993) found that a majority of the nurses' aides reported a high level of discriminatory language and behavior on the part of management and patients. Feagin and Sikes (1994) interviewed middle-class, African American white-collar workers who said they were excluded from informal social networks in the workplace, were pre sumed to be incompetent, and were expected to perform at exaggerated levels. Hughes and Dodge (1997) found that institutional discrimination and interper sonal prejudice were more important predictors of job quality among the Black women (N= 79) they interviewed. Bacchus's (2008) survey of (N= 203) Black women located in two cities in New York found that the most frequently

rated stressors in the workplace were perceiving the demands of the job as overwhelming (50%), trying to make ends meet (54%), working with preju diced coworkers (45%), coworkers' not doing their share (44%), and working at a job where Blacks are treated differently than Whites (44%) (Bacchus, 2008, p. 69). The women who participated in this study also identified as cop ing resources spirituality, positive thinking, social skills, sister-friends, and money. This literature review summarizes what is known about the work expe riences of Black women and how they cope. The majority of the literature is based on qualitative research, which provides a firm basis for reporting the

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212 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

results of this study. The purpose of the study is to describe the work-related stressors in the lives of Black women, how these stressors affect their daily

lives, and how Black women cope.

Method

This qualitative study used focus groups from multiple sites to collect data from Black women about workplace stress and coping. The project research ers identified specific geographic locations in three different areas (Boston and Northampton, Massachusetts; Knoxville, Tennessee; and Brooklyn, New York) to recruit African American women who met the inclusion criteria (i.e., race, age, socioeconomic status, and location). African American women who were younger than 18 or older than 55 years and who resided outside the aforementioned locations were excluded from the study. Recruiting par ticipants involved posting flyers and announcements in student centers, col lege offices, social club newsletters, and church bulletins. We provided verbal descriptions of the study to specific groups and/or forwarded e-mails to potential participants through listservs or student groups. A one-page screen ing form was used to determine whether the prospective participant met the sampling criteria. When an individual met the sampling criteria, she was contacted by telephone and was invited to participate in the focus group. Prospective sample members who were found ineligible for the study were contacted by telephone to let them know their status in the study.

Six 2-hour focus group discussions were facilitated by one of the three researchers on college campuses (i.e., two were conducted in Knoxville and two in Boston, one in Northampton, and one in New York). Approximately 8 to

12 Black women participated in each focus group. A structured interview guide

was used during these sessions. The interview guide consisted of 10 broad questions designed to elicit rich data. For example, questions included "In your day-to-day interactions, what and who demands the most amount of time?"

and "Do you sometimes feel overwhelmed with the demands of daily life? If so, which ones?"

Forty-one women, 18 to 55 years old, participated in six different focus groups. The majority of the participants (62.8%) were older than the age of 40. Fewer than a third were married, and 17% were single. The remaining participants were divorced, separated, or widowed. A majority of the partici pants (88.3%) had attained a bachelor's degree or higher. Nearly 50% had mas ter's degrees or higher. Although the income levels were evenly distributed within the sample, incomes of these women ranged from $5,000 to $50,000. The participants had diverse occupations. Two participants held upper-level

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Hall et al. 213

administration positions at a private and/or public university. The majority of the participants (88.3%) had jobs with clearly defined career paths (i.e., real estate agent, financial planner, college professor, engineer, community organizer,

health educator, etc.), and most of them expressed a fair amount of autonomy and/or flexibility in their roles. More than half of the women reported having between 1 and 4 children, and the majority (67.1%) identified as Baptist.

Methods that were consistent with grounded theory were employed to ana lyze narrative data obtained from focus group discussions. Data from the tran scribed focus group discussions were first read and analyzed using open coding by each of the investigators in isolation. During this phase of the analy sis, concepts were identified and labeled as they emerged from the data and across the focus groups. In a separate meeting, the three investigators reviewed

each other's open codes to determine whether there were wide discrepancies and similarities in the open codes. Following this meeting, one of the investiga

tors developed a schema for selective coding, which was subsequently reviewed and applied to the remaining transcripts.

Racism and Sexism as

Stressors in the Workplace Analysis of the transcripts revealed five basic themes when racism and sex ism are experienced as stressors for African American women in the workplace:

(a) being hired or promoted in the workplace, (b) developing relationships with coworkers and mentors, (c) dealing with racism and discrimination, (d) being isolated and/or excluded, and (e) shifting or code switching to overcome bar riers to employment. Stereotypes about the character and/or competency of Black female employees, whether conscious or unconscious, may cause some Whites to view a Black employee as a significant risk, which may block entry to a job or result in unfavorable and differential treatment and exclusion of Blacks in the workplace. One participant, speaking about the stereotype that Black women are hostile, said,

And then there's the label of being hostile. It's like you don't have to open

your mouth but walk into a situation and you're perceived as being hos tile. I think that's in every environment that I've been in and it starts to

wear on your own psyche. You start questioning stuff. Am I really hostile?

Black women are also stereotyped as being incompetent and/or intellectually inferior, as another participant notes, "It's hard when dealing with White clini cians who make you feel like you're less than or you don't know as much."

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214 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

Another participant talked about feeling as though she was constantly under a microscope and how supervisors and/or coworkers were always looking for behaviors that would confirm their stereotypical beliefs about Black women in the workplace.

You feel like you're underneath a microscope. Everybody's looking at you and making judgments about how you're going to act. How you are going to react? Unfortunately if it's anything close to the stereotype you'll be branded and the spotlight on you. I guess I'm used to being in the fishbowl and the pressure cooker.

Weber and Higginbotham (1997) found that those White and Black women who perceived discriminatory treatment in the workplace saw it occurring in two areas: hiring and promotion, and treatment based on stereotypes. These women know the power of racial stereotypes and the impact of these stereo types on their ability to obtain employment and to secure promotions. To coun

teract these stereotypes, it appears that these Black women are extremely diligent in their efforts to avoid living up to the images and expectations associated with the stereotypical behaviors of Black women, albeit at a psy chological cost to themselves.

Being under the microscope has a slightly different meaning for Black women who work in predominately White environments. One respondent described how her White colleagues responded when another Black person visited her office.

They're [White colleagues] quite comfortable with all the other White faces that come in and out all the time, but let a Black person come and sit in my office. So, if anybody of color comes [and] sits in my office, everybody wants to know, why they're there. What is it?

Clearly the aforementioned scenario is more likely to occur when there are few

Blacks working in an office environment. Gaining more training and education is presumed to help workers secure

employment and promotions and higher salaries. However, all of the partici pants acknowledged that education and professional training did not guarantee career progression. At least 2 participants recalled instances in which they or someone they knew was passed over for a position.

My mom was assistant store manager at Macy's for 15 years. A store manager position was open four times while she was there. She finally

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Hall et al. 215

said I can't do this any more and left because they wouldn't promote her and she felt like it was because she was Black.

Another participant described a similar experience:

I started on the bottom and worked my way up. There was an open ing, I applied for the position and did not get it. The other person, of course, was White. She did not have near as much education. But she got the job. I went in the restroom and I cried. This was a good lesson to learn, even if you work and follow the rules, racism will keep you down.

When Black women are not hired or promoted after following the rules of the workplace, they are left with few alternatives. They accept rejection and remain

in the same job, secure another position elsewhere, or challenge the nonpro motion decision by filing an appeal or seeking legal redress. Hirsh (2009) reports that "roughly 60,000 sex and race discrimination claims" (p. 246) were filed annually with Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Fewer than 1 in 10 are substantiated, and even fewer result in benefits, such as positive changes in workplace conditions or monetary payouts.

After getting through the first stage of being hired, the next stage, develop

ing relationships with coworkers and mentors, is often hampered by being misunderstood and/or being placed in the position of defending one's race. One respondent commented, "I think a stressor and not just yesterday, but every day is that I work with people that just don't get me." This statement appears to highlight the cultural nuances and personality differences that affect minor ity workers in predominantly White work environments.

These comments reflect the minority status burden and Black women's experiences of being the spokesperson for the Black race. This participant describes having to provide more additional explanations for job-related deci sions than her White coworkers. She said, "It's a struggle to sit there and explain

myself when other White colleagues don't have to explain themselves, and this is an every day frustration and battle." Another participant expresses frustration about having to defend the entire race at the workplace:

It's frustrating. When I hear my friends say that they have to constantly

defend us [Black people] as if you are the spokesperson for the whole race. You [White coworkers] speak the King's English don't you? You're [Black coworkers or clients] not using colloquialisms and slang terms.

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216 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

Speaking the King's English and not using colloquialisms and slang are illustra tive of a fairly common practice that Jones and Shorter-Gooden (2003) describe

as "shifting." The authors state that,

African American women change the way they think of things or expec

tations they have for themselves. Or they alter their outer appearance. They modify their speech. They shift in one direction at work each morn

ing, then in another at home each night. They adjust the way they act in one context after another. They try to cover up their intelligence with

one group of friends and do everything possible to prove it to another. They deny their sadness and loneliness, (p. 62)

Shifting is an internal process—a chipping away of the Black woman's sense of self, wholeness, and centeredness. It is invisible and can have devas

tating effects. One respondent described shifting in these terms:

I feel like I live in two worlds. I can very much get along and do the whole thing when I have to, in certain settings, because unfortunately, we do have to, but I'm clear about the fact that I have to play different roles. And I can do that.

Still another participant alluded to shifting by describing how her coworker viewed her:

One of my White colleagues told me, "Yeah, to us, you're just like a White woman in a Black person's body, because of the way you talk and the way you carry yourself." I just sat there and thought about it.

Her White colleague's remarks could also be perceived as a subtle form of racism. Other respondents were fairly vocal about the overt forms of racism

they experienced in the workplace. One illustration was provided by one of the participants.

One day I was asking him (White coworker) something and he was talking and he was like, "Would you hold on, it ain't February." I said, "Oh hell no, he didn't say that," and so I was like, "Don't you ever say anything to me ever again," and then he really got like, "I don't understand

why she got mad."

When a member of a given ethnic group holds prejudiced attitudes and exhibits discriminatory behaviors toward members of the same ethnic group,

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Hall et al. 217

the impact can be just as deleterious as intergroup racism. Many Black women experience intragroup racism. The effects of intragroup racism can also be stressful. Some of the women shared examples of intragroup racism they experienced in the workplace.

My coworker suggested I got my promotion because of skin color. I was doubly hurt, because I expected a sister to be happy for me. I thought if

anybody in this place [workplace] knew how hard I had to work to get this, she would.

Still others spoke about their relationships with Black men in the workplace. The following statement suggests that some Black men also held stereotypes about Black women. This participant said, "I get a lot of flack from Black men in the workplace. I'm too aggressive, too independent. It's like give a sister a break."

Yet another participant described her experiences of intragroup racism in the following manner:

I'm in a situation where I work around Caucasian people in one agency, but I also work with Black people in another agency. The criticism and judgment I get from Black people can also give you high blood pressure.

These experiences of intragroup racism represent another stressor in the lives of Black women, and such incidents can deconstruct positive racial identity and self-esteem.

Daily inter- and intragroup racial assaults are particularly stressful when Blacks are token hires within the workplace. Participants in the study discussed the loneliness and sense of isolation they experienced as a result of "tokenism."

One participant described her experience in these terms: "I kind of get pres sures or feelings of isolation from both sides, like you don't necessarily fit in this one and you don't fit in the other one." Another said,

Noticing that you're the only African person, African American, or of African descent is very stressful because that adds on an extra—I don't know how to put [it], you have to show yourself that you're worthy or prove it. We're [Black women] the burden bearers, is it because of what people expect, or the position we have allowed them to place us in? It's a lonely feeling.

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218 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

When the respondents were asked to describe how these workplace stressors affected them, one respondent summarized the effects by saying,

There's the stress of work and everything you have to do and then there

are the more indirect things we've talked about. Not being recognized, being discriminated against, and being treated in a way that's not right. That's more stressful because you tend to internalize them.

People vary in how well they are able to cope with stress. Some people have very effective coping styles that literally prevent the stress from having a

negative impact on them. Others can successfully reduce the intensity of the stress, and others have coping styles that fail, leaving them susceptible to feel ings of low self-esteem, depression, and other harmful outcomes. The women in this study used a variety of coping responses to manage stress. They attempted

to control their reactions to stress by walking away, shifting, or simply pray ing. Many of the women simply accepted what they could and could not con trol. In some instances, participants faced stressors head on; in other situations,

they were resigned to control the pace of the stressor. Some participants appear to use emotion-focused coping strategies by "just letting the stress go." One participant offered this description, "I've learned how to just let it go. When it's overwhelming, just shut everything out. I mean like all the other stressors, they can wait. That's how I control my stressors." Another said, "I just kind of push things to the side a lot because I feel like what I'm going through, I'm sure someone else is going through a lot worse, so like why complain about it."

Still others discussed "controlling their reactions to the stress" or "control ling the pace of the stress" as effective coping strategies. One participate said,

I felt like I couldn't control anything that stressed me out, but I could control how I react to it, so that kept things down to a minimum. Certain

things that happen in life—being struck with cancer, or being termi nated, laid off—those are things I couldn't help. They are very stressful,

but they were things I couldn't help. To combat that, it would be, how I would react to that, rather than, it happened and let it destroy me. I try to better organize my life in terms of work. Now there are certain things that are going to come at you that you cannot prepare for. You just have to be ready to react, but those things that I can foresee, I try to adequately prepare for those so that I can respond and not be as stressed out.

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Hall et al. 219

Jones and Shorter-Gooden (2003) describe shifting as a coping mechanism. Shifting, since it is a subconscious activity, can be costly physically, emotion ally, and spiritually, compromising the health and well-being of Black women. And the respondents were acutely aware of the physical, emotional, and spiri tual toll of stress on their well-being. Some were sleep deprived; other women mentioned losing hair, severe cases of hypertension, anxiety attacks, diabetes, weight gain, and emotional eating. Participants were very aware of the conse quences of stress and inadequate coping. They also recognized the importance of staying healthy and the struggles they had in staying healthy. When asked how they relieve stress, these women talked about "working out"; getting mas sages; taking a long, warm, soapy bath with burning candles; walking; writing; consciously breathing; and/or watching funny movies. One respondent's state ment seemed to capture the essence of all the women by saying,

I like to get out and walk and have some quiet time by myself, and kind of

reflect on myself. I think probably the best coping strategy for me is find

ing a quiet place and just reflect on what I need to do to pull myself out of the situation. And no, I may not like my choices, but I have to do some thing, and just remember that I have a choice, even if I don't like them.

Besides self-care, the women identified female family members, friends, and colleagues as major components of their social support system. Many of the study participants had attained some college degree, which increases their reliance on family, friends, and colleagues as supports (Hamilton-Mason et al., 2009). The individuals in these support systems become mentors and serve as life coaches and confidants for Black women.

Similar to other studies (Bacchus, 2008; Hughes & Dodge, 1997; Hamilton Mason et al., 2009; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Weber & Higginbotham, 1997), we found that members of the sample rely heavily on prayer and church attendance to manage and cope with stress. For example, one respondent said, "I'm just trying to pray on it. I swear it's the only way that I've dealt with the stressors I face. And, other stressors, I just don't deal with them." Other participants indicated that prayer and their spiritual beliefs helped them mentally prepare themselves for the workplace stress. One par ticipant said, "I started out wanting to pray for about an hour, just to get myself

spiritually focused and mentally prepared for the day." Other members of the sample described similar techniques, such as meditating, visualization, and getting spiritually focused during the day, to center them. Although praying is considered an emotion-focused coping strategy according to the Lazarus and Folkman (1984) framework, Bacchus (2008) argues that spiritual and/or

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220 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

religious responses to stress are not passive but are proactive, culturally spe cific ways of managing stress. "When a Black woman says the stressful situ ation is in the hands of God, she may be engaged in behaviors she believes will bring about positive results" (Bacchus, 2008, p. 76). Some of the women in this study used professional counseling services to cope with their stressors; others used meditation or writing as a way to cope.

Spirituality was a central form of social support for almost all of the par ticipants. It was fairly common for the women to say something like this par ticipant's response: "My foundation has been becoming a part, an active member of our church." Church membership becomes a community for Black women who share similar religious beliefs, values, and culture with church ladies and men. One respondent described the importance of having a sense of community in these terms: "I think laughter, a community of Black people where I can feel normal, and you really can laugh real good, hearty belly laughs."

For Black women, church members perform functional, instrumental, and emotional support by providing guidance and advice, relaxing with or sharing recreational activities, and/or providing financial support, transportation, or assistance with child care responsibilities. The findings from this study illus trate the types of stressors Black women encounter in the workplace and how they manage and cope with and seek relief from this stress.

Discussion

Participants in this study described racism and sexism as workplace stressors that were primarily based on stereotypes held by their employers and cowork ers that hampered their ability to secure employment or be promoted. The par ticipants stated that they felt as though they were subjected to unnecessary scrutiny (i.e., their actions were examined under a microscope, they con stantly monitored for behaviors that were associated with stereotypes, and they were under surveillance when they and other Blacks interacted). The women in this study acknowledged shifting speech patterns and behaviors to ensure they did not live up to stereotypical beliefs held by supervisors and colleagues. None of the participants believed that their education or training could guarantee career progression; some even indicated that they or someone they knew had not received a well-deserved promotion.

Establishing professional relationships with coworkers was also identified as a stressor. Many of the participants stated that they were often placed in the position of becoming the spokesperson for the Black race. Racism in its sub tle and more overt forms, such as racist remarks from coworkers, both White

and Black, was also identified as a stressor. Isolation in the workplace was

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Hall et al. 221

identified as a stressor for those respondents who worked in predominately White work environments. When we asked participants how they managed stress in the workplace, these women talked about controlling their reactions to stressors. Some of the participants used shifting as a way to manage stress. The results of this study indicate that these Black women cope with workplace stress the same way they cope with other stressors: by caring for themselves and relying on other Black females for support. The participants use spiritual ity as a major support and avenue for developing a community of like-minded Black people to provide support.

The types of stressors described by these women are not simply episodic but fairly constant. Although these stressors (i.e., sexism and racism) disrupt the status quo, they appear to be an ongoing aspect of the internal and exter nal environment in which Black women work and live. The findings from this

study are consistent with those of similar studies. For example, Elliot-Brown, Parker-Dominquez, and Sorey (2000) found that college-educated Black women reported work-related stress and inadequate finances as common stressors, and Bacchus (2008) found that the sampled Black women identi fied the demands in the workplace, trying to make ends meet, and working with

prejudiced coworkers as stressful. To alleviate the stressors, the women in the current sample used coping

strategies that were similar to those reported in other studies. In the current study, spirituality was identified as a coping strategy, just as it was in Bacchus's (2008) study. Bacchus found that a majority of the women used spirituality as a coping resource to moderate work-related stress. Bowen-Reid and Harrell (2002) also found that spirituality moderated the relationship between per ceived racial stress and psychological health outcomes for those Blacks with strong spiritual or religious beliefs. The participants in this study relied on female friends as a major source of support; this finding is consistent with Elliot-Brown et al.'s (2000) findings. The results from Elliot-Brown et al.'s study indicated that female friends were the most helpful source of support for their sample of Black women with or without a spouse or partner.

The findings from this study underscore the continuing significance of rac ism and sexism in the daily work lives of Black women. For individuals work ing with Black female clients, the pervasive subtleties of racism in the workplace

and their effects on the psychological well-being, self-concept, and interper sonal relationships of Black women should be addressed. The focus must be on deconstructing the stereotypes held by Whites and other Blacks and how these beliefs affect the Black woman's view of self and others. Because Black

women are frequently unable to express their emotions, interventions should be directed at helping Black women talk about their emotional reactions to

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222 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

workplace stress (i.e., feelings of anger and shame). Interventions that focus on a cathartic expression of emotions might enable Black women to redirect negative feelings and decrease feelings of isolation and helplessness. While offering support, helping professionals should also explore the help-seeking behaviors of Black women, and identify and empower them to utilize their informal social support networks. Human service workers should also model coping strategies that allow Black women to relieve stress while also acknowl edging the positive effects of spirituality and religion in their lives. Future studies should include direct assessments of coping in response to racial discrimination and sexism that many Black women may not have the power to change (e.g., dealing with a racist supervisor) to see whether avoid ant coping can be adaptive in such specific contexts.

Conclusion

The findings from this study construct explanations and resolutions for cop ing with the adverse circumstances of racism and sexism experienced by Black women in the workplace. This study affirms the importance of social support, spirituality, physical activity, professional guidance, and acknowl edging the resilience of Black women. This study advances the literature by elucidating how Black women cope with workplace stress. Although the find ings provide important information on how Black women cope with racism and sexism in the workplace, some important limitations challenge general izing the results of this study. Black women's experiences with racism and sexism are complicated by their position at the intersection of racial and gen der oppression, which is sometimes termed "gendered racism" (Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2004). For example, studies have shown that experiences of sexism (Moradi & Subich, 2004), sexual harassment (Buchanan & Fitzgerald, 2008), and class (Neal-Barnett & Crowther, 2000) in con junction with experiences of racism likely affect Black women's well being differently than White women and Black men. As a result, future studies should examine the roles of racism, sexism, and classism on Black women to better understand this "triple burden." This study also had a geo graphically limited sample, which precluded generalization beyond this sample. For instance, a similar investigation of workplace stress of African American women who are younger, are less educated, and have lower socio economic statuses and less-defined career paths might yield different results. However, previous theoretical and empirical data indicate that social support and spirituality are common coping responses for most African Americans (Hill-Collins, 2000; Logan, 2000).

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Hall et al. 223

Additionally, studies typically compare racially and ethnically diverse pop ulations to White populations, suggesting that White populations are the "norm" or the "standard." By not using a comparison group, the current study elimi nated this problematic assumption. Furthermore, we sought a diverse sample of Black women (e.g., African American, Afro-Caribbean, and Black African) to represent the many voices present within the Black community. This area is understudied, and future research in this area would benefit from experi mental and longitudinal paradigms so that the temporal, conditional, and con textual natures of these variables can be more fully assessed. Finally, although examining the experiences of Black women separately from the experiences of Black men, White men, and White women is a strength of this study, it is important for future research to also examine workplace stressors (i.e., racism and sexism) of other racialized groups of women, including those who identify as Asian, American Indian, Latina, Middle Eastern, biracial, and multiracial. Conducting research in this culturally inclusive way will enable the expe riences of all women of color to be highlighted. It will also allow better understanding of the similarities and differences of workplace stress and the psychological outcome of those experiences among women of color.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,

authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica tion of this article.

Note

1. The terms African American women and Black women are used interchangeably

throughout this article.

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Bios

J. Camille Hall has been a licensed clinical social work practitioner for more than

16+ years. Her research and scholarship interests include the examination of risk and

resilience factors among African American individuals, families, and communities

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226 Journal of Black Studies 43(2)

(i.e., specific focus on adult children of alcoholics) and multicultural competence.

She has published several refereed journal articles and made numerous national and

international conference presentations related to her area of research. In 2008, she co-edited "African American Human Behavior in the Social Environment: New

Perspectives" with Stan L. Bowie.

Joyce E. Everett Everett's professional interest is social welfare policy, particularly

policies that affect children and families. Other areas of interest include issues of diver

sity, cultural competence and research. In collaboration with UMASS faculty who

received NIH funding, she is participating in a study of workforce policies that affect

working class families negotiating the transition from first birth back into the labor

market. Recent publications and presentations focus on social policy across the life

cycle, empowerment, long-distance caregiving, kinship care, and the School for Social

Work's anti-racism field assignment. She co-edited Child Welfare: An Africentric

Perspective, with Sandra Chipungu and Bogart Leashore (September 2004).

Johnnie Hamilton-Mason scholarship and research interests are primarily on African American Women and Families, the intersection of cross cultural theory and

practice, and HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment. With over twenty-one years of full-time teaching experience, she continues to enhance her teaching through clinical

practice in urban agencies, as well as through consultation and education locally and

internationally. Dr. Hamilton-Mason presents papers regularly at national and inter

national conferences on such topics as the dynamics of diversity; teaching and learn

ing issues related to diversity; HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment in the United States and Africa; urban practice and urban leadership educational outcomes; cross

cultural competency and racial identity theory in clinical work.

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