answer the question

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Week 4 The Industrial Revolution

To the Merchants, Clothiers and all such as wish well to the Staple Manufactory of this

Nation. (1786)

The Humble ADDRESS and PETITION of Thousands, who labour in the Cloth Manufactory.

SHEWETH, That the Scribbling-Machines have thrown thousands of your petitioners out of

employ, whereby they are brought into great distress, and are not able to procure a maintenance

for their families, and deprived them of the opportunity of bringing up their children to labour:

We have therefore to request, that prejudice and self-interest may be laid aside, and that you may

pay that attention to the following facts, which the nature of the case requires.

The number of Scribbling-Machines extending about seventeen miles south-west of LEEDS,

exceed all belief, being no less than one hundred and seventy! and as each machine will do as

much work in twelve hours, as ten men can in that time do by hand, (speaking within bounds)

and they working night-and day, one machine will do as much work in one day as would

otherwise employ twenty men.

As we do not mean to assert any thing but what we can prove to be true, we allow four men to be

employed at each machine twelve hours, working night and day, will take eight men in twenty-

four hours; so ~ that, upon a moderate computation twelve men are thrown out of employ for

every single machine used in scribbling; and as it may be sup', posed the number of machines in

all the other quarters together, t nearly equal those in the South-West, full four thousand men are

left l-; to shift for a living how they can, and must of course fall to the Parish, if not timely

relieved. Allowing one boy to be bound apprentice from each family out of work, eight thousand

hands are deprived of the opportunity of getting a livelihood.

We therefore hope, that the feelings of humanity will lead those who l, have it in their power to

prevent the use of those machines, to give every discouragement they can to what has a tendency

so prejudicial to their fellow-creatures.

This is not all; the injury to the Cloth is great, in so much that in Frizing, instead of leaving a nap

upon the cloth, the wool is drawn out and the Cloth is left thread-bare.

Many more evils we could enumerate, but we would hope, that the sensible part of mankind,

who are not biassed by interest, must see the dreadful tendancy of their continuance; a

depopulation must be the consequence; trade being then lost, the landed interest will have no

other satisfaction but that of being last devoured.

We wish to propose a few queries to those who would plead for the further continuance of these

machines:

Men of common sense must know, that so many machines in use, take the work from the hands

employed in Scribbling, - and who did that business before machines were invented.

How are those men, thus thrown out of employ to provide for their families; - and what are they

to put their children apprentice to, that the rising generation may have something to keep them at

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work, in order that they may not be like vagabonds strolling about in idleness? Some say, Begin

and learn some other business. - Suppose we do; who will maintain our families, whilst we

undertake the arduous task; and when we have learned it, how do we know we shall be any better

for all our pains; for by the time we have served our second apprenticeship, another machine

may arise, which may take away that business also; so that our families, being half pined whilst

we are learning how to provide them with bread, will be wholly so during the period of our third

apprenticeship.

But what are our children to do; are they to be brought up in idleness? Indeed as things are, it is

no wonder to hear of so many executions; for our parts, though we may be thought illiterate men,

our conceptions are, that bringing children up to industry, and keeping them employed, is the

way to keep them from falling into those crimes, which an idle habit naturally leads to.

These things impartially considered will we hope, be strong advocates in our favour; and we

conceive that men of sense, religion and humanity, will be satisfied of the reasonableness, as

well as necessity of this address, and that their own feelings will urge them to espouse the cause

of us and our families -

Signed, in behalf of THOUSANDS, by

Joseph Hepworth Thomas Lobley

Robert Wood Thos. Blackburn

From J. F. C. Harrison, Society and Politics in England, 1780-1960 (New York: Harper & Row,

1965), pp. 71-72.

Letters of the merchants of Leeds (1791)

At a time when the People, engaged in every other Manufacture in the Kingdom, are exerting

themselves to bring their Work to Market at reduced Prices, which can alone be effected by the

Aid of Machinery, it certainly is not necessary that the Cloth Merchants of Leeds, who depend

chiefly on a Foreign Demand, where they have for Competitors the Manufacturers of other

Nations, whose Taxes are few, and whose manual Labour is only Half the Price it bears here,

should have Occasion to defend a Conduct, which has for its Aim the Advantage of the Kingdom

in general, and of the Cloth Trade in particular; yet anxious to prevent Misrepresentations, which

have usually attended the Introduction of the most useful Machines, they wish to remind the

Inhabitants of this Town, of the Advantages derived to every flourishing Manufacture from the

Application of Machinery; they instance that of Cotton in particular, which in its internal and

foreign Demand is nearly alike to our own, and has in a few Years by the Means of Machinery

advanced to its present Importance, and is still increasing.

If then by the Use of Machines, the Manufacture of Cotton, an Article which we import, and are

supplied with from other Countries, and which can every where be procured on equal Terms, has

met with such amazing Success, may not greater Advantages be reasonably expected from

cultivating to the utmost the Manufacture of Wool, the Produce of our own Island, an Article in

Demand in all Countries, almost the universal Clothing of Mankind?

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In the Manufacture of Woollens, the Scribbling Mill, the Spinning Frame, and the Fly Shuttle,

have reduced manual Labour nearly One third, and each of them at its-first Introduction carried

an Alarm to the Work People, yet each has contributed to advance the Wages and to increase the

Trade, so that if an Attempt was now made to deprive us of the Use of them, there is no Doubt,

but every Person engaged in the Business, would exert himself to defend them.

From these Premises, we the undersigned Merchants, think it a Duty we owe to ourselves, to the

Town of Leeds, and to the Nation at large, to declare that we will protect and support the free

Use of the proposed Improvements in Cloth-Dressing, by every legal Means in our Power; and if

after all, contrary to our Expectations, the Introduction of Machinery should for a Time occasion

a Scarcity of Work in the Cloth Dressing Trade, we have unanimously agreed to give a

Preference to such Workmen as are now settled Inhabitants of this Parish, and who give no

Opposition to the present Scheme.

Appleby & Sawyer

Bernard Bischoff & Sons

[and 59 other names]

Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844

Manchester proper lies on the left bank of the Irwell, between that stream and the two smaller

ones, the Irk and the Medlock, which here empty into the Irwell. . . . The whole assemblage of

buildings is commonly called Manchester, and contains about four hundred thousand inhabitants,

rather more than less. The town itself is peculiarly built, so that a person may live in it for years,

and go in and out daily without coming into contact with a working-people's quarter or even with

workers, that is, so long as he confines himself to his business or to pleasure walks. This arises

chiefly from the fact, that by unconscious tacit agreement, as well as with outspoken conscious

determination, the working people's quarters are sharply separated from the sections of the city

reserved for the middle-class; . . .

I may mention just here that the mills [factories] almost all adjoin the rivers or the different

canals that ramify throughout the city, before I proceed at once to describe the labouring

quarters. First of all, there is the old town of Manchester, which lies between the northern

boundary of the commercial district and the Irk. Here the streets, even the better ones, are narrow

and winding, as Todd Street, Long Millgate, Withy Grove, and Shude Hill, the houses dirty, old,

and tumble-down, and the construction of the side streets utterly horrible. Going from the Old

Church to Long Millgate, the stroller has at once a row of old-fashioned houses at the right, of

which not one has kept its original level; these are remnants of the old pre-manufacturing

Manchester, whose former inhabitants have removed with their descendants into better built

districts, and have left the houses, which were not good enough for them, to a population

strongly mixed with Irish blood. Here one is in an almost undisguised working-men's quarter, for

even the shops and beer houses hardly take the trouble to exhibit a trifling degree of cleanliness.

But all this is nothing in comparison with the courts and lanes which lie behind, to which access

can be gained only through covered passages, in which no two human beings can pass at the

same time. Of the irregular cramming together of dwellings in ways which defy all rational plan,

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of the tangle in which they are crowded literally one upon the other, it is impossible to convey an

idea. And it is not the buildings surviving from the old times of Manchester which are to blame

for this; the confusion has only recently reached its height when every scrap of space left by the

old way of building has been filled up and patched over until not a foot of land is left to be

further occupied.

Right and left a multitude of covered passages lead from the main street into numerous courts,

and he who turns in thither gets into a filth and disgusting grime, the equal of which is not to be

found - especially in the courts which lead down to the Irk, and which contain unqualifiedly the

most horrible dwellings which I have yet beheld. In one of these courts there stands directly at

the entrance, at the end of the covered passage, a privy without a door, so dirty that the

inhabitants can pass into and out of the court only by passing through foul pools of stagnant

urine and excrement. Below it on the river there are several tanneries which fill the whole

neighbourhood with the stench of animal putrefaction. Below Ducie Bridge the only entrance to

most of the houses is by means of narrow, dirty stairs and over heaps of refuse and filth. The first

court below Ducie Bridge, known as Allen's Court, was in such a state at the time of the cholera

that the sanitary police ordered it evacuated, swept, and disinfected with chloride of lime. . . . At

the bottom flows, or rather stagnates, the Irk, a narrow, coal-black, foul-smelling stream, full of

debris and refuse, which it deposits on the shallower right bank.

In dry weather, a long string of the most disgusting, blackish-green, slime pools are left standing

on this bank, from the depths of which bubbles of miasmatic gas constantly arise and give forth a

stench unendurable even on the bridge forty or fifty feet above the surface of the stream. But

besides this, the stream itself is checked every few paces by high weirs, behind which slime and

refuse accumulate and rot in thick masses. Above the bridge are tanneries, bone mills, and

gasworks, from which all drains and refuse find their way into the Irk, which receives further the

contents of all the neighbouring sewers and privies. It may be easily imagined, therefore, what

sort of residue the stream deposits. Below the bridge you look upon the piles of debris, the

refuse, filth, and offal from the courts on the steep left bank; here each house is packed close

behind its neighbour and a piece of each is visible, all black, smoky, crumbling, ancient, with

broken panes and window frames. The background is furnished by old barrack-like factory

buildings. On the lower right bank stands a long row of houses and mills; the second house being

a ruin without a roof, piled with debris; the third stands so low that the lowest floor is

uninhabitable, and therefore without windows or doors. Here the background embraces the

pauper burial-ground, the station of the Liverpool and Leeds railway, and, in the rear of this, the

Workhouse, the "Poor-Law Bastille" of Manchester, which, like a citadel, looks threateningly

down from behind its high walls and parapets on the hilltop, upon the working-people's quarter

below.

Everywhere heaps of debris, refuse, and offal; standing pools for gutters, and a stench which

alone would make it impossible for a human being in any degree civilised to live in such a

district. . . . Passing along a rough bank, among stakes and washing-lines, one penetrates into this

chaos of small one-storied, one-roomed huts, in most of which there is no artificial floor; kitchen,

living and sleeping-room all in one. In such a hole, scarcely five feet long by six broad, I found

two beds - and such bedsteads and beds! - which, with a staircase and chimney-place, exactly

filled the room. In several others I found absolutely nothing, while the door stood open, and the

inhabitants leaned against it. Everywhere before the doors refuse and offal; that any sort of

pavement lay underneath could not be seen but only felt, here and there, with the feet. This

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whole collection of cattle-sheds for human beings was surrounded on two sides by houses and a

factory, and on the third by the river, and besides the narrow stair up the bank, a narrow doorway

alone led out into another almost equally ill-built, ill-kept labyrinth of dwellings....

Such is the Old Town of Manchester, and on re-reading my description, I am forced to admit that

instead of being exaggerated, it is far from black enough to convey a true impression of the filth,

ruin, and uninhabitableness, the defiance of all considerations of cleanliness, ventilation, and

health which characterise the construction of this single district, containing at least twenty to

thirty thousand inhabitants. And such a district exists in the heart of the second city of England,

the first manufacturing city of the world. If any one wishes to see in how little space a human

being can move, how little air - and such air! - he can breathe, how little of civilisation he may

share and yet live, it is only necessary to travel hither. True, this is the Old Town, and the people

of Manchester emphasise the fact whenever any one mentions to them the frightful condition of

this Hell upon Earth; but what does that prove? Everything which here arouses horror and

indignation is of recent origin, belongs to the industrial epoch.

From Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844 (London: Swan

Sonnenschein & Co., 1892), pp. 45, 48-53.

From David Ricardo. On Wages

Money, from its being a commodity obtained from a foreign country, from its being the general

medium of exchange between all civilized countries, and from its being also distributed among

those countries in proportions which are ever changing with every improvement in commerce

and machinery, and with every increasing difficulty of obtaining food and necessaries for an

increasing population, is subject to incessant variations. In stating the principles which regulat e

exchangeable value and price, we should carefully distinguish between those variations which

belong to the commodity itself, and those which are occasioned by a variation in the medium in

which value is estimated, or price expressed.

A rise in wages, from an alteration in the value of money, produces a general effect on price, and

for that reason it produces no real effect whatever on profits. On the contrary, a rise of wages,

from the circumstance of the labourer being more liberally rewarded, or from a difficulty of

procuring the necessaries on which wages are expended, does not, except in some instances,

produce the effect of raising price, but has a great effect in lowering profits. In the one case, no

greater proportion of the annual labour of the country is devoted to the support of the labourers;

in the other case, a larger portion is so devoted.

Labour, like all other things which are purchased and sold, and which may be increased or

diminished in quantity, has its natural and its market price. The natural price of labour is that

price which is necessary to enable the labourers, one with another, to subsist and to perpetuate

their race, without either increase or diminution.

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The power of the labourer to support himself, and the family which may be necessary to keep up

the number of labourers, does not depend on the quantity of money which he may receive for

wages, but on the quantity of food, necessaries, and conveniences become essential to him from

habit, which that money will purchase. The natural price of labour, therefore, depends on the

price of the food, necessaries, and conveniences required for the support of the labourer and his

family. With a rise in the price of food and necessaries, the natural price of labour will rise; with

the fall in their price. the natural price of labour will fall.

With the progress of society the natural price of labour has always a tendency to rise, because

one of the principal commodities by which its natural price is regulated, has a tendency to

become dearer, from the greater difficulty of producing it. As, however, the improvements in

agriculture, the discovery of new markets, whence provisions may be imported, may for a time

counteract the tendency to a rise in the price of necessaries, and may even occasion their natural

price to fall, so will the same causes produce the correspondent effects on the natural price of

labour.

The natural price of all commodities, excepting raw produce and labour, has a tendency to fall, in

the progress of wealth and population; for though, on one hand, they are enhanced in real value,

from the rise in the natural price of the raw material of which they are made, this is more than

counterbalanced by the improvements in machinery, by the better division and distribution of

labour, and by the increasing skill, both in science and art, of the producers.

The market price of labour is the price which is really paid for it, from the natural operation of

the proportion of the supply to the demand; labour is dear when it is scarce, and cheap when it is

plentiful. However much the market price of labour may deviate from its natural price, it has,

like commodities, a tendency to conform to it.

It is when the market price of labour exceeds its natural price, that the condition of the labourer

is flourishing and happy, that he has it in his power to command a greater proportion of the

necessaries and enjoyments of life, and therefore to rear a healthy and numerous family. When,

however, by the encouragement which high wages give to the increase of population, the number

of labourers is increased, wages again fall to their natural price, and indeed from a reaction

sometimes fall below it.

When the market price of labour is below its natural price, the condition of the labourers is most

wretched: then poverty deprives them of those comforts which custom renders absolute

necessaries. It is only after their privations have reduced their number, or the demand for labour

has increased, that the market price of labour will rise to its natural price, and that the labourer

will have the moderate comforts which the natural rate of wages will afford.

Notwithstanding the tendency of wages to conform to their natural rate, their market rate may, in

an improving society, for an indefinite period, be constantly above it; for no sooner may the

impulse, which an increased capital gives to a new demand for labour, be obeyed, than another

increase of capital may produce the same effect; and thus, if the increase of capital be gradual

and constant, the demand for labour may give a continued stimulus to an increase of people....

Thus, then, with every improvement of society, with every increase in its capital, the market

wages of labour will rise; but the permanence of their rise will depend on the question, whether

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the natural price of labour has also risen; and this again will depend on the rise in the natural

price of those necessaries on which the wages of labour are expended....

As population increases, these necessaries will be constantly rising in price, because more labour

will be necessary to produce them. If, then, the money wages of labour should fall, whilst every

commodity on which the wages of labour were expended rose, the labourer would be doubly

affected, and would be soon totally deprived of subsistence. Instead, therefore, of the money

wages of labour falling, they would rise; but they would not rise sufficiently to enable the

labourer to purchase as many comforts and necessaries as he did before the rise in the price of

those commodities....

These, then, are the laws by which wages are regulated, and by which the happiness of far the

greatest part of every community is governed. Like all other contracts, wages should be left to

the fair and free competition of the market, and should never be controlled by the interference of

the legislature.

The clear and direct tendency of the poor laws is in direct opposition to these obvious principles:

it is not, as the legislature benevolently intended, to amend the condition of the poor, but to

deteriorate the condition of both poor and rich; instead of making the poor rich, they are

calculated to make the rich poor; and whilst the present laws are in force, it is quite in the natural

order of things that the fund for the maintenance of the poor should progressively increase till it

has absorbed all the net revenue of the country, or at least so much of it as the state shall leave to

us, after satisfying its own never-failing demands for the public expenditure.

This pernicious tendency of these laws is no longer a mystery, since it has been fully developed

by the able hand of Mr. Malthus; and every friend to the poor must ardently wish for their

abolition.

From The Works of David Ricardo, J. R. McCulloch, ed. (London: John Murray, 1881), pp. 31,

50-58.

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Sven Beckert, Empire of Cotton: A Global History (New York, 2015).

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