choose two questions and answer it by 10 sentences

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Readings Week 10

Hô Chi Minh (1880-1969)

Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, September 2, 1945

“All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights,

among them are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness."

This immortal statement was made in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of

America in 1776. In a broader sense, this means: All the peoples on the earth are equal from

birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free.

The Declaration of the French Revolution made in 1791 on the Rights of Man and the Citizen

also states: “All men are born free and with equal rights, and must always remain free and have

equal rights.”

Those are undeniable truths.

Nevertheless, for more than eighty years, the French imperialists, abusing the standard of

Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, have violated our Fatherland and oppressed our fellow-citizens.

They have acted contrary to the ideals of humanity and justice.

In the field of politics, they have deprived our people of every democratic liberty.

They have enforced inhuman laws; they have set up three distinct political regimes in the North,

the Center and the South of Vietnam in order to wreck our national unity and prevent our people

from being united.

They have built more prisons than schools. They have mercilessly slain our patriots; they have

drowned our uprisings in rivers of blood.

They have fettered public opinion; they have practiced obscurantism against our people.

To weaken our race they have forced us to use opium and alcohol.

In the field of economics, they have fleeced us to the backbone, impoverished our people, and

devastated our land.

They have robbed us of our rice fields, our mines, our forests, and our raw materials. They have

monopolized the issuing of bank-notes and the export trade.

They have invented numerous unjustifiable taxes and reduced our people, especially our

peasantry, to a state of extreme poverty.

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They have hampered the prospering of our national bourgeoisie; they have mercilessly exploited

our workers.

In the autumn of 1940, when the Japanese Fascists violated Indochina’s territory to establish new

bases in their fight against the Allies, the French imperialists went down on their bended knees

and handed over our country to them.

Thus, from that date, our people were subjected to the double yoke of the French and the

Japanese. Their sufferings and miseries increased. The result was that from the end of last year to

the beginning of this year, from Quang Tri province to the North of Vietnam, more than two

million of our fellow-citizens died from starvation. On March 9, the French troops were

disarmed by the Japanese. The French colonialists either fled or surrendered showing that not

only were they incapable of “protecting” us, but that, in the span of five years, they had twice

sold our country to the Japanese.

On several occasions before March 9, the Vietminh League urged the French to ally themselves

with it against the Japanese. Instead of agreeing to this proposal, the French colonialists so

intensified their terrorist activities against the Vietminh members that before fleeing they

massacred a great number of our political prisoners detained at Yen Bay and Caobang.

Notwithstanding all this, our fellow-citizens have always manifested toward the French a tolerant

and humane attitude. Even after the Japanese putsch of March 1945, the Vietminh League helped

many Frenchmen to cross the frontier, rescued some of them from Japanese jails, and protected

French lives and property.

From the autumn of 1940, our country had in fact ceased to be a French colony and had become

a Japanese possession.

After the Japanese had surrendered to the Allies, our whole people rose to regain our national

sovereignty and to found the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.

The truth is that we have wrested our independence from the Japanese and not from the French.

The French have fled, the Japanese have capitulated, Emperor Bao Dai has abdicated. Our

people have broken the chains which for nearly a century have fettered them and have won

independence for the Fatherland. Our people at the same time have overthrown the monarchic

regime that has reigned supreme for dozens of centuries. In its place has been established the

present Democratic Republic.

For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government, representing the whole

Vietnamese people, declare that from now on we break off all relations of a colonial character

with France; we repeal all the international obligation that France has so far subscribed to on

behalf of Vietnam and we abolish all the special rights the French have unlawfully acquired in

our Fatherland.

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The whole Vietnamese people, animated by a common purpose, are determined to fight to the

bitter end against any attempt by the French colonialists to reconquer their country.

We are convinced that the Allied nations which at Tehran and San Francisco have acknowledged

the principles of self-determination and equality of nations, will not refuse to acknowledge the

independence of Vietnam.

A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eight years, a people

who have fought side by side with the Allies against the Fascists during these last years, such a

people must be free and independent.

For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of

Vietnam, solemnly declare to the world that Vietnam has the right to be a free and independent

country—and in fact is so already. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilize all

their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to safeguard their

independence and liberty.

George Marshall (1880-1959)

Speech at Harvard, 5 June 1947

I'm profoundly grateful and touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment

accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I'm overwhelmed, as a matter of fact,

and I'm rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous

enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very

wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to

speak more seriously, I need not tell you, gentlemen, that the world situation is very serious. That

must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such

enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make

it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation.

Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth and it is

hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples,

and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote

peace in the world.

In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the

visible destruction of cities, factories, mines and railroads was correctly estimated but it has

become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than

the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past 10 years conditions have

been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of

the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or

is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible

enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private

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institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared, through loss of

capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries,

confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business

structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the

fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has

not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems the

rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer

time and greater effort than had been foreseen.

There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always

produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This

division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with

breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the

food producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery is lacking or worn

out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the

sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable

transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and is using them for

grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of

food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.

Meanwhile people in the cities are short of food and fuel. So the governments are forced to use

their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds

which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus a very serious situation is rapidly developing

which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the

exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down.

The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign

food and other essential products - principally from America - are so much greater than her

present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and

political deterioration of a very grave character.

The remedy lies in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the European

people in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The

manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their

products for currencies the continuing value of which is not open to question.

Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances

arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy

of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do

whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without

which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against

any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation and chaos. Its purpose should be

the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and

social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not

be on a piecemeal basis as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may

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render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is

willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full co-operation I am sure, on the part of the

United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other

countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups

which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit therefrom politically or otherwise will

encounter the opposition of the United States.

It is already evident that, before the United States Government can proceed much further in its

efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there

must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation

and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give proper effect to whatever action

might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for this

Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet

economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from

Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European

program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The

program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all European nations.

An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on

the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied.

Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part

of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our

country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.

I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international

situation, I've been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions.

But to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of

what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion

of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these

troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing

photographs or motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the

whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the

realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the

reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings?

What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done?

Thank you very much.

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Nikita Khrushchev (1894-1971)

Secret Speech to the Closed Session of the Twentieth Party Congress, February 25, 1956

Excerpts

We have to consider seriously and analyze correctly [the crimes of the Stalin era] in order that

we may preclude any possibility of a repetition in any form whatever of what took place during

the life of Stalin, who absolutely did not tolerate collegiality in leadership and in work, and who

practiced brutal violence, not only toward everything which opposed him, but also toward that

which seemed to his capricious and despotic character, contrary to his concepts.

Stalin acted not through persuasion, explanation, and patient cooperation with people, but by

imposing his concepts and demanding absolute submission to his opinion. Whoever opposed this

concept or tried to prove hi viewpoint, and the correctness of his position, was doomed to

removal from the leading collective and to subsequent moral and physical annihilation. This was

especially true during the period following the XVIIth Party Congress (1934)....

Stalin originated the concept enemy of the people. This term automatically rendered it

unnecessary that the ideological errors of a man or men engaged in a controversy be proven; t his

term made possible the usage of the most cruel repression, violating all norms of revolutionary

legality, against anyone who in any way disagreed with Stalin, against those who were only

suspected of hostile intent, against those who had bad reputations. This concept, enemy of the

people, actually eliminated the possibility of any kind of ideological fight or the making of one's

views known on this or that issue, even those of a practical character.... The only proof of guilt

used, against all norms of current legal science, was the confession of the accused himself; and,

as subsequent probing proved, confessions were acquired through physical pressures against the

accused.

This led to the glaring violations of revolutionary legality, and to the fact that many entirely

innocent persons, who in the past had defended the Party line, became victims....

The Commission [of Inquiry] has become acquainted with a large quantity of materials in the

NKVD archives…. It became apparent that many Party, Soviet and economic activists who were

branded in 1937-1938 as enemies were actually never enemies, spies, wreckers, etc., but were

always honest Communists; they were only so stigmatized, and often, no longer able to bear

barbaric tortures, they charged themselves with all kinds of grave and unlikely crimes....

Lenin used severe methods only in the most necessary cases, when the exploiting classes were

still in existence and were vigorously opposing the revolution, when the struggle for survival was

decidedly assuming the sharpest forms, even including a civil war.

Stalin, on the other hand, used extreme methods and mass repression at a time when the

revolution was already victorious, when the Soviet state was strengthened, when the exploiting

classes were already liquidated and Socialist relations were rooted solidly in all phases of

national economy, when our Party was politically consolidated and had strengthened itself both

numerically and ideologically. It is clear that here Stalin showed in a whole series of cases his

intolerance, his brutality and his abuse of power. Instead of proving his political correctness and

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mobilizing the masses, he often chose the path of repression and physical annihilation, not only

against actual enemies, but also against individuals who had not committed any crimes against

the Party and the Soviet government....

Sixteen Political, Economic, and Ideological Points, Budapest, October 22,

1956

RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT PLENARY MEETING OF THE BUILDING INDUSTRY

TECHNOLOGY UNIVERSITY'

Students of Budapest! The following resolution was born on 22 October 1956, at the dawn of a

new period in Hungarian history, in the Hall of the Building Industry Technological University

as a result of the spontaneous movement of several thousand of the Hungarian youth who love

their Fatherland:(1) We demand the immediate withdrawal of all Soviet troops in accordance

with the provisions of the Peace Treaty.(2) We demand the election of new leaders in the

Hungarian Workers' Party on the low, medium and high levels by secret ballot from the ranks

upwards. These leaders should convene the Party Congress within the shortest possible time and

should elect a new central body of leaders.(3) The Government should be reconstituted under the

leadership of Comrade Imre Nagy; all criminal leaders of the Stalinist-Rdkosi era should be

relieved of their posts at once.(4) We demand a public trial in the criminal case of Milidly Farkas

and his accomplices. Mdty-ds Rdkosi, who is primarily responsible for all the crimes of the

recent past and for the ruin of this country, should be brought home and brought before a

People's Court of judgment.(5) We demand general elections in this country, with universal

suffrage, secret ballot and the participation of several Parties for the purpose of electing a new

National Assembly. We demand that the workers should have the right to strike.(6) We demand

a re-examination and re-adjustment of Hungarian-Soviet and Hungarian-Yugoslav political,

economic and intellectual relations on the basis of complete political and economic equality and

of non~intervention in each other's internal affairs.(7) We demand the re-organization of the

entire economic life of Hungary, with the assistance of specialists. Our whole economic system

based on planned economy should be re-examined with an eve to Hungarian conditions and to

the vital interests of the Hungarian people.(8) Our foreign trade agreements and the real figures

in respect of reparations that can never be paid should be made public. We demand frank and

sincere information concerning the country's uranium deposits, their exploitation and the Russian

concession. We demand that Hungary should have the right to sell the uranium ore freely at

world market prices in exchange for hard currency.(9) We demand the complete revision of

norms in industry and an urgent and radical adjustment of wages to meet the demands of workers

and intellectuals. We demand that minimum living wages for workers should be fixed.(10) We

demand that the delivery system should be placed on a new basis and that produce should be

used rationally. We demand equal treat ment of peasants farming individually.(11) We demand

the re-examination of all political and economic trials by independent courts and the release and

rehabilitation of innocent persons. We demand the immediate repatriation of prisoners-of-war

and of civilians deported to the Soviet Union, including prisoners who have been condemned

beyond the frontiers of Hungary.(12) We demand complete freedom of opinion and expression,

freedom of the Press and a free Radio, as well as a new daily newspaper of large circulation for

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the MEFESZ [League of Hungarian University and College Student Associations] organization.

We demand that the existing 'screening material' should be made public and destroyed.(13) We

demand that the Stalin statue-the symbol of Stalinist tyranny and political oppression-should be

removed as quickly as possible and that a memorial worthy of the freedom fighters and martyrs

of 1848-49 should be erected on its site.(14) In place of the existing coat of arms, which is

foreign to the Hungarian people, we wish the re-introduction of the old Hungarian Kossuth arms.

We demand for the Hungarian Army new uniforms worthy of our national traditions. We

demand that 15 March should be a national holiday and a non~working day and that 6 October

should be a day of national mourning and a school holiday..(15) The youth of the Technological

University of Budapest unanimously express their complete solidarity with the Polish and

Warsaw workers and youth in connection with the Polish national independence movement.(16)

The students of the Building Industry Technological University will organize local units of

MEFESZ as quickly as possible, and have resolved to convene a Youth Parliament in Budapest

for the 27th of this month (Saturday) at which the entire youth of this country will be represented

by their delegates. The students of the Technological University and of the various other

Universities will gather in the Gorkij Fasor before the Writers' Union Headquarters tomorrow,

the 23rd. of this month, at 2.30 P.m., whence they will proceed to the Pálffy Tér (Bern Ter) to

the Bern statue, on which they will lay wreaths in sign of their sympathy with the Polish freedom

movement. The workers of the factories are invited to join in this procession.

Treaty of ROME, 1957

Treaty establishing the European Economic Community

HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE BELGIANS, THE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL

REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, THE PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE

PRESIDENT OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC, HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE GRAND

DUCHESS OF LUXEMBOURG, HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN OF THE NETHERLANDS,

DETERMINED to establish the foundations of an ever closer union among the European

peoples,

DECIDED to ensure the economic and social progress of their countries by common action in

eliminating the barriers which divide Europe,

DIRECTING their efforts to the essential purpose of constantly improving the living and

working conditions of their peoples,

RECOGNISING that the removal of existing obstacles calls for concerted action in order to

guarantee a steady expansion, a balanced trade and fair competition,

ANXIOUS to strengthen the unity of their economies and to ensure their harmonious

development by reducing the differences existing between the various regions and by mitigating

the backwardness of the less favoured,

DESIROUS of contributing by means of a common commercial policy to the progressive

abolition of restrictions on international trade,

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INTENDING to confirm the solidarity which binds Europe and overseas countries, and desiring

to ensure the development of their prosperity, in accordance with the principles of the Charter of

the United Nations,

RESOLVED to strengthen the safeguards of peace and liberty by establishing this combination

of resources, and calling upon the other peoples of Europe who share their ideal to join in their

efforts,

HAVE DECIDED to create a European Economic Community and to this end have designated

as their plenipotentiaries:

HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE BELGIANS:

Mr. Paul-Henri SPAAK, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baron J. Ch. SNOY and D’OPPUERS,

Secretary-General of the Ministry of Economic Affairs, Head of the Belgian delegation to the

Intergovernmental Conference;

THE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY:

Dr. Konrad ADENAUER, Federal Chancellor, Professor Dr. Walter HALLSTEIN, State

Secretary of the Federal Foreign Office;

THE PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC:

Mr. Christian PINEAU, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Maurice FAURE, Under-Secretary of

State for Foreign Affairs;

THE PRESIDENT OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC:

Mr. Antonio SEGNI, President of the Council of Ministers, Professor Gaetano MARTINO,

Ministers of Foreign Affairs;

HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE GRAND DUCHESS OF LUXEMBOURG:

Mr. Joseph BECH, Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Lambert SCHAUS,

Ambassador, Head of the Luxembourg delegation to the Intergovernmental Conference;

HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN OF THE NETHERLANDS:

Mr. Joseph LUNS, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. J. LINTHORST HOMAN, Head of the

Netherlands delegation to the Intergovernmental Conference;

WHO, having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed, as follows:

PART ONE — Principles[edit]

Article 1

By the present Treaty, the HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES establish among themselves a

EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY.

Article 2

It shall be the aim of the Community, by establishing a Common Market and progressively

approximating the economic policies of Member States, to promote throughout the Community a

harmonious development of economic activities, a continuous and balanced expansion, an

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increased stability, an accelerated raising of the standard of living and closer relations between

its Member States.

Article 3

For the purposes set out in the preceding Article, the activities of the Community shall include,

under the conditions and with the timing provided for in this Treaty:

(a) the elimination, as between Member States, of customs duties and of quantitative restrictions

in regard to the importation and exportation of goods, as well as of all other measures with

equivalent effect;

(b) the establishment of a common customs tariff and a common commercial policy towards

third countries;

(c) the abolition, as between Member States, of the obstacles to the free movement of persons,

services and capital;

(d) the inauguration of a common agricultural policy;

(e) the inauguration of a common transport policy;

(f) the establishment of a system ensuring that competition shall not be distorted in the Common

Market;

(g) the application of procedures which shall make it possible to co-ordinate the economic

policies of Member States and to remedy disequilibria in their balances of payments;

(h) the approximation of their respective municipal law to the extent necessary for the

functioning of the Common Market;

(i) the creation of a European Social Fund in order to improve the possibilities of employment

for workers and to contribute to the raising of their standard of living;

(j) the establishment of a European Investment Bank intended to facilitate the economic

expansion of the Community through the creation of new resources; and

(k) the association of overseas countries and territories with the Community with a view to

increasing trade and to pursuing jointly their effort towards economic and social development.

Article 4

1. The achievement of the tasks entrusted to the Community shall be ensured by

• an ASSEMBLY,

• a COUNCIL,

• a COMMISSION, and

• a COURT OF JUSTICE.

Each of these institutions shall act within the limits of the powers conferred upon it by this

Treaty…

Article 6

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1. Member States, acting in close collaboration with the institutions of the Community, shall co -

ordinate their respective economic policies to the extent that is necessary to attain the objectives

of this Treaty….

Article 7

Within the field of application of this Treaty and without prejudice to the special provisions

mentioned therein, any discrimination on the grounds of nationality shall hereby be prohibited…

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The National Women’s Liberation Movement March in London, 1971