Applied Intersectionality
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Research: How Subtle Class Cues Can Backfire on Your Resume by Lauren Rivera and András Tilcsik
DECEMBER 21, 2016 UPDATED APRIL 04, 2017
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Every fall, tens of thousands of law students compete for a small number of
coveted summer associateships at the country’s top law firms. The stakes are
high: getting one of these rare internships virtually guarantees full-time
employment after law school. The salaries are unbeatable, six-figure sums that
catapult young students to the top 5% of household incomes nationally and are
often quadruple of those offered in other sectors of legal practice. These jobs
also open doors to even more lucrative employment in the private sector as well
as prestigious judiciary and government roles. For these reasons, employment
in top law firms has been called the legal profession’s 1%.
Now imagine four applicants, all of whom attend the same, selective second-
tier law school. They all have phenomenal grade point averages, are on law
review, and have identical, highly relevant work experiences. The only
differences are whether they are male or female and if their extracurricular
activities suggest they come from a higher-class or lower-class background.
Who gets invited to interview?
We set out to answer this question in a series of studies reported in the
December 2016 issue of American Sociological Review. Based on prior
research showing that hiring in top professional services firms is highly skewed
toward applicants from wealthy families, we expected that an applicant’s social
class background would play a decisive role in determining interview
invitations. And indeed, we found that, in contrast to our national lore that it is
individual effort and ability—not family lineage—that matters for getting good
jobs, elite employers discriminate strongly based on social class, favoring
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applicants from higher-class backgrounds. But our research uncovered a
surprising — and disturbing — twist: coming from an advantaged social
background helps only men.
We uncovered this through a field experiment with the country’s largest law
firms. Specifically, we used a technique — known as the resume audit method —
that is widely seen as the gold standard for measuring employment
discrimination. This method involves randomly assigning different items to the
resumes and sending applications to real employers to see how they affect the
probability of being called back for a job interview. All in all, we sent fictitious
resumes to 316 offices of 147 top law firms in 14 cities, from candidates who
were supposedly trying to land a summer internship position. All applicants
were in the top 1% of their class and were on law review, but came from
second-tier law schools. This was important because graduates from the most
elite law schools (e.g., Harvard and Yale) are typically recruited on-campus. But
law school students from second-tier schools must compete for coveted
internship positions by sending in their resumes directly to firms in hopes of
attracting employers’ attention by virtue of their C.V.s.
We signaled gender by varying the applicant’s first name (James or Julia).
Directly indicating a parent’s occupation or income on a resume might be
strange for an employer to see, so we signaled social class position via accepted
and often required portions of resumes: awards and extracurricular activities.
Reflecting the fact that social class is a complex characteristic that cannot be
boiled down to income, education, or lifestyle alone, we used a constellation of
resume items to signal social class.
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For example, to capture the economic
component of class, our lower-class
applicants received an award for
student-athletes on financial aid. To
incorporate its educational competent,
they listed being a peer tutor for fellow
first-generation college students. By
contrast, our higher class candidate
pursued traditionally upper-class
hobbies and sports, such sailing, polo,
and classical music, while the lower-
class candidate participated in activities
with lower financial barriers to entry
(e.g., pick-up soccer, track and field
team) and those distinctly rejected by
higher-class individuals (e.g., country
music). But crucially, all educational,
academic, and work-related
achievements were identical between
our four fictitious candidates.
Even though all educational and work-related histories were the same,
employers overwhelmingly favored the higher-class man. He had a callback rate
more than four times of other applicants and received more invitations to
7/23/2018 Research: How Subtle Class Cues Can Backfire on Your Resume
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interview than all other applicants in our study combined. But most strikingly,
he did significantly better than the higher-class woman, whose resume was
identical to his, other than the first name.
Why did the higher-class man do so much better than the higher-class woman?
To further explore this issue, we conducted a follow-up experiment with a
sample of 210 practicing attorneys from around the country. We asked each
attorney to evaluate one of the same resumes we used in our field experiment
and to tell us whether they would like to bring the candidate in for an interview.
We also asked them to rate their candidate on factors proven to influence how
favorably people view job candidates but that vary between men and women.
These included perceptions of the candidate’s competence, likability, fit with an
organization’s culture and clientele, and career commitment.
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Just like the employers in our audit study, the attorneys we surveyed favored
interviewing the higher-class man above all applicants, including the higher-
class woman. This time, though, we were able to understand why. Attorneys
viewed higher-class candidates of either gender as being better fits with the
culture and clientele of large law firms; lower-class candidates were seen as
misfits and rejected. In fact, some attorneys even steered the lower-class
candidates to less prestigious and lucrative sectors of legal practice, such as
government and nonprofit roles, positions that tend to be more
socioeconomically diverse than jobs at top law firms.
But even though higher-class women were seen as just as good “fits” as higher-
class men, attorneys declined to interview these women because they believed
they were the least committed of any group (including lower-class women) to
working a demanding job. Our survey participants, as well as an additional 20
attorneys we interviewed, described higher-class women as “flight risks,” who
might desert the firm for less time-intensive areas of legal practice or might
even leave paid employment entirely. Attorneys cited “family” as a primary
reason these women would leave. Parenting strategies vary between social
classes, and the intensive style of mothering that is more popular among the
affluent was seen as conflicting with the “all or nothing” nature of work as a Big
Law associate. One female attorney we interviewed described this negative
view of higher-class women, which she observed while working on her firm’s
hiring committee. The perception, she said, was that higher-class women do
not need a job because they “have enough money,” are “married to somebody
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rich,” or are “going to end up being a helicopter mom.” This commitment
penalty that higher-class women faced negated any advantages they received
on account of their social class.
Our findings confirm that, despite our national myth that anyone can make it if
they work hard enough, the social class people grow up in greatly shapes the
types of jobs (and salaries) they can attain, regardless of the achievements
listed on their resumes. More broadly, our results illustrate a phenomenon that
social scientists call “intersectionality” — a fancy way of saying that, when it
comes to understanding sources of advantage and disadvantage, the whole is
greater than the sum of its parts. Crucially, we have found that privilege works
differently for men and women in the labor market. While coming from a
higher-class background helps men, it can actually hurt women.
Together, biases related to social class
and gender skew employment
opportunities toward men from
privileged backgrounds. Our research
adds another twist to just how difficult
it is for certain groups to get ahead,
even when they achieve an advanced
degree.
There are some potential solutions for
law firms, however. While biases
themselves are difficult to change and
PLAY 2:18
7/23/2018 Research: How Subtle Class Cues Can Backfire on Your Resume
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merely making people aware of them
via training has little payoff, there are quick and cost-effective ways to make the
playing field more even in resume screening. When it comes to social class, the
answer is simple: ditch the extracurricular activities. We were able to conduct
our study only because employers and career services offices encourage (if not
require) students to lists hobbies and activities on resumes. Without this
information, we would not have been able to indicate social class background
effectively. While social class still manifests in other types of resume cues
(especially attendance at a top-tier undergraduate institution or law school),
blinding evaluators to extracurricular activities or having students omit them
from resumes entirely could eliminate those class signals that are least
performance-related.
As for gender, blinding evaluators to first names (or substituting with initials)
could help keep more women in the pool. In fact, one reason why women seem
to do better when they come from the most elite schools may be that employers
have limited ability to screen resumes and do not have the chance to engage in
the types of resume-based class and gender discrimination we found in our
study. Eliminating signals about class and gender as resumes are screened could
open the door more widely for talented individuals with varied backgrounds,
while creating a more diverse workforce of qualified talent.
7/23/2018 Research: How Subtle Class Cues Can Backfire on Your Resume
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Lauren Rivera is an Associate Professor of Management & Organizations at Kellogg School of Management and the author of Pedigree: How Elite
Students Get Elite Jobs.
András Tilcsik is a professor at the Rotman School of Management, a fellow of
the Michael Lee-Chin Family Institute for Corporate Citizenship, and coauthor of
Meltdown: Why Our Systems Fail and What We Can Do About It.
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Eric Johnson a year ago
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How confident are we that this effect is real? The overall offer rate for the total sample was
14/158 for men and 8/158 for women, this is not statistically significant by the standard
benchmark (in this case, p=0.18). And, analyzing a sample by subgroups if you can not find an
effect in the overall sample is like textbook p-hacking.
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