Paper ( History course)
5 2 O T H E R E T U R N T O S T A B I L I T Y A N D T R A D i I
sion. In the face of this "reverse tide," the long-parroted, never tested, never
deeply researched theory of women's liberation aPpeals exhausted. It is this
,.^kn"r, of conventional theory that compels us to face the reality of chinese
society and the reality of chinese women, to investigate conscientiously all
these earth-shattering women's issues'
lShehui kexue zhanxian4 (1988): 3oo-3ro; trans' adapted from Gilmartin et al''
Engendering China, PP' 76-364)
T H E N E W A U T H O R I T A R I A N I S M
Many intellectuals debated the merits of the "new authoritarianism" during the latter
half of the r98os. To its proponents it had some resemblances to what earlier was called
,'political tutelage" or "guided democracy," but its main emphasis was on the need for
stability as a precondition for economic growth. We see in the excerpts below, a decade
after Deng's opening to the outside world, the influence of Western political experi-
ence and philosophy "nd
references to the Four Dragons - Hong Kong' Taiwan' South
Korea, and Singapore. wu Jiaxiang, a noted advocate of the new authoritarianism, was
a researcher at the Investigation and Research Division of the Chinese Communist
pa(y,s central office at the time of the debate. Rong )ian, an important opponent of
the new authoritarianism, was a doctoral student in the philosophy department of
People's UniversitY in Beiiing'
w U I I A X I A N G : . ' A N O U T L I N E F o R S T U D Y I N G T H E N E w A U T H o R I T A R I A N I S M ' ' ' MAY 1989
3. The development of human society cannot be without authority; authority
prouid", stability. Similarly, it cannot be without Iiberty; liberty provides vitality.
A stable and yet continuously changing society is a modern society in which
authority and freedom are integrated' ' '
4. The fundamental program of the new authoritarianism is the market econ-
omy. Without a new authority, marketization cannot be accomplished' and
without that, there can never be true democratic politics' ' ' '
5. The new authoritarianism is dedicated to forming the political power
.r.""rrrry to resolve maior social problems and liberate society from crises dur-
ing the ,trg. of society's transformation. It has been said that china's most
"riti."l prof,l"* today is that the country is not clear on what its critical prob-
I..rr, "r..
This is a clever saying but exPresses poor iudgment' In fact' China is
already clear on its problems; the reason there has not been an effective reso-
lution is that a sufficiently large and strong political power has not yet been
amassed. There are two aspects to this political power that are necessaly to solve
society's problems: the government's power and the power of the masses. . ' .
6. Th; new authoritarianism is most concerned about the form of the redis-
tribution ol has declin<
7. The r this equali perhaps en (the old or no other ri'
8. The r ory of the politicalh'r this theon' autocracv r
and popu| politics, on
balanced tr authority o
9. Chin cratic polit Rousseau.
democracl counrry. . . governmer
the Federa tarianism.
ro. The which soci, or a set oi
rr. The Its scope oi and plan s be producr explains u'1 thority is o of history.
of politics tarian stage
The forl stages; the some probl in modern
idea of aul authoritarii
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' 2 2 T H E R E T U R N T O S T A B I L I T Y A N D T R A D I T I O N
to the new authoritarian stage. As soon as a normal process is interrupted, it is extremely easy to plunge history into a pitiable cycle of old authority and chaos with no authority, replacing each other repeatedly. Therefore, we can see that the new authoritarian stage is a stage that cannot be leapfrogged by any nation
that seeks to realize modernization. Any attempt to do so would only bring
about disaster. . . . History has demonstrated that the monarchical form was the
ideal instrument . . . for going through the new authoritarian stage. It was able
to minimize the crisis of the legitimacy and unity of the authority during the
period of social transformation and was able to reduce the use of violence while
enhancing the use of the government's prestige. Therefore, according to my
theory, I do not consider the new authoritarianism to be merely a summation
of the post-World War II political system in Latin America and the East Asian region; rather, I see it as a philosophical summation of a certain stage of de-
velopment in the history of humanity as a whole.
lFrom Liu and Li, Xin quanwei zhuyi, pp. 47-53; trans. adapted from Chinese Sociology and Anthropology zV, no.3 (Spring ry9r): 16-4]
RONG JIAN: .'DOES
CHINA NEED AN AUTHORITARIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM IN
THE COURSE OF MODERNIZATION?" ttt.+V rg8g
China's reliance on political authoritarianism during the period of developing a liberated economy may appear, phenomenologically, to reflect that China, too, cannot bypass what seems to be a necessary and unavoidable stage in the
progress toward modernization. This may well further confirm the resolve on the part of the highest level decision [makers] and policy makers in the reforms to carry out an intense concentration of power. In reality, the reforms have
already shown signs of developing in this direction. Nevertheless, I believe that to carry out, under China's present conclitions, a coexistence behveen political
' authoritarianism and a liberated economy would invite a confrontation with an ever-sharper contradiction than that which existed in those countries where modernization has already been completed or is being cornpleted. Thereasons
are the following: First, from the perspective of the progress of modernization in what were
the nondeveloped countries, especially frorn the perspective of the Four Little
Dragons in Asia, the premise of political authoritarianism is the thorough du- alism befureen politics and economics. By "thorough," we mean the privatiza- tion of the ownership system (or socialization), the "marketization" of the econ- omy, and the independence of the enterprises. On the other hand, it remarns
dubious as to whether this same dualism can become a reality in China . . .
still saddled with a basic problem, namely, that the question o[ the system of ownership has not yet been resolved. . . .
Second, China's traditional system was based politically on an intense con-
centration of power. Even though this basis has suffered tremendous impact
stnce greate cannc of the
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' 2 4 T H E R E T U R N T O S T A B I L I T Y A N D T R A D I T I O N
the Western liberal democracies. Note that the question of how China is to achieve
I i wealth and power goes back to the self-strengthening movement of the r86os, when it ll was also linked to domestic political reform. Like the self-strengthdner Feng Guifen,
Yan seeks to release the energies and enthusiasm of the Chinese people through po-
liticai reform and to bring about wealth and power.
Give Free Play to People's Initiative
China is at present engaged in a reform of its political and economic structures.
However, if this reform cannot bring into full play the enthusiasm and initiative
of individuals, then it is of little use. Each person comes to know politics
through his personal experiences. A successful reform must be conducive to '
bringing into play the initiative of the individual. . . .
Use Systems to Limit the Tenure of Leaders
China has a very long history. However, despite the differences among the
political systems of the various dynasties, they were all built on the foundation
of the "perfect man." Whenever Chinese society is faced with all sorts of serious
problems, the only remedy that comes to the mind of the Chinese is to hope
for the appearance of a morally upright and perfect leader, whose efforts will
then change the status quo. For all the complexities of the "Cultural Revolu-
tion," its guiding idea is exceedingly simple - that is, China must search for a
perfect leader in order to transfer the highest state power. The tremendous
calamities caused by the "Cultural Revolution" shook this idea to its very foun-
dations. As I see it, the starting point for China's political structural reform is
to admit that no one is perfect. Since human beings have all kinds of defects ' and weaknesses, a system is needed to restrain them. . . .
Democracy Is an Error-Correcting Mechanism
Though it promoted "big democracy," the Cultural Revolution actually was a
period of the total destruction of democracy. To call the destruction of democ-
racy "big democracy" was a great invention in human history. Therefore, I think
there is a need today for clarifying the meaning of democracy, to prevent certain
people from using the .banner of "democracy" to trample on democracy. I
believe the most important foundation for democratic politics is to recognize
the imperfectibility of human nature - to err is human. In an organization or
group that cannot fully agree on goals, opinions, or values, the adoption of
democracy means the making of group decisions according to agreed-on pro- I cedures and the will of the majority. The practice of democracy often requires
people to bow to mistakes. When a maioriiy of the people realize that the
original decisions were wrong, then they can be corrected according to proce-
dures that or an area political pr nism, it ha society; or values, der tanks. Con but will ha racy, howe majorityl.
speech anc tibilib/ of l cultural ler opinions,
procedures
Whether k determinin legal rule ir governmen
without ex< that of the teeing the i each enter; our society full play.
Us
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5 2 6 T H E R E T U R N T O S T A B I L I T Y A N D T R A D I T I O N
Using Law to Promote and Guarantee Reform
A major task facing China's political and economic structural reforms is to
improve the legal system and imbue reform with the spirit of the rule of law.
Use the law to promote ieform; use the law to guarantee reform. I believe, if
we do so, then China's prosperity will not be a very distant thing from us.
fFrom Bachman and Yang, Yan liaqi and China's Struggle
for Demouacy, pp. 84-go]
T\4
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Chris munist ( could br Chiang I family. I hold hig official p munist I
To re1 tural enc Xiangbo Zichen ( different takeover atheistic