Final Hist

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CHAPTER 1

CHAPTER 2

CHAPTER 3

CONTENTS

T he Early 20th century 1 Agimtion-The Grearesr Factor for Progress Mother Jones 3 1906: Rumble over 'The Jungle' Jon Blackwell 7

Remember Ludlow! Julia May Courtney 13 Frederick Taylor-The Biggest Bascard Ever 17 Tbe War Prayer Mark Truain 25 The House-Grey Memorandum 29

World War I- New Deal Fioal Address in Support of the

League of Nations Wloodrow \Vilson

Buck Versus Bell Roosevelt's Nomination Address

The Negro and Social Change EleaMr Roosevelt War is a Racker Major General Smedley D. Bmler

World War II-Cold War

33 35

55 67 71

75 Radio Address Delivered b)• President Roosevelt 77 Attack on Pearl Harbor As Seen From 81

High on BarrJeship Pennsylvania ·s Mainmast The Great Arsenal of Democracy Franklin Delano Roosevelt 91 Lend Lease Act, I 94 1 10 I Lener from President RooSE"velt co Stalin on an 107

Accepcable Compromise Regarding rhe Composition of che Posrwar Polis.h Government

Scace of the Union .Message co Congress Franklin D. Roosevelt

What Does American Democracy Mean co Me? Maryi McLeod Bethune

Chief Clerk, Toolroom /,,ez Sauer The Adanric Chaner

111

121

125

129

iii

iv AMERICAN SOCIETY SINCE 19c:>o

CHAPTER 4

CHAPTER 5

CHAPTER 6

CHAPTER 7

The Cold War 133 Truman Announces Hiroshima Atomic Bombing 135 Excerpts from Telegraphic Message from 139

Moscow George Kennan Sraremeot by General Marsha.II 155 Excerprs From Acheson's Speech To The Narional Press Club 159 US, Deparrmenr of Srare, lnrelligence Reporr Prepared in rhe 161

Office of Intelligence Resear;ch, '"Agrarian Reform in Guatemala .. Radio and Television Address on Communism 173

in GuacemaJa John Foster DuJ/es CIA Reporr on Overrhrow of Mossadegh 1 n Memorandwn From the Chief of \VH/4/PM, Cencral 183

Jncelligence Agency (Hawkins) ,o the Chief of WH/4 of the Directorace for Plans (Esterline)

Cuban Missile Crisis Address co che Nation Jolm F. Kennedy 193

Civil Rights 201 Power Anywhere Where There's People Fred Hampton 203 The Civil Righcs Movement: Fraud, 213

Sham, and Hoax George C. \'Ila/lace loving ET UX. V. Virginia 229 Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports On Intelligence Activities 247

and The Righ1s of Americans

Movements Of The 60S lnrerview With Hugh Hefner Testimony Of Ahbie Hoffman. Yippie Workshop Speech Abbie Hoffma11 Address at cbe Public Memorial Service

for Roberr F. Kennedy Edward M. Kennedy FBI Files on Black Panrhers in Norrh Carolina Bob Dylan's Lener co the INS Defending

John Lennon and Yoko Ono

Sex, Women, And Family

251 253 261 289

295

299 311

313 Speech Before Congress Carrie Chapma11 Catt 315 Testimony of Professor Anita Hill Regarding Clarence 11,omas 321 The Hope Speech Harvey Milk 325 Paul Farmer oo Structural Violence, AIDS and Health Care 331 FBI File on Alfred Kinsey 347 Don't Ask, Don't Tell Repeal Ace of 2010 355

CHAPTER 8

CHAPTER 9

Conte nts v

The Rise Of The Right: 80S-OO 359 The Meaning Of Communism 361

To Americans Vice--Presid,em Richard Ni:.:011 Ronald Reagan Address on Behalf of Senaror Barry Goldwarer 381

Renden•ous wich Desriny Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech Ricbard M. Nixon 393 Dictatorships & Double Standards Jeane]. Kirl'Patrick 405 Honduras: Dicracorships and !Double 409

Standards Revisited Daniel Lubau aud Jim Lobe The CIA's lmervemion in Afghaoisran 413

Sarah Palin Slams Obama Again on Ayers at 415 Florida Rally Transcript Lynn Sweet

9/11-Today Sraremenc of Principles

Narrative Niloofar Mina Transcript of Obama 's Speech Opposing the Iraq War Bush Makes Hisroric Speech Aboard Warship Summary of the Mueller Report on Obstruction of Justke

423 425 427 429 433 439

CHAPTER ONE

THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY

AGITATION- THE GREATEST FACTOR FOR PROGRESS

Mother Jones, (March 24, 1903)

One of l/Je most extraordinary organizers of the labor movement in the

early lluentieth teltlury was Mary Ha"is1 who took the name "Mother Jones . .. Born in Ireland, she beGt1me an .:,rganizer for the Uniud Mine

\Vorkers., and, iu her eighties, organized miners iu West Virginia and Qi/orado. fo 1905. sl,e helped form rl,e I\VW. Upton Si11dair was so

inspt'red by her that he used her as a model for one of his characu,s in his novel The Coal \Va,; wbith chronicled the Ludlow strike and massacre.

"''All over the «mntry she had roamed, and wherever she went, the flame

of protest had leaped up in the hearts of men; her story was a veritable

Odyssey of revolt.. "' Here is a selettion from an addre.ss Mother Jones gave to a mass audience i11 Toledo's Memorial Haft in 1903., as reported by the Toledo Bee. -huroduction from Zinn and Amove's Voices of a Peopltr's Hiswry of r/Je United Stares

"Mother" Jones, known throughout the country and in fact throughout the world as "The Miners' Angel," addressed a motley gathering of about 1,200 persons in Memorial hall Dast night. The lower hall was packed. The gallery was full to overflowing and some even crowded the steps leading to the building.

It was truly a motley gathering. The society woman, attracted by mere curiosity to sc-c and hear the woman who has won such fame as the guardian spirit of the miners; the factory girl, the wealthy man and his less fornmatc brothers, the black man and the white man, old and young, sat side by side and each came in for a share o f criticism.

4 TIIE EARLY 2. 0TH CENTURY

"Mother" Jones is an eloquent speaker. There is just enough of the down-cast accent to her words ro make it attractive and she has the fac- ulry of framing pathetic and beautiful word pictures. Despite her sixty years and hex gray hairs, she is hale and hcaxty; has a voice that reaches to the furthermost corner of almost any hall but it is nevertheless any· thing but harsh ....

"Fellow workers," she lx.-gan, "'tis wdl for us co be here. Over a hun· dred years ago men gathered to discuss the vital questions and later fought together for a principle that won for us our civil liberty. Forty years ago men gathered to discuss a growing evil under the old flag and lacer fought side by side until cbattd slavery was abolished. But, by the wiping out of this black stain upon our country another great crime-wage slavery- was fas- tened upon oux people. I stand o n this platform ashamed of the conditions existing in this country. I rdus<.'d to go to England and lecture only a few days ago Ix-cause I was ashamed, first of all, to make the conditions existing here known co the world and second, because my services were needed here. 1 have just come from a God-cursed country, known as West Virginia; from a state which has produced some of our best and brightest Statesmen; a state where conditions arc coo awful for your imagination.

" I shaU cell you some things tonight that axe awful to contemplate; but, perhaps, it is best that you to know of them. They may arouse you from your lethargy if there is any manhood, womanhood or love of country left in you. I have just come from a state which has an injunction on every other foot of ground. Some months ago the president of the United Mine Workers Uohn Mitchell] asked me co take a look into the condition of the men in the mines of West Virginia. I went. I would gee a gathering of miners in the darkness of the night up on the mountain side. Herc I would listen to cheix talc: of woe; here I would try to encourage them. I did not daxc to sleep in one of those miner's houses. If I did the poor man would be called co che office in the morning and would be discharged for sheltering old Mother Jones.

" I did my best to drive into the downtrodden men a littlt spirit, but it was a task. They had been driven so long chat they were afraid. I used co sit through the night by a stream of water. I could not go to the miners' hovels so in the morning I would call tbe ferryman and he would take me across the river to a hotel not owned by the mine operarors.

"The men in the antbracite district finally asked for more wages. They were refused. A strike was called. I stayed in West Virginia,' held meetings

4 TIIE EARLY 2. 0TH CENTURY

"The men in the antbracite district finally asked for more wages. They were refused. A strike was called. I stayed in West Virginia,' held meetings

6 TIIE EARL Y 2.0TH CENTURY

You'd all better put on petticoats. If you like those bullets vote to put them into your own b<)dics. Don't you think it's about rime you b,gan ro shot)t ballotS inst<ad of voting for capitalistic bullets.

" I hate your political parties, you Republicans and Democrats. I want you to deny if you can what 1 am going to say. You want an office and must necessarily get into the ring. You musr do what that ring says and if you don't you won't be elected. There you arc. Each rime you do that you are voting for a capitalistic bullet and you get it. I want you ro know that this man [Samuel Milton) Jones who is running for mayor of your b<autiful city is no relative of mine; no, sir. He belongs t<) that school of reformers who say capital and labor must join hands. He may be all right. He prays a good deal. But, I wonder if you would shake hand~ with me if 1 robbed you. He builds parks ro make his workmen contented. Bur a contented workman is no good. All prngress smps in rhc contented man. I'm for agitation. It's the greater factor for progress[.]"

Herc the Spt-a ker changed her attention to the society woman. " I sec a lot of society women in this audience, attracted here our of a mere curiosity ro sec that old Mother Jones.' I know you better than you do yourselves. I can walk down the: aisle and pick every one of you out. You probably think I am crazy bur I know you. And you society dudes-poor creatures. You wear high collars to support your jaw and keep your befuddled brains from oozing our of your mouths. While this commercial cannibalism is reaching into the cradle; pulling girls into the factory to be ruined; pulling children into the factory ro be destroyed; you, wht) arc doing all in the name of Christianity, you are at home nursing your poodle dogs. It's high time you got our and worked for humanity. Christianity will rake care of itself. I Started in a factory. I have traveled through milts and miles of factories and there is nor an inch o f ground under that flag that is not stained with the blood of children.•

1906: RUMBLE OVER 'THE JUNGLE'

Jon Blackwell

Upton Sinclair was a desperately p,o<>r, young s<>cialisthoping to remake the world when he settleddown in a tarpaper shack in Princeton Township and penned his Grca.t American Novel.

He called it "The Jungle,• filled it with page after page of nauseating detail he had researched about the me-at-packing industry, and dropped it on an astonished narion in I 906.

An instant best-seller, Sinclair's book reeked with the stink of the Chicago stockyards. He told how dead rats were shoveled into sausage- grinding machines; how bribed inspectors looked the other way when discascdcows were slaughtered for beef, and how filth and gurs were swept off the floor and packaged as "potted ham. •

In short, "The Jungle" did as much as any animal-rights activist of today co turn Americans into vegetarians~

But it did more than thaL Within months, the aroused-and gagging- public demanded sweeping reforms inthc meat industry.

President Theodore Roosevelt was sickened after reading an advance copy. He called upon Congress to pass a law establishing the Food and Drug Administration and, for the first time, setting up federal inspection Standards for meat.

Sinclair, all of 28 years old, had gone overnight from literary failure to the man wh<) rook on the mighty "becftrust"- and won. Visions of ridding America of all its capitalist evils came floating into his head.

Source: The Trenronian

8 TIIE EARLY 2.0TH CENTURY

"It seemed to me that the walls of the mighty fortress of greed were on the p<)inc of cracking,• he later wrote. " le nt-edcd only one rush, and then another, and another.~

Reporters flocked to the author's farmhouse at Province Line Road t<) find out: who was this skinny, smiling young man with the pale face and intense eyes?

Upton Beall Sinclair was, for all his socialise thought,the very model of the all-American kid. He grew up in New York City, the son of poor but proud parents. Barely inrohis teens, he b<.-camc a freelance~ writing boy's adventure talcs. He cvcmually pounded our 30,000 words of dime-novel drama every week, even while he attended City College of New York.

Sinclair aspired co be a great writer of serious books,but he admit- ted that all his hack work l.ed him to use too many cliches and exaggerations.

Even Sinclair's biographer, \Villiam Bloodwonh, said the overwrought Sinclair style can be too much to take.

"'It's not what I would consider great literature," said Bloodworth, the prtsidcm of Augustil State University in Georgia. "There isn't much character devc1opmcnt in his works or subtlety. What he was good at was descriptions ... of turning real-life situations into fiction."

Sinclair's first novel, "Springtime and Harvcsc,"publishcd in I 901, did not sell. Neither did his st-<:ond,third or fourth novels.

Literary society ignored him. His only child, David,nearly died of pneumonia. He grew increasingly distant from his newlywed wife, Meta, and demanded that the two practice celibac.y.

Frustrated, Sinclair wrote a "'letter co the world" with almost hysrerical self-pity: "You may sneer ... bur you will live to blush for that sneer.•

The young writer needed something to give him hope. He found it in the revolutionary doc·t:rine of socialism.

Sinclair wrote socialist propaganda and made socialist friends, among them writer Jack London and w~-althy eccentric George Herron. \Vi th the help of an a llowance from Herron, Sinclair went off to work on his latest project- a Civil War novel.

"The place selected was Princeton," Sinclair wrote, "because that university possessed the s«ond-largcsrCivil War collection in the coun- try. So in J\'1ay 1903, the migration took place and for three years and a half Princeton was home."

1906: Rumble Over 'The Junglt! " 9

Sinclair never liked Princeton. He hated the cold and the mosquitoes and the " ignorance" of his farmer neighbors. "The families . .. contained drunkards, degenerates, mental or physical ddecrivcs, sc:mi-idiots, victims of tuberculosis or venereal disease and now and thrn a pctry criminal, n he later wrote.

StiU, Sinclair was full of hope as he pitched a canvas tent on a farm on Ridge View Road and wrote his novel., "Manassas.• It was a modest success, enabling him to buy a 60-acte fa,rn of his own on Province Linc Road and move into an actual house with his wife and son.

Sinclair then read of a meat-packing strike in Chicago, and knew he had a good plot for the first great socialist novel.

For two months in 1904, Sinclair wandered the Chicago stockyards- a place he would write of as "Packingtown." He mingled with the foreign-born "wage slaves" in their tenements and heard how they'd been mistreated and ripped off. He saw for himself the sloppy practices in the packing houses and the mind-numbing, 12-hour-a-day schedule.

Theo it was back to the quictwoods of Princeton to writt "The Jungle." Sinclair hunkered dc)wn in a hand-built, 18-by-16-foot cabin and rook pen ro papcr.

"For three months I worked incessantly," Sinclair latcrsaid . "I wrote with tears and anguish, pouring into the pages all the pain that life had meant t() me. "'

"The Jungle" was the story of Jurgis R.udkus, a Lithuanian immigrant working in Packingtown.

Jurgis secs his American dream of a decent life dissolve into nightmare as his job hauling steer carcass<"S in the stockyards leaves him bone- weary and unable to support his family.

He loses bis his job when he beats up his boss, furious at discovering the cad seduced his wife; then he loses the wife to disease and his son to drowning.

But Jurgis finds rebirth upon joining che socialist movement, and the book closes with a socialist orator sh.outing: "Organize! Organize! Organize! ... CHICAGO WILL BE OURS!"

It was stirring, melodramatic stuff, but five publishers found it too politically hot to handle and rumcd the novel down. Sinclair persisted and got Doubleday topublish it in February 1906.

"The Jungle," in all its sordid dctai~ was soon acclaimed as the most revolutionary piece of fiction of the age. In London, future Prime Minister

10 THE EARLY 2.0TH CENTURY

Winston Churchill said the book "pierces the thickest skull and most leathery heart."

Mostly, however, the politicians ignored the anti-capitalist plot of the book and focused on cighr pages describing the sickening standards of meat packing.

Roosevelt sent his own agents toChicago to investigate whether meat packing was as bad as Sinclair described. The conditions were actually a hundred times worse, the agents reported back.

The president invited Sinclair to the White House and solicit<d his advice on how ro make inspections safer. By June 30, Congress had passed rhc Pure Food and Drug Act, cracking down on unsafe food and patent medicines, and the Meat Inspection Act. To this day,our hamburgers, chicken parties and other meats arc safeguarded by the same law.

Roosevelt was so rakcn with Sinclair that he coined the term "muck- rakers" to describe him and other reformist crusaders, even though the pr<-sidcnt's phrase was not meaar ro be wholly complimcnrary.

Yer Sinclair considered his triumph empty. He complained thar the tragedy of industrial life and his socialist preaching were being lost in the meat controversy.

"I aimed at the public's heart, and by accident I hir it in the stomach," he said.

Still, Sinclair was hardly done muckraking. He ran for Congress out of Mercer County on the socialist ticket that fall of 1906, finishing a distant third with 750 vorcs. He produced his own Stage version of "ThcJunglc," which premiered at Taylor Opera House in Trenton.

In the winter of I 906-07, with $30,000 in book royalties, he founded a cooperative colony at Helicon Hall on the Jersey Palisades. It drew 40 fami lies, but rhe would-be Utopia burned down rhc follow- ing March.

That was to be the panern for thercst of Sinclair's longlifc: success followed by failure. He divorced Meta and married rwice more. He wrote dozens of forgcnable novels but then won the Pulitzer Prize in I 945 for "Dragon's Teeth.•

After moving to California, he waged one of the more remarkable cam- paigns in political history in 1934, running for governor on a revolutionary Dcmocraticplatform called "End Poverty in California" or EPIC. Derided as a crank and a mystic, he still nl-arly won.

1906: Rumble Over 'The Ju11g[e • 11

Sinclair lived co be 90. In the last year of his life, in 1968, he came full circle-moving back to New Jersey to be near his son's family in Bound Brook.

Right up to his death, Sinclair would be taken in a wheelchair to talk about his life's struggles in high schools. At Bridgewater-Raritan High School, the original muckraker got one of his last tributes from a teen- aged girl. "You're cool, Mr. Sinclair," she told him.

REMEMBER LUDLOW! Julia May Courmey, May 1914

"REl'.ffi"1BER LUDLOW" the battle cry of the crushed, downtrodden, despised miners stifled at Calumet, in \Vest Virginia, in Cripple Creek, has echoed from coal camp tO coal camp in southern Colorado, and has served again to notify the world that Labor will not down.

Peaceful Colorado, slumbering in her eternal sunshine, has been rudely awakened. And her comfortable citizens, tremendously busy with their infinitely important little affairs, have been shocked into a mental state wavering between terror and hysteria. And the terrified and hys- terical community, like the individual, has grabbed for safety at the nearest straw. The federal troops are called ro the strike zone in the vain hope that their presence would intimidate the striking miners int<) sub- mission, and the first spasm of the acute attack has subsided_ But the end is nor ycr.

In September the coal miners in the southern Colorado district went out on strike. Immediately the word went forth from No. 26 Broadway, the Rockefeller headquarters in New York City, and the thugs and gun- men of the Felts-Baldwin agency were shipped from the Virginia and Texas fields and sent by hundreds, inro the coal camps. With their wives and children the miners were evicted from their huts on the company's ground, and just as the heavy winter of the mountains settled down, the strikers put up their tents and prepared for the long siege. It was then that the puerile, weak-kneed Governor [Elias] Ammons, fawning on the representatives of the coal e<)mpanies, at ~he request of the Colorado Fuel and lzon Co., called our the militia co "keep order."

And the climax came when the first spring winds blew over the hiUs and the snows melted from the mountain sides. On the 20th of April the

14 THE EARLY 2.0TH CENTURY

cry was heard " Remember Ludlow!"- thc battle cry that every working- man in Colorado and in America will not forget. for on that day the men of the tent colony were shot in the back by soft-nosed bullets, and their women and children were offered in burning sacrifice on the field of Ludlow.

The militia had trained the machine guns on the miners' tent colony. At a ball game on Sunday between two teams of strikers the militia inter- fered, preventing the game; the miners resented, and the militia- with a sneer and a laugh-fired the machine guns directly into the tents, knowing at the time that the strikers' wives and children were in them. Charging the camp, they fired the two largest buildings- the Strikers' stores-and going from tent to cent, poured oil on the flimsy structures, setting fu-e to them.

From the blazing tentS rushed the women and children, only to be beaten back into the fire by the rain of bullets from the militia. The men rushed tO the assistance of thei, families; and as they did so, they were dropped as the whirring messengers of death sped surely to the mark. Louis Tikas, leader of the Greek colony, fell a victim tO the mine guards' fiendishness, being first clubbed, then shot in the back while he was their prisoner. Fifty-two bullctS ridd led his body.

Into the cellars- the pits of hell under their blazing tcntS-cr<pt the women and children, less fearful of the smoke and flames than of the nameless horror of the spitting bullets. One man counted the bodies of nine little children, taken frolDI one ashy pit, their tiny fingers burned away as they held to the edge in their struggle to escape. As the smoking ruins disclosed the charred and suffocated bodies of the victims of the holocaust, thugs in State uniform hacked at the lifeless forms, in some instances nearly cutting off heads and limbs to show their contempt for the strikers.

Fifty-five women and child ren perished in the fire of the Ludlow tent colony. Relief parties carrying the Red Cross flag were driven back by the gunmen, and for twenty-four hours the b,)dies lay crisping in the ashes, while rnscuers vainly tried to cross the firing line. And the Militiamen and gunmen laughed when the miners petitioned "Czar Chase" [General John Chase] and Governor Ammons for the right to erect their homes and live in them ....

[FJor the first time in the history of the labor war in America the people are with the strikers- they glory in their success. The trainmen

Rem e mbe r L,,dl o w! 15

have refused to carry the militia--<:nurc companies of the National Guard have mutinied- nea rly every union in the State has offered funds and support of men a nd arms co the strikers- ,md the governor has asked for federal troops.

The federal troops arc hcr<~the women who forced the governor to ask for them believe they have secured P(,acc-but it is a dead hope. for p,,..ce can never be built on the foundation of Greed and Oppression . And the federal troops cannot change the systcm~ nly the strikers can do that. And though they may lay down their arms for a time-they will "Remember Ludlow!"

FREDERICK TAYLOR-THE BIGGEST BASTARD EVER

A t the turn of the century many historians wrote cutesy fluff pieces in the media about who had been the most influential person of the 20th century. Many names were floated: Hider, Stalin, Churchill, Einstein, Ghandi, etc. One name that didn't appear on many lists was Frederick Tayloe While Taylor is a common name i0 labor history circles, his name is unfamiliar to most. Yet Taylor's impact on the 20th century was pro- found, so profound that his ideas continue to shape the day-to-day lived experience of mos t people today.

Taylor was a management theorist a theorist of the labor process. In an era where the capitalist firm was Ix-coming larger and larger, employing more and more workers, a fw1damental problem was emerging: How do we get workers to work more? Of course ·this had always been a problem for capitalists. But the rapidly expanding size of the factory was demanding more nuanced control over workers ro ensure maximwn output.

(When the length of the working day can' t be extended then one must turn ro the labor process itself. One must 6nd a way of increasing the intensity of labor so that it produces more per hour. Remember that the capitalist doesn't buy labor. He buys labor power the ability of the worker to labor. How long and hard those workers work is an issue to be Struggled OVCL)

During the late 1 SOO's and the early I 900 's Frederick Taylor s tudied, experimented with, and wrote about the theory of work. His goal was to find ways of controlling the motions of workers so as to attain the highest possible output for every dollar spent on wages. His writ- ings are an incredibly lucid and frank distillation of the capitalist perspective on class struggle. Very rarely do we sec the capitalist class engaging in such open discussions abou• how to control and exploit a

18 THE EARLY 2. 0 TH CENTURY

labor force. The £rankness of .his writings almost climinae<s the need for interpretation thus much of this video will just be excerpts of his writings.

For Frederick Taylor there was an enormous problem afflicting modern society: workers didn't work hard enough. He called such laziness "soldiering".

"\Ve can sec our forl-sts vanishing, our water-powers going to wasre .... The end of our coal and iron is in sight. But the larger wastes of human effort, which go on everyday through such of our actS as arc blundering, iU-direcred or inefficient are less-visible, less tangible and arc but vaguely appreciated .... And for this reason, even though our daily loss from this source arc greater, ... the one has stirred us deeply while the ocher has moved us but tittle.• (Taylor, iii)

Taylor is shocked that the ;nefficicncy of workers hasn' t created a national outcry: "As yet there has been no public agitation for 'greater national efficiency', no meetings have been called .... " (Taylor, iii)

Taylor was often upset that others around him didn't share his obs.-ssion with efficiency and it was an obsession. Taylor was obsessive-compulsive. As a child he counted his steps and rimed all of his actions so as to make his motions as efficient as possible. In his adult life he sought to impose his obsessive compulsions on all those around him and eventually the entire capitalist world. And the capitalist world was ready for a Taylor. In the late 19th century capitalism was growing fusr, competition was accckTating, the firm was growing in size and with it the number of workers employed on a single shop-llooc The need for increased control over this mass of workers was growing as was the need for them to work more efficiently ro stay competitive.

• ... in a majority of cases the man deliberately plans to do as litt.lc as he possibly can ro turn our far less work than he is well able to do in many instances to do not more than one-third to one-half of a proper day's work .... This constitutes the greatest evil with which the working people of England and America arc now afflicted." (Taylor, p.3)

For Taylor a "proper days work" meant the maximum .level of Output humanly possible. He often calkd it "a fair days work". When workers were not physically capable or unwilling to work "a fair days work" he fired them.

Why did workers soldier? Taylor never was able ro give an answer co this question. To him it represented one big misunderstanding between

Frederuk Ta y lor-Tiu B,gg e st Bastard E v er 19

capitalists and workers. A«ually, Taylor a rgued, there was no fundamen- tal antagonism between workers and capitalists.

"The majority of these men believe th.at the fundamental intcrcsrs of employees and employers arc necessarily antagonistic. Scientific manage- ment, on the contrary, has for its very foundation the firm conviction that the true interests of the two are one and the same."(Taylor, page 1)

Soldiering was made possible because management didn't even know how much work it was possible to extract &om workers.

"The greater part of the systematic soldiering is done ... by the men with the deliberate object of keeping thc:ir employers ignorant of how fast work can be done." (Taylor, pagc.7)

Taylor's goal was to scizc this knowledge of the labor process from the worker and put it in the hands of management to be used as a tool for control. He called this "scientific management". As a science manage- ment could refine the labor process to a point of efficiency far greater than any workcr could achieve on their own.

" ... the science which underlies each workman's act is so great and amounts t<l so much that the workman who is best suited to actually doing the work is incapable, either through lack of education or through insufficient mental capacity, of understanding this science.•

Note the wording "the workman who is best suited." Who were these workers who were best suited for particular jobs? Workers who were too intelligent, too strong-wilkd, or incapable of working at maximum speeds were not best suited.

Taylor envisioned a perfectly harmonious social o rder where all workers were employed in occupations where they could work most efficiently. They would be accompanied by a stra ta of scientific managers who analyzed their motion.s and reorganized them for maximum output. Anyone o ne who didn't 6t into this perfect vision of the world wou Id be fired.

"the greatest prosperity can exist only when that individual has reached his highest State of efficiency; that is when he is turning out his largest daily output. • (p2)

"The search for better more competent men ... was never more vigor- ous than it is now .... It is only when we fully realize that our dury as well as our opportunity lies in systematically cooperating to train and to make this competent man . .. that we shall be on the road to national efficiency. • (iii)

20 THE EARLY 2. 0 TH CENTURY

The entire structure of production and society would revolve around the creation of this new efficient human. "In the past man has been first; in the future the system must be first.• "The fundamental principles of scientific management arc applicable tO aU kinds of human activities, from our simplest individual aces to the works of our great corporations . . . . the same principles can be applied with equal force to all social activities: to the management of our homes; the management of our farms; the management of the business of our tradesman, large and small; of our churches, our philanthropic institutions, OUI universities and our governmental departments." (iv)

We can just imagine how satisfying such a rationalized fantasy-world mus t have seemed to his obsessive-compulsive mind. A big part of this fantasy world was Taylor's concept of harmony bctwc-cn classes. Taylor believed that all the workers he was retraining to work harder were his friends and that he had their best interest at heart even if they didn't know that. He persisted in this fantasy even when workers threatened t<) kill him (p.24)

" ... the men who were under (me] were [my] personal friends .... [I) used every expedient to make them do a fair day's work, such as dis- charging or lowering the wages: of the more stubborn men wh<) refused to make any improvement .... • (p.23)

Midvale Steel testimony before Special Committee of the US House of Representatives:

Taylor Started his management career at the Midvale Steel Company outside Philaddplua.

"As S()On as I became gang boss the men wh() were working under me and who, of course, knew that I was onto the whole game of soldiering or deliberately restricted outpu:t, came to me at once and said, "'Now Fred, you arc not going to be a damn piecework hog, arc you?"'

" I said 'lf you fellows mean you are afraid I am going to try 10 get a larger output from these la<hcs,' I said 'Yes; I do propose to get more work our.~ I sa.id 'You must remember I have bee.a square with you fellows up to now and worked with you .... I have been on your side of the fence. Bur now I ha vc accepted a job under the management ()f this company and I am on the other side of the fence, and I will tell you perfectly frankly that I am going to try to gtt a bigger output &om those lathes.' They answered 'Thea you arc going to be a damned hog.' "

Frederuk Ta y lor-Tiu B,gg e st Bastard E v er 21

"I said 'Well if you want to put it that way, aU right.' They said, 'We warn you Fred, if you try to bust any of th.ese rates, we will have you over the fence in six weeks.' I said, 'That is alright; I will tell you fcUows frankly that I propose to try to get a bigger output off these machines.'"'

"Now that was the beginning of a piecework fight that lasted for nearly three years, as I remember it ... in which I was doing everything in my power to increase the output of the s:hop, while the men were abso- lutely determined that the output should not be increased .... "

"I began, of course, by directing some one man to do more work than he had done before, and then I got on the lathe myself and showed him that it could be done. In spite of this, he went ahead and turned out exactly the same old output and refused to adopt better methods or to work quicker until finally I laid him off and got another man in his place. This new man I could not blame him in the least of circumstances turned right around and joined the other fellows and refused to do any more work than the rest. "

Notice that Taylor says he couldn't blame this man for not wanting to work harder. ln several accounts of his bartle ar Midvale Steel Taylor does admits to some son of fundamental antagonism between manage- ment and workers.

"As a truthful man, 1 had w rel! them that if I were in their place 1 would fight against turning out any more work, just as they were doing, because under the piecework system they would be allowed to cam no more wages than they had been earning, and yet they would be made to work harder." (p.24)

Taylor was convinced that workers needed a material reward for working hardeL A fundamental part of his theory of scientific manage- ment was the permanent raising of wages for workers who conformed to this new scientific work ethic. Taylor thought that capitalists would con- sent to higher wages because the increased cost of higher wages would be compensated for by the increased size in output and by the diminished size of the workforcc(increased efficiency and "scicnti6c selection of workers" meant massive layoffs for many of the firms Taylor laid his hands on.) But, to Taylor's great dismay, once new lrvels of efficiency had been reached most employers chose to slash rates and wages returned to normal or even lower. In fact, the effect of scientific management was to reduce the skill-set of the working class as a whole which in turn reduced

22 THE EARLY 2.0TH CENTURY

labor's bargaining power and lowered wag<>s. It seemed there wctt fun- damental class antagonisms immune tO Taylor's utopian philosophy.

Bur back to Midvale ... Taylor decided to take the next step: "I hunted up some especially intelligent laborers who were competent

men ... and I deliberately taught these men how to run a lathe and how to work right and fast .... and every solitary man, when I had taught them their trade, one after anotbcr turned right around and joined the rest of the fellows and refused to work one bit faster."

Frustrated Taylor decided to take the next Step. He said to the men, "Now, I am going ro cur your tratc in rwo tomorrow and you are- going tO work for half price from now on. But all you have to do is to turn out a fair day*s work and you can work better wages . ... "

Eventually the men caved in and production rose at the Midvale Steel factory.

"After that we were good friends, but it took three years of hard fighting to bring this about."

Emboldened by this success Taylor went on to become a highly sought- after and influtncial management consultant. Over the years he perfected his system of "scientific management." Herc's how the system workcd4

First Taylor would observe th.c labor process as it existed. He cataloged aU the motions of the workers and timed them. He then set about, through trial and error, devising the mos• efficient /low of motions possible.

" ... there are many different ways in common use for doing the same thing .... there is always one method and one implement which is better than any of the rest. And this one best method and best implement can only be discovered or developed through a scientific study and analysis o( al) the methods and implements in use, together wirh accurate, minute, motion and time study. " (p.9)

No jc)b was too simple or complex. Taylor famously spent 26 years studying the best way to cut metal. (The task seemed impossible to ratio- nalize as the.re were too many variables. Even famous mathematicians told him it couldn't be done. But Taylor's obsessive compulsive genius prevailed.) But simple work could be rationalized as well.

In a famous example Taylor sought to come up with a more efficient method for loading pig-iron into a mun caL Men had to pick up a piece of pig-iron, walk up a plank and drop tbe pig-iron into a train cru: On average a worker could load about 12 1/2 tons of pig iron a day. After careful study

Fr e derick Ta y l o r-TheB,gg e st Bastard E v er 23

Taylor "discovered" that 47 tons a day was a "proper day's work". He did this by analy-,ing the tiring effect of physica.l labor on muscle. He discovered that a man's muscles require a certain percentage of rest for an amount of

work exerted. The trick was to rime the ratio of work to rest for each worker so that they could work the hardest without tiring Out.

The second step was tO pick the right worker. Any old worker wouldn't do. In fact only about one in eight men could load 47 cons of pig iron a day.

"With the very best of intentions' the ocher seven out of eight men were physically unable tO work at this pace. Now the one man in eight who was able ro do this work was in no sense superior to the ocher men who were working on the gang. He mcrtiy happened to be a man of the rype of the ox,-no rare specimen of humanity, difficult to find and there- fore very highly prized. On the contrary, he was a man so stupid that he was unfitted co do most kinds of laboring work, even."

Taylor started with just one man: a large Pennsylvania Dutchman named Schmidt. These were his instructions to Schmidt:

"' ... you will do exactly as this man tells you to-morrow, from morning rill night. When ht tells you co pick up a pig and walk, you pick it up and you walk, and when be tells you to sit down and rest, you sit down. You do that right straight through the day. And what's more, no back talk. Now a high-priced man does just what he's told to do, and no back talk. Do you understand that? When this man tells you to walk, you walk; when he tells you to sit down, you sit down, and you don't talk back at him." ( p.21 )

Taylor's next comments tell us more a bout the ''scientific selection of workers":

"This s,,ems to be rather rough talk. And indeed it would be if applied to an educated mechanic, or even an intelligent laborec With a man of the mentally sluggish type of Schmidt it is appropriate and not unkind, since it is effective in fixing his artcncioc, on the high wages which he wants and away from what, if it were called to his attention, he probably would consider impossibly hard work." (p.21 )

Throughout his writing Taylor stresses the idea of sckcting only workers who arc able to work at the very highest level of efficiency. This always meant firing all of the other workers. Taylor had no sympathy for these displaced workers.

"And indeed it should be understood chat the removal of these men from pig-iron handling, for which they were unfit, was really a kindness

Fr e derick Ta y l o r-TheB,gg e st Bastard E v er 23

work exerted. The trick was to rime the ratio of work to rest for each worker so that they could work the hardest without tiring Out.

The second step was tO pick the right worker. Any old worker wouldn't do. In fact only about one in eight men could load 47 cons of pig iron a day.

Taylor started with just one man: a large Pennsylvania Dutchman named Schmidt. These were his instructions to Schmidt:

Taylor's next comments tell us more a bout the ''scientific selection of workers":

"And indeed it should be understood chat the removal of these men from pig-iron handling, for which they were unfit, was really a kindness

24 THE EARLY 2.0TH CENTURY

to themselves, because it was the first step coward finding them work for which they were peculiarly fitted ... " (p.31)

The result was a drastic reduction in the number of workers employed and at the same rime a rise in o utput. Workc-rs were given raises though, as mentioned earlier, thc.~e raises usually did not stay in effect. Meanwhile the size of management grew. There was an office where labor was planned o ut. When workers came to work in the morning they were given a set o( written instructions as to how exactly to work. Time-study men patrolled the factory floor timing motions. There was a proliferation of managers all dedicated to different aspects of labor control.

Divorced from the knowledge of the labor process, the worker became less and less skilled. Work was more repetitive and it was harder to bar- gain for higher wages when it was so c.asy for employers to replace a workforc.c.

Taylorism was also fiercely resisted. It produced much shopfloor con- flict and militant strikes. Taylor consistently lefr this detail out in his own versions of his successes claiming that: " ... during the thirty years that we have been engaged in introducing scientific management there has not been a single mike from chose who were working in accordance with its principles .... " Such blatant omissions were typical of a man who could not tolerate anything the interfered with his utopian vision of a planned, rational universe.

While Taylor's perfect world- a world free of class conflict, where worker and capitalists worked toward a common goal of perfect effi- ciency never came into being, his ideas about the labor process became part of the basic fabric of working Life. The planning of motion in work and management's monopoly over the knowledge of work are a basic fact of the way we experience much of modem work. Scientific manage- ment is still taught in industrial engineering schools and its concepts still inform the way workplaces arc built and the way jobs arc Structured.

While some of management theory has moved on since Taylor the basic questions he was grappling with arc still crucial. As the productive powers of labor increased rapidly over the course of the 20th ccnrury there was much thinking about how production and society were to be organized and how the worker would be habituated to the demands of capital. As we begin to look at the history of capitalist crisis it will be important co keep these basic questions in mind.

26 THE EARLY 2.0TII CENTURY

happy, and envied by the neighbors and friends who had no sons and brothers to send forth to the field of honor, there to win for the Aag, or, failing, die the noblest of noble deaths. The service proceeded; a war chapter from the Old Testament was read; the fust prayer was said; it was followed by an organ burst that shook the building, and with one impulse the house rose, with glowing eyes and beating hearts, and poured out that tremendous invocation

God the aU•terrible! Thou who ordainestt Thunder thy clarion and

lighming my sword!

Then came the "long" prayc,. None could remember the like of it for passionate pleading and moving and beautiful language. The burden of its supplication was, rhat an ever-merciful and benignant Father of us all would watch over our noble young soldiers, and aid, comfort, and encourage them in their patriotic work; bless them, shield them in the day of battle and the hour of pcril, bear them in His mighty hand, make them strong and confident, invincible in the bloody onset; help them ro crush the foe, gr:int to them an.d tO their flag and country impcrishablr honor and glory-

An aged stranger entered and moved with slow and noiseless step up the main aisle, his eyes fixed up•On the minister, his long body clothed in a robe that reached to his feet, his head bare, his white hair descending in a frothy cataract to his shoulders, his seamy face unnaturally pale, pale even to ghastliness. With all eyes following him and wondering, he made his silent way; without pausing:, he ascended to the preacher's side and srood there waiting. \Vith shut lids the preacher, unconscious of his pres- ence, continued with his moving prayer, and at last finished it with the words, utttred in fervent appeal, "Bless our arms, grant us the victory, 0 Lord our God, Father and Protector of our land and Aag! "

The stranger touched his arm, motioned him to step aside-which the startled minister did-and rook his place. During some moments he surveyed the spellbound audience with solemn eyes, in which burned an uncanny light; then in a deep voice he said:

"I come from the Throne-bearing a message from Almighry God!" The w(>rds smote the house with a shock; if the stranger perceived it he gave no attention. "He has heard the prayer of His servant your shep- herd, and will grant it if such shall be your desire after I, His messenger,

Thi! \Var Prayer 27

shall have explained ro you its imporr-tbar is to say, irs full import. For ir is like unto many of the prayers of men, in that it asks for more than he who utters it is awa re of-except he pause and think.

"God's servant and y<)urs has prayed his prayer. Has he paused and raken thought? Is it one prayer? No, it is two-one uttered, the other not. Both have reached the ear of Him Who hcareth a ll supplications, the spoken and rhc unspoken. Ponder rhis- kecp it in mind. If you would beseech a blessing upon yourself, beware! lest without intent you invoke a curse upon a neighbor ar the same rime. If you pray for the blessing of rain upon your crop which needs it, by that act you arc possibly praying for a curse upon some neighbor's crop which may not need rain and can be inj ured by it.

"'You have hc:ard your servant's prayer-the uttered part of it. I am commissioned of God to put into words the other pan of it-that part which the pastor- and also you in your ht-arts- fervently prayed silently. And ignorantly and unthinkingly? God grant rhat it was so! You heard these words: 'Grant us rhe victory, 0 l ord our God!' That is sufficient. The •whole• of the unered prayer is compact into those pregnant words.

Elaborations were not necessary. When you ha vc prayed for victory you ha vc prayed for many unmentioned results which follow victory- •must• follow it, cannot help but follow ir. Upon the listening spi rit of God fell also the unspoken pan of rhe prayer. He commanderh me to put it into words. Listen!

"O lord <)ur Father, our young patriots, idols of our hearts, go forth to battle-be Thou near them! With them- in spirit- we also go forth from the sweet peace of our beloved firesides to smite rhc foe. 0 Lord our God, help us to tear their soldiers to bloody shreds with our shells; help us to cover their smiling fields with the pale forms of their patriot dead; help us to drown rhe thunder of th<: guns with the shrieks of their wounded, writhing in pain; help us ro lay wasre their humble homes with a hurricane of fire; help us to wring the hearts of their unoffcnding wid- ows wirh unavacling grief; help us t<) rum them out roofless with little children to wander unfricndcd the wasrcs of their desolated land in rags and hunger and rh irsr, sports of the sun flames of summer a nd the icy winds of winter, broken in spirit, worn ,vith travail, imploring Thee for the refuge of the grave a nd denied it- for our sakes who adore Thee, lord, blasr their hopes, blight their lives, protract their bitter pilgrimage, make heavy their steps, water thtir way "vith their tears, stain the white

28 THE EARLY 2.0TH CENTURY

snow with the blood of their wounded feet! We ask it, in the spirit of love, of Him Who is the Source of Love, and Who is the ever-faithful refuge and friend of all that arc sore lx,sct and seek His aid with humble and contrite hcarcs. Amen.

(After a pause.) ·'Ye have prayed it; if ye still desire it, speak! The mes- senger of the Most High waits!M

It was believed afterward th.at the man was a lunatic, because there was no sense in what be said.

THE HOUSE-GREY MEMORANDUM

October 1915- Fehruary 1916

FROM COLONEL EDWARD HOUSE'S DIARY

October 8, 1915: 1 outlined very briefly a plan which has occurred 10 me and which sccms of much value. I thought we had lost our opportunity 10 break with Germany, and it looked as if she had a better chance than cvtr of winning and if she did win our tum would come next; and we were not only unprepared, but there would be no one 10 help us stand the first shock. Therefore, we should do something decisive now-something that would either end the war in a way to abolish militarism or that would bring us in with the Allies to help ,hem do it. My suggestion is to ask the Allies unofficially, to let me know whether or not it would be agreeable 10 them to have us demand that hostilities cease. \Ve would put it upon the high ground that the neutral world was suffering a long with the belligerents and that we had rights as well as they, and that peace parleys should begin upon the broad basis of both military and naval disarmament ...

If the Allies understood our purpose, we could be as severe in our language concerning them as we were with the Central Powers. The Allies, after some hesitation, could accept our offer or demand and the Central Powers accepted, we would then have accomplished a master- stroke of diplomacy. lf the Central Powers rduscd 10 acquiesce, we could then push our insistence to a point where diplomatic relations would first be broken off, and later the whole force of our Government-and per- haps the force of every neutral- might be brought against them.

Source: From World \Var I Document Archive

30 THE EARLY 2.0TH CENTURY

The President was startled by this plan. He seemed to acquiesce by silence. I had nor time to push it further, for our entire conversation did not last longer than t\venty min.utes.

October 11, 1915: Frank Polk took lunch with me. I told him some- thing of rhe plan I had outlined to the President, concerning our enforc- ing peace before the Allies reached a position where they could nor be of assistance in the event we had war with the Central Powers. I am looking at the matter from the Amcrican viewpoint and also &om the broader viewpoint of humanity in general. It will not do for the United States to lcr the Allies go down and leave Germany the dominant military factor in the world. We would certainly be the next object of attack, and the Monroe Doctrine would be less indeed than a scrap of papCL ... Polk thought the idea was good from every standpoint, and he hoped the President would finally put it through ....

MEMORANDUM OF SIR EDWARD GREY

(Confidential)

Colonel House told me that President Wilson was ready, on hearing fr()m France and England that the moment was opportune, to propose that a Conference should be summoned tO put an end t0 the war. Should the Allies accept this proposal, and should Germany refuse it, the United States would probably enter the war against Germany. Colonel House expressed the opinion that, if such a Conference met, it would secure peace on terms not unfavourable to the Allic.s; and, if it failed to secure peace, the Un.ited States would [probably] leave the Conference as a belligerent on the side of the Allies, if Germany was unreasonable.

Colonel House expressed an opinion dt>cidcdly favourable ro tbc rt-s- toration of Belgium, the transfer of Alsace and Lorraine to France, and the acquisition by Russia of an outlet to the sea, though he thought that the loss of territory incurred by Germany in one place would have to be compensated to her by concessions to her in other places outside Europe. If the Allies delayed accepting the offer of President Wilson, and if, later on, the course of the war was so unfavourable to them that the interven- tion of the United States would not be effective, the United States would probably disinterest themselves in Europe and look tO thci, own protec- tion in their own way.

T b~ l-l o 11s e •C rey M e m orandum 3 1

I said that 1 felt the statement, coming from the President of the United Stares, ro be a matter of such imp<)rtance that I must inform the Prime Minister and my colleagues; bur that I could say nothing until it had received cheer consideration. The British Government could, under no circumstances accept or make any proposal except in consultation and agreement with the Allies ....

(initialed) £ . G. foreign Office 22 February 1916

CHAPTER TWO

WORLD WAR I-NEW DEAL

FINAL ADDRESS IN SUPPORT OF THE LEAGUE OJF NATIONS

Woodrow Wulson

ML Chairman and fellow countrymen: Ir is with a great deal of genuine pleasure that I find myself in Pueblo, and I feel it a compli- ment in this beautiful hall. One of the advantag<-s of this hall, as I look about, is char you are not too far away from me, because there is nothing so re-assuring to men who are trying to express the public sentiment as getting inro teal personal contact with their fellow citizens. I have gained a renewed impression as I have crossed the continent this time of the homogeneity of this grear people to whom we belong. They come from many stocks, hut they arc all of one kind. They come from many origins, but they arc all shot through with the same principles and desire the same righteous and honest things. I have received a more inspiring impr<-ssion this rime of rhe public opinion of the Unfrcd States than it was ever my privilege ro receive before.

The chief pleasure of my trip has been that it has nothing tO do with my personal fortunes, that it has nothing to do with my personal reputa- tion, that it has nothing to do with anything except great principles uttered by Americans of all sorts and of all parties which we are now trying to realize at thL~ crisis of the affairs of the world. But there have been unpleasant impressions as well as pleasant impressions, my fellow citizens, as I have crossed the continent. I have perceived more and more that men have been busy t reating an absolutely false impression of what the treaty of peace and the Covenant of the League of Nations contain and mean. I find, moreover, that there is an organized propaganda against the League of Nations and against the treaty proceeding from exactly the same sources that the organizrd propaganda proceeded from

36 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

which threatened this country here and there with disloyalty, and I want to say-I cannot say wo often- any man who carries a hyphen about with him carries a dagger that he is ready to plunge into the vitals of this Republic whenever he gets ready.

If l can catch any man with a hyphen in this great contest l will know that I have got an enemy of the Republic. My fcUow citizens, it is only certain bodies of foreign sympathies, certain bodies of sympathy with foreign nations that are organized against this great document which the American representatives have brought back from Paris. Therefore, in order to clear away the mists, in order to remove the impressions, in order to check the falsehoods that have clustered around this great sub- ject, I want to tell you a few ve.ry simple things a bout tbc treaty and tbe covenant..

Do nor think of this treaty of peace as merely a scrri<ment with Germany. It is that. It is a very severe scrtlcment with Germany, but there is not anything in it that she did nor cam. Indeed, she earned more than she can ever be able to pay for, and the punishment exacted of her is not a punishment greater than she can bear, and it is absolutely necessary in order that no other nation may ever plor such a thing against humanity and civilization. Bur the treaty is so much more tha.n that. It is not merely a settlemtnc with Germany; it is a readjustment of those great injustices which underlie the whole structure of European and Asiatic society. This is only the first of several treaties. They arc all constructed upon the same plan. The Austrian treaty follows the same lines. The treaty with Hungary follows the same linL-S. The treaty with Bulgaria follows the same Jines. The treaty with Turkey, when it is formulated, will follow the same lines.

What are those lines? They arc based upon the purpose tO see that every government dealt with in this great settlement is put in the hands of the people and taken out of the hands of coteries and of sovereigns, who had no right to rule over the people. It is a people's treaty, that accomplishes by a great sweep of practical justice the liberation of men who never could have liberated themselves, and the power of the most powerful nations has been dcvmed not ro their aggrandizement but ro the ]jberation of people whom they could have put under their control if they had chosen ro do so. Nor one foot of territory is demanded by sub- mission to their authority is demanded by them. The men who sat around the table in Paris knew that the rime had come when the people were no

F,nal Address ,n Support of The Leag11e of Nat,o,rs 37

longer going co consent to live under masters., but were going to live the lives that they chose themselves, to live u.ndcr such govem mcntS as they chose themselves to erect. That is the fundamental principle of this great settlement.

And we did not stop with that. We added a great international charter fur the rightS of labor. Reject this treaty, impair it, and this is the consequence of the laboring men of the world, that there is no international tribunal which can bring the moral judgments of the world to bear upon the great labor questions of the day. What we need to d(> with regard to the labor questions of the day, my fellow countrymen, is to lift them into the light, is to lift them out of the haze and distraction of passion, of hostility, out into the calm spaces where men look a t things without passion.

The more men you get into a great discussion the more you exclude passion. Just as soon as the calm judgment of the worlds is directed upon the question of justice to labor, labor is going to have to forum such as it never was supplied with before, and men everywhere arc going to sec that the problem of labor is nothing more not less than the problem of the elevation of humanity. We must sec that a ll the questions which have disrurbcd the world, all the qucsrions which have disturbed the processes of industry, shall be brought out where men of a U points of view, Men of all a ttitudes of mind, men of a ll kinds. of experience, may contribute their part of the settlement of the great questions which we must settle and cannot ignore.

At the front of this great treaty is put the Covenant of tbe League of Nations. It will also be at the front of the Austrian treaty and the Hungarian treaty and the Bulgarian treaty a nd the treaty with Turkey. Every one of them will contain the Covenant of the League of Nations, because you cannot work any of them without the l..ovcnant of the League of Nations. Unless you get the unittd, concerted purp<>SC a nd power of the great Governments of the world behind this settlement, it will fall down like a house of cards. There is only one power to put behinds the liberation of mankind, and that is the power of mankind. It is the power of the united moral forces of the world, a nd in the Covenant (>f the League of Nations the mora l forces of the world a rc mobilized.

For what purpose? Reflect, my fdlow citizens, that the membership of chis great League is going to include all the great fighting nations of the world, as well as the weak ones. It is not !for the present going to include Germany, but for the time being Germany is not a great fighting country.

38 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

All the nations that have power that can be mobilized arc going to be members of this League, including the United States.

And what do they unite for? They enter into a solemn promise to one another they wi.U never use their power against one another for aggres- sion; that they never will impair the territorial integrity of a neighbor; that they never will interfere with the political independence of a neigh- bor; that they will abide by the principle that great populations are entitled to determine their own destiny and that they will not interfere with that destiny; and that no matter what differences arise amongst them they will never resort to war without first having done one or other of two things~ithcr submitted the matter of controversy to arbitration, in which case they agree to abide by the result without question, or sub- mitted it to the consideration of the council of the League of Nations, laying before that council all the documents, all the facts, agreeing that the council can publish the documents, all the faces, agreeing that the council can publish the documents and the facts to the whole world, agreeing that there shall be six months allowed for the mature consider- ation of those facts by the council, and agreeing that at the expiration of the six months, even if they are nor then ready to accept the advice of the council with regard to the scrtlcment o f the dispute, they will still not go to war for another three months.

In other words, they consent, no matter what happens, to submit every matter of difference between them to the judgment of mankind, and just so certainly as they do that, my follow citizens, war will be in rhe far background, war will be pushed out of thar foreground of terror in which ir has kcpr the world for generation after generation, and men will know that there will be a calm rime of deliberate counsel. The mosr dangerous thing for a bad cause is to exposc ir to the opinion <)f the world. The most certain way that you can prove chat a man i.~ mistaken is by letting all his neighbors know what he thinks, by lcrting all his neighbors know what he thinks, by letting all his neighbors discuss what he thinks, and if he is in the wrong you will notice that be will stay at home, he will nor walk on the street. He will be afraid of the eyes of his neighbors. He will be afraid of their judgment of his character. He will know that his cause is lost unless he can sustain it by the arguments of right and of justice. The same law thar applies to individuals applies to nations.

But, y<)u say, "We have heard that we might be at a disadvantage in the League (>f Nations. " Well, whoever told you that either was deliberately

F,nal Address ,n Support of The Leag11e of Nat,o,rs 39

falsifying or he had not read the Covenant of the League of Nations. I leave him the choice. I want to give you a very simple account of the organiza- tion of the League of Nations and let you judge for yourselves. Ir is a very simple organization. The power of the: League, or rather the activitits of the league, lie in two bodies. There is the council, which consists of one representative from each of the principal allied and associated powers-- that is to say, the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan, along with four other representatives of smaller powers chosen out of the general body of the membership of the League.

The council is the source of very active policy of the League, and no active policy of the League can be adopted without a unanimous vote of the council. That is explicitly Stated in the Covenant itself. Docs it not evidently follow that the League of Nations can adopt no policy what- ever without the consent of the United States? The affirmative vote of the representative of the United States is necessary in every case. Now, you have heard of six votes belonging t<) tbc British Empire. Those six votes arc not in the council. They are in the assembly, and the interesting thing is that the assembly does not vote. I must qualify that statement a little, bur essentially iris absolutely true. In every matter in which the assembly is given a voice, and there are only four <>r 6ve, its vote docs not count unless concurred in by the representatives of aU the nations represented on the council, so the at there is no valid iry to any v(>tc of the assembly unless in that vote also the representative of the United States concurs. That one vote of the United States is as big as the six votes of the British Empire. I am not jealous for advantage, my fellow citizens, but I think that is a perfectly safe siruati<ln. There is no validity in a vote, either by the council or the assembly, in which we do not concur. So much for the statemenrs about the six votes for the Bri·tish Empire.

look at it in another aspect. The asso,mbly is the tallcing body. The assembly was created in order that anybody that purp<ised anything wrong should be subjected to the awkward circumstance that everybody could talk about it. This is the great assembly in which all the things that arc likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations arc ro be exposed to the general view, and I want to ask you if you think it was unjust, unjust to the United States, that speaking parrs should be assigned to the scvcra I portions of the British Empire? Do you think it unjust that there should be some spokesman in debate for that fine little stout Republic down in the Pacific, New Zealand? Do you

40 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

think it was unjust that Australia should be allowed to stand up and take part in the debate-Australia, &om which we have learned some of the most useful progressive policies of modern time, a little nation only 6vc million in a great continent, b-ut counting for several times five in its activities and in its interest in liberal reform? Do you think it unjust that that little Republic down in South Africa, whose gallant resistance to being subjected to any outside authority at all we admired for so many months and whose fortunes we followed with such interest, should have a speaking part? Great Britain obliged South Africa to submit to her sovereignty, but she immediately after that felt that it was convenient and right to hand the whole self-government of that colony over to the very men whom she had beaten.

The representatives of South Africa in Paris were 1wo of the most distinguished generals of the Boer Army, two of the realest men I ever met, rwo men that could talk sober counseJ and wise advice, along with the best statesmen in Europe. To cxdude Gen. Botha and Gen. Smuts from the right to stand up in the parliament of the world and say some- thing concerning the affairs of mankind would be absurd. And what about Canada? Is not Canada a good neighbor? I ask you is not Canada more likely to agree with the United States than with Great Britain? Canada has a speaking part. And then, for the first time in the history of the world, that great voiceless multitude, that throng hundreds of mil- lions strong in India, has a voice, and I want to testify that some of the wis..>st and most dignified figures in the peace conference at Paris came form [ndia, men who seemed ro carry in their minds an older wisdom than the rest of us had, whose traditi<lns ran back into so many of the unhappy fortunes of mankind that they seemed very useful counselors as to how S<)mc ray of hope and some prospect of happiness e<)uld be opened to its people. l for my part have no jealousy whatever of those live speaking parts in the assembly. Those speaking parts cannot trans- late themselves into five votes r:hat can in any matter override the voice and purpose of the United States.

Let us sw,-cp aside all this la:nguage of jealousy. Let us be big enough to know the facts and to welcome the facts, because the facts are based upon the principle that America has always fought for, namely, the equality of self-governing peopilcs, whether they were big or little-not counting men, but c.ounting rights, nor counting representation, but counting the purpose of that representation. When you hear an opinion

F,nal Address ,n Support of The Leag11e of Nat,o,rs 4 1

quoted you do no count the number of persons who hold it; you ask, "'Who said that?" You weigh opinions, you do nor count them, and the beauty of all dem(x.:racics is that every voice can be heard, every voice can ha vc its effect, every voice can contribute to the general judgment that is finally a rrived at. That is the object of democracy. lcr us accept what America has a lways fought for, a nd accept it with pride that America showed the way and made rhc proposaU. I do nor mean that America made the proposal in this particular instance; I mean that the principle was an American principle, proposed by America.

When you come ro the hea rt of the Covenant, my fellow cirizens, you will find it in article ten, and I am very much interested ro know that the other things have been blown away like bubbles. There is nothing in the other contentions with regard ro the league of nations, but there is some- thing in a rticle ten that you ought to realize and oughr to accept or reject. Article ten is the heart of the whole matter. What is article ten? I never am certain that I can from memory give a literal repetition of its lan- guage, but I am sure that J can give an exact interpretation of its mean- ing. Article ren provides that every member of the league covenanrs to respect and preserve the territorial integrrity and existing political inde- pendence <)f every other member of the league as against external aggres- sion. Nor aga inst internal disturbance. There was not a man at that table who did not admit the sacredness of the right of self-determination, the sacredness of the right of any body of people to say that they would not continue to live under the Governmenr they were then living under, and under a rticle eleven of the Covenant they arc given a place to say whether they will live under it or not. For following article ten is article eleven, which makes it the righr of a ny member of the league at any time to call a ttention to anything, anywhere, that is likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations upon which the peace of the world depends. I want to give you an illustra tion of what that would mean.

You have heard a great deal-something that was true and a great deal that was false- about the provision of the treaty which hands over to Japan the rights which Germany enjoyed in the Province of Shantung in China . In the fi rst place, Germany did not enjoy any rights there that other nations had not a lready claimed. For my part, my judgment, my mora l judgment, is against the wholt set of concessions. They were all of them unj ust to China, they ought never to have been exacted, they were

42 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

aU exacted by dufl-SS, from a great body of thoughtful and ancient and helpless people. There never was any right in any of them. Thank God, America never asked for any, never dreamed of asking for any.

Bur when Germany got this concession in I 898, the Government of the United States made no protest whatever. That was not because the Government of the United States was not in the hands of thigh-minded and conscientious men. It was. William McKinley was President and John Hay was Secretary of Statc,-as safe hands ro leave the honor of the United States in as any that you can cite. They made no protest because the State of international law a that timt was that it was none of their business unless they could show that the interests of the United States were affected, and the only think that they could show with rL-gard to the interests of the United States was that Germany might dose the doors of Shantung Province against the trade of the United States.

They, therefore, demanded and obtained promises that we could con- tinue to sell mcrchand ise in Shantung. Immediately following that con- cc.ssion to Germany there was a conctssion to Russia of the same sort, of Pon Anhur, and Pon Arthur was handed over subsequently to Japan on the very territory of the United States. Don't you remember that when Russia and Japan got into war with one another the war was brought t<) a confusion by a treaty written at Porrsmouth, N .H., and in that trcary without the slightest intimation from any authoritative sources in America that the Government of the United States had any objection, Port Arthur, Chinese territory, was turned over to Japan? I want y<)u distinctly to understand that there is no thought of criticism in my mind. I am expounding to you a state of inremacional law.

Now, read articles ten and eleven. You wilJ sec that international law is revolutionized by putting morals into it. Article ten says that no mem- ber of the League, and that includes all these nations that have demanded these things unjustly of China, shall impair the territorial integrity or the political independence of any other member of the League. China is going to be a member of the league. Article eleven says that nay member of the l eague can call attention to anything that is likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations, and China is for the ~rst time in the history of mankind afforded a standing before the jury of the world. I, for my pan, have a profound sympathy for China, and I am proud to have taken part in an arrangement which promises the pro- tection of the world to the rights o China. The whole atmosphere of the

F,nal Address ,n Support of The Leag11e of Nat,o,rs 43

world is changed by a thing like that, my fellow citizens. The whole inter- national practice of the world is revolutionized.

But, you will say, "What is the srcond sentence of article ten? That is what gives very disturbing thoughrs. " The St<:ond sentence is that the council of the League shall advise what steps, if any, arc necessary 10 carry Out the guaranry of the first sentence, namely, that the members will respect and preserve the territorial imegriry and political indepen- dence of the other members. J do not know any other meaning for the word "advise" except "advise." The council advises, and it cannot advise without the vote of the United Stares. Why gentlemen should fear that the Congress of the United Stares would be advised 10 do something that it did n<)t want to do I frankly cannot imagine, because they cannot even be advised to do anything unless their own representative has partici- pated in the advice.

It may be that that will impair somewhat the vigor of the league, but, nevertheless, the fact is so, that we arc not obliged 10 take any advice except our own, which to any man who wants to go his own course is a very satisfactory State of affairs. Every man regards his own advice as b<:st, and I dare say every man mixes his own advice with some thought of his own interest. \Vhcthcr we use it wisely or unwisely, we can use the vote of the Unj1cd States to make impossible drawing the United States into any enterprise that she docs not care- to be drawn into.

Yet article ten strikes at the taproot of war. Article ten is a statement tbat the very things that have always been sought in imperialistic wars arc henceforth foregone by every ambitious nation in the world_ I would have felt very much disturbed if, sitting at the peace table in Paris, I had sup- posed that I was expounding my own ideas. Whether you believe it or not, I know the relative size o f my own ideas; I know how they stand related in bulk and proportion to the mora I judgments of my fellow countrymen, and I proposed nothing whatever at tbc peace table at Paris that I had nor sufficiently certain knowledge embodied the moral judgment of the citi- zens of tbc United States. I had gone over there with, so to say, explicit instn.Jction. Don't you remember that we laid down fourteen points which should contain the principles of the settlement' They were not my points. In every one of them I was conscientiously trying to read the thought of tbe people of the United States, and after I uttered those poincs I had every assurance given me that could be given me that they did speak the moral judgment of the United States and not my single judgment.

44 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

Then when it came to that critical period just a little less than a year ago, when it was evident that the war was coming to its critical end, all the nations engaged in the war accepted those fourteen principles explic- itly as the basis <)f the armistice and the basis of the peace. ln those cir- cumstances I crossed the ocean under bond to my own people and to the other governments with which I was dealing. The whole specification of the method of settlement was written down and accepted before hand, and we were architects building on those specifications. Ir reassures mt and fortifies my position to find how before I went over men whose judg- ment the United Stares has often trusted were of exactly the same opinion that l went abrnad to express. Herc is something I want to read from Theodore Roosevelt:

The one effective move for obcaiaing peace is by an agreement among all rhe grear powers in which each should pledge icself no only ro abide by

the decisions of a common uihunaJ but ro back its decisions b}' force. The great (.·jvilized nations shouJd combine by solemn agreement in a great would league for the pe-ace of righteousness; a court should be

escablished. A changed and amplified Hague court would meer the

requirements, composed of represenrarives from each nation, whose

represe11catives are sworn ro act as judges in each case and nor in a rep-, resenrative capacity." Now tbete is arride ren. He goes on and says chis:

"The nations should agree on cerrain rights that should not be que-s•

rioned, such as rerritorial imegriry, their righr ro deal wirh their domestic

affairs, and with such maners as whom chey should admit ro citizenship.

All such guaranree each of their number in possession of these righrs.

Now, tbc other speciiicarion is the Covenant. The Covenant in another portion guarantees ro the members the independent control of their domestic questions. There is nor a leg of these gentlemen ro stand on when they say that the interests of the United States arc nor safeguarded in the very p<)ints where we arc most sensitive. You do nor need robe told again rhat the Covenant expressly says thar notlung in this covenant shall be construed as affocting the validity of the Monroe doctrine for example. You could not be more explicit than rhar. And every point of interest is covered, partly for one very interesting reason. This i., nor rhc firsr time that the Foreign Relations O,mmittcc of the Senate of the United States

F,nal Address ,n Support of The Leag11e of Nat,o,rs 45

has mid and considered thi.~ covenant. I bought it to this country in March last in a tentative, provisional form, in practically the form that it now has, with the exception of certain additions which I shall mention immediately. I asked the Foreign Relations Committees of both Houses to come to the White House and we spent a long evening in the frankest discussion of every portion that they wished to discuss. They made certain specific suggestions as to what should be contained in this document when it was to be revised. I tarried those suggestions to Paris, and eve_ry one of them was adopted. What more could I have done? What more could have bttn obtained? The very matters upon which these gentlemen were mosr concerned were, the right of ,virhdrawal, which is now ex-pres.s- ly stated; the safeguarding of the Monroe doctrine, whish is now accom- plished/; the exclusion from action by the league of domestic questions, which is now accomplished. All along the line, every suggestion of the United States was adopted afrer the Covenant had been drawn up in its first form and bad been published of the criticism of the world. There is a very true sense in which 1 can say this is a tested American document.

I am dwelling upon these points, my fellow citizens, in spite of the fact that I dare say to most of you they arc perfectly well know, because in order to meet the present situation we have go to know what we art deal- ing with. We are nor dealing with the kind of document which this is represented by some gentlemen to be; and inasmuch as we arc dealing with a document simon-pure in respect of the very principles we have professed and lived up ro, we have got to do one or other of rwo things- we have go to adopt it or rejecr it. There is no middle course. You cannot go in on a special-privilege basis of your own.

I rake it that you arc too proud to ask to be exempted from responsi- bilities which the other members of the League will carry. We go in upon equal terms or we do nor go in at all; and if we do nor go in, my fellow citizens, think of the tragedy of that result-the only sufficient guaranty to the peace of the world withheld! Oursdves drawn apart with that dangerous pride which means that we shall be ready to take care of our- selves, and that means that we shall maintain great standing armies and an irresistible envy; that means we shall have the organization of a mili- tary nati<)n; that means we shall have a general staff, with the kind of power that the general staff of Germany had; ro mobilize this great man- hood of the Nation when it pleases, aU the energy <>f our young men drawn into the thought and preparation for war. What of our pledges t(>

F,nal Address ,n Support of The Leag11e of Nat,o,rs 45

46 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

the men that lie dead in France? Wee said that they went over thtrc not to prove the prowess of America or her readiness for another war but to sec to tit hat there never was such a war again. It a]ways seems to make

it cliflicult for me to say anything my fellow citizens, when I think of my clients in this case. My clients are the children; my clients arc the ntxt generation. They do not know what promises and bonds I undertook when I ordered the arrnics of the United States 10 the soil of France, but I know, and I intend tO redeem my pledges to the children; they shall not be sent upon a similar e rrand.

Again and again, my fellow citizens, mothers who lost their sons in France have come to me and, taking my hand, have shed tears upon it not only, but they added, "God bless you, Mr. President! " Why, my fel- low citizens, should they pray God to bless me' I advised the Congress of the United States to create tbc situation that led to the death of their sons. I ordered their sons overseas. I consented to their sons being put in the most difficult parts of the battle line, where death was certain, as in the impenetrable difficulties of the forcu of Argonne. Why should they weep upon my hand and call down the blessings of God upon me' Because they believe that their boys died for something chat vastly tran- scends any of the immediate and palpable objects of the waL They believe, and they rightly believe, that their sons saved the liberty of the world. They believe that wrapped up with the liberty of the world is the continuous protection of that liberty by the concerted powers of a ll civi- lized people. They believe that this sacrifice was made in o rder that <)ther sons should not be called upon for a similar gift-the gi ft of life, the gift of all that died-and if we did not sec this thing through, if we fulfilled the dearest present wish of Germany and now dissociated oursr:lvcs from those alongside whom we fough t in the world, would n<)t something of the halo go away from the gun over the mantelpiece, or the sword? Would not the old uni form lose something of its significance? These men were crusaders. They were not going forth to prove the might of the United States. They were going; fortb to prove the might of justkc and right, and all the world acctpt"d them as crusaders, and their transcen- dent achievement has made all the world believe in America as it believes in no other nation organized in the modern world . There seem to me co stand between us and the rejection or qua lification of this treaty the ser- ried ranks of those boys in khaki, not only these boys who came home, but those dear ghosts that still deploy upon the fields of France.

48 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

combined power of the great n_arions of the world. And they will have that support. Now that the mists of this great question have cleared away, I believe that men will sec the truth, eye to eye and face to face.

There is one thing that the American people always rise to and extend thei r hand to, and that is the truth of justice and of liberty and of peace. We have accepted the truth and we a rc going tO be led by it, and it is going to lead us, a nd through us the world, our into pastures of quietness and peace such as the world never dreamed of before.

BUCK VERSUS BELL

B,u:k v. Bell, was 1he United States Supre:me CAurl ruling lhat upheld a statute in$lituting compulsory st.erilizatt'o,r of the mentally n•tarded "for the protettion and health of the state ... It zuas largely seen as an endorse-

mem of negmiue eugenics- the t>seudosGietue to improve the human rate by eliminating "'de(ettives .. from the gene pool.

BACKGROUND

In 1924, the state of Virginia adopted a statute authorizing the compul- sory sterilization of the mentally retarded for the purpose of eugenics. On September 10of the same year, Dr. Albert Sidney Priddy, superintendent of the Virginia State Colony for Epileptics and Fecblemindcd, filed a petition to his Board of Directors to sterilize Carri<: Buck, an 18-ycar-old patient at bis institution who he claimed had a mental age of 9. Priddy maintained that Buck represented a genetic threat to S()dcty. According to Priddy, Buck's 52-ycar-old mother possessed a mental age of 8 and had a record of prostitution and imm()rality. She had three children without good kn(>wledge of their parentage. Carrie, one of these children, had been adopted and attended school for live years, reaching the level of sixth grade. However, according to Priddy, she had eventually proved 10 be "incorrigible" and eventually gave birth 10 an illegitimate child. Her adopted family had committed her '" the Stare Colony as "feeble-minded" (a catch-all term used at the time for the mentally disabled), no longer feel- ing capable of caring for her. It was later discovered that Carrie's preg- nancy was not caused by any act of "imm<>rality" on her own part. In the summer of 1923, while her adoptive mother was away "(m account of some illness," her nephew raped Carrie., and her later commitment has been seen as an attempt by the family ro save their reputation.

50 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

THE CASE

Whik the litigation was making its way through the court system, Priddy died and his successor, Dr. James Hendren Bell, was substituted to the case. The Board of Directors issued an order for the sterilization of Buck, and her guardian appealed the case to the Circuit Court of Amherst County, which sustained the decision of the Board. The case then moved to the Supreme Court of Appeals of Vuginia. Carrie's lawyer, Irving Whitehead, poorly argued her case, failed to call important wimesses, and was remarked by commcntatOrs ro often not know what side he was on. Ir is now thought char this was nor because of incompetence, but deliberate. Whitehead had dose connections both to the counsel for the institution, and Priddy himself. He was also a member of the governing board of the state instirution Carrie was at, and had personally authorized Priddy's stcrilizati(m requests and was a strong supporter of eugcnk sterilization. The appdlate court sustained the sterilization law as compliant with both the state and federal constirutio:ns, and it then went co the United States Supreme Court. The plaintiff's lawyers argued that this procedure ran counter to the protections of the 14th Amendment.

On May 2, I 927, in aa 8-1 decision, the Court accepted that she, her mother and her daughter were "feeble-minded" and "promiscuous," and that it was in the State's interest to have her sterilized. The ruling legitimized Virginia's sterilization procedures until they were repealed in 1974.

Carrie Buck was operated upon, receiving a compulsory sa lpingt-ctomy (a form of rubal ligation). She was later paroled from the institution as a domestic worker co a family in Bland, Virginia. She was an avid reader until her death in I 983. Her daughter Vivian, who was also sterilized, did very well in htr two years of schooling, once being on the school's honor roll. She died at the age of eight.

50 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

THE CASE

U.S. SUPREME COURT

BUCK v. BELL, 274 U.S. 200 (1927)

274 U.S. 200

BUCK v.

B"ck Ver sus Be ll 5 1

BELL, Superintendent of State Colony Epileptics and Feeble Minded. No. 292.

Argued April 22,1927. Decided May 2 ,1927.

(274 U.S. 200, 201) Mr. I. P. Whitehead, of Lynchburg, Va., for plaintiff in error.

(274 U.S. 200, 203) ML A. E. Strode, of Lynchburg, Va., for defen- dant in error.

(274 U.S. 200, 205]

l\1r. Justice HOLMES delivered the opinion of the Court. This is a writ of error 10 review a judgment of the Supreme Court of

Appeals of the State of Virginia, affirming a judgment of the Circuit Court of Amherst County, by which the defendant in error, the superin- tendent of the State Colony for Epilep tics and Feeble Minded, was ordered 10 p<rforrn the opera tion of salpingcctomy upon Carrie Buck, the plaintiff in error, for the purpose of making her sterile. 143 Va. 310, 130 S. E. 516. The case comes here upon the contention that the starute authorizing the judgment is void under the Fourteenth Amendment as denying to the plaintiff in error d ue process of law and the equal protec- tion of the laws.

Carrie Buck is a feeble-minded white woman who was committed 10 the State Colony above mentioned in due form. She is the daughter of a feeble-minded mother in the same instirution, and the mother of an ille- gitimate feeble-minded child. She was eighteen years old at the time of the trial of her case in the Circuit Court in the latter part of l 924. An Act <>f Virginia approved March 20, 1924 (Laws 1924, c. 394) recites that

52 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

the health of the patient and the welfare of society may be promoted in certain cases by the sterilization of mcnral dtfcctives, under careful safe- guard, ere.; that the sterilization may be effected in males by vasectomy and in females by salpingecromy, without serious pain or substantial danger ro Life; that the Commonwealth is supporting in various institu- tions many defective persons who if now discharged would become (274 U.S. 200, 206] a menace bur if incapable of procreating might be dis- charged with safety and become self-supporting with benefit to them- selves and to society; and that experience has shown that heredity plays an important part in the trans:missi()n of insanity, imbecility, etc. The statute then enacts that whenever the supcrinttndtnt ()f certain institu- tions including the abovcnarncd Stare Colony shall be of opinion that it is for the best interest of the patients and of society that an inmate under his care should be sexually sterilized, he may have the operation per- formed upon any patient afflicted with hereditary fonns of insanity, imbecility, etc., on complying with the very careful provisions by which the act prott-<.-rs the patients from possible abuse.

The superintendent first presents a petition ro the special board of directors of his hospital or colony, stating the fact~ and the grounds for l:tis opinion, verified by affidavit Notice of the petition and of the time and p1acc of the hearing in the institution is robe served upon the inmate, and also upon his guardian, and if there is no guardian the superinten- dent is to apply to the Circuit Court of the County to appoint one. If the inmate is a minor notice also is to be given to his parents, if any, with a copy of the petition. The board ;_~ to see to it that the inmate may attend the hearings if desired by him or his guardian. The evidence is all to be reduced ro writing, and after the board has made its order for or against the operation, the superintendent, or the inmate, or his guardian, may appeal to the Circuit Courr of che County. The Circuit Court may con- sider the record of the board and the evidence before it and such other admissib]c evidence as may be offered, and may affirm, revise, or reverse the order of the board and enter such o rder as it deems just. Finally any parry may apply to the Supreme Court of Appeals, which, if it grants the appeal, is t(> hear the case upon che record of the trial (274 U.S. 200,207) in the Circuit Court and may enter such order as it thinks the Circuit Court should have entered. There can be no doubt that so far as proce- dure is concerned tbe rights of the patient arc most carefully considered, and as every step in this case was taken in scrupulous compliance with

ROOSEVELT'S NOMINATION ADDRESS

Chicago, TII, July 2, 1932

Chairman Walsh, my friends of the Democratic National Convention of 1932: I APPRECIATE your willingness after these six arduous days to cm:un

here, for I know well the sleepless hours which you and I have had. I regret that I am late, bur I ha vc no control over the winds of Heaven and could only be thankful for my Navy training.

The appearance before a National Convention of its nominee for President, ro be formally notified of his selection, is unprecedented and unusual, but these arc unprecedented and unusual rimes. I have started our on the tasks that lie a head by hrcaking the absurd traditions that the candidate should remain in professed ignorance of what has happened for weeks until he is formally notified of 'that event many weeks later.

My friends, may this be the symbol <)f my intention to be honest and to avoid all hypocrisy or sham, to avoid all silly shutting of the eyes ro the truth in this campaign. You have nominated me and I know it, and I am here to thank you for the honor.

Let it also be symbolic that in so doing I broke traditions. let it be from now on the task of our Party to break foolish traditions. \Ve will break foolish traditions and leave it to the Republican leadership, far more skilled in that an, to break promises.

let us now and here highly resolve to resume the country's inter- rupted march along the path of real progress, of real justice, of real equality for all of our citizens, great and small. Our indomitable leader in that interrupted march is no longer with us, but there still survives today his spiriL Many of his captains, thank God, arc still with us, to

56 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

give us wise counsel. Let us fcell that in everything we do there still lives with us, if nm the body, the great indomitable, unquenchable, progressive soul of our Commander-in-Chief, Woodrow Wilson.

I have many things on which I want to make my position clear at the earliest possible moment in this campaign. Thar admirable document, the platform which you have adopted, is clear. I accept it 100 percent.

And you can accept my pledge that I will leave no doubt or ambiguity on where J stand on any question of moment in this campaign.

As we enter this new battle, lcr us kctp always present with us some of the ideals of the Party: The fact that the Democratic Parry by tradition and by the continuing logic of history, past and present, is the bearer of liberalism and of progress and at the same time of safety to our institutions. And if this appeal fails, remember well, my friends, that a resentment against the failure of Republican lcadcrship- ,md note well that in this campaign I shall nor use the word "Republican Parry," but I shall use, day in and day out, the words, "Republican lcadctship"- tht failure of RcpubLican leaders to solve our troubles may degenerate into wircasoning radic.-alism.

The great social phenomenon of this depression, unlike others before it, is that it has produced bur a few of the disorderly manifestations that too often attend upon such times.

Wild radicalism has made few converts, and the greatest tribute that I can pay to my countrymen is that in these days of crushing want there persists an orderly and hopeful spirit on the part of the millions of our people who have suffered so much. To fail to <)ffcr them a new chance is not only to betray their hopes but to misunderstand their patience.

To me-ct by reaction that danger of radicalism is to invite disaster. Reaction is no barrier co the radical. It is a challenge, a provocation. The way to meet that danger is to offer a workable program of reconstruc- tion, and the party to offer it is the party with dean hands.

This, and this only, is a p,oper protection against blind reaction on the one hand and an improvised, hit-or-miss, irresponsible opporrun- ism on the other.

There arc rwo ways of viewing the Government's duty in matters affecting economic and social li.fc. The fuse s«-s to it that a favored few are helped and hopes that some of thc,r prosperity will leak through, si.ft through, to labor, to the farmer, to the small business man. That theory belongs to the party of Toryism, and I had hoped that most of the Tories left this country in 1776

Ro o se vf' lt ' s Nom,11at1011 Addrt'ss 5 7

But it is nor and never will be the theory of the Democratic Party. This is no time for fear, for reaction or for timidity. Herc and now I invite those nominal Republicans who find that their conscience cannot be squared with the groping and the failure of their party leaders ro join hands with us; here and now, in cqua] measure, 1 warn those nomina.1 Democrats who squint at the future with their faces turned toward the past, and who feel no responsibility ro the demands of the new rime, that they are Out of step with their Party.

Yes, the people of this country want a genuine choice this year, nor a choice between two names for the samt reactionary doctrine. Ours must be a parry of liberal thought, of planned action, of enlightened international outlook, and of the greatest good to the greatest number of our citizens.

Now it i~ inevitable-and the choice is that of the times- it is inevi- table that the main issue of this campaign should revolve about the clear fact of our economic condition, a dtprcssion so deep that it is without precedent in modern history. Ir will nor do merely ro stare, as do Republican leaders ro explain their broken promises of con- tinued inaction, that the depression is worldwide. That was not their explanation of the apparent prosperity of 1928. The people will nor forger the claim made by them then that prosperity was only a domestic product manufactured by a Republican Presidcnt and a Republican Congress. If they claim paternity for the one they cannot deny paternity for the othcc

I cannot rake up aU the problems today. I want to touch on a few that are vital. Let us look a little at the recent history and the simple t..-conomic.,;, the kind of economics that you and I and the average man and woman talk.

[n the years before 1929 we know that this country bad completed a vast cycle of building and inflation; for ten years we expanded on the theory of repairing the wastes of the \Var, but actually expanding far beyond that, and also beyond our natural and normal growth. Now it is worth remembering, and the cold figures of finance prove it, that during that time there was little or no drop in the prices that the consumer had t(> pay, although those same figures proved 'that the cost of production fell very grt'ady; corporate profit resulting from this period was enormous; at the same time little of that profit was devoted to the reduction of prices. The consumer was forgotten. Very little of it went into increased

58 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

wages; the worker was forgotten, and by no means an adequate propor- tion was even paid out in dividends-the stockholder was forgotten.

And, incidentally, very little of it was taken by taxation to the beneficent Government of those years.

What was the result? Enormous corporate surpluses piled up- the most stupendous in history. Where, under the spell of delirious specula- tion, did those surpluses go? Let us talk economics that the figures prove and that we can understand. \Xlhy, they went cl:tiefly in two directions: first, into new and unnecessary plants wl:tich now stand stark and idle; and second, into the call-money market of Wall Street, either directly by the corporations, or indirectly through the banks. Those are the facts. Why blink at them?

Then came the crash. You know the Story. Surpluses invested in unnecessary plants became idle. Men lost their jobs; purchasing power dried up; banks became frightened and started calling loans. Those who had money were afraid t<) p,ut with it. Credit contracted. Industry stopped. Commerce declined, and unemployment mounted.

And there we arc today. Translate that into human terms. Ste how the events of the past

three yt-ars have come home ro spcci£c groups of people: first, the group dependent on industry; st-cond, the group dependent on agriculture; third, and made up in large part of me mbers of the first two groups, the people who arc called "small investors and depositors." In fact, the strongest possible tic between the first two groups, agriculture and industry, is the fact that the savings and to a degree the security of both arc tied together in that third group-the credit structure of the Nation.

Never in history have the interests of all the pe()p)c been so united in a single economic problem. Picture to yourself, for instance, the great groups of properry owned by millions of our citizens, represented by credits issued in the form of bonds and mortgages- Government bonds of all kinds, Federal, State, cou:nty, municipal; bonds of industrial com- panies, of utility companies; mortgages on reaJ estate in farms and cities, and finally tbe vast investments of the Nacion in the railroads. \Xlhat is the measure of the security of each of those groups' We know well that in our complicated, interrtlared credit structure if any one of these cred- it groups collapses they may all collapse. Danger to one is danger to all.

How, I ask, has the present Administration in Washington treated the interrelationship of these credit groups' The answer is clear: It has not

Roosevf'lt ' s Nom,11at1011 Addrt'ss 59

recognized that interrelationship existed at all. Why, the Nation asks, has Washington failed to understand that all of .-hcse groups, each and every one, the top of the pyramid and the bottom of the pyramid, must be considered together, rhar each and every one of them is dependent on every other; each and every one of them affecting the whole financial fabric'

Statesmanship and vision, my friends, require relief ro all ar the same time.

Just one word or two on taxes, tbc taxes that all of us pay toward the cost of Government of all kinds.

I know something of taxes. For three I ong years I have been going up and down this country preaching that Government- Federal and Stare and local-costs too much. I shall not stop that preaching. As an immediate program of action we must abolish useless offices. We must eliminate unnecessary functions of Government- functions, in fact, that arc nor definitely t-ssential to the continuance of Government. We must merge, we must consoLidate subdivisions of Government, and, Like the private citizen, give up luxuries which we can no longer aHord.

By our example at Washington itself, we shall have the opportunity of pointing the way of economy co local government, for let us remember well that out of every tax dollar in the· average State in this Nation, 40 cents enter the treasury in Washington, D. C., 10 or 12 cents only go to the State capitals, and 48 cents arc consumed by the cosrs of local government in counties and cities and towns.

1 propose to you, my friends, and through you, that Government of all kinds, big and little, be made solvent and that the example be set by the President of the United States and his Cabinet.

And talking about setting a definite example, I congratulate this con- vention for having had the courage fearlessly to write into its declaration of principles what an overwhelming majority here assembled reaUy thinks about the 18th Amendment. This convention wants repeal. Your candidate wants repeal. And I am confident that the United States of America wants repeal.

Two years ago the platform on which I ran for Governor the second time contained substantially the same pr(>vision. The overwhelming sen- timent of rhe people of my State, as shown by the vote of rhat year, extends, I know, to the people of many of the other States. I say to you now that &om this dare on the I 8th Amendment is doomed. When that happens, we as Democrats must and will, rightly and morally, enable the

Roosevf'lt ' s Nom,11at1011 Addrt'ss 59

Statesmanship and vision, my friends, require relief ro all ar the same time.

Just one word or two on taxes, tbc taxes that all of us pay toward the cost of Government of all kinds.

1 propose to you, my friends, and through you, that Government of all kinds, big and little, be made solvent and that the example be set by the President of the United States and his Cabinet.

Ro o se ve lt ' s Nom,11at1011 Address 6 1

the growth of tremendous crops will provide adequate securiry for the investment.

Yes, I have a very definite program for providing employment by that means. I have done it, and I am doing it today in the State of New York. I know that the Democratic Party can do it succcssfuUy in the Nation. That will put men to work, and that is an example of the action that we are going to have.

Now as a further aid to agriculture, we know perfectly weU-but have we come out and said so clearly and distinctly'-wc should repeal imme- diately those provisions of law that compel the Federal Government to go into the market tO purchase, to sell, to speculate in farm products in a futile attempt to reduce farm surpluses . And they are the people who arc talking of keeping Government Out of business. The practical way to help the farmer is by an arrangement that will, in addition to lightening some of the impoverishing burdens from his back, do something toward the reduction of the surpluses of staple commodities that hang on the market. It should be our aim to add to the world prices of staple products the amount of a reasonable tariff prorecti<)n, to give agriculture the same protection that industry has today.

And in exchange for this immediately increased return I am sure that the farmers of this Nation would agree ultimately to such planning of their production as would reduce the surpluses and make it unnecessary in later years to depend on dumping those surpluses abroad in order to support domestic prices. That result has been accomplished in other Nations; why nor in America, too?

Farm leaders and farm cconomisrs, generally, agree that a plan based on that principle is a desirable first step in the reconstruction of agricul- ture. It docs not in itself furnish a complete program, but it will serve in great measure in the long run to remove the pall of a surplus without the continued perpetual threat of world dumping. Final voluntary reduction of surplus is a part of ur objective, but the long continuance and the pres- ent burden of existing surpluses make it necessary to repair great damage of the present by immediate emergency measures.

Such a plan as that, my friends, docs not cost the Government any money, nor does it keep the Gove-mment in business or in speculation.

As to the actua I wording of a bill, I believe that the Democratic Parry stands ready to be guided by whatever the responsible farm

62 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

groups themselves agree on. That is a principle that is sound; and again I ask for action.

Ont more word about the funner, and I know that every delegate in this hall who lives in the city knows why ! lay emphasis on the farmer. It is because one-half of our population, over 50,000,000 people, arc dependent on agriculture; and, my friends, if those 50,000,000 people have no money, no cash, to buy what is produced in the city, the city suffers to an equal or greater extent.

Thar is why we arc going to make the voters understand this year that this Nation is not merely a Nation of independence, but it is, if we arc to sun•ivc, bound to be a Nation of interdepcndencc-,rown and city, and North and South, East and West. That is our goal, and that goal wilJ be understood by the people of this country no matter where they live.

Yes, the purchasing power of that half of our population dependent on agriculture is gone. Farm mortgag<.-s reach nearly ten billions of dol- lars today and interest charges on that alone arc S560,000,000 a year. But that is not all. The tax burden caused by extravagant and inefficient local government is an additioaa1 factor. Our most immediate concern should be to reduce the interest burden on these mortgages.

Rediscounting of farm mortgages under salutary restrictions must be expanded and should, in the future, be conditioned on the reduction of interest rates. Amortization payments, maturities should 1ike'¼~se in this crisis be extended before cediscount is permitted where the mort- gagor i., sordy pressed. That, my friends, is anmher example of practical, immediate rclid: Action.

I aim to do the same thing, and it can be done, for the small home- owner in our cities and villages .. We can lighten his burden and develop his purchasing power. Take away, my friends, that spectre of too higb an interest rate. Take away that spectre of the due date just a short rime away. Save homes; save homes for thousands of sclf-resp<.-cting families, and drive out that spectre of insecurity from our midst.

Out of all the tons of printed paper, our of all the hours of oratory, the recriminations, the defenses, the happy-thought plans in Washington and in every State, there emerges one great, simple, crystal-pure fact that during the past ten years a Nation of 120,000,000 people has been led by the Republican leaders to erect an impregnable barbed wire cnranglc- mcnt around ics borders through the instrumentality of tariffs which have isolated us from all the other human beings in all the rest of the

Ro o se vf' lt ' s Nom,11at1011 Addrt'ss 63

round world. I accept that admirable tariff statement in the platform of this convention. It would protect American business and American labor. By our acts of the past we have invited and received the retaliation of other Nations. I propose an invitation to them to forget the past, ro sit at the table with us, as friends, and ro plan with us for the restoration of the trade of the world.

Go into the home of the business man. He knows what the tariff has done for him. Go inro the home of the factory worker. He knows why goods do nor move. Go into the home of the farmer. He knows how the tariff has helped ro ruin him.

Ar last our eyes arc open. Ar last the American people arc ready ro acknowledge that Republican leadership was wrong and that the Democracy is right.

My program, of which I can only roucln on these points, is based upon this simple moral principle: the welfare and the soundness of a Nation depend first upon what the great mass of the people wish and need; and second, whether or not they arc getting it.

What do the people of America want more than anything else? To my mind, they want rwo things: work, with all the moral and spirirual values that go with it; and with work, a reasonable measure of sc'Curity-stt:urity for themselves and for their wives and children. Work and security-these arc more than words. They are more than facts. They arc the spiritual values, the true goal toward which our efforts of reconstruction should lead. These arc the values that this program is intended to gain; these a re the values we ha vc failed to achieve by the leadership we now have.

Our Republican leaders tell us economic laws-sacred, inviolable, unchangeabl~ause panics which no one could prevent. Bur while they prate of economic laws, men and women arc starving. We must lay hold of the fact that economic laws arc nor made by nature. They arc made by human beings.

Yes, when-nor if-when we get the chance, the Federal Government will assume bold leadership in distress relief. For years Washington has alternated between putting its bead in the sand and saying there is no large number of destitute people in our midst who need food and clothing, and then saying the States should rake care of tbem, if there are. Instead of planning two and a half years ago to do what they are now trying ro do, they kept putting it off from day ro day, wt-ck to week, and month ro month, until the c.onscitncc of America demanded action.

Ro o se vf' lt ' s Nom,11at1011 Addrt'ss 63

Ar last our eyes arc open. Ar last the American people arc ready ro acknowledge that Republican leadership was wrong and that the Democracy is right.

64 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

I say that while primary responsibility for relief rests with localities now, as ever, yet the Federa l Government has always had and Still has a continuing responsibi lity for the broader public welfare. It will soon fulfil l that responsibility.

And now, just a few words a bout our plans for the next four months. By coming here instead of waiting for a formal notification, I have made it clear that I believe we should eliminate expensive ceremonies and that we should set in motion at once, ronighr, my friends, the necessary machinery for an adequate pn.~senrarion of the issues to the dectoratt of the Nation.

I myself have important duties as Governor of a great Stare, duties which in these time.,; are more arduous and more grave than ar any previous period. Yet I foci confident that I shall be able to make a number of short visits to several parts of the Nation. My trips will have as their first objective the study at firs t ha nd, &om the lips of men a nd women of aU parties and a U occupations, of the actual conditions and needs of every part of an interdependent country.

One word more: Out of cvciry crisis, every tribulation, every disaster, mankind rises with some share of greater knowledge, of higher decency, of purer purpose. Today we shall have come through a period of loose thinking, descending morals, a n era of sdfishncss, among individual men and women and among Nations. Blame not Governments alone for this. Blame ourselves in equal share. Let us be frank in acknowledgment of the truth that many amongst us have made obeisance to Mammon, that the profits of speculation, the easy road without roi~ have lured us from the old barricades. To return to higher standa rds we must abandon the false prophet.~ and seek new lea-ders of our own choosing.

Never before in modern history have the essential differences between the rwo major American parties stood out in such suiking contrast as they do today. Republican leaders not only have failed in material things, they have failed in national vision, because in disaster they have held out no hope, they have pointed out no path for the people below to climb back t() places of security and of saftty in our American life.

Throughout the Nation, men and women, forgotten in the political philosophy of the Government of the last years !()ok co us here for guid- ance a nd for more equitable opportunity tO share in the distribution of na tional wealth .

THE N EGRO AN D SOCIAL CH ANGE

Eleanor Roosevelt

A SPEECH BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE

Governor Nice, Mayor Jackson, members of the Urban League, and friends: It is a pleasure ro be with you tonight t<) celebrate chis twenty- fifth anniversary of the Urban Lt"1gue, because of the purpose for which the League was founded- better understanding and cooperation of both the white and Negro races in order that they may live better together and make chis country a better place to live in.

Much that I am going to say tonight would apply with equal force to any of us Living in this country. Bur our panicuJar concern tonight is with one of the largest race groups in the country- the Negro race.

We have a great responsibility here in the United States because we offer the best example that exists perhaps today throughout the world, of the fact chat if different races know each other they may live pcaccfuUy together. On the whole, we in this country live peacefully together though we have many different races making up tbe citizenry of the United States. The facr that we have achieved as much as we have in understanding of each ocher, is n<> reason for feeling that our situation and our relationship arc so perfect that we need not concern ourselves about making them bct- rcr4 In fact we know that many grave injustices arc done throughout our land to people who arc cirizcns and who have an equal right under the

Source: Opportttm(1 ij:.mu::iry 1936): 22•2.J.

Tiu Nf'gro ond Sodal Cba,,g·e 69

to all that we expect of people living as they should live today through- out our country.

This holds good for all underprivileged people in our counrry and in other countries. For instance, not long ago [ was talking to a woman from England, a social worker, who told me that she had found it was not sufficient to give people better housing, to give them better wages; that you also had 10 have some leadcrshi p and education in how to live in those houses and bow to use the better wages. And I have seen that proved in the last few years in some of the mining sections of ouI coun- try. The stock is good American stock, but they have had long years of hard times, and some of the communities that I happen 10 know have been given good houses and a Little economic security, but no leadership. And another community that I know has had both education from nurs- ery school up, and leadership, and adult education. And someone said to mr: the other day in comparing a number of communities, that the par- ticular community where this leadership bas been given, was Paradise compared ro all the others.

So that I think I am right when I say that it is not just enough to give people who have suffered a better house and better wages. You must give them education and understanding and training before you can expect them to take up their full responsibility.

I think that we rcaLize the desirability today of many social changes; but we also must realize that in making these changes and bridging the gap betwt-cn the old life and the new, we have to accept the rcsponsibiLity and assume the necessary burden of giving assistance to the people who have not had their fair opportunity in the past.

One thing I want to speak about tonight because I have had a number of people tell me that they felt the Government in irs new efforts and programs was not always fair 10 the Negro race. And I want 10 say quite often, it is not the intention of those at the top, and as far as possible I hope that we may work together to eliminate any real injustice.

No right-thinking person ia this country today who picks up a paper and reads that in some part of the counrry the people have not been will- ing ro wait for the due processes ()f law, but have gone back to the rule of force, blind and unjust as force and fear usually arc, can help but be ashamed that we have shown such a lack of faith in our own institutions. lt is a horrible thing which grows out of weakness and fear, and not out of strength and courage; and the sooner w·e as a nation unite to stamp out

7 0 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

any such action, the sooner and the better will we be able to face the other nations of the world and to uphold our real ideals here and abroad

We have long held in this country that ability should be the cmcrion on which all people arc judged. It S<-cms to me that we must come t<) recognize this criterion in dealing with all human beings, and not place any limitations upon their achievements except such as may be imposed by their own character and intelligence.

This is what we work for as an ideal for the relationship that must exist between all the citizens of our country. There is no reason why all of the races in this country should not live together each of them giving from their particular gift some-thing to the other, and contributing an example to the world of "peace- on earth, good will toward men.•

7 0 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

any such action, the sooner and the better will we be able to face the other nations of the world and to uphold our real ideals here and abroad

WAR IS A RACKET Major General Smedl!ey D. Bueler

w AR is a racket. It always has been. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most

vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the on ly one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives.

A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people. Onlr a small "inside" group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes.

In the World War [I) a mere handful garnered the profits of the con- flict. At least 21,000 new millionaires and billionaires were made in the United States during the World War. That many admitted their huge blood gains in their income tax returns. How many other war million- aires falsified their tax returns no one knows.

How many of these war millionaires sh,)uldered a rifle? How many of them dug a trench? How many of them knew what it meant to go hungry in a rat-infested dug-out? How many of chem spent sleepless, frightened nights, ducking shells and shrapnel and machine gun bullets? How many of them parried a bayonet thrust of an enemy? How many of them were wounded or killed in battle?

Our o( war nations acquire addiriona.l territory, if they arc victorious. They just take it. This newly acquired territory promptly is exploited by the few- the selfsame few who wrung dollars Out of blood in the war. The general public shoulders the bill.

And what is this bill? This bill renders a horrible accounting. Newly placed gravestones.

Mangled bodies. Shattered minds. Broken hcarrs and homes. Economic

War ls a Racket 73

Herr Hitler, with his rcarming Germany and his const.·rnr demands for more and more arms, is an equal if not g,e-atcr me.nacc to ptacc. France only recently increased rhc term of military service for its youth from a year to eighteen months.

Yes, all over, nations arc camping in their arms. The mad dogs of Europe arc on the loose. In the Orient the maneuvering is more adroit. Back in 1904, when Russia and Japan fought, we kicked out our old ricnds the Russians and backed Japan. Then our very generous intcr- nationa I bankers were financing Japan. Now the trend is ro poison us against the Japanese. What does the ~open door" policy tO China mean to us> Our trade with China is about $90,000,000 a year. Or rhe Philippine Islands? We have spent about $600,000,000 in the Philippines in thirry-fivc years and we (our bankers and industrialists and speculators) have private investments there of less than $200,000,000.

Then, to save rhar China trade of about $90,000,000, or ro protect these private investments of Jess than $200,000,000 in the Philippines, we w(mld be all stirred up ro hare Japan and go to war-a war that migbt well cost us rcns of billions of dollars, hundreds of thousands of lives of Americans, and many more hundreds of thousands of physically maimed and mentally unbalanced men.

Of course, for this loss, there would be a compensating profit- fortunes would be made. Millions and billions of dollars would be piled up. By a few. Munitions makers. Bankers. Ship builders. Manufacturers. Meat packers. Speculators. They would fare well.

Yes, they arc getting ready for another war. Why shouldn't they? It pays high dividends.

But what does ir profit rhc men who are killed? What docs it profit their mothers and sisters, their wives and their swcethcaits? What does it profit their children'

What does it profit anyone except the very few to whom war mcans huge pro6rs?

Yes, and what docs it profit the nation? Take our own case. Until J 898 we didn't own a bit of territory out-

side the mainland of North America. At that time our national debt was a little more than $1,000,000,000. Thcn we became "internationally minded." We forgot, or shunted aside, the advice of the Father of our country. We forgot George Washington's warning about "entangling alliances." We went to ,var. We acquired outside territory. At the end of

7 4 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

the World War period, as a dir.-ct result of our fiddling in international affairs, our nationa l debt had jumped ro over $25,000,000,000. O ur total favorable trade balance d uring the twenty-five-year period was about $24,000,000,000. Therefore, on a purely bookkeeping basis, we ran a little behind year for year, and that foreign trade might well have been o urs without the wars.

It would have been far chc-apcr (nor to say safer) for the average American who pays the bills to Stay out of foreign entanglements. For a very few this racket, like bootlegging and other undcnvorld rackets, brings fancy profits, but the cost of operations is always transferred ro the people- who do not profit.

7 4 WORLD WAR I - NEW DEAL

CHAPTER THREE

WORLD WAR II -COLD WAR

RADIO ADDRESS DELNERED BY PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT

Washington, September 3, 1939

T onight my single duty is to speak to the whole of America.

Until 4:30 this morning I had hoped against hope that some miracle would prcvrnt a devastating war in Europe and bring to an end the inva- sion of Poland by Gcnnany.

For 4 long years a succession of actua.B wars and constant crises have shaken the entire world and have threatened in each case to bring on the gigantic conflict which is today unhappily a fact.

It is right that I should recall to your minds the consistent and at times successful cfforrs of your Government in these crises to throw the full weight of the United States intO the cause of peace. In spire of spreading wars I think that we have every right and every reason to maintain as a national policy the fundamental rnoraLitics, the teachings of religion, and the continuation of efforts to rest0re peace-for some day, though the time may be distant, we can be of even greater help to a crippled humanity.

It is right, too, to point out that the unfortunate events of these recent years have been based on the use of force or the threat of force And it seems tO me dear, even at the outbreak of this great war, that the influence of America should be consistent in seeking for humanity a final peace which will eliminate, as far as it is possibl c to do so, the continued use of force between nations.

Source: U.S., Depamncnr of S,are. Publictdon )98.3. Pe.ace and War: U11,ted States Foreign Policy. 193 1-1941 (Washington, D.C.: U.S., Con·.mmcnt Printing Office, 1943, pp. 483-85.

78 WORLD WAR JI - COLD WAR

It is, of course, impossible to predict the fururc. I have my constant stream of information from American representatives and other sources throughout the world. You, the ·people of this country, are rectiyjng news through your radios and your newspapers at every hour of the day.

You arc, I believe, the most enlightened and the best informed people in all the world at this moment. You are subjcncd to no censorship of news; and I want to add thar your Government has no information which it has any thought of withholding frnm you.

At the same time, as I told my press conference on Friday, it is of the highest importance that the press and the radio use the utmost caution to discriminate between actual verified fact on the one hand and mere rumor on the other.

I can add to that by saying that I hope the people of this country; will also discriminate most carefully between news and rumor. Do not believe of necessity everything you hea, or read. Check up on it first.

You must master at the outset a simple but unalterable fact in modern foreign relations. When peace has been broken anywhere, peace of all countries everywhere is in danger.

Ir is easy for you and me to shrug our shoulders and say that conflicts taking place thousands of miles £mm the continental United States, and, indeed, the whole American hemisphere, do not seriously affect the Americas-and that all the United States has to do is to ignore them and go about our own business. Passionately though we may desire detach- ment, we are forced to realize chat every word that comes through the air, every slup that sails the sea, every battle that is fought docs affect the American future.

Let no man or woman thoughtlessly or falsely talk of America sending its armies to European fields. At this moment there is being prepared a proclamation of American neutrality. This would have been done even if there had been no neutrality starute on the books, for this proclamation is in accordance with international law and with America.a policy.

This will be followed by a proclamation required by the existing Neutrality Act. I trust that in the days to come our neutrality can be made a true neutrality. It is of the utmost importance that the people of this country, with the best information in the world, think things through. The most dangerous enemies of American peace a.re those who, without well-rounded information on the whole broad subject of the past, the

80 WORLD WAR J I - COLD WAR

I have said not once but man y times that I have seen war and that I hate war. I say that again and again.

I hope the United States will keep out of this waL I believe that it will. And I give you assurances that every effort of your Government wiU be dirt'<.°ted t0ward that end.

As long as it remains within my power to prevent, there will be no blackout of peace in the United States.

ATTACK ON PEARL HARBOR AS SEEN FROM HIGH

ON BATTLESHIP PENNSYLVANIA'S MAINMAST

The huge red ball blossoming under the plane's wing filled the porthole on U.S.S. Pennsylvania, as the fighter banked and climbed for altitude. The plane had just completed a strafing run oa Ford Island, located in the middle of Pearl Harbor. I didn't need for anyone to remind me that it was an unfriendly, Ix-cause I recognized it as a Jap Zero.

As the striker for Corporal Thomas N. Barron, Marine Detachment Clerk, I usually caught Sunday m<)rn.ing duty for turning in the detachment's daily report to the ship's office prior to 0800. I had just dropped it off and stopped for a bull session with a deck division friend when the sound of explosions reverberated through the ship. We laughed at a nearby sailor's remark, "Thar's just like the Army to wait until Sunday to hold gunnery practice." Bur we rushed to a porthole when another sailor yelled, "The Japs arc attac.king!"

The pace had been leisurely on the sh.ips in Pearl Harbor, the 7th of December, 1941, because Sunday was the day for rest and relaxation after the usual weekly few days at sea where the crews practiced day a nd night for war. Some men were still ashore; somt of those aboard were still feeling the effects of a night out in Honolulu; and others were writ- ing letters, pressing uniforms, shining shoes, straightening wall-locker gear, or rapping in bull sessions. With the surprise and suddenness of the attack some would die with a shoe still in hand, or with thoughrs of how to word the next sentence in a letter, or with mouths open as they began the next sea story their war had ended before it had officially begun!

ATTACK ON PEARL HARBOR AS SEEN FROM HIGH

ON BATTLESHIP PENNSYLVANIA'S MAINMAST

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I turned from the porthole and raced aft, heading for my battlcStarion high on the mainmast-I was the pointer on the director controlling the port 5-inch .SJ-caliber broadside guns. As I dodged others racing ro their stati<)ns, the expressions on faces registered shocked disbelief, angtr and determination, and some had fear Stamped indelibly into their paled and drawn features. The mouths of others spewed curses as rhcy damned the Japs in almost a scream.

Though Marines usually didn't rake their rifles ro shipboard harrlesta- tions I instinctively thought of my "best friend." As I sped through the Marine Compartment, 1 noticed Sgt. Bud Tinker standing near the weap- ons locker and I slowed to ask whether I could get my rifle. He didn't have a key S<) 1 resumed my sprint aft.

I had co climb a ladder up the outside of the most Starboard leg of the mainmast's tripod to get to my battJcstation. Countless times up and down it in practice had given me the agility and confidence of a monkey. As I sped upward, 1 rammed my bead against the ass of a sailor climbing above me, just below the searchlight platform. I fumed while the clumsy overweight man dragged his bulky body, at what seemed like a snail's pace, the rest of the way to the platform. He spun to face me, "What the hell's the idea of running inro me?" he demanded.

"Get your fat ass out of my way!" I retorted. Ht didn't make a come- back but stepped aside, and I resumed my trip.

After reaching my station, I helped the men already there lower rhe storm windows into recesses. I uncovered the gun director, donned a soundpower phone headset, an.d made checks with the captains of the five-port side broadside guns. The 5-inch .51-caliber guns were not designed for use against aircraft so the direL,or and gun crews could do nothing but watch harbor acti.vitics. So 2dLr. Leyton M. Rogers, rhe Marine officer commanding the director station, ordered all phones secured except for one to the ship's gunnery control.

As a 19-year old, 1 didn't want ro miss anything and my cye.s darted about the harbor trying to keep tabs on every Jap plane, every bomb and torpedo, and every ship. My attention switched back and forth from Ford Island to Battleship Row, and to Helena and Oglala berthed in the Pe1111sylva11ia's regular 10-10 Dock berth, with Oglala outboard of Helena. Pe1111sy, as Flagship of the Pacific Fleer, usually enjoyed the choice berth because Admiral Husband E. Kimmel wasn't about to ride his barge across channel whenever he wanted ro board or debark from

84 WORLD WAR JI - COLD WAR

My attention switched to West Vlrginia and other activities so I didn't watch the plane's final fate but it must have burned and sank.

I watched while tOrpcdo planes continued attacking \Vest Virginia. In what seemed only a matter of seconds after a plane dropped a torpedo, a plume of water spouted at the outboard side of the ship . . . she appeared to rise, shudder, and then settle back even lower in the water than she had been before as the explosions tore out her bowels.

How could anything possibly penetrate a battleship's thick armor I had wondered ... that it could be done was being demonstrated to me in a most dramatic and definite way!

The Jap planes were below my height when they dropped low to lay their deadly cargoes into tbc water, as they made torpedo runs on Helena and Oglala. I could sec the cockpit instruments and the expressions on the pilots' faces. The white of their teeth flashed as tbcy grimaced with concrnrration or grinned in exultation at the success of their missions. Then as the planes banked and climbed for altitude, I was almost cycball- to-eyeball with the rear gunners as they looked down their gun sights and sprayed deadly bullets over the topsides of the ships. How I wished for my rifle!

My eyes focused on a plane struggling to gain altitude after attacking Ford Island. Flames and smoke streamed out behind it. Then it slipped off to the left and glided to a crash on or near the Navy yard hospital grounds it was the only plane I saw shot down during the attack!

A flight of five planes flew over Pe1111sylva11ia at high altitude and the ship's AA guns concentrated on them. I fumed witb frustration as I saw the shells bursting below the planes or, judging from the volume of fire, not even ex-ploding. The planes continued serenely on their way and dis- appeared unscathed over the billowing smoke h<)Vcring above the harb<)r. The sight of them added ro the frustration of watching torpedo and bomber planes dropping their instruments of deStrucrion, then escaping apparently undamaged into the billowing smoke.

Approximately 30-minures alter the attack began, o rders were passed for the director crew to clear the mainmast and go below. I dropped down the tripod leg ladder, grasping the handrails loosely and tightening my grip occasionally to control my speedy descent ... my feet were catching every third or fourth rung! I ran tO the boat deck and joined a line of sailors and Marines passing ammunition to a 5" .25-calibcr AA gun-I felt better now that I was helping to fight Japs.

Atlack 011 Pearl Harbor 85

As I cradled each projectile against my chest, I prayed that it would knock an enemy plane from the aiL Odd thoughts can enter one's mind at unexpect<.--d moments: grease from the ammo was smearing my white skivvy shirt and I directed extra curses at the Japs for that!

So many men were lending a hand on the boat deck that they were getting in each Other's way. Ir also exposed more than necessary to straf- ing planes so all Marines were ordered below. But I didn't want 10 sir in the Marine Compartment with nothing to do, unable to keep tabs on harbor activity, so I went to Number-7 Cascmate. It and -9 were star- board side and the 5" broadside guns in them were manned by Marines, as were Number-8 and -10 on the port side. Again, I had nothing to do bur observe-and talk.

Sgt. R. L. Taylor and I were standing in tbe center of the casemate talking when a Marine sitting in the gun's pointer seat yelled, exultantly, "A battleship is going our!"

I rushed to the cascmatc opening and saw Nevada emerging almost like a ghost from the thick smoke .. _ slowing making her way by Battleship Row and heading toward the harbor's entrance.

A swarm of Japanese planes darted through the air above her and bombs were exploding in the water alongside and on her decks. When one exploded in the water just off her Starboard bow and near a sailor coiling rope on the fo'c'sle, he dropped the rope and streaked afL It appeared that his upper body was lagging behind his chlllrning legs, because he ran lean- ing back and the back of his head appeared ro be almost between his shoulder blades. I sensed his desperation and empathized with him bur in other circumstances it would have been hilarious!

His timing was poor, however, because when he reached about amid- ships on the pore side, a bomb hit Nevada in that area. Debris spurted high into the air, including a cotton bunk martrt'SS. I envisioned a genie sitting on a Persian rug as the mattress soared high above the ship and then fluttered and yawed as it dropped to the water. I've always won- dered whether the sailor was wounded o, killed by that bomb.

I felt pride as I watched the gallant old battlcwagon slowly, detcr- mineclly, and majestically, fighting her way through rising geysers of water, shrugging off multiple bomb hits, with her guns defiantly spirting flames and projectiles at the darting planes swarming like bees above her while striving desperately to Stop her. The old ship lighting her way down harbor was the most inspiring sight I saw during the entire war!

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I wouldn't learn of Nevada's fate until late~ because Pennsylvania 's PA system blared: "A strafing attack is coming. Take cover!"

Sergeant Taylor yelled, "Ger inboard!" And I ducked into the pas- sageway connecting the two casematcs. He joined me by the guns' ammunition hoist and we rcswned our conversation.

Then I was fighting for consciousness and it was like trying to climb out of an inky-black abyss. During those moments that I was aware of my surroundings the pile <)f men on the deck of N umber-7 case ma tc felt like a nest of squirming worms as they struggled to untangle. As I'd gain consciousness for a moment, I could foe! the crushing weight from above and the warmth and softness of wriggling bodies beneath me. Suddenly, the weight was gone and I felt someone tugging at the back of my skivvy shirt, pulling me off the pile. He helped me to stand.

At 0906, a bomb had penetrated the deck of the boar deck and had apparently hit the base of the broadside gun in Number-9 Casemate before rolling over on the deck and exploding. The blast had funneled through the connecting passageway hurling men like projectiles against the wall lockers attached to the forward bulkhead of Numbcr-7.

I glanced toward the cascmarc opening and saw Sergeant Taylor sranding nearby. His face was blackened bur he acted uninjured, even though he had lx."<'n between rne and the exploding bomb. "Sickbay! Main deck forward!" he yelled. fc"<'ling w0<lzy and rudderless, I grasped the back of a Marint's skivvy shirt and followed him down the ladder co the Marine Compartment locato,d below the casemates.

After stumbling over a stretcher in the compartment and learning that the man in it, PFC Nelson R. Holman, had a broken leg, my next aware- ness was of standing just inside the sickbay. My eyes roved over it ... taking ia the sparkling white bulkheads, the white bunk coverings and the compartment's dean-as-a-new-pin look. Even the terra-cotta color battleship lin()lcum covering the deck looked immaculate co me ... except for a huge pool of blood on the deck by the bunk nearest the entrance. But there wasn't any blood on the bunk! Later, someone told me that a close buddy had lain there and his life had flowed out with that pool of red. Shrapnel had taken a huge chunk out of his back and noth- ing could be done to save him.

I didn't sec a single man ... dead or alive. The sickbay was completely empty! It was quiet, peaceful, and a haven from the carnage I had witnessed topside. But I felt dcsc,rtcd because those who could tend to my

86 WORLD WAR JI - COLD WAR

I wouldn't learn of Nevada's fate until late~ because Pennsylvania 's PA system blared: "A strafing attack is coming. Take cover!"

Sergeant Taylor yelled, "Ger inboard!" And I ducked into the pas- sageway connecting the two casematcs. He joined me by the guns' ammunition hoist and we rcswned our conversation.

88 WORLD WAR JI - COLD WAR

I crawled out of the bunk and started around the barbctte. But, after a fow steps, I felt vomit beginning co rise and dashed for a tin mop bucker setting nearby on the deck. After I had finished, the doctor ordered me back into the bunk. As I didn't feel up to going any place under my own power, I crawled back into it.

A short time later, sailors dashed into the compartment and grabbed alJ of the fire extinguishers. Their actions caused PFC Tommie J. Dale, in a bunk across the passageway, and I to worry that Pennsylvania was afire. We lx,gan discu...sing the best and fastest way to abandon ship.

Two destroyers, Cassin and Downes, were in the drydock with Pe1111sylva11ia. They were beam-to-beam forward of the battleship. Private First Class Dale and I didn't know tbat the destroyers had been hit by bombs and were burning. The heat &om their 6rcs was bubbling the paint ins ide Pennsylvania's bow.

Some time later, the ship's crew began transferring men from the sick- bay to the nearby naval hospital. A bullet had torn off part of Dale's heel and he was suffering severely. \Vhen men started to take me Out first I requested that they take him because of his pain. At that time my head and the shrapnel wound were not hurting.

Later, two very-young sai lors brought a stretcher to my bunk. They stood by it discussing how they could manage to get me our of the bunk and onto the Stretcher. I'd remember it with amusement later, because [ solved their problem. I told them to wait a minute and crawled out of the bunk and lay down <)n tbe stretcher.

They carried me aft but stopped when they reached the first ladder going up to the main deck. They set the Stretcher on the de-ck, and for several minutes discussed how to get me up the laddeL Again, I suggested they wait a minute and got off the stretcher, dimbed the ladder, and they folded the stretcher and brought it up. 1 laid back down on it and they carried me w the quarterdeck.

As we neared the head of the gangway to 10-10 Dock, the ship's PA system blared: "A Stretcher is no,eded for a severely wounded man!" and gave the location.

"Leave me here and go get him,• I suggested t0 the sailors. ~I'll be okay." They stopped. I got off the stretcher and sat on a nearby bit.

While I sat in the warm sun ,vaiting for the sailors co return, I wasn't conscious of any guns firing. Number-3 and -4 turrets blocked my view of Battleship Row, but I noticed that Helena was still aAoat at 10-10

Atlack 011 Pearl Harbor 89

Dock. I also noticed a navy officer, a sailor, and Marine were standing at the head of the gangway.

Though my head felt like it was detached and floating several feet above the deck watching what went on below, I still was mentally alert enough to know that the Japs had made a shambles of Pearl Harbor. I wondered how much damage had been done to Pennsylvania. But I was too dazed to give much thought to future happenings. Feeling very tired I considered laying down on the teakwood deck but resisted the urge.

Floating in and Out of awareness I didn't know whether the severely wounded man was carritd off via way of the quarterdeck gangway. Curious about him I wondered if another gangway had been put in place forward. After awhile, I began to worry that the sailors had forgotten me. But, eventually, they returned and ca«ied me to the dock.

They laid me on a cotton mattress in the bed of a civilian pickup truck. The driver headed for the hospital at breakneck speed. When the truck hit a bump in the road it bounced me into the air above the mat- tress. The pickup had a 2 x 6T board bolted across the top of its bed. Mesmerized, I stared fixedly at the board and began worrying that a large bump would throw me into it. The driver apparently didn't realize that the rough ride could do more damage than lack of speed in getting me to the hospital. Even though I was still woozy from the bomb blast, it was an unforgettable ride.

Upon arriving at the hospital, the attendants moved me to another mattress, laying on the deck just inside tlhe entrance. Private First Class Dale was on one of the nearby mattresses. Once more, the stretcher bear- ers started to give me priority and I again suggested that they take him first. He thanked me and they took him away. It was the last time I'd ever sec him.

EvcnruaUy I was taken into a ward and put to bed. After a quick check by ward medical personnel and a morphine shot, I drifted into an untroubled sleep.

I awakened after dark to the sound of guns firing in the harbor area. Later, I learned that a flight of six Enterp,rise planes had been coming in for a landing on Ford Island and four wcr,c shot down by friendly forces.

After the guns quit firing, the only sounds to be heard in the dark- ness were the muted voices of medical personnel and the moans of the wounded.

Atlack 011 Pearl Harbor 89

Dock. I also noticed a navy officer, a sailor, and Marine were standing at the head of the gangway.

EvcnruaUy I was taken into a ward and put to bed. After a quick check by ward medical personnel and a morphine shot, I drifted into an untroubled sleep.

After the guns quit firing, the only sounds to be heard in the dark- ness were the muted voices of medical personnel and the moans of the wounded.

THE GREAT ARSENAL OF DEMOCRACY

Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 29 December 1940

My friends: This i~ not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security;

because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is ro keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, our of a last- ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and ro ours.

Tonight, in the presence of a world c,isis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic c risis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full Stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my srudy in the White House, preparing to talk with the people <)f the United Stares, I had before my eyes rhe picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, rhe small shopkeeper, rhe farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering abour their life's savings. I tried ro conver to rhe great mass o f American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.

Tonight, I want ro do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met rhe issue o f 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism .. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940- this year- by an agreement signed

THE GREAT ARSENAL OF DEMOCRACY

Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 29 December 1940

My friends: This i~ not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security;

Tbe Great Arso,al of Democracy 93

fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.

Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Brit:un remains our most powerful naval neigh- bor in the Atlantic? And docs anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they wiU be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun--a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And t<) survive in such a world, we would have ro convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war ecOn<)my.

Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we arc still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is nor what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, ffivc hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean , America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles tO New England and back again with<)ut refu- eling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.

During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous dt-sire to hear the plain tmth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, howevc~ expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to sec no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts tbat evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tcU again of the case with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained base,~ in this Western Hemisphere. The gist <>f that telegram was: "Please, Mr: President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ah.cad-danger against which we must prepare. But wt: we.LI know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear <>f danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.

94 WORLD WAR J I - COLD WAR

Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never foar invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modem slavery at an hour's notice- o r even without a ny notice a t all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the othc.r day, ''The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government rwo hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places. " The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.

The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they arc occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring <)rdcr." Am)ther is: that they arc occupying or controUing a nation on the excuse that they arc "protecting it» against the aggression of somebody else. For example. Germany has said that she was occu py- ing Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We arc occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Br;tain, now fighting for its life. And any

South American country, in Na:ci hands, would always constitute a jump- ing off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nca rer to Germany if the Nazis won. Cou.ld Ireland hold our' Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing J)C't exception in an unfrcc world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centu- ries' You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores arc closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.

There arc those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to a ttack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have

proclaimed., time and again, that aU other races arc their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all , the vast resources and wca Ith of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in a ll of the round world.

Let u.s no longer blind oursc:lvcs to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and u ndermined and corrupted so many others

94 WORLD WAR J I - COLD WAR

South American country, in Na:ci hands, would always constitute a jump- ing off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

Let u.s no longer blind oursc:lvcs to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and u ndermined and corrupted so many others

96 WORLD WAR JI - COLD WAR

gigantic armament race- and the m<.'>St devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. \With a ll their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their back- ground the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.

The history of rec.em years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools bur the very a ltars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a "new order" in the world, bur what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is rnot a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, sclf-rcSp<"Cting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and ro enslave the human race.

The British people and their allies today arc conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own fururc security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affccrcd by that outcome. Trunking in terms of today and tomor- row, I make the di rect statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting intO war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.

lf we arc to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. Bur I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that J advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.

The people (>f Eutopc who a re defending themselves do nor ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must gcr these weapons ro them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be sa vcd the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.

Let nor the defeatists cell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.

Tbe Great Arso,al of Democracy 97

Certain facts arc self-evident. In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire arc roday the

spearhead of resistance to world conquesL And they a rc putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for .sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government tO send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail a ny talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth . Our national policy is not direct- ed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.

Democracy's fight against world conqucsr is being greatly aided, a nd must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-ntucral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.

We are planning our own defonse with the urmosr urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate rhe war needs of Britain and the other &cc nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. 1t is a matter of rca1istic, practica.1 military policy, based on the advice of o ur military experts who a re in dose touch with existing warfare. Thesr: military and naval cxpercs and the members of the Congress and the Adminisrrati<)n have a single- minded purpose: the defense of the Unjre,d Stares.

This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is nec- essary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would nor defend every one in the nation against want and priva- tion. The strcngrh of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by rnachin-,s, it must ever be remembered

that these machines are operated by the skill and the Stamina of the workers.

As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right tO exp<.-ct that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities rn the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same

98 WORLD WAR J I - COLD WAR

security of position as the engineer or the manager or the o,vncr4 For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to con- tinue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense pro- gram, we arc, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices a nd with that the stability of the cost of living.

Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organi- i..ation to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of muni- tions. The approp riation of vast sums of money a nd a well-coordinated executive dim:tion of our defense efforts arc not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many o ther things have to be built in the facto- ries and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in rurn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the govern- ment and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.

American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into ae1ion. Manufacturers of watches~ of farm implements, of linorypcs and cash registers and a utomobiles, and sew- ing machines and )awn mowers: and locomotives, arc now making fuses and bomb packing crates a nd telescope mounts and shells and pistols and ranks.

Bur all of our present cfforrs arc not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense_ O ur defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforrs now arc much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new produc~ive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We nc-ed them.

Tbe Great Arso,al of Democracy 99

I want to make it clear that it is the pur pose of the nation to build now with all possible speed cv<ry machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense mate.rial. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that· arc essential for defense pur- poses, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.

So I appea1 to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put· every ounce of effort inw pro- ducing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that a ll of us who arc officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same wholc-hean-ed extent to the great task that lies a head.

As planes and ships and guns a nd shells arc produced, your govern- ment, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military ncccssirics.

We must be the great a rsenal of democracy. For us this is an emergency as serious as war itsel f. We must apply

ourselves to our task with the same 1rcsolurion, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at waL

We have furnished the British great material support and we will fur- nish far more in the fururc. There will be no "bottlenecks" in our deter- mination to aid Great Britain . No dictato r, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of bow they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support ftom the heroic Greek Army and ftom the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value thcir lives.

I believe that the Axis powers arc not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest a nd best of information.

We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope-hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the pro· found conviction that the American people are now determined to put

100 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the impl<mcnts of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.

As President of the United States, I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this nation which we love and honor and which wc arc privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common ca usc will greatly succeed.

LEND LEASE ACT, 1941

T/Je Senate passed the $5.98 bi/lio11 s11pplemenral Lend-Lease bill on October 21, 1941., bringing the United States one step doser to direct lnuolvcment in \'Vor/d \Var 11. The Lend. Lease Act, approved by Congress in MardJ 1941, gave Presidem RooSJ!velt virtually ,mUmited authority to diret.t material aid sud, a.s ammunition, tanks, airplanes, tmeks, and food

to the war i•ffort in Europe without violating the nation S offidal position

of neutrality. The United States formally entered the iuar in Deamber

1941 fotlo1Vi11g the Japa11ese atta,k 011 P,a-rl Harbor. Initially intended to help Great Britain, within momhs, the Lend-Lease

program was expanded 10 indude China and the Soviet Union. By the end of tl,e lllOT, rhe Un ired Stares /Jad extended $49, 100,000,000 i11 Lend-Lease aid to more than 40 nations.

AN ACT

Further ro promote the defense of the United States, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate add House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That this Att may be cited as "An Att to Promote the Defense of the United States".

SEC. 2. As used in this Att · (a) The term "defense article" means ·

(1) Any v.rcapon, munition. aircraft, vessel, or boat; (2) Any machinery, faci lity, to<)I, material, or supply necessary for

the manufacture, production, procc.ssing, repair, servicing, or operation of any article described in this subsection;

(3) Any component material or part of or equipment for any article described in this subseccion;

101

102 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

(4) Any agricultural, industrial or other commodity or article for defense.

Such term "defense article" includts any article described in this subse<:- tion: Manufactured or procured pursuant to section 3, or to which the United States or any foreign government has or hereafter acquires title, possession , or control.

(b) The term "defense information" means any plan, specification, dt,,;ign, prototype, or information pertaining to any defense article.

SEC. 3. (a) Notwithstanding the provisions of any other law, the President may,

from time to time. when be deems it in the interest of national defense, authorize the Se<:rerary Of War, the Secretary of the Navy, or the bead of ani• other department or agency of the Government - ( I) To manufacture in arsenals, factories, and shipyards under

their jurisdiction, or otherwise procure, to the extent to which- funds arc made available therefor, or contraccs arc authorized from time ro time by the Congress, or both, any defense article for the government of any country whose defense the President deems viral to the defense of the United Stares.

(2) To sell, transfer title to, exchange, lease, lend, or otherwise dispose of, to any such government any defense a rticle, but no defense article not manufactured or procured under paragraph (I ) shall in any way be disposed of under this paragraph, except after consultation with the Chief of Staff of the Army or the Chief of Naval Operations of the Navy, or both. The value of defense articles disposed of in any way under authority of this paragraph, and procured from funds heretofore appropriated, shall not exceed $1 ,300,000,000. The value of such ddcnse articles shall be determined by the head of the department or agency concerned or such other department, agency or officer as shall be des ignated in the manner provided in rhc rules and regulations issued hereun- der. Defense articles procured &om funds hereafter appro- priated to any dcpa.rtmcnt or agency of the Government, other than from funds authorized to he appropriated under this Act. shall nOt be disposed of in any way under authority

Lend Lease Act, , 94 1 103

of this paragraph except to the extent hereafter authorized by the Congress in the Acts appropriating such funds or otherwise.

(3) To test, inspect, prove, repair, outfit, recondition, or otherwise to place in good working ordc·r, to the extent to which funds arc made available therefor, or contracts arc authorized from time ro rime by the Congress, or both, any defense article for any such government, or to procure any or a II such servic.cs by private contract.

(4) To communicate t<l any such government any defense infor- macion pertaining to any defense arcide furnished to such government under paragraph (2) of this subseccion.

(5) To release for export any defense article disposed of in any way under this subsection to any such government.

(b) The term.~ and conditions upon which any such foreign govern- ment receives any aid authorized under subscccion (a) shall be those which the President deems satisfactory, and the benefit to the United States may he payment or repayment in kind or prop- crry, or any other direct or indirect benefit which the President drems satisfactory.

(c) After June 30, 1943, or after the passage of a concurrent rcsolucioo by the two Houses before June 30, 1943, which declares that the powers conferred by or pursuant to subs,,ccion (a) are no longer necessary to promote the defense of the United Stares, neither the President nor the head of any department or agency shall exercise any of the powers conferred by or pursuant tO subscccion (a) except that uncil July I, 1946, any of such powers may be exercised ro the extent nec~sary to carry out a contract or agreement with such a foreign government made before July I , I 94 3, or before the passage of such concurrent resolution, whichever is the earlier.

(d) Nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize or to permit the authorization of convoying ,•esscls by naval vessels of the

United States. (c) Nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize or to permit

the authorization of the entry of any American vcsse] into a combat area in violation of section 3 of the neutrality Act of 1939.

104 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

SEC. 4 All contracts or agreements made for the disposition of any defense a rticle or defense information pursuant to section 3 shall contain a cla use by which the foreign government undenakcs that it will not, without the consent of the President, transfer title to or possession of such defense article o r defense information by gift, sale, or otherwise, or pennit its use by anyone not an officer, employee, o r agent of such foreign government.

SEC. 5. (a) The Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, or the head of any

other department or agency of the Government involved shall when any such defense a rticle o r defense information is exported, immediately in form the depanmen t or agency designated by the President to admin ister section 6 of the Act of July 2, 1940 (54 Stat. 714). of the qua ntities, character, value, terms of disposi- tion a nd destination of the article and information so e_xported.

(b) The President from time ro time, but not less frequently than once every ninety days, shall transmit to the Congress a report of oper- ations under this Act except such information as he deems incom- patible with the public interest to disclose. Reports provided for under this subsection shall be transmitted to the Secretary of the Senate or the Clerk of the House of representatives, as the case may be, if the Senate or the House of Representatives, as the case may be., is: nor in session.

SEC. 6. (a) There is hereby a uthorized to be appropriated from rime to time,

out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, such amounts as may be nccl-SSary to carry our the provisions and accomplish the purposes of this Act.

(b) All money and all property which is converted into money received

under section 3 from any government shall, with the approval of the Director of the Budget. revert to the respective appropriation or appropriations out of which funds were expended with respect to the defense article or defense in formation for which such con- sideration is received, a nd shall be available for expenditure for the purpose for which such expended funds were appropriated by law, during the fiscal year in which such funds are received and the

Lrnd Lease Act, , 94, 105

ensuing fiscal year; but in no event shall any funds so received be available for expenditure after June 30, 1946.

SEC. 7. The Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, and rhc head of the department or agency shall in all contracts or agreements for the disposition of any defense article or defense information fully protect the righrs of all cirizcns of the United States who have patent rights in and to any such article or information which is hereby authorized ro he disposed of and the payments collected for royalties on such parents shall be paid to the owners and holders of such patents.

SEC. 8. The Secretaries of War and of the Navy arc hereby authorized ro purchase or otherwise acquire arms, ammunition, and implements of war produced within the jurisdiction of any country to which section 3 is applicable, whenever the President deems such purchase or acquisition to be necessary in the intcr<'Sts of the def ens c of the United States.

SEC. 9. The President may, from time to time, promulgate such rules and regulations as may be necessary and proptr ro carry out any of rhc provi- sions of this Act; and he may exercise any power or authority conferred on him by this Act through such depanmcnt, agency, or officer as be sha II di rcct.

SEC. 10. Nothing in this Act shall be construed to change existing law relating to the use of the land and naval forces of the United Stares, except insofar as such use relates to the manufacture, procurement, and repair of defense article$, the communication of information and other noncombatant purposes enumerated in this Att.

SEC 11. lf any provision of this Act or the application of such provision to any circumstance shall be held invalid, the validity of the remainder of the Act and the applicability of such provision ro other circumstances shall not be affected thereby.

Approved, March I 1, I 94 I.

LETTER FROM PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT TO STALIN ON AN

ACCEPTABLE COMPROMISE REGARDING THE COMPOSITION

OF THE POSTWAR POLISH GOVERNMENT

THE \VHJTE HOUSE WASHINGTON

February 6, 1945

My dear Marshal Stalin:

6 February 194 5

I have been giving a great deal of thought to our meeting this afternoon, and I want to tell you in all franknt'SS what is on my mind.

ln so far as the Polish Government is concerned, I am greatly disturbed that the three great powers do nm have a meeting of minds about the political setup in Poland. It seems to me that it puts all of us in a bad light throughout the world to have you recognizing one gov- ernment while we and rhe British are recognizing another in London. I am sure this State of affairs should not continue and that if it docs it can only !.-ad our people to think there is a breach between us, which

107

108 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

is not the case. I am determined that there shall be no breach between ourselves and the Soviet Union. Surely there is a way t<) reconcile our differences.

Marshal V. I. (sic] Stalin, Korcis~ The Crimea

I was very much impressed with some of the things you said today, particularly your dcrcnnination that your rear must be safeguarded as your army moves into Berlin. You cannot, and we must nor, role.rate any temporary government which will give your armed forces any trouble of this sort. I want you to know that I am fully mindful of this.

You must believe me when l tell you that our people at ho me look with a critical eye on what they consider a disagreement between us at this vital Stage of the war. They, in effect, say that if we cannot get a meeting of minds now when ow armies arc converging o n the common enemy, how can we get an understanding on even more viral things in the future.

I have had to make it clear to you that we cannot recognize the Lublin Government as now composed, and the world would regard it as a lam· cntablc Outcome of our work here if we parted with an open and obvious divergence between us on this issue.

You said today that you would be prepared to support any sugges- tions for the solution of this problem which offered a fair chance of suc- cess, and you also mentioned the possibility of bringing some members of the Lublin government here.

R<-alizing that we all have the same anxiety in gerring the marter set· tied, I would like to develop your proposal a lirtlc and suggest that we invite here to Yalta at once Mr. Beirut [Bierut] and Mc Osubka Morawski from the Lublin government and also two or three from the following list of Poles, which according to our information would be desirable as rep- resentatives of the other elements of the Polish people in development of a new temporary government which aU three of us could recognize and support: Bishop Sapicha of Cracow, Vincente (Winccnty) Witos, Mr. Zurlowski (Zulawski), Professor Buyak (Bujak], and Professor Kutzeva (Kutzcba). If, as a result of the presence of these Polish leaders from abroad such as Mr. Mikolajczyk, Mr. Grabski, and Mr. Rome~ the United States Government, and I feel sure the British government as well,

L t! tl t! r fro m P-r e s i d e 111 R oo s evt! lt t o Stal i n J09

would be prepared to examine with you conditions in wluch they would dissociate themselves from the London government and transfer their recognition ro the new provisional government.

l hope that I do not have to assure you that the United Stares will never lend its support in any way to any provisional government in Poland that would be inimica l to your interest.

It goes without saying that an y interim government could be formed as a r<'Sult of our conference with the Poles here would be pledged t<) the holding of free elections in Poland at the earliest possible date. l know this is completely consistent with your desire to see a new free and dem- ocratic Poland emerge from the welter of this war.

Most sincerely yours

Franklin Roosevelt

112 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

Thar was a mistake which we arc not repeating in this waL And right here I want tO address a word or two ro some suspicious

souls who are fearful that Mr. Hull or I have made "commitments" for the future which might pledge this Nation to secret treaties, or to enacting the role of Santa Claus.

To such suspicious souls- using a polite terminology-I wish to say that Mr. Churchill, and Marshal Stalin, and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek a re aU thoroughly conversant with the provisions of our Constitution. And so is Mr. Hull. And so am I.

Of course we made some commiantnts. We most certainly committed ourselves to very large and very specific military plans which require the use of all Allied forces to bring about the defeat of our enemies at the earliest possible rime.

But there were no secret rrcatit"S or po]jtical or financial commitments. The one supreme objective for rhe future, which we discussed for each

Nation individually, and for all the United Nations, can be summed up in one word: Security.

And that means not only physical security which provides safety from attacks by aggressors. Ir means also economic security, social security, moral security- in a family of Nations.

In the plain down-to-earth ta lks that I had with the Generalissimo and Marshal Stalin and Prime Min.isrcr Churchill, it was abundantly clear that they are all most deeply interested in the resumption of peaceful progress by their own peoples-progress toward a better life. All our allies want frc-edom to develop their lands and resources, to build up industry, to increase education and individual opporruniry, and to raise standards of living.

AU our allies have learned by bitter experience that real development will not be possible if they arc to be diverted from their purpose by repeated wars~r even threars of war.

China and Russia are truly united with Britain and America in recog- nition of this essential fact:

The best interests of each Nation, large and sma ll, demand that all freedom-loving Nations shall join together in a just and durable system of peace. In the prescnt world situation, evidenced by the actions of Germany, Italy, and Japan, unquestioned military control over disturbers of the peace is as necessary among Nations as it is among citizens in a commun:ity. And an rqually basic essential to

Stair of the Un10,, Message to Congress 11 3

peace is a dccenr standard of living for all individual men and women and children in all Nations. Freedom from fear is eternally linked with freedom from want.

There are people who burrow through our Nation like unseeing moles, and attempt co spread the suspi<:ion that if other Nations arc encouraged to raise their standards of living, our own American Standard of living must of necessity be depressed.

The fact is the very contrary. It has been shown time and again that if the standard of living of any country goes up, so docs its purchasing power and that such a rise encourages a better Standard of living in neighboring countries with whom it trades. Thar is just plain common sense- ,md it is the kind of plain common sense tbat provided the basis for our discussions at Moscow, Cairo, and Tchcran.

Returning from my journeyings, I must confess to a sense of "let-down" when I found many evidences of faulty perspective here in Washington. The faulty perspective consists in overemphasizing lesser problems and thereby undercmphasizing the first and greatest problem.

The overwhelming majority of our people have met the demands of this war with magnificent courage and understanding. They have accepted inconveniences; they have accepted hardships; they have accepted tragic sacrifices. And they arc ready and cager to make whatever further contributions arc needed to win the war as quickly as possible if only they arc given the chance to know what is required of them.

However, while the majority goes on about its great work without complaint, a noisy minority maintains an. uproar of demands for spccia.1 favors for specia l groups. There arc pests who swarm through the lobbies of the Congress and the cocktail bars of Washington, representing these special groups as opposed ro the basic inrtrcsts of the Nation as a whole. They have come to look upon the war primarily as a chance to make profits for themselves at the expense of their neighbors profits in money or in terms of political or social prdcrmc nt.

Such selfish agitation can be highly dangerous in wartime. It creates confusion. It damages morale. It hampers our national effort. It muddies the waters and therefore prolongs the war.

If wc analyze American history impartially, we cannot escape the fact that in o ur past we have not always forgotten individual and selfish and partisan interests in time of war- we have not always bl-en united in purpose and direction. We cannot overlook the serious dissensions and

114 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

the lack of unity in our war of the Revolution, in our War of I 8 I 2, or in our War Between the States, when the survival of the Union itself was at stake.

In the first World War we came closer to national unity than i □ any previous war. But that war lasted only a year and a half, and increasing signs of disunity began t<l appear during the final months of the conflict.

In this war, we have been compelled to learn how interdependent upon each other arc all groups and sections of the population of America.

Increased food costs, for example, will bring new demands for wage increases from all war workers, which will in rurn raise all prices of alJ things including those things whicb the farmers themselves have to buy. Increased wages or prices will each in turn produce the same results. They all have a particularly disastrous result on all fixed income groups.

And I hope you will remember that all of us in tlus Government represent the fixed income group jusr as much as we represent business owners, workers, and farmers. This group of fixed income people includes: teachers, clergy, policemen, firemen, widows and minors on fixed incomes, wives and dependents of our soldiers and sailors, and old-age pensioners. They and their families add up to one-quarter of our one hundred and thirty million people. They have few or no high pressure representatives at the Capitol. [n a period of gross inflation they would be the worst sufferers.

lf ever there was a time to subordinate individual or group selfishness to the national good, that time is now. Disunity at homc-bickcrings, self-seeking partisanship, stoppages <)f work, inflation, business as usual, politics as usual, luxury as usual these are the influences which can undermine the morale of the brave men ready to die at the front for us here.

Those who arc doing most of the complaining arc n<)t deliberately

striving to sabotage the national war effort. They arc laboring under the delusion that the time is past when we must make prodigious sacrifices that rhc war is already won and we can begin to slacken off. Bur the dangerous folly of that point of view can be measured by the distance that separates our troops from their ultimate objl'<:tivts in Berlin and Tokyo-and by the sum of all the perils that lie along the way.

Staf f' of th e U ,1t o 11 M tt ssage t o Co ngr f' ss 115

Overc<lnfidcncc and c<lmplacency arc among <lur deadliest enemies. last spring- after n<ltablc vict<lrics at Stalingrad and in Tunisia and against the U-boats on the high scas-ovcrc<lnfidencc became S<l pro- nounced that war production fell off. In rwo months, June and July, 1943, more than a thousand airplant'S that could have been made and should have been made were not made. Those who failed ro make them were nor on strike. They were merely saying, "The war's in the bag so Jet's relax."

That attitude on the part of anyone-Government or management or labor-can lengthen this waL It can kill American boys.

let us remember the les.~ons of 1918. In the summer <lf that year the ride turned in favor <lf the allies. But this Government did nor relax. In fact, our national effort was stepped up. In August, 1918, the draft age limits were broadened from 21-3 I to 18-45. The President called for "force to the utmost," and his call was heeded. And in November, only three months later, Germany surrendered ..

Thar is the way to fight and win a, war- all out- and nor with half-an-eye on the battlefronts abroad and the other eye-and-a-half on personal, selfish, or p<)litical interests here at home.

Therefore, in order to concentrate all our energies and resources on winning the war, and t<) maintain a fair and Stable economy at home, 1 recommend that the Congress adopt:

(1) A realistic tax law- which will tax all unreasonable profits, both individual and corporate, and reduce the ultimate cost of the war ro our sons and daughters. The tax bill now under considc.rarioo by rhe Congress does nor begin ro meet this rest.

(2) A continuation of the law for the renegotiation of war contracts- which will prevent exorbitant profits and assure fair prices ro the Government. For two long years I have pleaded with the Congress to take undue profic~ our of war.

(3) A cost of food law-which will enable the Government (a) 10 place a reasonable floor under the prices the farmer may expect for his producrion; and (b) to place a ceiling on the prices a consumer will have to pay for the food he buys. This should apply t(> necessities only; and will require public funds to carry out. It will cost in appro- priations about one percent of the present annual cost of the war.

(4 ) Early reenactment of the s tabilization statute of Ocrnbcr, 1942. This expires June 30, 1944, and if it is nor extended

I 16 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

well in advance, the country might just as well expect price chaos by s ummer.

We cannot have stabilization by wishful thinking. We must take positive action to mainta.in the integrity of the American dollac

(5) A national service law which, for the duration of the war, will prevent strikes, and, with ccnain appropriate exceptions, will make available for war production or for any other essential services every able-bodied adult in this Nation.

ThL-sc five measures together form a just and equitable whole. 1 would not recommend a national service law unless the other laws were passed to keep down the cost <)f living, to share equitably the burdens of taxation, to hold the stabilization line, and to prevent undue profits.

The Federal Government already has the basic power to draft capital and property of all kinds for war purposes on a basis of just compensation.

As you know, I have for three years hesitated to recommend a national service act. Today, however, I am convinced of its necessity. Although 1 believe char we and our allies can win the war withouc such a measure, I am certain that nothing less than total mobilization of all our resources of manpower and capital will guarantee an earlier victory, and reduce the toll of suffering and sorrow and blood.

I have received a joint recommendation for this law from the heads of the War Department, the Navy Department, and the Maritime Commission. These arc the men who bear responsibility for the procurement of the necessary arms and cquipmenr, and for the successful prosecution of the war in the field. They say:

When rhe very life of che Nacion is in peril rhe responsibility for service is common co all men and womeo. lo such a rime rhere can be no dis- crimination between the men and women who are assigned by the Government co its defense ar che battlefront and the men and wo1nen

assigned co producing the vital marerials essential co successful military operac:ions. A prompt enactment of a NationaJ Service Law would be merely an expression of the universaliry of chis responsibility.

I believe the country will agree that those statements arc the solemn truth.

Staff' of the U,1to11 Mttssage to Congrf'ss 1 17

National service is the most democratic way to wage a war. Like selcccivc service for the armed forces, it rests on the obligation of each citizen to serve his Na tion to b is utmost where he is best qua lified.

[t does not mea n r~ducrion in wages. lt does not me-an loss of retire- ment and seniority rights and benefits. Ir does nor mean that any substan- tial numbers of war workers will be disturbed in their present jobs. Let these fans be wholly clcaL

Experience in other democratic Nations at war-Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand has shown that the very existence of national service makes unnecessary the widespread use of compulsory power. National service bas proven to be a unifying moral force based on an equal and comprehensive legal obligation of all people in a Nation a t war.

There arc millions of American men a nd women who arc nor in this war at all. It is not because they do not want ro be in it. But they want co know where they can best do their share. National service provides that direction. lt will be a means by which every man and woman can find that inner satisfaction which comes from making the fullest possible contribution to victory.

I know that all civilia n war workers will be glad co be able co say many years hence to their grandchildren: ""Yes~ l , too, was in service in the great war. I was on duty in a n airpla ne fanory, a nd I helped make hundreds of fighting planes. The· Government to ld me chat in doing tha t I was performing my most usefu l work in the service of my country."

Ir is argued chat we have passed the stage in the war where national service is necessary. But our soldiers and sailors know that this is not true. We a rc going forward on a long, mugh road and, in all journeys, the last miles arc the hardest. And it is for that fina l cffon-for the total defeat of o ur enemies-that we must mobilize our total resources. The naciona I war program calls for che cmpl<>ymcnt of more people in I 944 than in 1943.

It is my conviction that the American people will welcome chis win-the-war measure which is based on the eternally just principle of "fair for one, fair for all."

Ir will give our people a t home the assu,ancc that they arc standing four-square behind our soldiers and sailors. And it will give our enemies

118 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

demoralizing assurance that we mean business that we, 130,000,000 Americans, arc on the march to Rome, Berlin, and Tokyo.

I hope that the Congress will recognize that, although this is a political year, nationa I service is an issue which transcends politics. Great power must be used for great purposes.

As 10 the machinery for this measure, the Congress itself should deter- mine its nature-but it should be wholly nonpartisan in its make-up.

Our armed forces arc valiantly fuliilting their responsibilities to our country and our people. Now che Congress faces the responsibility for taking those measures which arc esse.ntial t() natlonal security in this the most decisive phase of the Nation's greatest war.

Several alleged reasons have prevented the enactment of legislation which would preserve for our soldiers and sailors and marines the fundamental prerogative of citizenship- the right t<) vote. No amount of legalistic argument can becloud this issue in the eyes of these ten million American citizens. Surely the signers of the Constitution did not intend a document which, even in wartime, wou)d be construed to take away the franchise of any of those who arc fighting to preserve the Constirution itself.

Our soldiers and sailors and marines know that the overwhelming majority of them will be deprive<! of the opporrunjty ro vote, if the voting machinery is left exclusively 10 tthc States under existing State laws-and that there is no likelihood of these laws being changed in time to enable them to vote at the next election. The Army and Navy have reported that it will be impossible effectively ro administer forty-eight different soldier voting laws. It is the duty of the Congress to remove this unjustifiable discrimination against the men and women in our armed forces and to do it as quickly as p<Ksihlc.

It is our duty now to begin ro lay the plans and d<tcrminc the strategy for the winning of a lasting peace and the establishment of an American standard of living higher than ever before known. We cannot be content, no matter bow high that general Standard of living may be, if some fraction of our pcopk~whethcr it be one-third or one-6fth or one-tenth is ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill housed, and insecure.

This Republic had its beginning, and grew to its present strength, under the prOt<-ction of certain inalicna blc political tighrs-am(mg them the tight of fr<-c speech, free press, free: worship, trial by jury, fr<-cdom from unr<-aS<)nablc searches and seizures. They were our tights to life and liberty.

Staff' of the U,1to11 Mttssage to Congrf'ss 1 19

As our Nation has grown in size and stature, however-as our industrial economy expanded- these political rights proved inadequate to assure us equality in the pursuit of happiness.

We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. "'Necessitous men arc not free men." People who arc hungry and our of a job a rc the s tuff of which dictatorships are made.

ln our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second &ill of Rights under which a new basis of security a nd prosperity can be established for all regardless of station, race, or creed.

Among these arc: The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops

or forms or mines of the Nation; The right to cam enough to provide adequate food and clothing a nd

recreation; The right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return

which will give him and his family a decent living; The right of every businessman, large and small, to trade in an

atmosphere of freedom from unfair competition and domination by monopolies a t home or abroad;

The right of every family to a decent borne; The right ro adequate medical care and the opporrunity ro achieve a nd

enjoy g0<xl health; The right to adequate protection from. the economic fears of old age,

sickness, accident, and unemployment; The right to a good education. All of these rights spell security. And after this war is won we must be

prepared to move forward, in the implementation of these rights, to new goals of human happiness and well-being;.

America's own rightful place in the world depends in large part upon how fully these and similar rights have been carried inro practice for our citizens. For unless there is security here at home there cannot be lasting peace in the world .

O ne of the great American industria lists of our day- a man who has rendered yeoman service to his country in this crisis-recently emphasized the grave dangers of "rightist reaction" in this Nation. All clear-thinking businessmen share his concern. Indeed, if such reaction should develop-if

120 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

history were to rcpl-at irsdf and we were to return to the so-called "nor- malcy" of the I 920's- then it is certain that even though we shall have conquered our enemies on the battlefields abroad, we shall have yielded to the spirit of Fascism here at home.

I ask the Congres.s to explore the means fot implementing this economic bill of rights for it is definitely the responsibility of the Congress so to do. Many of these problems arc already before committees of the Congress in the form of proposed legislation. I shall from time ro time communicate with the Congress with rCSJXCt to these and further proposals. In tbc event that no adequate program of progress is evolved, I am certain that the Nation will be conscious of the facr.

Our fighting men abroad and their families at home expect such a program and have the right to insist upon it. It is to their demands that this Government should pay heed rather than to the whining demands of selfish pressure groups who s-,ek to feather their nests while young Americans are dying.

The foreign p<)licy that we have Ix-en following- the policy that guided us at Moscow, Cairo, and Tehcran- is based (m the common sense principle which was best expressed by Benjamin Franklin on July 4, 1776: " We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately."

I have often said that there are no two fronts for America in this war. There is only one front. There is <)ne line of unity which extends from the hearts of the people at home to the men of our attacking forces in our farthest ourposts. When we sptak of our total effort, we speak of the factory and the field, and the mine as well as of the battleground- we Sp<.>ak of the soldier and the civilian, the dtizen and his GMcmment.

Each and every one of us bas a solemn obligation undcr God to serve this Nation in its most critical hour- to keep this Nation great-to make this Nation greater in a better world.

WHAT DOES AMERICAN DEMOCRACY MEAN TO ME?

AMERICA'S TOWN MEETING OF THE AIR, NEW YORK CITY

Mary McLeod Bethune (1875-1955)

In the New Deaf era~ educator and aaivisl Mary McLeod Bethune was

called tl,e "'First Lady of the Struggle" for her influe,u,e on the Roosevelt

administratio11 on civil rights issues. In 1904. Betlnme founded a small uhool for /,lack girls in Florida that she q·uickly built into a thriving col-

lege•prep and vocational training program. /11 1923, she merged the school

with Cookman College to create lhe fir$/ (111/y atcreditcd black institution

of higher learning in the state.

Bethune was bom to former slaves in 1875. One of seventeen children.

she greu, ttp picking cotton in Sumter Cotmt)~ South Carolina. Her pareffl-s

OUJned a five-acre para/ of land~ and her m,other cominued to work for /he

family that once owned her. Though her parettts and siblings were iJ/iterau.

Bethune knew as a child that she wattled to escape "the den5'! dark.JU!$S and

ig11oranu ·• in whith she found herself. 1 Her ambt'tion to read was only

fueled by a white gt'rl w/Jo once commanded her t.o pm down a book_, saying_, "You can't read. •·l

Bethune was one of the first you11gster.s to st'gn up for a nt!tu mt'ssion

school for black children l,uilt near her bome. She recalled, "That first

1 M.nf)' Md...rod Bethune, interview by Charles S. Johnson. Florida. Memory Proj«t, www.Aoridamcmory.com/onlinccbssroom/M.arr Bcthune/interview.cfm, 1.

1 Ibid., 1.

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122 WORLD WAR II-COLD WAR

morning 011 my way to school I kept the 1hought uppermost, ~put that

dotvtt-')'Ott cau·t read,· and I feft that I was on my way lo read. "J Bethune

was not only on her way to read, she rvas 011 ht-r rvay l-0 a lifelong career devote.d to educa-ri11g a people only a generation or lwo away from slavery.

As an adult, Bethune's influence soon ext.ended far beyond the South.

She was a gifted organizer and became a leader m the effort lo build coali•

tio11s among black rvomen fightiJ1g for equal ri'gh1s1 better education, jobs,

and political power. After leading numerous local, regional, and national

1vome11 's clubs, Betlnme fou11ded a new um/Jrella orga11itation in 1935, the

National Coimdl of Negro \'Vomen. Through this work Bethune l>ecame

dose friends with Eleanor Roosevelt, who encouraged Franklitt D. Roosevelt to name Bethune director of the Office of Minority Affairs in tbe

National Youth Admi11istration in J 935. Bethune lunched regularly with Mrs. Roosevelt in the \Vhite House . ..,

As a meml,er of FDR's "'blac.k cabinet,·· Bethune was the only Afr;ca11

American woma11 to hold an i11flueutial post itt the administratt"o11. She me/

every Friday night at home with her black colleagues and civil n'ghts le4.ders such as CJ,arles H. Hoi,ston, \'lla/ter If/bite, and A. Philip Randolph. She

called rho me11 together to sray apprised of their work 011d ro use her i1,fl11· enu 10 improve t/Je lives of African Americans and fight inequalit)'.5

Belhune's position gave her a~ass not only lo the president but, on occa• sion~ 10 a radio audience of milfio11s. On the eve of America's entra11ce into World \'Var II, she joined a panel di.s.c.ussion 011 NBC radio's weekly public affairs broadcast of ... America's Tow11 Meeting of the Air. .. The pa11eli.sts

addressed the question. \Vhat does American democracy mean 10 me? \Vith

her Viaorian eloc:ution and a tlmnderous to11e, Bethune reminded lter listen• ers that African Ameritaus had always been willing to die for Amer;c,a,,

democracy but were stUJ shut out from its promise of freedom.

Democracy is for me, a nd for 12 million black Americans, a goal towards which our nation is marching. It is a dream and an ideal in whose ultimate realization we have a deep and abiding faith . For me, it

1 Ibid., I. • Blanche \Vic-sen Cook, Eleanor Roosevelt: The Defining Years, Volume Two,

1933-19.lS (Kew York: Penguin Books, 1999), 159-61. s Ibid., 90. B. Jorce Ross, "M.ar),' .Mcleod Bethune :ind the N:irionnl Youth

Administration: A C:1SC' Study of Power Relations.hips in the Black C:1hinet of Franklin 0. Roostn•lr," in 81:ack Leaders, 191•219.

\Vbat D o es Amer, ca n D e m ocracy Mea,, to Me? 123

is based on Christianity, in which we confidently entrust our destiny as a people. Under God's guidance in this great democracy, we arc rising out of the darkness of slavery into the light of freedom. Here my race has been afforded [the] opp<)rtuniry to advance from a people 80 percent illiterate to a people 80 percent literate; from abject poverty to the own- ership and operation of a million farms and 750,000 homes; from total disfranchisement to participation in government; from the status of chat- tels to recognized contributors to the American culture.

As we have been extended a measure of democracy, we have brought to the nation rich gifts. We have helped to build America with our labor, strengthened it with our faith and enriched it with our song. We have given you Paul Lawrence Dunbar, Booker T. Washington, Marian Anderson and George Washington Carver. But even these arc only the first fruits of a rich harvest, which will be reaped when new and wider fields arc opened to us.

The democratic doors of equal opportunity have not been opened wide to Negroes. In the Deep South, N<>gro youth is offered only one- fifteenth of the educational opportunity of the average American child.

The great masses of Negro workers arc depressed and unprotected in the lowest levels of agriculture and domestic service, while the black workers in industry arc barred from certain unions and generally assigned tO the more laborious and poorly paid work. Their housing and living condfrions arc sordid and unhealthy. They live too often in terror of the lynch mob; arc deprived too often of the Constitutional tight of suffrage; and arc humiliated too often by the denial of civil l.ibcrties. We do not believe that justice and common decency will allow these conditions to continue.

O ur faith envisions a fundamental change as mutual respect and understanding between our races come in the path of spiritual awakening. Certainly there have been times when we may have delayed this mutual understanding by being slow to assume a fuller share of our national responsibility because of the denial of full equality. And yet, we have always been loyal when the idtals of American democracy have been attacked. We have given our blood in its defense-from Crispus Attucks on Boston Commons to the battlefields of France. We have fought for the democratic principles of equality under tbc law, equality of opportunity, equality at the ballot box, for the guarantees of life, liberty and the pur- suit of happiness. We have fought to preserve one nation, conceived in

124 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

liberty and dedicated co the proposition that aH men are created equal. Yes, we have fought for America with all her imperfections, not so much for what she is, but for what we: know she can be.

Perhaps the greatest battle is before us, the fight for a new America: fearless, free, united, morally r.c-armcd, in which 12 miUion Negroes, shoulder to shoulder with their fellow Americans, will strive that this nation under God will have a new birch of freedom, and that government of the people, for the people and by the people shall not perish from the c:arrh. This dream, this idea, this aspiration, this is what American democracy means to me.

{applause]

CHIEF CLERK, TOOLROOM Inez Sa uer

Iwas thirty-one whc~ the war started and I had never worked in my life before. I had a s,x-ycar-old daugh tc:r and two boys, twelve and thirteen. We were living in Norwalk, Ohio, in a huge home in which wt could fi r about two hundred people playing bridge, and once in a while we 6Ucd it . . .. Before tbc war my life was bridge and golf and clubs a nd children .... When the war broke out, my husband's rubber-marring business in Ohio had ro dose due to the war restrictions on rubber. We also lost our live in maid, and I could see there was no way I could possibly live the way I was accustomed to doing. So I took my children home to my parents in Seattle.

The Seattle pape rs were full of ads for women workers needed to help the war efforL ''Do your part, fret a main for service." Being a D.A.R. [Daughters of the American Revolution), I really wanted ro help the wa r effort. I could have worked for the Red Cross a nd rolled handages, but I wanted ro do something that I thought was really vital. Building bombers was, so I answered an ad for Boeing.

My mother was horrified. She said no one in our family had ever worked in a factory. I think that put a linlc iron in my spine too. I d id something that was against my grain, but I did it, and I'm glad.

Since I was the chief clerk, they gave me the privilege of coming to work a half-hour early in the morning and staying over th irty to forty minutes at night. Because I was working late one night I had a chance to s<e President Roosevelt. They said he wa:s coming in on the swing shift, after four o'clock, so I waited to sec him_ They cleared Out all the aisles <>f the main plant, a nd he went through in a big, <>pen limousine. He smiled and he had his long cigarette bolder, and he was very, vc_ry pleasant. "Hello th<-re, how arc you? Keep up the wa r effort. Oh, you

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126 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

women arc doing a wonderful job." We were all thrilled co think the President cou1cl take time our of the war effort to visit us factory workers. le gave us a lift, and I think we worked harder.

Boeing was a real education for me. le taught me a different way of life. I had never lx.-cn around uneducated people before, people that worked with their hands. I was prudish and had never been with people that used coarse language. Since I hadn't worked before, I didn't know there was such a thing as the typical male ego. My contact wicb my first supervisor was one of animosity, in which he stated, "The happiest day of my life will be when I say goodbye to each one of you women as I usher you Out the front door." I didn't understand char kind of r<'Sentment, but it was prevalent throughout the plant. Many oftbc men felt that no woman could come in and run a lathe, but they did. I learned that just because you,rc a woman and have never worked is no reason you can't learn. The job really broadened me. I had led a very sheltered life. I had had no <:on tact with Negroes except as maids or gardeners. My mother was a Virginian, and we were brought up ro think that colored people were not on the same economic or socia.l level. I learned differently at Boeing. I learned that lx.x:ausc a girl is a Negro sht's nor necessarily a maid, and because a man is a Negro docsra't mean that all he can do is dig. In fact, I found that some of the black people I got to know there were vecy superior-and certainly equal t(J me-equal t<) anyone I ever knew.

Before I worked at Boeing I also had had no exposure to unions. After I was there a while., I joined the machinists union. We had a contract dispute, and we had a one-day walkout tO show Boeing our strength. We went on this march through the financial district in downtown Seattle. (As) we came down the middle ofthc street.

I saw my mother .... and I waved and said, "Hello, Mother.• That night when I got home, I thought she was never going to honor my name again. She said, "To think my daughter was marching in that labor dem- onstration. How could you do that to the family?" Bur I could sec that it was a new, new world.

My mother warned me whera I took the job that I would never be the same. She said, "You will never ,vant to go back ro being a housewife." Ar that time I didn't rhcnk it would change a thing. But she was right, ir definitely did. I had always been in a shell; I'd always been protected. But at Boeing I found a freedom aad an independence I had never known. After the war I could never go back to playing bridge again, being a

CJ11ef Clerk. T o o/r o om 12 7

clubwoman and listening co a lot of inanities when l knew there were things you could use your mind [for). The war changed my life com- pletely. I guess you could say, at thirty-one, I finally grew up.

"You don't know what kind of people you're going to be associated with." My father was horrified too, no matter how I tried co impress on him that this was a war effort on my part. He said, ''You'll never get along with the people you'll meet there. • My husband thought it was utterly ridiculous. I had never worked. I didn' t know bow t<) handle money, as he put it. I was nineteen w hen I was married. My husband was ten years o lder, and he always made me feel like a child, so he didn't think I would last very long a t the job, bur he was wrong.

They started me as a clerk in this huge toolroom. 1 had never handled a tool in my life outside of a hammer. So.me man came in and asked for a bastard file. 1 said t<) him, " lf you don't control your language, you won't ger any service here." I went to my supervisor and said, "You'll have to correct this man. 1 won't tolerate that kind of language." He laughed and laughed and said, " Don't you know what a bastard file is? It's the name of a very coarse fiJc. " He went over and took one out and showed me.

So I said to him, "If I'm going to be part of this organization, I must havr some books, something that shows me how I ca n learn to do what I'm supposed tO do." This was an unheard-of request. It went through channels, and they finally brought me some large, classified material that showed all the tools and machinery needed to build the B- I 7s. So gradu- ally I educated myself about the various tools and their uses, and I was alJowed to go out and roam around the machine area and become acquainted with what they were doing. The results showed on my pay- check. Eventually I became chief clerk of the t(>Olroom. I think I was the first woman chief clerk they had.

The first year, 1 worked seven days a week. We didn't have any rime off. They did allow us Christmas off, bur Thanksgiving we had to work. That was a bard thing ro do. The children didn't understand. My mother

and father didn 't understand, but I worked.

THE ATLANTIC CHARTER 14 August 1 941

DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES ISSUED BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED :STATES ANO THE PRIME MIN ISTER OF THE UNITED KINGDOM

The President of the United States aad tbc: Prime Minister, Mr. Chu,cbill, representing H. M. Government in the United Kingdom, have met a t sea. They have been accompanied by officials of theiI two Governments, including high-ranking officers of their milita,y, naval and air services.

The whole prnblcm of the supply of munitions of war, as provided by the Lease-Lend Act, for the armed forces of the United States and for those countries artivdy engaged in resisting aggression has lx,;,n further examined. Lord Beavcrbrook, Minister of Supply of the British Government, has joined in these conferences. He is going to proceed ro Washington to discuss further derails with appropriate officials of the United Stares Government.

These conferences will a lso cover the supply problem of the Soviet Union. The President and the Primc Minister have had several conferences. They have considered the dangers to world civi lisation arising from the policy of military domination by conquest upon which the Hitlcrite Govcrnement of Germany and other Governments associated therewith have embarked, and have made clear the s teps which thei r countries arc respectively taking for their safety in facing these dangers.

They have agreed upon the following joint declaration: The President of the United States and the Prime Mia istcr, Mr. Churchill, representing H. M. Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it

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130 WORLD WAR II - COLD WAR

right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world .

1. Their countries seek no aggrandissemenr, territorial or othc.r. 2. They desire to sec no territorial changes that do not accord with

the freely expressed wish,es of the peoples concerned. 3. They respect the right of all peoples to ch(><)Sc the form of

Government under which they will live; and they wish to sec sov- ereign tights a nd self-government restored t<) those who have been forcibly deprived of them.

4. They will endt-avour with. due respect for their existing obliga tions, to further enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or van- quished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw mate- rials of the world which arc needed for their economic prosperity.

5. They desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field, with the object of securing for aU improved labour standards, tconomic advancement, and social st'.Curity.

6. After the final destruction of Nazi tyranny, they hope to sec estab- lished a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwell- ing in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want.

7. Such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas and oceans without hindrance.

8. They believe all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well spiritual reasons, must come to the abandoruncnt of the use of force. Since no future peace <.-an be. maintained if land, sea, or air arma- mcnrs continue to he employed by nations which threaten, or may threaten aggression outside of their frontiers, they bclic-vc, prncling the <Stablishmcnt of a wider and permanent system of gc,oeral St'Cu-

riry, that the disarmament of such nations is c-sscntial. They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measures which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armament."

A year later, on 14 August 1942, President Roosevelt issued the following message, commem.orating the firs/ an11iversary of the "Atlantic Chartern.

Th i! Atla,,t,c C hartt!r 13 1

A year ago roday the Prime Minisrer of Grear Britain and (, as

represenracives of cwo free nacions, sec down and subscribed to a declaration of principles common to our peoples. We based, and

continue ro base, our hopes for a berrer furure for the world on the

realisation of these principles. Til is d.eclaration is known as the

Adamic Charter.

A year ago today the nacions resisting a common barbaric foe were

units or small groups fighting for their existence. Now these nations and

groups of nations in all rhe continents of the earrh have uniced. They

have formed a great union of humanity, dedicated ro che realisarion of

chat common programme of purposes and principles sec forch in the

Adamic Charter through world•wide vicrory over their common ene•

mies. Their faith in life, liberty, independence, and religious freedom, and in the preservacion of human rights and justice in their own as well

as in other lands, has been given form and subscance as che

United Nacions.

Freedom and independence are today- in jeopardy the world over. If the force11 of conquest are not suecessfull)' re~isted and defeared there wilJ be no freedorn, no independence and no opporcuniry for freedom

for any narion. Ir is, therefore, co che single and supreme objecrive of

defeating che Axis forces of aggression chat che United Nacions have

pledged all their resources and efforts.

When viccory comes we shalJ scand shoulder to shoulder in seeking

co nourish the greac ideals for which we fighr. It is a wonh•wblle battle.

le wlll be so recognised rhrough all the ages, even amid the unforcunate

peoples who follow false gods roda)'. We reaffirm our principles. They

will bring us to a happier world.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE COLD WAR

TRUMAN ANNOUNCES HIROSHIMA ATOMIC BOMBING

August 6, 1945

THE WHITE HO USE WASHINGTON, D.C.

STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT OF T H£ UN ITED STATES

Sixteen hours ago an American airplane dropped one bomb on Hiroshima, an important Japanese Army base. Thar bomb had more power than 20,000 tons of T.N.T. Ir had more than two thousand rimes the blast power of the British "Grand Slam" which is the largest bomb ever yet used in the history of warfare.

The Japanese b<.-gan the war from the air at Pearl Harbor. They have been repaid many fold. And the end is not yet. With this bomb we have n()w added a ntw and revolutionary increase in destruction to supple- ment the growing power of our armed forces. In their present form these bombs a re now in production and even more powerful forms arc in development.

It is an atomic bomb. It is a harnessing of the basic power of the uni- verse. The force from which the sun draws its power has been loosed against those who brought war to the Fa r East.

Before 1939, it was the accepted belief of scientists that it was theo- retically possible to release atomic energy. But no one knew any practical method of doing it. By 1942, however, we knew that the Germans were working fcvcri.shly to find a way to add atomic energy to the other engines of war with which they hoped <o enslave the world. But they failed. We may be grateful to Providence that the Germans got the V-l's and the V-2's late and in limited quantities and even more grateful that

135

136 THE COLO WAR

they did not get the atomic bomb at all. The battle of the laboratories held fateful risks for us as well as the

battles of the air, land, and sea, and we have now won the battle of the laboratories as we have won tht, other battles.

Beginning in 1940, before Pc.arl Harbor, scientific knowledge useful in war was pooled bctwt-cn the United States and Great Britain, and many priceless helps to our victories have come from that arrangement. Under that general policy the research on the atomic bomb was begun. With American and British scientists working together wt entered the race of discovery against the Germans.

The United States had avaulablc the large number of scientists of distinction in the many needed areas of knowledge. It had the tremen- dous industrial and financial resources necessary for the project and they could be devoted to it without undue impairment of other vital war work. In the United States the laboratory work and the production planrs, on which a substantial Start had already been made, would be out of reach of enemy bombing, while at that time Britain was exposed to constant air attack andwas still threatened with the possibility of invasion. For these reasons Prime Minister Churchill and President Roosevelt agreed that it was wise to carry on the project here. We now have two great plants and many lcss<r works devoted to the production of atomic power. Employment during peak construction numbered 125,000 and over 65,000 individuals arc even now engaged in operat- ing the plants. Many have worked there for rwo and a half years. Few know what they have been producing. They sec great quantities of material going in and they sec nothing coming out of those plants, for the physical size of the explosive charge is exceedingly small. We have spent two billi<)n dollars on the greatest scientific gamble in history- and won.

Bur the greatest marvel is not the size of the enterprise, its secrecy, nor its cost, but the achievement of scientific brains in purring together infinitely complex pieces of knowledge held by many men in different fields of science into a workable plan. And hardly less marvelous has been the capacity of industry to design, and of labor to operate, the machines and methods to do things never done before so that the brain child of many minds came forth in physical shape and performed as it was supposed to do. Both science an.cl industry worked under the direction of the United States Army, which achieved a unique success in managing so

Tr11ma,, A,,,, o ""cf!s Htro shima Atomic B o mb,n g 137

diverse a problem in the advancement of knowledge in a amazingly short rime. Ir is doubtful if such another com bi nation could be got together in the world. What has been done is the greatest achievement of organized science in history. It was done under high pressure and without failure.

We are now prepared to obliterate mo,c rapidly and completely every productive enterprise the Japanese have above ground in any city. We shal l destroy their docks, their factories, and their communications. Ler there be no mistake; we shaU completely destroy Japan's power to make war.

It was to spare the Japanese people &om utter dcsuuttion that the ulti- matum of July 26 was issued at Potsdam. Their leaders promptly rejected that ultimatum. If they do not now accept our terms they may expect a rain of ruin from the air, the like of which has never been seen on this earth. Behind this air attack will follow sea and land forces in such numbers and power as they have not yet seen and with the fighting skill of which they arc already well aware.

The Secretary of War, who bas kept in personal touch with all pha.~cs of the project, will immediately make public a Statement giving further details.

His statement will give facts concerning the sires ar Oak Ridge near Knoxville, Tennessee, and a t Richland near Pasco, Washington, and an installation near Santa Fe, New Mexico. Although the workers at the sites have been making materials to be used in producing the greatest destructive force in history they ha vc not themselves been in danger beyond that of many other oc.cupations, for the utmost care has Ix-en taken of their safety.

The fact that we can release atomic ,energy ushers in a new era in man's understanding of nature's forces. Atomic energy may in the furure

supplement the power that now rnmcs from coal, oil, and falling water, bur at present it cannot be produced on a basis ro compete with them commercially. Before that comes there must be a long period of intensive research.

Ir has never been the habit of the scientists of this countty M the

policy of this Government to withhold from the world scientific knowl- edge. Normally, therefore, everything about the work with a tomic energy would be made public.

Bur under present circumstances iris not intended ro divulge the tech-

nical processes of production or all the military applications, pending further examination of possible methods of protecting us and the rest of

138 THE COLO WAR

the world from the danger of sudden destruction. I shall recommend that the Congress of the United Stares consider

promptly the establishment of an appropriate commission ro control the production and use of atomic power within the United Stares. I sha ll give further consideration and make further recommendations ro the Congress as ro how atomic power can bccomc a powerful and forceful influence towards the maintenance of world peace.

EXCERPTS FROM TELEGRAPHIC MESSAGE FROM MOSCOW

George Kennan, February 22, 1946

fN view of recent euettls, 1he following remarks will be of imerest to 1he departmem.

I. BASIC FEATURES OF POSTWAR SOVLET OUTLOOK, AS PUT FORWARD BY OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA MACHINE

A. The USSR still lives in antagonistic "capitalisr encirclement" with which in the long run there <:an be no permanent peaceful coexis- tence. As stated by Stalin in L927 to a delegation of American workers:

In course of furdler developmenrr of inrernational revolution,

there will emerge two centers of world significance: a sociaJjsr

center, drawing ro icseJf the countries which cend coward social•

ism, and a capitalise center, drawing co itself the countries rhac

incline coward capitalism. Barrie between these rwo centers for

command of world economy will decide face of capiralism and of

communism in entire world.

B. Capitalist world is beset with internal conflictS inherent in nature of capitalist society. These con/lites are insoluble by means of peaceful compromise. Greatest of them is that between England and US.

Source: Crorgt Kennan, Memorrs. I92S•l9SO{New York: Pantheon Books, 1967), pp. 547•.S.S9.

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140 THE COLO WAR

C. Internal conflicts of capitalism inevitably generate wars. Wars thus generated may be of two kinds: intracapita.list wars between two capitalist states, and wars: of intervention against socialist wor]d. Smart capitalistS, vainly seeking escape &om inner conflicts of capita]ism, incline toward latter.

0. Intervention against USSR, while it would be disastrous to those who undertook it, would cause renewed delay in progress of Soviet socialism and must therefore be forestalled at all costS.

E. Conflicts between capita list states, though likewise fraught with danger for USSR, nevertheless hold our great possibilities for advancement of socialist cause, particularly if USSR remains militarily powerful, ideologically monolithic, and faithful tO its present brilliant leadership.

F. lt must be borne in mind that capitalist world is not all bad. In addition to hopelessly reactionary and bourgeois clements, it includes (i) certain wh<)lly enlightened and positive elements united in acceptable communistic parries, and (2) certain other elements (now described for tactical reasons as progressive or democratic) whose reactions, aspirations and activities happen to be ~objec- tively" favorable to intcrestS of the USSR. These last must be encouraged and utilized for Soviet purposes.

G. Among negative elements of bourgeois-capitalist s,iciery, most dangerous of all are those whom Lenin called false friends of the people, namely moderate Socialist or Social Democratic lead- ers in other words, non-Communist ]eh-wing). These arc more dangerous than our-and-out reactionaries, for latter at least march under their true colors, whereas moderate left-wing leaders confuse people by employing devices of socialism to serve interests of reactionary capital.

So much for premises. To what deductions do they lead from standpoint of Soviet policy? To the following:

A. Everything must be done· to advance relative strength of USSR as factor in international society. Conversely, no opportunity must be missed to reduce strength and influence, collectively as well as inruvidually, of capitalist powers.

Excerpts from Telegraphic M e ssag e fro m Moscow 141

B. Soviet efforts, and those of Russia's friends abroad, must be direct- ed toward deepening and exploiting of differences and conJlicts between capitalist powers. If thc.~e eventually dt'<!pcn into an "imperialist" war, this war must be turned into revolutionary upheavals within the various capitalist countries.

C ... Democratic-progressive"' clements abroad arc co be utilized ro bring pressure to bear on capitalist governments along lines agree- able to Soviet interests.

D. Relentless bartle must be waged against Socialist and Social Democratic leaders abroad.

LI. BACKGROUND OF OUTLOOK

Before examining ramifications of this parry line in practice, there are certain aspects of it to which your attention should be drawn.

First, it docs not represent natural outlook of Russian people. latter arc, by and large, friendly to outside world, cager for experience of it, cager to measure against it talents they are conscious of possessing, eager above all to Live peace and enjoy fruits of their own labor. Parry line only represents thesis which official propaganda machines puts forward with great skill and persistence to a public often remarkably resistant in the stronghold of its innermost thoughrs. But party line is binding for out- look and conduct of people, and government and it is exclusively with these that we have to deal.

5t"Cond, pltasc note that premises on which this party line is basc.d are for most part simply not true. Experience has shown that peaceful and muruaJly profitable coexistence of capitalist and socialist states is entirely possible. Basic internal conflicts in advanced counaics arc no 1onger primarily those arising out of capitalist ownership of means of producrion, bur are ones arising from advanced urbanism and industrialism as such, which Russia has thus far bt-cn spared not by socialism but only by her own backwardn(-Ss. Internal rivalries of capitalism do not always generate wars; and not all wars arc attributable to this cause. To speak of possibilities of intervention against USSR today, after elimination of Germany and Japan and after example of recent war, is sht'Crcst nonsense. If not provoked by forces of intolerance and subversion "capitalist" world of today is quite capable of living at peace ,vith itself and with Russia. Finally, no sane

142 THE COLO WAR

person has reason to doubt sincerity of moderate Socialist leaders in Western countries. Nor is it fair to deny success of their efforts to improve conditions for working population whenever, as in Scandinavia, they have been given chance ro show what they can do.

Falseness of these premises, every one of which predates recent war, was amply demonstrated by that conflict irsclf. Anglo-American differences did not turn out to be major differences of Western world. Capitalist countries, other than those of Axis, showc,d no disposition to solve their differences by joining in crusade against USSR. Instead of imperialist war turning into civil wars and rcvolurions, USSR found itself obliged to light side by side with capitalist powers for an avowed community of aims.

Ncvcrtbelcss, all these theses, however baseless and disprovcn, arc being boldly put forward again today. What docs this indicate? It indi- cates that the Soviet parry line i.s not based on any objective analysis of the situarion beyond Russia's borders; that it has, indeed, little to do with conditions outside of Russia; that it arises mainly &om basic inner- Russian necessities which existed before recent war and exist today.

At the bottom of the Kremlin's neurotic view of world affairs is tradi- tional and instinctive Russian smse of insecurity. Originally, this was insecurity of a peaceful agricultural people trying to live <)n vast exposed plain in neighborhood of fierce nomadic peoples. To this was added, as Russia came into contact with economically advanced West, fear of more competent, more powerful, more highly organized societies in that area. Bur this latter type of insecurity was one which afflicted rather Russian rulers than Russian people; for Russian rulers have invariably sensed that their rule was relatively archaic i.n form, fragile and artificial in its psycho- logical foundation, unable to stand comparison for contact with political systems of Western countries. For this reason they have always feared foreign penetration, feared direct contact between Western world and their own, feared what would happen if Russians learned truth about world without or if foreigners learned truth about world within. And they have learned to seek security only in patient bur deadly Struggle for total destruction rival power., never in compacts and compromises with it.

It was no coincidence that Marxism, which had smoldered ineffec- tively for half a c.cnrury in Western Europe, caught hold and blazed for fu-sr rime in Russia. Only in this land which had never known a friendly neighbor M indt"d any tolerant equilibrium of separate powers, either internal or international, could a doctrine thrive which viewed economic

Excerp1s from Telegraph,c Message (,o,,, M o s cow 143

conflicts of society as insoluble by peaceful mean..s. After establishment of Bolshevist regime, Marxist dogma, rend.ered even more truculent and into lerant by Lenin's intcrprc.tation, became a perfect vehicle for sense of insecurity with which Bolsheviks, even more than previous Russian rulers, were afflicted. In this dogma, with its hasic altruism of purpose, they found justification for their instinctive fear of outside world, for the dic- tatorship without which they did not know how to rule, for cruelties they did not dare not to inflict, for sacrifices they felt bound to demand. In the name of Marxism they sacrificed every single ethical value in their methods and tact ics. Today they cannot dispense with it. It is fig leaf of their moral and intellectual respectability. Without it they would stand before history, as best, as only the last of that long succession of cruel and wasteful Russian rulers who have relentlessly forced their country on to ever new heights of military power in order to guarantee extcm aJ security for their internally weak regimes. This is w hy Soviet purposes must a lways be solemnly clothed in era ppings of Mar xism, and why no one should underrate the importance of dogma in So-vier affairs. Thus Soviet leaders arc driven by necessities of their own past and present position to put forward a dogma which pictures the outside world as evil, hostile, and menacing, but as bearing within itself germs of creeping disease and des- tined to be wracked with growing internal convulsions until it is given final coup de grace by rising power of socialism a nd yields to new and better world. This thesis provides justilica~ion for that increase of military and police power in Russia State, for that isolation of Russian population from the outside world, and for that fluid and constant pn-ssurc to extend limits of Russian police power which arc together the natural and ini;tinc- tive urges of Russian rulers. Basically this i- only the steady advance of uneasy Russian nationalism, a centuries-old movement in which concep- tions of offense and defense arc incxu icab.ly confused. But in new guise of international Marxism, with its honeyed promises to a desperate and war- tom outside world, it is more dangerous and insidious than even before.

It should not be thought from above that Soviet party line is necessarily disingenuous and insinccxc on part of all those who pur it forward. Many of them arc too ignorant of outside world a nd mentally too dependent t(> question self-hypnotism, and have no difficulty making themselves believe what they 6nd ir comforting and convenient to believe. Finally we have the unsolved mystery as to who, if anyone, in this great land actually receives accurate and unbiased information about o utside world. In an atmosphere

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of Oriental secretiveness and conspiracy which pervades this government, possibilities for disconing or poisoning sources and currents of information arc infinite. The very disrcspttt of Russians for objective truth-indeed, their disbelief in irs ex-istence leads them to view all stated facts as instru- ments for furtherance of one ulterior purp<)SC or another. There is good reason to suspect that this government is actually a conspiracy within a conspiracy, and it is hard co believe that Stalin himself receives anything like an objective picture of oursidc world. Herc there is ample scope for the type of subtle intrigue at which Russians arc past masters. Inability of for- eign governments to place their case squarely before Russian policy makers extent to which they arc delivered up in their relations with Russia to good graces of obscure and unknown advisors whom they never sec and cannot inRucnce-dus is a most disquieting feature of diplomacy in Moscow, and one which Western statesmen would do well tO keep in mind if they would understand nature of difficulties encountered here.

UI. PROJECTION OF SOVIET OUTLOOK IN PRACTICAL POLICY ONi OFFICIAL LEVEL

We have now seen nature and background of the Soviet program. What may we expect of its practica1 implementations?

Soviet p<)licy is conducted on two planes: (1) official plane represented by actions undertaken officially in the name of the Soviet government; and (2) subterranean plane of actions undertaken by agencies for which the Soviet government does not admit responsibility.

Policy promulgated on both planes will be calculated to serve basic policies A to D outlined in " I." Actions taken on different planes will differ considerably, but will dovetail into each other in purp<)seS, timing, and effet-c. On official plane, we must look for following:

A. Internal p<)licy devoted to increasing in every way strength and pres- tige of Soviet state; intensive milita.ry-industrialization; maximum

development of armed forces; great displays co impress outsiders; continued secrc-rivcness about internal matte.rs, designed to conceal weaknesses and to keep opponents in dark.

B. Wherever it is considcre-d timely and promising, efforts will be made to advance official limits of Soviet power. For the moment,

Excerpts { , o ,,, Te legrapht c Messag e from M o sc o w 145

thl·St efforts arc restricted to certain neighboring points conceived of here as being of immcdiare strategic necessity, such as northern Iran, Turkey, possibly Bomholm. However, other points may at any time come into question, if and as concealed So,•ier political power is extended to new areas. Thus a «friendly"' Persian govern- ment might be asked to grant Russia a port on Persian Gulf. Should Spain fall under Communist control, question of Soviet hasc at Gilbraltar Strait might be activated. But such claims will appear on official level only when unofficial preparation is complete.

C. Russians will participate officially in international (>rganizations where they sec opportunity of extending Soviet power or of inhib- iting or diluting power of others. Moscow S<'CS in UNO Dot the mechanism for a permanent and Sta bk world society founded OD mutual interest and aims of all nations, but an arena in which aims just mentioned can be favorably pursued. As long as UNO is con- sidc:-rcd here to serve this purpose, Soviets will remain with it. Bur if at any time they come to the conclusion that it is serving to embarrass or fruscratc their aims for power expansion and if they sec better prospects for pursuit of these aims along orhcr lines, they will nor hesitate to abandon UNO. This would imply, how- ever, that they felt themselves strong enough to split unity of other nations by their withdrawal, ro render UNO ineffective as a threat to their aims or security, and to replace it with an international weapon more effective from their viewpoint. Thus Soviet attitude toward UNO will depend largely on loyalty of other nations to it, and on degree of vigor, decisiveness, and cohesion with which these nations defend in UNO the peaceful and hopeful concept of international life which that organization represents ro our way of thinking. I reiterate, Moscow has no abstract devotion to UNO ideals. Its attitude to that organization will remain essentially pragmatic and tactical.

D. Toward cok)nial areas and backward or dependent peoples, Soviet

policy, even on official plane, will be dfrected toward weakening of power and influence and contacts of advanced \Vcstem nations, on theory that insofar as this poLicy is successful, there will be cr<ated a vacuum which will favor communist-Soviet penetration. Soviet pressure for participation in trusteeship arrangements thus represents a desire to be in a position to complicate and inhibit

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cxerrion of Western influence at such points: rather than to provide major channel for exerting of Soviet powe.r. Latter motive is nor lacking, bur for this Sovi-crs prefer to rely on other channels than o fficial trusteeship arrangements. Thus we may expect to find Soviets asking for admission everywhere to trusteeship or similar arrangements and using levers thus acquired to weaken \X'estern influence among such peoples.

E. Russians will strive energetically to develop Soviet representation in, and official tics with, countries in which they sense strong pos- sibilities of opposition t(J Western centers of power. This applies to such widely separated points as Germany, Argentina, Middle Eastern countries, etc.

F. In international economic marr<rs, Soviet policy will really be dominated by pursuit of autarchy for Soviet Union and Soviet- dominated adjacent areas taken together. That, howcvc,; ,viii be underlying policy. As far as official line is concerned, position is not yet dear. Soviet government has shown strange reticence since termination hostilities on subject foreign trade. lf large-scale long-

term credits should be forthcoming, the Soviet government may eventually again do lip service, as it did in 1930s, to desirability of building up international c.-conomicexchanges in general. Otherwise ir is possible that Soviet foreign trade may be restricted largely ro Soviet's own S<."Curity sphere, including occupied areas in Germany, and rhar a cold official shoulder may be turned to principlt of general l'Conomic collaboration among nations

G. With respect to cultural collaborati<ln, lip service will like,visc be rendered ro desirability of deepening cultural contacts between peoples, but this will not in practice be interpreted in any way which could weaken security position of Soviet peoples. Actual manifestations of Soviet policy in this resp«, will be restricted ro arid channels of closely shcphcrdt>d official visits and functions, witb superabundance of V<)dka and speeches and dearth of perma-

nent effects. H. Beyond this, Soviet official relations will take what might be tailed

'·correct" course with individual foreign governments, with great

str<'SS being laid on prestige of Soviet Union and its representatives and with punctilious attention to protocol, as distinct from good man-nets.

Excerpts { , o ,,, Te legraph,c M e ssa g e f ro m Moscow 14 7

IV. FOLLOWLNG MAY BE SAID AS TO WHAT WE MAY EXPECT BY WAY OF IMPLEMENTATION OF BASLC SOVIET POLICIES ON UNOFFICIAL, OR SUBTERRANEAN, PLANE; I.E., ON PLANE FOR WHlCH SOVLE.T GOVERNMENT ACCEPTS NO RESPONSIBILITY

Agencies utilized for promulgation of poJ;cies on this plane a rc the following:

A. Inner central core of Communist parties in other countries. W hile many of the persons who compose this category may also appear and act in unctlatcd public capacities, they arc in reality working closely together as an underground operating directorate of world communism, a concealed Comintcrn tightly coordinated a nd directed by Moscow. It is important to remember that this inner core is actually working on underground lines, despite legality of parties with which it is associated.

B. Rank and file of Communist partil'S. Note distinction is drawn between these and persons defined in paragraph A. This distinc-

tion has become much sharper in recent years. Whereas formerly foreign Communist parties represented a curious (and from J\Aoscow's standpoint often incom,,cnient) mixture of conspiracy and legitimate activity, now the conspiratorial clement has been neatly concentrated in inner circle and ordered underground, while rank and file- no longer even taken into confidence about rea lities of movement- an~ thrust forward as bona fide inte rnal partisans of certain political tendencies within their respective countries, genuinely innocent of conspiratorial connection with foreign states. Only in certain countries where Communists arc numerically strong do they now regularly appear and act as a body. As a rule they arc used to penetrate, and to influence or dominate, as the case may be, other organizations less likely to be suspected of being tools of Soviet government, with a view to accomplishing their purposes through front organizations, rather than by direct action as a separate political party.

C. A wide variety of national associations or bodies which can be dominated or in fluenced by such penetration. These include: labor unions, youth leagues, women's organizations, racial societies,

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religious societies, socia l organizations, cultural groups, liberal magazines, publishing houses, ere.

D. International organizations which can be similarly penetrated through influence over various national componcntS. Labor, youth, and women's organizations arc prominent among them. Particular, almost viral, imp<)rtante is attached in this connection to international labor movement. In this, Moscow secs possibility of sidetracking W<>Stcm governments in world affairs and building up international k,bby capable of compelling governments to take actions favorable to Soviet interests in various countries and of paralyzing actions disagreeable to the USSR.

E. Russian Orthodox Church with its foreign branches, and through ir the Eastern Orthodox Church in general.

F. Pan-Slav movement and other movements (Azerbaijan, Armenian, Turcoman, etc.) based on racial groups within the Soviet Union.

G. Government., or governing groups willing ro lend themselves to Soviet purposes in one degree or another, such as present Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments, North Persian regime, Chinese Communists, etc. Not only the propaganda machines bur the acru- al policies of these regimes can be placed extensively at the disp<)sal of the USSR.

Ir may be expected that the component parts of this far-flung apparatus will be utilized, in accordance with their individual suitability, as follows:

I. To undermine general political and Strategic potential of major Western powers. Efforts will be made in such countries to disrupt nationa l self-confidence, to hamstring measures of national defense, to increase social and industrial unrest, to stimulate all forms of disunity. All persons with grievances, whether economic or racial, will be urged to seek redress not in mediation and com- promise, bur in defiant violent struggle for destruction of other clements of society. Herc poor will be set against rich, black against white, young against old, newcomers against established residents, etc.

2. On unofficial plane particularly violent efforts will be made to weaken power and influence of \Vesrcrn powers over colonial, backward, or dependent peoples. On this level, no holds will be

Excerpts from TelegraplJ,c Message fro m Moscow 149

barred. Mistakes and weaknesses <>f Western colonial administra- tion will be mercilessly exposed and exploited. Liberal opinion in Western countries will be mobilized to weaken colonial policies. Resentment among dependent peoples will be stimulated. And while latter arc being encouraged to seek independence of Western powers, Soviet-dominated puppet political machines will be undergoing preparation to take over domestic power in respective colonial artas when independence is achieved.

3. Where individual governments stand in path of Soviet purp(>Ses pressure will be brought for their removal from office. This can happen where governments directly oppose Soviet foreign policy aims (Turkey, Iran), where they seal their territories off against Communist penetration (Switzerland, Portugal), or where tbcy compete too strongly, like labor government in England, for moral domination among clements which it is important for Communists to dominate. (Sometimes, two of these clements arc present in a single case. Then Communist opposition becomes particularly shrill and savage.)

4. In foreign countries Communists will, as a rule, work toward destruction of all forms of personal independence, economic, political, or moral. Their system can handle only individuals who have been brought into complete dependence on higher power. Thus persons who are financially independent-such as individual businessmen, estate owners, succcssfu1 farmers, artisans, and all those who exercise local leadership or have local prestige, such as popular local clergymen or politica.l figures, arc anathema. It is nor by chance that the USSR local o·fficials are kept constantly on move from one j<)b to another.

5. Everything possible will be done to set major Western powers against each other. Anti-British talk will be plugged among Americans, anti-American talk among British. Continentals, including Germans, wiU be taught ro abhor both Anglo-Saxon powers. Where suspicions exist, they will be fanned; where not, ignited. N(> effort will be spared ro discredit and combar all efforts which threaten to lead to any sort of unity or cohesion among others from which Russia might be excluded. Thus, all forms of international organizati.on not amenable to Communist penetration and control , whether it be the Catholic Church,

Excerpts from TelegraplJ,c Message fro m Moscow 149

Excerpts from Tl'legrapl,,c Message from Moscow 151

from which our political general staff work at the present juncture should proceed. It should be approached with s:amc thoroughness and care as solution of major strategic prob)cm in ,var, and if nCCl'SSary, with no smaller outlay in planning dfon. I cannot attempt to suggest all the answers here. But I would like to record my conviction that the problem is within our power to solve-and that without recourse to any general military conflict. And in support of this conviction there arc certain obser- vations of a more encouraging nature I should like to make:

(One) Soviet power, unlike that of Hitkritc Germany, is neither sche- matic nor advcmuristic. ft docs not work by fixed plans. ft does not take unnecessary risks. Impervious to logic of reason, and it is highly sensitive to logic of force. For this reason it can easily withdraw-and usually dot.'S-whtn strong r<.-sisrance is encountered at any point. Thus, if the adversary has sufficient force and makes clear his readiness to use it, he rarely has to do so. If situations are properly handled there need be no prestige-engaging showd<)wns.

(Two) Gauged against Western world as a whole, Soviets are still by far the weaker force. Thus, their success will really depend on degree of cohesion, firmness, and vigor which Western world can muster. And this is factor which it is within our p<:>wcr to influence.

(Three) Success of Soviet system, as form of internal power, is not yet finally proven. It has yet to be dcmonstra.tcd that it can survive s upreme test of successive transfer of power from one individua) or group to anothCL Lenin's death was first such transfer, and its effects wracked Soviet state for fifteen years after. Stalin's death or retirement will be second. But even this will not be final test. Soviet internal system will now be subjected, by virtue of recent territorial expansions, ro a series of additional strains which once proved severe tax on Tsardom. We here arc convinced that never since termination of the civil war have the mass of Russian people been emotionally farther removed from doctrines of Communist Party than they arc today. In Russia, party has now become a great and-for the moment-highly successful apparatus <)f dictatorial

administration, bur it has ceased to be a source of emotional inspiration. Thus, internal soundness and permanence of movement need nor yet be regarded as assured.

(Four) All Soviet propaganda beyond. Soviet security sphere is basi- cally negative and destructive. It should therefore be relatively easy to combat it by any intelligent and really construcrive program. For these

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reasons I think we may approach calmly and with good heart the prob- lem of how ro deal with Russia. As ro how this approach should be made, I only wish to advance, by way of conclusion, the following comments:

I. Our first step must be to a pprchcnd, and recognize for what it is, the nature of the movement with which we are dealing. We must study it with the same courage, detachment, objectivity, and the same determination not to be -emotionally provoked or unseated by it, with which a doctor studies unruly and unreasonable individuals.

2. We must sec that our public is educated to realities of Russian situation. I cannot ovcre:mphasizc the importance of this. Press cannot do this alone. It must be done mainly by government, which is necessarily mo.re experienced and better informed on practical problems involved. In this we need not be deterred by ugliness of the pkrurc. I am convinced that there would be far less hysterical anri-Sovictism in our country today if the realities of this situation were better understood by our people. There is nothing as dangerous or as terrifying as the unknown. It may also be argued that to reveal more information on our difficulties with Russia would rcAcct unfavorably on Russian-American relations. I feel that if there is any real risk here involved, it is one which we should have the courage to face, and the sooner the bcttec Bur I cannot sec what we would be risking. Our stake in this country, even coming on the heels of tremendous demonstrations of ouI friendship for Russian people, is remarkably small. We have here no investments to guard, no actual trade to lose, virtually no citi- zens to protect, few cultural contacts to preserve. Our only Stake lies in what we hope rather than what we have; and f am con- vinced we have a better chance of rc,alizing those hopes if <lur public is enlightened and if our dealings with Russians arc placed entirely on realistic and matter of fact basis.

3. Much depends on health and vigor of our own society. World com- munism is like malignant parasite which feeds only on discas,,d tissue. This is the point at which domestic and foreign poLicics meet. Every courageous and incisive measure to solve internal problems of our own society, to improve s,,lf-con6dcncc, discipLinc, morale, and community spirit of our own people, is a diplomatic

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STATEMENT BY GENERAL MARSHALL January 7, 1 947

In this intricate and confused situation, J shall merely endeavor here to touch on some of the more important considerations-as they appeared to me during my connection with the negotiations to bring about peace in China and a stable democratic form of government.

ln the first place, the greatest obstacle to peace has been the complete, almost overwhelming suspicion with which the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang regard each other.

O n the one hand, the leaders of the Government arc strongly opposed to a communistic form of government. O n the other, the Communists frankly state that they are Marxists a nd intend w work toward establish- ing a communistic form of government in China, though first advancing through the medium of a democratic form of government of the American or British type . .. .

I th ink the most important factors involved in the recent break-down of negotiations arc these: O n the side of the National Government, which is in effect the Kuomintang, the.re is a dominant group of reactionaries who have been opposed, in my opinion, to almost every effort I have made to influence the formation of a genuine coalition government . . . . This group includes military as well as politica l leaders.

O n the side of the Chinese Communist Party there are, I believe, liber- als as well as radicals, though this view is vigorously opposed by many who believe that the Chinese Communis t Party discipline is too rigid ly

Source: fmm Tl1e ~ partment of State Bullcriu, XVI, No. 394 Uanuary l9, 1947), pp. 8.3-85 .

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enforced to admit of such differences of viewpoint. Nevertheless, it has appeared to me that there is a definite liberal group among the Communists, especially of young men who have turned to the Communists in disgust at the corruption evident in the local governments-men who would put the interest of the Chinese people above ruthless measures to establish a Communist ideology in the immediate future. The dyed-in-the-wool Communists do not hesitate at the most drasric measures ro gain their end ... They completely distrust the leaders of the Kuomintang and app<.-ar convinced that every Government proposal is designed to crush the Chinese Communist Party. I must say that the quite evidently inspired mob actions of last February and March, some within a few blocks of where I was then engaged in corn piecing negotiations, gave the Communists good excuse for such suspicions ....

Sincere efforts to achieve settlement have been frustrated time and again by extremist clements of both sides. The agreements reached by the Political Consultative C<)nfcrence a year ago were a liberal and forward-looking charter which then offered China a basis for p<.-ace and reconstruction. However, irreconcilable groups within the Kuomintang, interested in the preservation of thtir own feudal control of China, C\idcncly had no real intention of implementing them_ ...

Between this dominant reactionary group in the Government and the irreconcilable Communisrs who, I must stare, did not so appear last February, lies the problem of how peace and well-being arc to be brought to the long-suffering and pn-scntly inarticulate mass of the people of China. The rcactionarit-s in the Government have cvidtntly counted on substantial American support regardless of their actions. The Communisrs by their unwillingness to compromise in the national intcrcsr arc evidently counting on an economic collapse to bring about the fall of the Govcrruncnt, accelerated by extensive guerrilla action against the long lines of rail communications-regardless of the cosr in suffering to the Chinese people.

The salvation of the situation, as I see it, would be the assumption of leadership by the liberals in the G,)vemment and in the minority parties,

a splendid group of men, but who as yet lack the political power to exer- cise a controlling influence. Successful action on their part under the leadership of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek would, I believe, lead to unity through good government ....

I have spoken very frankly because in no other way can I hope to bring the people of the United States: to even a partial understanding of this

156 THE COLO WAR

The salvation of the situation, as I see it, would be the assumption of leadership by the liberals in the G,)vemment and in the minority parties,

I have spoken very frankly because in no other way can I hope to bring the people of the United States: to even a partial understanding of this

EXCERPTS FROM ACHESON'S SPEECH TO THE NATIONAL

PRESS CLUB January 12, 1950

This afternoon I should like to discuss with you the relations between the peoples of the United States and ,he peoples of Asia . ... What is the situation in regard to the military security of the Pacific

area, and what is our policy in regard co it? In the first place, the defeat and the disarmament of Japan has placed

upon the United States the necessity of assum ing the milita ry defense of Ja pan so long as that is required, both in the interest of our S<'Curity a nd in the interests of the security of the entire Pacific area and, in a ll hono~ in the interest of Japanese security. We have American, and there arc Australian troops in Japan. I am not in a position to speak for the Australians, but I can assure you that there is no intention of any son of abandoning or weakening the defenses of Japan, and that whatever arrangements arc co be made, either through permanent settlement or otherwise, that defense must and shall be maintained.

This defensive perimeter runs along the Aleutians to Ja pan a nd tbcn goes to the Ryukyus. We hold important defense positions in the Ryukyu Islands, and those we wilJ continue ro hold. In the interest of the popula- tion of the Ryukyu Islands, we wiU a t a n a ppropriate time offer to hold tbesc islands under trusteeship of the United Nations. But they arc essen- tial parts of tbe defensive perimeter of the Pacific, and they must a nd will be held.

The defensive perimeter runs from Ryukyus to the Philippine Islands. O ur relations, our defensive rclati<)ns with the Philippines arc conta ined

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in agrc-cments between us. Thoso, agreements arc being loyally carried Out and will be loyally carried out. Both peoples have learned by bitter expe- rience the vital connections bctwtcn our mutual defense rcquiremrots.

So fur as the military security of other areas in the Paci£c is concerned, it must be clear that no person can guarantee these areas against military attack. But it must also be clear that such a guarantee is hardly sensible or necessary within the realm of practical relationship.

Should such an attack occur, one hesitates t(> say where such an armed attack could come from, the initi.al reliance must be on the people armckcd to resist it and then upon the commitments of the entire civilized world under the Charter of the United Nations, which so far has not proved a weak recd to lean on by any pooplc who arc determined to protect their independence against outside aggression. But it is a mistake, I think, in considering Pacific and Far Eastern problems to become obsessed with military considerations. Important as they are, there are other prob)cm that press, and these other problems arc not capable of solution through military means. These other problems arise out of the susceptibility of many areas, and many countries in the Pacific area, to subversion and penetration. That cannot be stopped by military means ....

. . . What we conclude, J believe, is that there is a new day which has dawned in Asia. lt is a day in which the Asian peoples arc on their own, and know it, and intend to continue on their own. It is a day in which the old relationships between cast and west arc gone, relationships which at their worst were exploitation and at their best were paternalism~ That relationship is over, and the relationship of east and west must now be in the Far East one of mutual respect and mutual helpfulness. We arc their friends. Others are their friends_ We and those others arc willing to hdp, but we can help only where we arc wanted and only where conditions of help arc really sensible and possible. So what we can S(.-c is that this new day in Asia, this new day which is dawning, may go on to a glorious noon or it may darken and it may drizzle out. Bur that decision lies within the countries of Asia and within the power of the Asian people. It is not a decision which a friend or even an enemy from the outside can make for them.

US, DEPARTMENT OF STATE, INTELLIGENCE REPORT

PREPARED IN T.HE OFFICE OF INTELLIGENCE

RESEARCH, "AGRARIAN REFORM IN GUATEMALA"1

Washington, March 5, 1953

No. 6001 Washington, March 5, 1953.

ABSTRACT

On June 17, 1952, a comprehensive agrarian reform program became law in Guatemala1 Its professed objective is the development of a capi- talistic agricultural economy through the abolition of semi-feudal owner- worker relationships:, the redistribution of land, and the improvement with state assistance of cuJcivacion methods. The imp]ications of the legislation, however, go beyond agrarian reform inasmuch as its provi- sions furnish a basis for the strengthening of political and Communist control over the rural population.

Full implementation of the law wou Id free thousands of agrarian workers from a centuries-old dependence upon the privileged landhold- ing class, but would subject the majority, in all probability, to close

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control by the state. This would be exercised through a virtually auton- omous National Agrarian Department. Certain limitations, also, would be incumbent upon those using redistributed land. Since the great bulk of the land expropriated W<)uld be incorporated into the imprcscripriblc public domain, holdings could be acquired only on the basis of a life grant or by rental. Private title, however, would be possible by the direct transfer to the peasant of la nd expropriated from private es tates. Another feature of the law facilitating s tate contro l is provision for the concentra tion of agrarian workers on each private plantation into a single village.

Administration forces undoubtedly envisage political benefits from the legislation. They arc prcsUilllably anxious to break the control of the conservative anti-administration Jarge landholders over the farm labor force in order to orga nize it behind the government. Advantages 10 the Communists a rc likely ro be enhanced by the opportunity to extend the influence in farm areas through infiltration of the National Agrarian Department, through their expanded control over Guatemalan labor organization, and through greater opportunities to a ttack the United Fruit Company. The deepening cleavage between moderates and left caused by government sponsorship of the agra rian program will benefit the Communists.

Full and rapid implcmcnra tion of the land distribution program would be likely to produce serious economic repercussions. Already ner- vousness has depressed business activity. Thus far, however, agricu ltural production, which provides the basis of Guatemala's economy, appar- ently has not been affected.

Implementation of the law will be difficult and politically dangerous. Although a n abundance of land is made available for redistribution, only a small part of it is desirably located. The extent to which land controlled by foreign agricultural corporations- the greater patt of United Fruit Company holdings are possibly subject to expropriation-may be made available for redistribution is largely a matter of speculation. As far as can be asc.crtained, these enterprises ha vc no special protection under their operating concessions. While they may appeal decisions affecting their inrercsrs to rhe National Agrarian Department, this agency and the civil courts, which probably could not be utilized, are closdy subjected to the will of an administratio n determined to accelerate the agrarian program. Also difficult for the administration tO overcome will be the

Agrari an Refo rm ,,. Ct1atemala 163

long-standing living habits and prejudices of the largdy Indian agrarian population. Most significant of all will bo, the perfecting of a competent administrative organization. The strong probability exists that too rapid acceleration of the agrarian program c<>upled with increasing C...ommun1st strength and influence may lead to violence difficult for the Arbenz administration to contain.

AGRARIAN REFORM IN GUATEMALA

1. Background. The Agrarian Reform Law which was adopted on June 17, 1952, is rooted in the Guatemalan revolutionary pro- gram which since 1944 bas been a viral force in the formulation of governmental policy. As groundwork for such legislation, the framers of the Constitution adopted in I 945 provided for state direction of the national economy, for the expropriation of unused private lands with prior compensation, for the incorporation of such lands into the national patrimony, for both the rental and granting of nationalized lands, for the formation of agricultural communities, for collective farming, for the protection of cjido and communa I lands, and for state technical and other assistance to agric-ultura1 communities. Tbesc provisions we.re the product of

several influences. Probably foremost was the socialistic and nationalistic philosophy of Juan Jose Arevalo, spiritual lender of the Revolution, whose ideas paralreled bur apparently owed little ro Marxist ideology. Also evident was the Mexican experience in land reform, implanted in the Constitution in all probability chiefly by Jorge Garc'a Granados, President of the Constituent A~sembly, who for many years prior to the Revolution had been resident in Mexico.

During the seven-year interval between the adoption of the Constitution and the enactment of the Agrarian Reform Law a number of land reform proposals were advanced. Some of these were quite radical and several Communist-sponsored. Almost all advocated the expropriation and division of large privately-owned estates. Except for the passage of compulsory land rental legislation in 1950, no positive action was ta ken by the Arevalo Administration (1945-5 I). President Jacobo Arbenz, however, fumly committed himself ro agrarian reform and in repeated speeches stressed the

164 THE COLO WAR

inequity of land owncrsh;p, the semi-feudal nature of tcnanty and laboring arrangements, and the antiquated cultivation methods employed on small holdings. On May JO, 1952, he submitted ro the National Congress the draft legislation which became law the following month. In the final preparation and enactment of this program Communists played a prominent role.

2. Redistribution of land. Under the provisions of the law certain land is specifirally designated for redistribution. This includes uncultivated land, land nor cultivated directly by or for the owner, land rented in any form, land needed to establish rural farm sctdcmcnts, stare £am1s and certain other national ]ands, certain municipal lands, and excesses resulting from new surveys prior ro expropriation. E.xcludcd, however, arc farms of less than 221 acres whether or nor cultivated, farms of from 221 to 664 acres if a least two-thirds of this land is cultivated, land belonging to Indian or farm communities, land of agricultural enterprises producing essential crops except land not dir«-tly used by the enterprise or exploited by systems established by this law, lands used for cattle raising, lands in the immediate vicinity of Guatemala City and other municipaUities, and all lcga I forest reserves.

Of the land available for redistribution under the law, only a small pan is desirably located. In the most productive and populous Sl"Ctions of the country, principally the highlands, the privately- owned farms arc generally small and exempt from expropriation. Those that arc larger are situated almost entirely in the undesirable lowland regions or in inaccessible pans of the highlands. Much of the suitably located and available land is that comprised in rhc State fanns. This situat ion and the reluctance of the largely Indian agrarian population ro migrate to the unhealthful lowlands probably influenced the administration during August and September 1952, in accordance with a previously announced policy, to make the first actual distributions of land from a nation- al plantation and ther holdings. ln November 1952 arrangements were being completed for the breakup of I JO state farms, and sev- eral have since been distributed. Effective December 29, 1952, the Department of National Farms was legally dissolved and its affairs and properties transferred to a liquidating commission pcncling distribution of the land u ndcr rhc Agrarian Reform Law.

Agradan Reform ,,, Guatemala 165

The extent to which land controlled by foreign agriculrure corporations may be made availab.lc for redistribution is largely a matter of speculation. largest of these enterprises is the United Fruit Company which owns or leases some 450,000 acres possibly subject to expropriation. As far as <:an ht ascerta ined, special pro- tection to property of the Company appears not tO be afforded either by the Agrarian Law or by the clauses of contracts, includ- ing land lease arrangements, between the Company a nd the Guatemalan Government. Anicle 12 of the Agrarian Reform Law provides that " there wiJJ be no difference between narura l a nd juridical persons who own or rent land in this country, even though they may have signed contracts with the state prior ro the date of promulgation of this law insofar as the lands affected arc concerned." This a rticle indicates clearly that the Communist- guided framers of the Agra rian law intended to apply its provi- sions to foreign enterprises such as the United Fru it Company.

The first moves to apply the law to United Fruit Company holdings were made in December 1952 when workers at both the Tiquisarc and Bananera subsidiaries filed expropriation applica- tions with the National Agrarian Department. ln protesting these proceedings before the Oepartmenral Agrarian Commissions, rep- resentatives of the Company poimed out what they regarded as irregularities in the petitions, presented evidence that much of its acreage was exempt from expropriation because it was forested, was pasture, or was producing '"technical crops", and conttndcd

that uncultivated lands were needed as a reserve for replacing acreage in bananas forced out of production by plant diseases. The Company also a rgued that such compensation as might be made would be inadequate if it were based as prescribed by this law upon the tax book value, especially in view of the fact that the Company had sought from 1948 to 195 1 to have its land reval- ut"<I. Moreover, payment in agrarian bonds would be unsatisfac- tory since they were subject to heavy discounting if cashed soon after issue. Both commissions o,,erruled these arguments and approved the expropriation of the Company's uncultivated lands. In the Tiquisatc case, the commission based its decision on the Company's inabiLity to show that it was 6nancially able to increase its cultivated acreage, and its foilurc to sustain with testimony by

Agradan Reform ,,, Guatemala 165

Agrarian Reform ,,. Ct1atemala 167

replaced after ruling against the expropriation of uncultivated lands belonging to a private landowner who had unsuccessfully appealed his case through the National Agrarian Department to the President of the Republic. The Supreme Court had accepted the case under a consrirutiona1 pr·ovision which grants a person the right to ask protection or aid (amparo) in a case where he believes the "law, regulation or other order by an authority is not applicable."

If the Agrarian Law is fully implemented, the impact upon pri- vate landholders would be borne chiefly by a minority group. The Guatemalan General Directorate of Statistics estimates that of 341,19 I private agricultural holdings only 1,7 JO would be affect- ed. These I ,710 holdings, however, comprise more than half of the tor.al private acreage. Their owners would nor s uffer a drastic loss of cultivated land, but would be prevented &om expanding future operations were their uncultivated acreage expropriated. For own- ers whose property is condemned provision exists for indemnifica- tion based upon the gencralJy low tax valuations as of May 9, 1952. Compensation, for which the administration has made initial provision, is co be in bonds bearing 3 percent interest redeemable in 25 years or less. Although the National Agrarian Department planned in late I 952 to begin distributions from pri- vate farms, this phase of the agrarian program was not placed in operation until January 1953 when President Arbcnz signed a reso)urion ordering the first expropriation of four farms in various parts of the country. Financial arrangements for such expropria- tions had Ix-en completed the preceding month with the deposit by the National Agrarian Department in the Bank of Guatemala of $2,500,000 in Agrarian bonds to reimburse landowners.

Meanwhile, the failure of the Government to proceed more rapidly with private expropriations led to increasing pressure, pan of it Communist-inspired, to bring. this about. Petitions were sent to the agrarian authorities and to the President, and after the beginning of 1953 the seizure of private lands by farm workers gacned impetus throughout the country. The official press warned that only the state could apply the law, but the Administration showed signs of yielding to the pressure by moving to authorize squatters to stay on the land under the compulsory rental laws,

168 THE COLO WAR

by refusing generally to use the police power to protc-ct the private properties involv·ed, and by accelerating the rate of pri- vate expropriations.

3. Social and Political Implications. Envisaged by the law is the far-readung social change of freeing thousands of agrarian workers from a centuries-old dependence upon the privileged large landholding class. Prohibited arc existing forms of servi- tude such as the lending by one landowner to another of the personal services of farm laborers, the forced distribution of Indians, and the paym<-nt of rental for land in labor. A provision for the placing of land rental on an almost exclusively cash basis, and the limiting of payment whether in cash or kind t<) 5 percent of the value of the crop produced is o ne designed to free the Indian peasant &om his dependent economic Sta tus.

Under the agrarian program, however, the rural classes would be subjected tO rather close control by the state. This would be exercised through a virtually autonomous National Agrarian Department-headed nominally by the President of the Republic and having national, dcp:arrmental and local subdivisions-whose influence is enhanced by its responsibility for rendering technical and other assistance. Certain limitations would be incumbent upon those using rcdistri buted land. If the holding were acquired from the imprcscriptible public domain, use would be on the basis of a life grant or by rental as long as adequate cultivation were maintained. Private title would be possibly only by the dirt'(., transfer to the applicant of land expropriated from private estates. Such holdings would be restricted to 43 acres and would not be transferable to another owner for 25 years. Another feature of the law facilitating stat< control is provision for the concentration of agrarian workers on each private plantation into a single village and for the nationalization of private roads conntcting such com- munities with other centers of population.

4. Communist Participation. Although the Agrarian Law docs not provide for the complete breakup of large privately-owned estates, it otherwise harmonizes generally with the program of the Guatemalan Communist Party, which purports to favor "peas- ant-middle-class agrarian reforms" bringing " the destruction of feudalism and the opening of the way to capitalism, or rather,

Agrarian Reform ,,. Ct1atemala 169

industrialization." The Party has :accepted the law as "the least that can be done" and with the admission that it is not feasible to go further at the present time. Rapid implementation of the law, however, was urged at a Party Coragrcss held in December I 952.

Under the law the Communists have an excellent opportunity to extend their influence over the rural population. One method of accomplishing this is through the representation in the various sub- divisions of the National Agrarian Department to which the two major lahor confederations arc entitled. The Communist-controlled General Confederation of Workc.rs (Confederation General de Trabajadores de Guatemala, CGTG) and the Communist-influenced National Confederation of Farm Workers (Confedcracion Nacional Campesina de Guatemala, CNCG) have 60 percent of the scats in the local agrarian commissions, 40 percent in the dcpanmcntal c.ommissions, and one-third in the- national commission. Already Communists and their sympathizers have infiltrated the National Agrarian Department so extensively that they exert an important voice in both policy making and in the implementation of the law.

Ar the same time, the Communises arc tightening their grip on the rural classes by using the law in other ways. Working chiefly through the CGTG and the CNCG, they arc propagandizing in behalf of the law, are stimulating farm workers to petition for the redistribution of land, and arc helping applicants in their negc>tia- tions with the National Agrarian Department. Communist leaders also arc taking the initiative resisting the efforts of private land- owners to appeal their cases from the National Agrarian Department to the civil courts. Virtua1ly no opposition exists ro these activities. A basic reason for this is that the Agrarian Law provides severe penalties for interference with its implementation. Other factors redounding to the advantage of the Communists arc an expansion of organizational activities in farm areas by hoth the CGTG and the CNCG, and the deepened cleavage between moderates and left produced by government sponsorship of the law.

5. Implementation. President Arbcnz. and his leftist administration forces, particularly the Communists, envisage political benefits from the legislation. They arc pm;umably anxious to eliminate all control of the conservative, anti-administration large landholders over the farm labor force. With this accomplished, agrarian

170 THE COLO WAR

workers couJd be unionized under auspices and with benefits which would virtually assure their support of the administration. Aside from these brnad political advantages, administration lead- ers will 6nd in the agrarian reform program a greatly enlarged field for graft and patronage. Already the Pm,ident has moved to keep implementation of the law in his hands by appointing as Chief of the National Agrarian Department the unscrupulous, cor- rupt, a nd shrewd Major Alfonso Marr'nez Estcv<"z, his confidant and former private sccrernry. Next to the presidency, direction of the agrarian program is potentially the most important civilian position in the Guatemalan Government. To finance the opera- tions of the National Agrarian Department, a budget of $404,470 for fiscal 1952-53 was approved in November 1952 by the National Congress.

During 1952, implementation of the Agrarian Law proceeded slowly and prnduccd some con fusion a nd controversy. Many misinformed rural workers evidenced keen disappointment when informed that lands exempt from expropriation could not be distributed ro them. Under Communist inspira tion, pressure mounted for more rapid distribution. The acceleration of tbc progra m beca me the central issue of the 1952-53 congressional electora l ca mpaign a nd has been officially marked as the primary government objective for 1953. In the course of the accelerated land distribution program, "squatting" and forced seizures by the peasantry have taken place and have been upheld by the government.

6. Economic Repercussions. Thus far, a serious businc~~s recession, pa rticularly affecting G ua temala City, bas been the major cc.onomic repercussion of the implementation of the reform pro- gram. The government has been forced to deny reports tha t pri- vate property in general will come under attack. Rapid and immoderate implementation of the law may weU affect agricul-

tural production, the basis of Guatemala's economy, bur this has not yet taken place. Dangers predicted locally include labor shortages, loss of la nd, the depreciation of land values, and a decline in credit.

Agrarian Reform,,. Ct1atemala 17 1

Conclusion

The adoption on June 17, 1952 of a COm!Prchcnsivc agrarian reform pro- gram presages significant sociological, t'<:Onomic and political changes in Guatemala. Full implementation of the law would free thousands of agrarian workers from a ccnruric-s-old depcndc-ncc upon the privikgcd landholding class, but would subject the majority, in alD probability, to close control by the state through supervision by a virtually- autonomous National Agrarian Department, through limitation upon land usage, through popula tion con- centrations, and through the extension of K-chnical and other assistance.

Full a nd rapid implementation of the land distribution program would be likely to produce serious economic repercussions. Already nc,r- vousncss has depressed business activity. Thus far, however, agricu.ltu.ral production, which provides the basis of Guatemala's economy, appar- ently has not been affected.

Administration forces in all probability will ose the law to eliminate all control of the conservative, large landholding classes over farm work- ers. With the assistance of the Communists, who will take advantage of the opporrunjty to extend their inAuencc over the rural classes, a stronger backing for the government should result. Advantages to the Communists also a rc likely to be enhanced by greater opporrunities tO attack the United Fruit Company, and by the deepening cleavage between moderates and left resulting from government spons.orship of the reform program.

Foreign agricultural enterprises, especially the United Fruit C'-0mpany, will probably have their uncultivated holdings expropriated since they appear to have no special protection under thtiI operating concessions. While they may appeal decisions affecting their interests to the National Agrarian Department, this agency and the civil courts, which probably could not be utilized, arc so closely subjected to the will of the adminis- tration that such recourse would avail little.

Implementation of the law will be difficult because of the unavailability of suitably located land, because of the long-standing living habits and prejudices of the largely Indian agrarian population, and because of the likelihood that a competent administrative organization cannot be pcrfoct- ed. The strong probability exists that too rapid acceleration of the agrarian program coupled with increasing Communist strength and influence may lead to violcnt-e difficult for tbc Arbenz Administration to contain.

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NOTES

U'ntral lnrdligence Agenc)\Joh 79-01025A, Box 7, Folder 1. Confi&.-ntiaJ. According ro a typed nore, thjs report was prepared by the Division of Research for Amt:rican Repuhlic.s. A cover sheet and table of contents are not printed.

2 On ft'bruary 26 President Arbe112 signed an order issued by the Guatemalan Nacion.al Agrnrian Council calling for tht' t'xpropriation, under provisions of rhe Agrarian Reform law of June 17, 1952, of appruximardy 234,000 acrts of United Fruit Companr propeny near Tiquisate on the Pacific side of Guatemala, and

offering the company go\·ernmt'nt bonds as compensation. 5t'C Foreign Relations, 1952-1954, vol. JV, pp. 1056-1057 (Document l.l).

RADIO AND TELEVISION ADDRESS ON COMMUNISM

IN GUATEMALA Jolm Foster Dulles, 19 54

Tonight I should like to talk with you about Guatemala. ft is the scene of dramatic events. They expose the evil purpose of the Kremlin to destroy the inter-American system, and they test the ability of the American States to maintain the peacdul integrity of this hemisphere. For several years international communism has been probing here a nd there for nesting places in the Americas. It finally chose Guatemala as a spot which it could turn into an official base from which to breed subver- sion which would extend to other American Republics. This intrusion of Soviet despotism was, of course, a direct challenge to our Monroe Doctrine, the first and most fundamental of our foreign policies.

ln GuarcmaJa, international communism had an initia l success. It began 10 years ago, w hen a revolution occurred in Guatemala . The revolution was not without justification. Bur the Communists seized on it, not as an opportunity for real reiorm, bur as a chance to gain political power.

Communist agitators devoted themselves to infiltrating the public a nd private organizations of Guatemala. They sent recruits to Russia a nd other Communist countries for revolutionary training and indoctrination in such instirurions as the Lenin Sch,x,I at Moscow. Operating in the guise of " reformers, " they organized the workers and peasants under Communist leadership. Having gained cc)ntrol of what they call "mass organizations," they movtd on ro take over the official press and radio of the Guatemalan Government. They dominated the social security

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organization and ran the agrarian reform program. Through the tccbnique of the "popular front" they dicratcd to the Congress and the President.

The judiciary made one valiant attempt to protect its integrity and independence. But the Communists, using their control of the legisla- tive body, caused the Supreme Court to be dissolved when it refused to give approval to a Communist-contrived law. Arbtnz, who until this week was President of Guatemala, was openly manipulated by the leaders of communism.

Guatemala is a small country. But its power, standing alone, i.s not a measure of the threat. The mast.er plan of international communism is to gain a solid political base in this hemisphere, a base that can be used to extend Communist penetration to the other peoples of the other American Governments. It was not the power of the Arbcnz government that con- cerned us but the power behind. it.

If world communism captures any American State, however small, a new and perilous front is established which will increase the danger to the entire free world and re.quire even greater sacrifices from the American people.

This situation in Guatemala had lx.x:omc so dangerous chat the American States e<)uld not ignore it. At Caracas last March the American States held their Tenth lnt<r-American Conference. They then adopted a momentous statement. They declared that "the domination or control of the political institutions of any American State by the international Communist mc)vcment ... would constitute a threat to the sovereignty and political independence of the American States, endangering the peace of America. "'

There was only one American State that voted against this declara- tion. That State was Guatemala. This Caracas declaration precipitated a dramatic chain of events. From <heir European base the Communist lead- ers moved rapidly to build up the military power of their agents in Guatemala. In May a large shipment of arms moved from behind the Iron Curtain inw Guatemala. The shipment was thought to be secreted by false manifests and false clearances. Its ostensible destination was changed three times while en route.

Ar the same time, the agents of international communism in Guatemala intens ified efforrs to penetrate and subvert the neighboring Central American States. They attempted political assassinations and political strikes. They used consular agents for political warfare.

Rod, o a11d Telev1s1011 Address on Commttntsm tu Guatemela 17 5

Many Guatemalan people protested against thei r being used by Communist dictatorship w serve the Communises' lust for power. The response was mass arrcSt.s, the supprt-ssion of constitutional guaranties, the killing of opposition leaders, and other brutal tactics normally employed by communism to secure the consolidation of its power.

Throughout the period I have outlined, the Guatemalan Government and Communist agents throughout the world have pcrsisrently attempted to obscure the real issue-that of C-0rumunist imperialism- by claiming that the United States is only interested in protecting American business. We regret that there have been disputes between the Guatemalan Government a nd the United Fru it Company. We have urged repeatedly that these disputes be submitted for settlement to an international tribu- nal or co international arbitration. That is the way to dispose of problems of this sort. But this issue is relatively unimportant. All who know the temper of the U.S. people and Government must rccalizc that our overrid- ing concern is that which, with ochers, we recorded at Caracas:, namely the endangering by international communism of the peace a nd security of this hemisphere.

The people of Guatemala have not been hccard from. Despite the armaments piled up by the Arbenz government, it was unable to enlist the spiritual cooperation of the people.

Led by Col. Castillo Armas, patriots arnse in Guatema la to challenge the Communist l<.'adership-and to change it. Thus, the situation is being cured by the Guatemalans themselves.

last Sunday, President Arbenz of Guatemala resigned a nd seeks asylum. O thers arc following his example.

Tonight, jusr as I speak, Col. Castillo Armas is in conference in El Salvador with Colonel Monzon, the head of the Council which has takc,a over the power in Guatemala City. It was this power that the just wrath of the Guatemalan people wrcsrcd from President Arbcnz, who then took flight.

Now the future of Guatemala lies a t the disposal of the Guatemalan people themselves. It lies als<) a t the disposal of leaders loyal to Guatemala who have not trcasonably become the agents (>fan alien despotism which sought to use Guatemala for its own evil ends .. ..

Above all, we can be grateful rhat there were loyal citizens of Guatemala who, in the face of terrorism and violence and against what seemed insuperable odds, had the courage a nd the wi II to eliminate the traitorous rools of foreign despots.

176 THE COLO WAR

The need for vigilance is not past. Communism is still a menace every- where. Bur the people of the United States and of the other American Republics can feel tonight that a t kasr one grave danger has been avert- ed. Also an example is ser which promises increased security for rhe future. The ambitious and unscrupulous will be less prone to feel that communism is the wave o( their future.

In conclusion, let me assure the people of Guatemala. As peace and freedom arc restored to that sister Republic, the Government of the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of the Guatemalan people. A prosperous and progressive Guatemala is viral to a healthy hemisphere. The United Stares pledges itSelf nor mcrdy ro political opposition to communism bur to help to alleviate conditions in Guatemala and elsewhere which might afford communjsm an opportu- nity ro spread itS tentacles thro ughout the hemisphere. Thus we shall seek in positive ways ro make our Americas an example which will inspire men everywhere.

CIA REPORT ON OVERTHROW OF MOSSADEGH

SUMMARY

By the end of 1952, it had become dear ,hat the Mossadeq government in Iran was incapable of reaching an oil settlement with interested Western countries; was reaching a dangerous and advanced stage of illegal, deficit financing; was disregarding the lranian constitution in prolonging Premier Mohammed Mossadcq's tenure of office; was motivated mainly by Mossadcq's desire for personal power; was governed by irresponsible policies based on emotion; had weakened the Shan and the Iranian Army to a dangerous degree; and had cooperated closely with the Tudeh (com- munist) Party of Iran. In view of these factors, it was estimated that Iran was in real danger of falling behind the kon Curtain; if that happened it would mean a victory for the Soviets in the Cold War and a major setback for the West in the Middle East. No remedial action othrr than the covert action plan set forth below could I><! found to improve the existing state of affairs.

It was the aim of the TPAJAX project tc:> cause the fall of the Mossadeq government; to reestablish the prestige and power of the Shan; and t(> replace the Mossadcq government with one which would govern Iran according to constructive policies. Specifically, the aim was to bring to power a government which would reach an equitable oil settlement~ enabling Iran to become t-conomically sound and financially solvent, and which would vigorously prosecute the dangerously strong Communist Party.

Once it had been determined definitely that it was not in American interests for the Mossadcq government to remain in power and CIA had been so informed by the Secretary of State in March 1953, CIA began

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drafting a plan whereby the aim.s stated above could be realized through covert action. An estimate entitled "Factors lnvolved in the Overthrow of Mossadeq" was completed on 16 April 1953. It was here determined that an overthrow of Mossadeq was possible through covert operations. In April it was determined that CIA should conduct the envisioned operation jointly with the British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS). By the end of April, it was decided that CIA and SIS officers would draw up a plan on Cyprus which would bc submitted to CIA a nd SIS Hcadquarters, and to the Department of State and the Foreign Office for final approval. On 3 June 1953, US Ambassador Loy Wesley Henderson arrived in the United States where he was fully consulted with regard to the objective and aims, as stated above, as \veil as CIA's intentions to design covert means of achieving the objective and aims.

The plan was completed by JO J une 1953 at which time Mr. Kermit Roosevelt, Chief of the Near Ea.st and Africa Division, CIA (who carried with him the views of the Department of State, CIA, and Ambassador Henderson); Mr. Roger Goiran, CIA Chief of Station, Iran; and two CIA planning officers met in Beirut to consider the plan. With minor changes the operational proposal was submitted to the SIS in London on 14 J une 1953.

On I 9 June 1953, the final operational plan,agrecd upon by Ml: R006cvclt for CIA and by British Intelligence in London, was submitml in Washington to the Department of Stare,; to Mr. Allen W. Dulles, Dire<:tor of CIA; and to Ambassador Henderson for approval. Simultaneously, it was submitted to the British Foreign Office by SIS for approval. The Department of State want- t-d to be assured of two things before it would grant approval of the plan:

J. that the United States Government could provide adequate grant aid to a successor Iranian Government so rhat such a government couJd be sustained until an oil serclemcnt was reached;

2. that the British Government would signify in writing, to the satis- faction of the Department of State, its intention to reach an early oil settlement with a successor [ranian Government in a spirit of gO(>d will and equity.

The Department of State satisfied itself on both of these scores. ln mid-July 1953, the Department of State a nd the British Foreign

Office granted a uthorization for the implementation of the TPAJAX proj- ect, and the Director of CIA obtained the approval of the President of the

CIA Rep o rl on Overtbrow of Mossadegh 179

United States. The SIS, with the concu rrence of the CIA Dir<"Ctor a nd Ambassador Henderson, prOp<)Sed that M r. Roosevelt assume field com- mand in Tehran of the final phases of th,c operation. It was determined by the Department of Sta te that it would be advisable for Ambas.<ador Henderson co postpone his re-turn to Iran, from Washington consulta- tion, until the operation has been concluded. Arrangements were made jointly with SIS whereby operational liaison would be conducted on Cyprus where a CIA officer would be temporarily stationed, and support liaison would be conducted in Washington. Rapid three-way communica- tions were arranged th rough CIA facili ties between Tehran, Cyprus, a nd Washington. The time set for the operation was mid-August.

ln Iran, CIA and SIS propaganda assets were to conduct an increas- ingly intmsified propaganda effort through the press, handbiUs, and the Tehran clergy in a campaign designed to weaken the Mossadeq govern- ment in a nyway p<)SSible. In the United States, high-ranking US officials were to make official statements which would shatter any hopes held by Premier M<>ssadeq that American economic aid would be forthcoming, and disabuse the Irania n public of the Mossadeq myth that the United States supported his regime.

General Fazlolloh Zahedi, former member <>f Mossadeq's cabinet, was chosen as the most suitable successor to the Premier since he stood out as the only person of stature who has consistently been openly in opposition to Mossadeq and who claimed any significant foUowing. Zahedi was to be approached by CIA and be told of <)ur operation and its aim of installing him as the new prime minister. He was co name a military secretar iat with which CIA would conclude a detailed staff plan of action.

From the outset, the co<)pcration of the Shah was considered to an essential part of the plan. His coopcraticm was necessary to assure the action required of the Tehran military gauisons, and to legalize the suc- cession of a new prime ministeL Since the Shah has shown himself to be a man of indecision, it was determined that pressure oa him to cooperate would take the foUowing forms:

I. The Shah 's dynamic a nd forceful twin sisre~ Princess Ashraf Pahlavi, was to come from Europe to urge the Shah to dismiss Mossadcq. She would say she had been in contact with US and UK officials who had requested her tO do so.

18 0 THE COLO WAR

2. Arrangements were made: for a visit to Iran by General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, former head of the US Gendarme Mission, whom the Shah liked and rcsp-ccted. S<:hwar,kopf was to explain the proposed project and get from the Shah signed fimums (royal decrees) dismissing Moss:adeq, appointing Zahedi, and caHing on the Army to remain loyal to the Crown.

3. The principal indigenous British agent, wh<,s< bona /ides has be(,n established with the Shah, was to reinforce Schwar,kopf's mes- sage and assure the Shah that this was a joint US-UK action.

4. Failing results from the above, Mr. Roosevelt, representing the President of the United States, would urge the Shah to sign the above-mentioned finnans. When received, the firma11s would be released by CIA to Zahedi on the day called for in the plan. On D-Day, the Shah was to be at some location outside of Tehran so that Zahedi, armed with the royal firmans and with military sup- port, could take over the government without danger of the Shah's reversing his stand, and co avoid any attempt on the Shah's life.

Through agents in the Tehran military, CIA was to ensure, to the degree possible, Tehran Army cooperation in support of the Shah- appointed new prime minister:

The foUowing public statements made in the United States has tremen- dous impact on Iran and Mossadeq, and contributed greatly to Mossadcq's downfall:

I. The publication , on 9 July I 953, of President Eisenhower's 29 June 1953 letter ro Premier Mossadeq made it dear that increased aid would n<)t be forth-coming to Iran.

2. The Secretary of State's press conference of 28 July 1953 Stated that " .... The growing activities of the illegal Communjsr Patt in Iran and the toleration of them by the Iranian Government has caused our government concern. These dcvelopmcntS make it more difficult to grant aid to Iran."

3. The President's Scart1c speech at the Govcmorst convention, in which he stated that the United Stares would not sit by and sec Asian countries fall behind the Iron Curtain, has definite effect.

In cooperation with the Department of State, CIA had several articles planted in major American newspapers and magazines which, when

CIA Rep o rl on Overtbrow of Mossadegh 181

reproduced in Iran, had the desired psychological effect in Iran and con- tributed to the war of nerves against Mossadtq.

After considerable pressure from Princess Ashraf and General Schwarzkopf, and afrer several meetings with ,¼. Roosevelt, the Shah finally signed the required /irmans on 15 August 1953. Anion was set for 16 August. However, owing to a security leak in the Iranian miLitary, the chief of the Shah's bodyguard, assigned to seize Mossadeq with the help of rwo truckloads of pro-Shah soldiers, was overwhelmed by superior armed forced still loyal to Mossadcq. The balance of the military plan was thus frustrated for the day. Upon hearing that the plan has misfired, the Shah flew tO Baghdad. This was an act of prudence and had been at least partially foreseen in the plan. Zahcdi remained in hiding in CIA cuswdy. With his key officers, he dudcd Mossadeq's security forces which were seeking to apprehend the major opposition clements.

Early in the afternoon o f I 7 August 1953, Ambassador Henderson returned t<) Tehran. General Zahedi, through a CIA-arranged secret press conference and through ClA covert printing facilities, announced to Iran that he was legally prime minister and that Mossadcq had Staged an ille- gal coup against him. CIA agent assets disseminated a large quantity of photographs of the {in11a11s, appointing Zahcdi prime minister and dis- missing Mossadeq. This had tremendous ;mpact on the people of Tehran who had already been shocked and angered when they realized that the Shah had been forced to leave Iran because of Mossadcq's actions. US Ambassador Burton Y. Berry, in Baghdad, contacted the Shah and stated that he had confidence that the Shah would return soon to Iran despite the apparent adve.rse situation at that time. Contact was also established with the Shah in Rome after he had flown there from Baghdad. Mr. Roosevelt and the station consistently rep(>rtcd that Mossadcq's apparent victory was misleading; that there were very concrete signs that the Army was still loyal tO the Shah; and that a favorable reversal of the situation was possible. The station further urged both the British Foreign Office and the Department of State tO make a maximum effort to persuade the Shah to make public statements encouraging the Army and populace to reject Mossadeq and to accept Zahcdi as prime minister.

On 19 August 1953, a pro-Shah demons tration, originating in the bazaar area, rook on overwhelming proportions. The demonstration appeared to start partially spontaneously, revealing the fundamental prestige of the Shah and the public alarm at the undisguised republican move being started by the Communists as well as by certain National

182 THE COLO WAR

Frontisrs. Station political action assets also contributed to the begin- nings of the pro-Shah demonstrations. The Army very soon joined the pro-Shah movement and by noon of that day it was clear that Tehran, as well as certain provincial areas, wcrc controlled by pro-Shah street groups and Army units. The situation was such that the above-mentioned military plan could them be implemented. At the station's signa l Zahcdi came Out of hiding to lead the movement. He first broadcast over Radio Tehran and announced that the government was his. The General Staff offices were then seized, Mossadeq's home was gutted, and pro- Mossadeq politicians and offic.ers arrested. By the end of 19 August, the country was in the hands of thc new Premier, Zahcdi, and members of the Mossadeq government were either in hiding or were incarcerated.

The Shah returned shortly to Iran where he was given a rousing popu- lar reception. The Shah was deeply moved by the fact that his people and Army has revolted in the face o f advrrsity against a vindictive Mossadcq and a Communist Party riding the crest of temporary victory and clearly planning to declare Iran a republic. The Shah felt for the fu-st time that he had the mandate of his people, and he returned determined to regain firm control of the Army.

In o rder to give Zahcdi badly needed immediate financial assistance so that month-end payrolls could be met before the United States could provide large scale grant aid, CIA covertly made available S5,000,000 within two days of Zahcdi's assumption of power.

The CJ.A.'s secret hi.-;tory of the 1953 roup in Iran was a nearly 200.pagc docum<.•1n, com• pri.-;ing the author's crwn account of the operation nnd a set of pbnnjng docurnt:nts he: attached. The Ne\v York Times on the Web is puhljshing the inrrodoc-rion nnd mall)' of the pL'lnning documents. But the li.me:s decided not to publish the main bod)' of the text aftrr consulting prominent h~-rorians who bdievcd there might be serious risk that some of those named as furt'ign agents would face f'C'tribution in Iran. Bc:cause the introductory summ.uy and the main bod)· of the document arc illl(,_-ons.:istcnr on :t few <btrs and facts, l'Clckrs may nO(e discrqxincies berwecn accounts. In its n-purting. the limes has relied upon det:1ils in the CJ.A. document not published here. Jn addition, certain n.ames and identifying descriptions haw: been R.'mO\-ed from the dcx:uments av3ibble on the Web.

MEMORANDUM FROM THE CHIEF OF WH/4/PM, CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY (HAWKINS) TO

THE CHIEF OF WH/4 OF THE

DIRECTORATE FOR PLANS (ESTERLINE)

Washington, January 4, 1961

SUBJECT

Policy Decisions Required for Conduct of Strike Operations Against Government of Cuba

1. Purpose

The purpose o f this memorandum is to out.line the current status of our preparations for the conduct of amphibious/airborne and tactical air operations against the Government of Cuba and to set forth certain requirements for pol icy decisions which must be reached and imple- mented if these operations arc to be carried out.

Source: U.S., Depamncnr of S,are, f'()reign Relatrons o{TIJe Umted States, J 96 J 4 t 963, Volume X, Cuba, 1961 4 1962.

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184 THE COLO WAR

2. Concept

As a basis for the policy requirements to be presented below, it would appear appropriate to review briefly the concept of the strike operations contemplated and outline the objectives which these operations arc designed to accomplish.

The concept envisages the seizure of a sma II lodgement on Cuban soil by a n all-Cuban amphibious/airborne force of about 7 50 men. The land- ings in Cuba will be preceded by a tactical air preparation, beginning at dawn of D-1 Day. The primary purpose of the air preparation will be to destroy or neutralize all Cuban military aircraft and naval vessels constitut- ing a threat to the invasion force. When this task is accomplished, attacks will then be directed againSt other military targets, induding artillery parks, ta nk parks, military vehicles, supply dumps, etc. Close air support ,viii be provided tO the invasion force on D-Day and thereafter as long as the force is engaged in combat. The primary targets during this time will be opposing military formations in the field. Particular efforts will be made to interdict opposing troop movements against the lodgement.

The initial mission of the im•asion force will be to seize and defend a small area, which under ideal conditions will include an airfield and access to the sea for logistic support. Plans must provide, howcvc~ for the eventuality that the force will be driven into a tight defensive fonna- tion which ,viii preclude supply by sea or control of an airfield. Under such circumstances supply would have ro be provided entirely by air drop. The primary objective of -rhc force will be to survive and maintain its integrity on Cuban soil. There will be no early attempt tO break out of the lodgement for further offensive operations unless and until there is a general uprising against the Castro regime or overt military interven- tion by United States forces has taken place.

It is expected that these opccations will precipita te a general uprising throughout Cuba a nd cause the revolt of large segments of the Cuban Army and Militia. The lodgement, it is hoped, will serve as a ra llying point for the thousa nds who a rc ready for overt resistance to Castro but who hesitate to act until tbey can fed some assurance <>f success. A gen- eral revolt in Cuba, if one is successfully triggered by our operations, may serve to topple the Castro regime within a period of weeks.

If matters do not evenrua te as predicted above, the lodgement estab- lished by our force can be used as the site for establishment of a provi- sional government which can be recognized by the United States, and

M e m o rondi,m fro m 1/,- C hu / of \Y/ H / 4 / PM 185

hopefully by other America n states, and given overt military assistance. The way will then be paved for United States military intervention aimed at pacification of Cuba, a nd this will result in the prompt overthrow of the Castro Government.

While this paper i.~ directed to the subject of strike operations, it should not be presumed that other para military programs will be sus- pended or abandoned. These arc being intensified and accelerated. They include the supply by air and sea of guerrilla clements in Cuba, the con- duct of sabotage operations, the introduction of specially trained para- military reams, and the expansion of our agent networks throughout the island.

3. Status of Forces

a. Air. The Project tactical air force includes ten B-28 aircraft currently based in Guatamala and at Eglin Air Foroc Ba.~e. However, there arc only five Cuban B-26 pilots available at this time who arc considered to be of highly «-chnical competence. Six additional Cuban pilots are available, bur their proficiency is questionable.

It is planned that seven C-54 and four C-46 transports will be avail- able for strike operations. Herc again, t:he number of qualified Cuban crews is insufficient. There is one qua lified C-54 crew on hand at this time, and three C-46 crews.

Aviation o rdnance for conduct of strike operations is yet to be posi- tioned at the strike base in Nicaragua. Necessary construction and repairs a t th is base arc now scheduled to commence, and there appears to be no obstacle to placing this facili ty in a state of readiness in time for operations as planned.

Conclusions

(I ) The number of qualified Cuban B-26 crews available is inadequate for conduct of strike operations.

(2) The number of q ualified Cuban transport crews is grossly inade- quate for supply operations which. will be required in support of the invasion forces and other friendly forces which arc expected to join or operate in conjunction with it in many pa rts of Cuba. It is anticipated that multiple sorties wi ll be required on a daily basis.

186 THE COLO WAR

b. Maritime. Amphibious craft for the operation, including thrc-c LOU's and four LCVP's arc now at Viaqucs, Puerto Rico, where Cuban crew training is progressing satisfacrorily. These craft with their crews will soon be ready for operations.

The Barbara J (LC!), now cnroure ro the United States from Puerto Rico, requires repairs which may take up to two weeks for completion. The sister ship, the Blagar, is outfitting in Miami, and its crew is being assembled. It is expected that both vessels will be fully operational by mid-January at the latest.

In view of the difficulty and delay encountered in purchasing, outfit- ting and readying for sea the two LCl's, the decision has been reached ro purchase no more major vessels, but ro charter them instead. The motor ship, Rio Escondido (converted LCT) will be chartered this week and one additional steam ship, some,vhar larger, will be chartered early in February. Both ships belong ro a Panamanian Corporation controlled by the Garcia family <)f Cuba, who arc actively cooperating with this Projc-ct. These two ships will provide su fficicnt lift for troops and supplies in the invasion operation.

Condusion

Maritime asscrs required wiU be available in ample time for strike opera- tions in late February.

a. Ground. There arc approximately 500 Cuban personnel now in training in Guatemala. Results being achieved in the FRD recruit- ing drive now underway in Miami indicate that extraordinary

measures may be rcqufred if the ranks of the Assault Brigade arc to be filled to irs planned strength of 750 by mid-January. Special recruiting reams comprised of members of the Assault Brigade arc being brought to Miami to assist in recruiting efforts in that city and possibly in other cou.ntrics, [less than 1 line of source text not declassified/. All recruits should be available by mid-January ro allow at least four to six weeks of training prior to commitment.

The Assault Brigade bas been formed into irs basic organiza- tion (a quadrangular infantry battalion, including four rifle com- panies, and a weapons company). Training is proceeding ro the extent possible with the limited number of military instructC>rs

Me m orJJ nd11m from th ~ C hie f of \V H/ 4 / PM 18 7

available. This force cannot be adequately trained for combat unless additional military trainers are provided.

Conclusion

(1) It is probable that the Assault Brigade can r<ach its planned Strength of 750 prior to commitment, but it is possible that upwards of 100 of these men will be recruited too late for ade- quate training.

(2) Unless U.S. Army Special Forces rraining teams as requested arc sent promptly to Guatemala, the Assault Brigade cannot be read- ied for combat by late February as planned and desired.

(3) The Assault Brigade should not be committed (<) action until it has rcceivtd at least four and preferably six weeks of training under supervision of tbe U.S. Army team. This means that the latter half of February is the earliest satisfactory time for the Strike operation.

4. Major Policy Questions Requiring Resolution

ln order that planning and preparation for the Strike operation may proceed in an orderly manner and correct positioning of hundreds of tons of supplies and equipment can be effected, a number of firm decisions concerning major questions or po)icy arc required. These are discussed below.

a. The Concept Itself

Discussion. The question of whether the incoming administration of President-Elect Kennedy will concur in the conduct of the strike opera- tions outlined above needs to be resolved at the earlist p(>Ssible time. If these operations are not to be conducted, then preparations for them should cease forthwith in order to avoid the needless waste of great human effort and many millions of dollars. Recruitment of additional Cuban personnel should be stopped, for every new rt-cruit who is not employed in operations as intended presents an additional prnblem of eventual disposition.

Recommendation. That the Director of Central Intelligence attempt to determine the position of the President-Elect and his Secretary of Seate- Designate in regard to this question as soon as possible.

188 THE COLO WAR

b. Timing of the Operation

lf Army Special Forces training teams arc made available a nd dispa tched to Guatemala by mid-January, the Assault Brigade can achieve accept- able readiness for combat during the latter half of February, I 96 1. All other required preparations can be made by that same time. The opera- tion should be launched during this period. Any delay beyond 1 March, 1961, would be inadvisable for the following reasons:

( 1) Ir is doubtful that Cuban forces can be maintained at our Guatemalan muning base: beyond I March, I 96 I. Pressures upon the Government of Guatemala may become unmanageable if Cuban ground troops are not removed by that date.

(2) Cuban trainees cannot be held in training for much longer. Many have been in the camp for months under most austere and restric- tive conditions. They arc becoming restive and if not committed co act ion soon there will probably be a general lowering of morale. Large-sca le desertions could occur with attendant possibilities of surfacing the entire program.

(3) While the support of the Cast ro Government by the Cuban populace is deteriorating rapidly and time is working in our favor in that sense, it is working to o ur disadvan tage in a mili- ta ry sense. Cuban jct pilots arc being trained in Czechoslovakia and the appeara nce of modern radar throughout Cuba indicates a s trong possibility that Castro may soon have an a ll-weather jet intercept capabili ty. H is ground forces have received vase q uantities of military eq uipment from the Bloc cou ntries, including medium and heavy tanks, field artillery, heavy mo r- tars and anti-aircraft artillery. Bloc technicians arc training his forces in tbc use of this formidable equi pment. Undoubtedly, with in the near future Castro's hard core of loyal armed forces will achieve technical proficiency in the use of available modem weapons.

(4) Castro is making rapid p,ogress in establishing a Communist-style police state which will be difficult 10 unseat by any means short of overt intervention by U.S. military forces.

Recommendation. That the s trike opera tion be conducted in the latte r half of February, and not later than 1 March, I 96 I.

MemorJJnd11m from th~ Chief of \VH / 4 / PM J89

c. Air Strike

The question has been raised in some quarters as to whether amphibious/ airborne operation could not be mounted without tactical air preparation or support or with minimal air support. It is axiomatic in amphibious operations that control of air and sea in the objective a rea is absolutely required. The Cuban Air Force and naval vessels capable of opposing our landing must be knocked our or neutralized before our amphibious ship- ping makes its final run into the beach. If this is not done, we will be courting disaster. Also, since our invasion. force is very smalJ in compari- son to forces which may be thrown against it, we must compensate for numerical inferiority by effective tactical air support not only during the landing but thereafter as long as the force remains in combat. It is essen- tial that opposing military targets such as artillery parks, tank parks, supply dumps, military convoys and troops in the field be brought under effect ive and continuing air attack. Psychological considerations also make such attacks essential. The spectacular aspcctS of air operations will go far toward producing the uprising in Cuba that we seek.

Recommendations

(I) That the air preparation commt:nce not later than dawn of D minus I day.

(2) That any move to curtai l the number of aircraft to be employed from those available be firmly resis ted.

(3) That the operation be abandoned if policy does not provide for use of adequate tactical air support.

d. Use of American Contract Pilots

The paragraph above outlines the requirement for precise and effective air strikes, while an earlier paragraph points up the shortage of qualified Cuban pilots. It is very questionable that the limited number of Cuban B-26 pilots available to us can produce the desired results unless aug- mented by highly skillful American contract pilots t(> serve as section a nd flight leaders in attacks against the more critical targcrs. The Cuban pilots arc inexperienced in wa.r and of limited technical competence in naviga- tion and gunnery. There is reason also to suSp<'<:t that they may lack the motivation to take the stem measures required against targets in their

190 THE COLO WAR

own country. Ir is considered that the success of the operation v,,j lJ be jeopardized unless a few American contract B-26 pilots a rc employed.

With regard ro logistical air operations, the shortage of Cuban crews has a lready been mentioned. There is no prospect of producing sufficient Cuban C-54 c rews ro run the seven C-54 aircraft to be used in the oper- ation. Our experience to dare with the Cuban transport crews has left much to be desired. It is concluded that the only satisfactory solution ro the problem of air logistical support of the strike force and other forces joining it will be to employ a number of American contract crews.

Recommendation

That policy approva l be obtajncd for use of American contract crews for tactical and transport aircraft in augmentation of the inadequate number of Cuban crews available.

e. Use of Pueno Cabezas, Nicaragua

The airfield at Puerto Cabezas is esscntia I for conduct of the air strike operation unless a base is made available in the United States. Our air lease [base') in Guatemala is 800 miles from central Cuba-too distant for B-26 operations and for air supply operations of the magnitude required, using the C-46 a nd C-54 aircraft. Puerto Cabezas is only 500 miles from central Cuba-acceptable, although roo distant to be com- pletely desirable, for B-26 and transport operations.

Puert(> Cabezas wiU also scn •c as the staging area for loading assault troops into transports much more sa tisfactorily than Puerto Barries, Guatemala which is exposed to hostile observation and lacks security. It is planned that troops will be flown in from Guatemala to Puerto Cabezas, placed in covered trucks, loaded over the docks at night int<) amphibious shipping, which will then immediately retire to sea.

Conclusion

The strike operation cannot be conducted unless the Puerto Cabezas air faci lity is available for our use, o r unless an air base in the United States is made available.

Rl-commcndation. That firm policy be obtained for use <>f Puerto Cabezas as an a ir strike base a nd staging area.

Me m orJJ nd11m from th ~ C hie f of \V H/ 4 / PM 191

f. Use of U.S. Air Base for Logistical Flights

An air base in southern Florida would be ,oughly twice as close to central Cuba as Puerto Cabc-i:as. This means that the logistical capabiliry of our limited number of transport aircraft would be almost doubled if operated from Florida rather than Puerto Cabezas. Logistical support of the strike force in the target would be much more certain and efficient if flown from Florida.

There is also a possibility that once the strike operations commence, conditions would develop which would force us Out of the Nicaraguan air base. Without some flexibility <>fair base with pre-positioned supplies in the United States, we could conceivably be confronted with a situation wherein the Assault Brigade would be left entirely without logistical air support. Supply by sea cannm be relied upon, for the Brigade may be driven by superior forces from the beach area. Such a situati<>n could lead ro complete defeat of the Brigade and failure of the mission.

It seems obvious that the only real estate which the United States can, without question, continue to employ once the operation commences is its <>wn soil. Therefore, an air base for logistical support should be pro- vided in the United States. This will offer the p<>ssibility of continued, f]exjb)e opcrati<>ns, if one or both of our bases in Guatemala and/or N icaragua arc Jost to our use.

Recommendation

That policy be established t() permit use <>fan air base in southern Florida (preferably Opa locka which is now available to us and has storage facilities for supplies) for logistical support flights to Cuba.

J. Hawkins•

Colonel, U.S. Marine C'.<'.>rps

1 Prinrcd from a copy that hears this l)-pcd signature.

CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS ADD RESS TO THE NATION

John F. Kennedy, 22 October 1962

Good evening, my fellow citizens: This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet military bujldup on the island of Cuba. Within the past week,

unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The pur- pose of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere.

Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning at 9 A.M., I directed that our surveiUance be stepped up. And having now c(mfumed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a course of ac.cion, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail.

The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate rwo distinct types of installations. Several of them include medium range ballistic mis- siles, capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a discance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these missiles, in shon, is capable of striking Washington, D.C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area.

Additional sites not yet compltted appear to be designed for intermedi- ate range ballistic missiles-capable of tra vcLing more than rwice as far- and thus capa blc of striking most of the major cities in the Western rkmisphcrc, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far

193

194 THE COLO WAR

S()uth as Lima, Peru. In addition, jct bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weap()ns, are n()w being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the nec- essary air bases arc being prepared.

This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic basc--by the presence of these large, long-range, and clearly offensive weapons o( sudden mass destruction- constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defi- ance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation and hemi- sphere, the joint resolution of the 87th Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings tO tbc Soviets on September 4 and 13. This action also contradicts tbe repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, bmh publicly and privately delivered, that the arms buildup in Cuba would retain its original defensive character, and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic missiles. on the territory of any other nation.

The size of this undertaking makes dear that it has been planned for some months. Yet, only last month, after I had made clear the distinction between any introduction of ground-to-ground missiles and the existence of defensive antiaircraft missiles, the Soviet Government publicly stated on September 11 that, and I quote, "the armaments and military equip- ment sent ro Cuba arc designed exclusively for defensive purposes, ff that there is, and I quote the Soviet Government-. ''there is no need for the Soviet Government to shift its weapons for a retaliatory blow to any other country, for instance Cuba," and that, and I quote their govern- ment, ''the Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to carry the~ nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the boundaries of the Soviet Union. ff

That statement was false. Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive hujldup was

already in my hand, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko rold me in my office that he was instructed to make it dear o nce again, as he said his government had already done, that Soviet assistance to Cuba, and I quote, "pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the defense capa- bilities of Cuba," that, and I quote him, "training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling defensive armaments was by no means offonsivc, and if it were otherwise," Mr. Gromyko went o n, "the Soviet Government would never become involved in rendering such assistance."

C11ba,, Misstle Cr,s,s Address t o tlu Natio1' 195

That statement also was false. Neither the United States of America nor the world community of

nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or smalJ. We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons arc so destructive and ballistic missiles arc so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deploy- ment may weU be regarded as a definite threat to peace.

For many years, borh the Soviet Union and the United States, recog- nizing this fact, have deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never upsetting the precarious status quo which insured that these weap- ons would not be used in the absence of some vital challenge. Our own strategic missiles have never been transferred to the territory of any other nation under a cloak of secrecy and dt,ception; and our history- unlike that of the Soviets since the end of World War JI-demonstrates that we have no desire to dominate or conquer any other nation or impose our system upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become adjusted to living daily on the bull's-eye of Soviet missilts located inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines.

[n that sense, missiles in Cuba add to an already dear and present danger-although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat. But this secret, swift, extra()rdinary buildup of Communist missiles- in an area well known to have a sp<-cial and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy-this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the fust time outside of Soviet soil-is a deliberately provocative and unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country, if our courage and our commitments are ever ro Ix- trusted again by either friend or foe.

The 1930's taught us a dear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go uncht-cked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are a lso true to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country, and to secure their withdrawaJ o r elimination from the Western Hemisphere.

196 THE COLO WAR

Ou, policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful nation which leads a worldwide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further accion is required, and it is under way; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will nor prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth; but neither will we shrink from that risk at any time it must be faced.

A~-ting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western Hemisphere, and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the Resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken immediately:

First: To halt this offensive buildup a strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated. AU ships of any kind bound for Cuba from whatever nation or port will, if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons, be turned back. This quarantine will be extended, if needed, ro other types of cargo and carriers. We arc not at this rime, however, denying the necessities of life as the Soviets attempted to do in their Berlin blockade of I 948.

Second: I have directed the continued and increased close surveillance of Cuba and its military buildup. The foreign ministers of the OAS [Organization of American States], in their communique' of October 6, rejected secrecy on such matters in chis hemisphere. Should these offen- sive military preparations continue, thus increasing the threat to the hemisphere, further action will be justified. I have directed the Armed Forces to prepare for any eventualities; and l crust that in the interest of both the Cuban people and the Soviet technicians at the sites, the hazards ro all concerned of continuing this threat wiU be recognized.

Third: Ir shaU be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear m i.ssilc launched from Cuba against any nacion in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United Stares, requiring a full rctalia- rory response upon the Soviet Union.

Fourth: As a necessary military precaution, I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo, evacuated today the dependents of our personnel there, and ordered additional military units to be on a standby alert basis.

Fifrh: We arc calling tonight for an immediate meeting of the Organ[ization] of Consultation under the Organization of American States, to consider this threat ro hemispheric security and to invoke

C11ba,, Misstle Cr,s,s Address t o tlu Natio1' 197

articles 6 and 8 of the Rio Treaty in support of all necessary action. The United Nations Charter allows for regional security arrangements, and the nations of this hemisphere decided long ago against the military presence of outside powers. Our other alnics around the world have also been alerted.

Sixth: Under the Charter of the United Nations, we are asking tonight that an emergency meeting of the Security Council be convoked without dday to take action against this latest Soviet threat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in Cuba, under the supervision of U.N. obscrvtIS, before the quarantine can be lifted.

Seventh and finally: I call upon Chaiirman Khrushchev to bait and eliminate this clandestine, rcckle-ss, and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations bctwc-cn our two nations. I call upon him further to abandon this coursr: of world domina·tion, and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and to transform the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of destruction by returning to his government's own words that it had no need to station missiks outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis, and then by participating in a search for peace- ful and permanent solutions.

This nation is prepared to present its case against the Soviet threat to peace, and our own proposals for a peaceful world, at any time and in any forum-in the OAS, in the United Nations, or in any other meeting that could be useful- without limiting our frc-cdom of action. We have in the past made strenuous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have proposed the elimination of all a.rms and military bases in a fair and effective disarmament treaty. We are prepared to discuss new pro- posals for the removal of tensions on both sides, including the p<>Ssibili- tics of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its own destiny. We have no wish t<) war with the Sovier Union-for we are a peaceful

people who desire to live in peace with all other peoples. But it is difficult to settle or even discuss these problems in an atmo-

sphere of intimidation. That is why this latest Soviet thrcat~)r any other threat which is made either independently or in response to our actions this week-must and will be met with determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of peoples t(>

198 THE COLO WAR

whom we arc committed, including in particular the brave people of Wcsr Berlin, will be met by whatever action is needed.

Finally, I want ro say a few words to the captive people of Cuba, ro whom this spct-ch is bcing directly carried by special radio facilities. I peak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as one who shares your aspirations for liberty and jus- tice for all. And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed-and how you, fatherland fell under foreign domination. Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They arc puppets and agents of an international conspiracy which has rurncd Cuba against your &icnds and ncighb<)rs in the Americas, and rumed it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war-tbc first Latin American country to have these weapons on its soil.

These new weapons are not in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and well-being. They can only undermine ir. But this coun- try has no wish to cause you to suffer or to impose any system upon you. We know that your lives and land arc being used as pawns by those who

deny your freedom. Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw Out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt that most Cubans today l0<)k forward to the time when they wiU be truly free-free from foreign domination, free to choose their own leaders, free to select their own system, &tc to own their own land) free ro speak and write and worship without fear <)r degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of free nations and to the associations of this hemisphere.

My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangcr- <)US effort on which we have sec our. No one can forl"see precisely what course it will take or what costS or casualties wiJI be incurrcd4 Many months of sacrifice and self-discipline lie ahead-months in which both our patience and our ,viU wilJ be rested, months in which many threats and denunciations will keep us: aware of our dangers. But the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing.

The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths art; but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have a lways paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.

C 11b a,, M i sstle C r,s,s Addre ss t o tlu N at io 1' J99

Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right; not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.

Thank you and good night.

CHAPTER FIVE

CIVIL RIGHTS

POWER ANYWHERE WHERE THERE'S PEOPLE1

A Speech By Fred !Hampton

POWER ANYWHERE WHERE THERIES PEOPLE!

Power anywhere where there's people. Power anywhere where theres pc<lple. let me give you an example of teaching people. Basically, the way they learn is observation and participation. You know a Im of us go around and joke ourselves and believe that the masses have PhDs, but that's not true. And even if they did, it w<luldn't make any difference. Because with some things, you have to learn by seeing it or either par- ticipating in it. And you know yourselves that there arc people walking around your community t0day that have a ll types of degrees that should be at this meeting but arc not here. Right> Because you can have as many degrees as a thermometer. If you don't have any practice, they you can't walk across the street and chew gum at the same time.

let me tell you how 1-fucy P. Newton, the leader, the org,mizer, the founder, the main man of the Black Panther Party, went about it.

The community had a problem out there in California. There was an intersection, a four-way intersection; a lot of pcoplt were getting killed, cars running over them, and so the people went down and redressed their grievances to the government. You've done it before. I know y<)u people in the community have. And they came· back and the pigs said "No! You can't have any." Oh, they dont usually say you can't have it. They've gotten a little hipper than that now. That's what those degrees on the

Speech delivered at Olivet Church, 1969.

203

204 CIV IL RIGHTS

thermometer will get you. They tell you "Okay, we'll deal with it. Why dont you come back next meeting and waste some time?"

And they get you wound up in an excursion of futility, and you be in a cycle of insaneness, and you be goin' back and goin' back, and goin' back, and goin' back so many times that you're already crazy.

So they rell you, they say, "Okay niggers, what you want?" And they you jump up and you say, "Well, it's lx'Cn so long, we don't know what we want", and then you wa)k out of the meeting and you're gone and they say, "Well, you niggers had your chance, didnt you?"

Let me tell you what Huey P. Newton did. Huey Newton went and got Bobby Scale, the chairman of rhc Black

Panther Party on a national leve l. Bobby Seale got his 9mm, that's a pis- tol. Huey P. Newton got his shotgun and got some stop signs and gor a hammer. Went down to the int<"rsection, gave his shotgun to Bobby, and Bobby had his 9mm. He said, "You hold this shotgun. Anybody mess with us, blow their brains out." He put those stop signs up.

There were no more accidents, no more problem. Now they had another situation. That's not rhat good, you sec,

because its two people dealing with a problem. Huey Newton and Bobby St"alc, no matter how bad they may be, cannot deal with rhe problem. Bur let me explain to you who the real hcrO<"s are.

Next time, there was a similar situation, another four-way comer. Huey went and got Bobby, went and got his 9mm, got his shotgun, got his hammer and got more srop signs. Placed those srop signs up, gave the shotgun ro Bobby, told Bobby "·If anybody mess wirh us while were put- ting these Stop signs up, protect the people and blow their brains our." What did the people do? They observed it again. They participated in it. Next time they had another four-way intersection. Problems there; they had accidents and death. This rime, the people in the community went and got rheir shotguns, got rheir hammers, gor their srop signs.

Now, let me show you how were gonna try to do it in the Black Panther Parry here. We just got back from the south side. We went out there. We went out there and we gor ro arguing with the pigs or the pigs got to arguing-he said, ''Well, Oiairman Fred, you supposed to be so bad, why dont you go aad shoot some of those policemen? You always talking about you gor your guns and got rhis, why dom you go shoot some of them?"

And I've said, "you've just broken a rule. As a matter of facr, even though you have on a uniform it dO<"sn't make me any difference. Because

Powr-r Anywlurt' \'(ll,ere Tbr-rt' 's Peoplr- 205

I done care if you got on nine unifonns, and 100 badges. \Vhen you step outside the realm of legality and into the realm of illegality, then I foci that you should be arrested.• And I told him, "You being what they call the law of entrapment, you tried to ma kt me do something that was wrong, you encouraged me, you tried to incite me co shoot a pig. And that ain't coo), Brother, you know the law, dont you?"'

I told that pig that, I told him ''You got a gun, pig>" I told him, "You gotta get your hands up against the wall. We're gonna do what they call a citizens arrest." This fool dont know what this is. I said, "'Now you be just as calm as you can and don't make too many quick moves, cause we don't wanna have to hit you."

And I told him like he always told us, I [()Id him, "Well, I'm here to protect you. Don't worry about a thing, 'm here for your benefit." So I sent another Brother to call the pigs. You gotta do that in a citizen's arrest. He called the pigs. Herc come the pigs with carbines and shot- guns, walkin' o ur there. They came our there talking about how they're gonna arrest Chairman Fred. And I said, "No fool. This is the man you got co arrest. He's the one that broke the law." And what did they do? They bugged their eyes, and they couldn't stand it. You know what they did? They were so mad, thcr were so angry that they told me to leave.

And what happened? All those people were our there on 63rd Street. What did they do? They were around thccc laughing and talking with me while I was making the arrest. They looked at me while I was rapping and heard me while I was rapping. So the next time that the pig comes on 63rd Street, because of the thing that our Minister of Dcfonse calls observation and participation, that pig might be arrested by anybody!

So what did we do? We were out there educating the people. How did we educate them? Basically, the way people learn, by observation and parriciparion. And that's what were trying to do. That's what we got to do here in this community. And a lot of people don't understand, but there's three basic thing,s that you got to do anytime you intend to have

yourself a successful revolution. A lot of people get the word revolution mixed up and they think

revolutions a bad word. Revolution is nothjng but like having a sore on your body and then you put something o n that sore to cure that infec- tion. And Im telling you that were living in an infectious society right now. lm telling you that were living in a sick society. And anybody that

206 CIV IL RIGHTS

endorses integrating into this sick society before its cleaned up is a man whos committing a crime against the people.

If you walk past a hoSJ>ital room and sec a sign that says "Contaminated" and then you try to lead people into that room, either those people are mighty dumb, you understand me, cause il they weren't, they'd tell you that you arc a n unfair, unjust leader that docs not have your followers' intcrl'Sts in mind. And what were saying is simply that leaders have got t<) become, we've got to Stan making them accountable for what they do. They' re goin' around talking about so-and-so's an Uncle Tom so we're gonna open up a cultural center and reach him what blackness is. And this n***•r is more aware than you and me and Malcolm and Martin Luther King and everybody else put together. That's right. They' re the o nes that arc most aware. They're most a ware, cause they're the ones that arc gonna open up the center. They're gonna tell you where bones come from in Africa that you can't even pronounce the names. Thats right. They'll be telling you about Chaka, the leader of the Bantu freedom lighters, aad Jomo Kenyatta, those dingo-dingas. They'll be running all of that down to you. They know about it all. But the point is they do what they're doing because it is beneficial and it is profitable for them.

You s~-c, people get involved in a lot of things that's profitable to them, and we've got to make it less profitable. We've got to make it less benefi- cial. I'm saying that any progiram that's brought into our community should be aaalr,ed by the people of that community. It should be analr,ed to sec that it meets the relevant needs of that community. We don't nt-cd no n•••••s coming into our community to be having no company roopen business for the n***••s. There's roo many n****•s in our community that can't get crackers out of the business that they're gonna open.

We got to face some fans. That the mass,.,. are poor, that the masses belong to what you call the lower dass, and when I talk about the masses, I'm talking about the white mass~-s, I'm talking about the black masses, and the brown masses, and the yellow masses, too. We've got to face the fact that some people say you light fire best with fire, but we say you put 6rc out best with wattc We say you do'nt fight racism with racism. We're gonna fight racism with solidarity. We say you dc)n't fight capitalism with no black capitalism; you light capitalism with socialism.

We ain' t gonna fight no reactionary pigs who run up and down the street being reactionary; we're gonna organize and dedicate ourselves to

Powr- r Anywlurt' \'(l l,ere Tbr-r t' 's Pe o plr- 20 7

revolutionary political power and teach ourselves the specific needs of resisting the power structure, arm ourselves, and wc1rc gonna fight reac- tionary pigs with INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION. That's what it has to be. The people have to have the power: it belongs co the people.

We have to understand very clearly that there's a man in our commu- nity called a capitalist. Sometimes ht's black and sometimes he's white. But that man bas to be driven out of our community, because anybody who comes into the commuruty to make profit off the people by exploit- ing them can be ddincd as a capitalist. And we don't care how many programs they have, how long a dashiki they have. Because political power docs not flow &om the sk-cve of a dashiki; political power flows from the barrel of a gun. It flows &om the barrel of a gun!

A l<lt of us running around talking a.bout politics don't even know what politics is. Did you ever sec something and pull it and you take it as far as you can and it almost outstretches itself and it goes into something else? If you take it so far that it is two th ings? As a matter of fact, some things if you srrerch ir so far, it'll be another thing. Did you ever cook something so long that it turns into something else? Ain't that right'

That's what were talking about with politics. Thar politics ain't nothing, but if you stretch it so long that it can't go

no further, then you know what you gm on your hands? You got an antagonistic contradiction. And when you take that contradiction co the highest level and stretch it as far as you can stretch it, you got what you call war. Politics is war without bloodshed, and war is poLitics with bloodshed. lf you don' t unders tand that, you can be a Democrat, Republican, you can be Independent, you can be anything you want to, you ain't nothing.

We don' t want any of those n ..... s and any of these hunkit'S and nobody else, radicals or nobody talking about, ~rm on the Independence ticket." That mt'ans you seU out the repubLicans; Independent means you're out for graft and you'll sell Out ro the highest biddec You understand?

We want people who want t() run on the People's Party, because rhe people are gonna run it whether they like it or not. The people have proved that they can run it. They run ir in China, they're g()nna run it right here. They can call it what they want to, they can talk about it. They can call it communism, and think that that's gonna scare somebody, but it ain't gonna scare nobody.

208 CIVIL RIGHTS

We had the same thing happen our on 37th Road. They came out to 37th road where our Breakfast for children program is, and starred get- ting chose women who were kind of older, around 58-rhat's, you know, I call that older cause Im young. I aim 20, right, right! Bur you sec, they're gonna gcr them and brainwash them. And you ain't seen nothin rill you see one of them beautiful Sisters with their hair kinda Startin get- ting gr<'y, and they ain't got many teeth, and they were rearin' chem policemen up! They were rearing cm up! The pigs would come up t<) them and say "You like communism?"

The pigs would come up ro thcm and say, "You scared of communism?" And the Si,-rcrs would say, "No scared of it, I ain't never heard of it.•

"You likt socialism?" "No scared of it. I ain't never heard of ir." The pigs, they be crackin ' up, because they enjoyed seeing these people

frightened of these words. "You like capitalism?" Yeah, well, that's what I live with. I like it. "You like the Breakfast For Children program, n .... r,• "Yeah, I like it." And the pigs say, "Oh-oh." The pigs say, "Well, the Breakfast For

Children program is a socialistic program. Its a communistic program." And the women said, "Wdl, I tell you what, boy. I've been knowing

you since you were knee-high to a grasshopper, n .... r. And I don't know if I like communism and I don't know if I like socialism. But I know that that Bm,kfast For Children program feeds my kids, n .... r. And if you put your hands on that Breakfast For Children program, I'm gonna come off this can and l'm gonna beat your ass like a .... "

Thar's what they be saying. That's what they be saying, and it is a beautiful thing. And that's wha< the Breakfast For Children program is. A lot of people think it is charity, but what does it do? It takes the people from a stage to another Stage. Any program that's revolutionary is an advancing program. Revolution is change. Honey, if you just keep <)n

changing, before you know it, in fact, not even knowing what socialism is, you dont have to know what it is, they're endorsing it, they're par- ticipating in it, and they're supporting socialism .

And a lot of people will tcU you, way, \Veil, the people dont have any theory, tbey need some theory. They need some theory even if they don't have any practice. And the Black Panther Party tells you that if a man

Powr-r Anywlurt' \'(ll,ere Tbr-rt' 's Peoplr- 209

rclls you thar he's the rypc of man who has you buying candy bars and eating the wrapping and throwing the candy away, he'd have you walk- ing East when you're supposed ro be walking Wcsr. Its true. If you listen to what the pig says, you be walkin' ourside when the sun is shining with your umbrella over your head. And when it's raining youll be goin' out- side leaving your umbrella inside. That's .right. You gotta get it together. Im saying that's what they have you doing.

Now, what do \VE do? We say that the Breakfast For Children program is a socialistic program. lt t<achcs the people basically that by practice, we thought up and let them practice that theory and inspect that theory. What's more important? You !cam something just like everybody else.

Let me try to break it down to you. You say this Brother here goes to school 8 years to be an auto

mechanic. And that reacher who used to be an auto mechanic, he tells him, "Well, n~_.,.,.r, you gotta go on what we cal1 on-the-job-training."

And be says, "Damn, with all this theory I got, I gotta go to on-thc-job- training? What for?"

He said, "On on-the-job-training he works with me. Ive been here for 20 years. When I started work, they didn't even have auto mechanics. I ain't got no theory, I just got a whole bunch of practice. •

What happened? A car came in making a whole lot of funny noise. This Brother here go get his book. He on page one, he ain't got to page 200. f'm sitting here listening to the car. He says, "What do you think it is?"

I say, "I think its the carburctoc • He says, "No I don't sec anywhere in here where it says a carbun."tor make

no noise like that.• And he says, "How do you know its the carburetor?" I said, "Well, n * ~ • • r, with all them degrees as many as a thcrmomcrcr,

around 20 years ago, 19 to be exact, I was listening to the same kind of noise. And what I did was I took apan the voltage regulator and it wasn't that. Then I rook apart the alternator and it wasn't that. I took apart the generator brushes and it wasn't that. I took apan the generator and it wasn't that. I rook apart the generator and it wasn't even that. Ahc.r I took apart aU that I finally got to the carburetor and when I got to the carburc- t<>r I found that that's what it was. And I t0ld myself that 'fool, next time you hear this sound you better take apan the carburetor first.'"

How did he learn? He learned tbrough practice. I dont care bow much theory you got, if it don't have any practice

applied to it, then that theory happens robe irrelevant. Right? Any theory

2 10 CIVIL RIGHTS

you get, practice it. And when you practice it you make some mi~Lakcs. When you make a mistake, you correct that theory, and then it will be corrected theory that will be able to be applied and used in any situation. Thats what we've got to be ab!.- to do.

Every time I speak in a church I a lways try to say somctlung, you know, about Martin Luther King. I have a lot of respect for Martin Luther King. I think he was o ne of the greatest orators that the country ever produced. And I Listened to anyone who speaks wcl~ because I Like to listen to that. Martin Luther King said that it might look dark some- time, and it might look dark over here on the North Side. Maybe you thought the room was going to be packed with people and maybe you thought you might have to rum some people away a nd you might not have enough people here. Maybe some of the people you think should be here a rc not here and you think that, well if they're not here then it won't be as good as we thought it could have been. And maybe you thought that you need more people her" than you have here. Maybe you think that the pigs arc going to be able to pressure you and put enough pres- sure to squash your movement even before it s tarts . But Ma rtin Luther King said that he heard somewhere that only when it is dark enough can you S<.'C the stars. And we're not worried about it being dark. He sa id that the arm of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward heaven.

We got Huey P. Newton in jail, a nd Eldridge Cleaver underground. And Alprcnticc Bunchy Carter has been murdered; Bobby Hutton a nd John Huggins been murdered. And a lot of people think that the Black Panther Party in a sense is giving up. But let us say this: That we've made the kind of commitment to the people that ha rdly anyone else has ever made.

We have decided that although some of us come from what some of you would call petty-bourgeois families, though some of us could be in a sense on what you caU the mountaintop. \Yle could be integrated into the society working with people t hat we may never have a chance to work with. Maybe we could be on the mountaintop and maybe we wouldn't have to be hidin' when we go to speak places like this. Maybe we wouldn't have to worry about court cases and going to jail and being sick. \Yle say that even though all of those luxuries exist on the mountaintop, we understand that you people and your problems arc right here in the valley.

We in the Black Panther Party, because ()four dedication and under- standing, went into the valley knowing that the people arc in the valley,

Powr- r Anywlurt' \'(l l,ere Tbr-r t' 's Pe o plr- 211

knowing that our plight is the same plight as the people in the valley, knowing that our cnCJnics arc on the mountain, to our friends arc in the valley, and even though its nice to be on the mountaintop, we're going back to the valley. &-cause we understand that there's work to be done in the valley, and when we get through with this work in the valley, then we got to go to the mountaintop. \Vc'rc going to the mountaintop because there's a motherfucker on the mountaintop that's playing King, and he's been bullshitting us. And wcvc got to go up on the mountain top not for the purpose of living his life style and living like he Lives. We've got tO go up on the mountain top to make this motherfucker understand, goddamnit, that we arc coming from the valley!

THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT: FRAUD, SHAM, AND HOAX

George C. \Vallace, July 4, 1964

We come here roday in deference to the memory of those stalwart patroirs who on July 4, 1776, pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor ro <'Stablish and defend the proposition that gov- ernments are created by the people, empowered by the people, derive their just powers from the consent of the people, and muse forever remain subservient co the will of the people.

Today, 188 years later, we celebrate that occasion and find inspiration and determination and courage to preserve and protect the great princi- ples of freedom enunciated in the Declaration of Independence.

It is therefore a crud irony chat the President of the United States has only yesterday signed into law the most monstrous piece of legislation ever enacted by the United Stares Congre:ss.

It is a fraud, a sham, and a hoax. This bill will live in infamy. To sign it into law at any time is tragic.

To do so upon the eve of the celebration <>four independence insultS the intelligence of the American people.

Ir dishonors the memory <)f countless thousands of our dead who offered up their very lives in defense of principles which chis bill destroys.

Never before in the history of this nation have so many human and property rights been destroyed by a single enactment of the Congress. It is an act of tyranny. Ir is the assassin's knife stuck in the back of liberty.

With this assassin's knife and a blackjack in the hand of the Federal force- culr, the left-wing liberals wiU cry to force us back into bondage. Bondage ro a tyranny more brutal than that imposed by the British monarchy which

213

214 CIVIL RIGHTS

daimt-d power to rule over the lives of our forefathers under sanction of the Divine Right of kings.

Today, this tyranny is imposed by the central government which claims the right ro rule over our lives under sanction of the omnipotent black-robed despots who sit on the bench of the United States Supreme Court. This bill is fraudulent in intent, in design, and in txccution.

lt is misnamed. Each and every provision is mistitled. It was rammed through the congress on the wave of ballyhoo, promotions, and publicity stunts reminiscent of P. T. Barnum.

It was enacted in an atmosphere of pressure, intimidation, and even cowardice, as demonstrated by the refusal of the United States Senate ro adopt an amendment to submit the bill to a vote of the people.

To illustrate the fraud-it is not a Civil Rights Bill. It is a Federal Penal Code. It creates Federal crimes which would rake volumes to list and years to tabulate because it affects the lives of 192 million American citizens. Every person in every walk and station of life and every aspect of our daily lives bt,comes subjct-i to the criminal provisions of this biU.

Ir threatens our freedom of spct'Ch, of assembly, or association, and makes the exercise of these Freedoms a federal crime under certain conditions.

It affects <)ur p<)litical rights, our right to trial by jury, our right ro the full use and enjoyment of our private property, the freedom from search and seizure of our private property and possessions, the freedom from harassment by Federal police and, in short, all the rights of individuals inherent in a society of free men.

Ministers, lawyers, teachers, newspapers, and every private citizen must guard his speech and watch his actions to avoid the deliberately imposed booby traps put into this bill. It is designed to make Federal crimes of our customs, beliefs, and traditions. Therefore, under the fan. tastic powers of the Federal judiciary to punish for contempt of oucrt and under their fantastic powers ro regulate our most intimate aspects of <)ur lives by injunction, every amcrican citizen is in jeopardy and must stand guard against these despots.

Yer there arc those who call this a good bill. It is people like Senator Hubert Humphrey and other members of

Americans for Democratic Acr;on. It is people like Ralph McGill and other left-wing radical apologists.

They called it a good bi U before it was amended to restore tbe right to trial by jury in certain cases.

The Ctv,I Rig/Jts Mo ve,,1e11I: Fraud , Sham, a11d Hoax 215

Yet a Federal judge may still try one without a jury under the provi- sions of this bill. It was the same persons who said it was a good bill before the amendment pretending to forbid busing of pupils from neigh- borhood schools. Yet a Federal judge may stiU order busing from one neighborhood school to anothcL They have done it, they will continue to do it. As a matter of fact, it is but another evidence of the deceitful intent of the sponsors of this bill for them to claim that it accomplished any such thing. It was left-wing radicals who led the fight in the Senate for the so-caUed civil rights hill now about to enslave our nation.

We find Senator Hubert Humphrey telling the people of the United States that "non-violent,, demonstrations would continue to serve a good purpose through a «(ong, busy and constructive summer."

Yet this same Senator told the people of this country that passage of this monsrrous bill would case tensions and stop demonstrations.

This is the same Senator who has suggested, now that the Civil Rights BiU is passed, that the President call the fifry state Governors together to work out ways and means to enforce this rotten measure.

There is no need for him to call <ln me. I am not about to be a parry to anything having to do with the law that is going to destroy individual freedom and liberty in this country.

I am having nothing to do with enforcing a law that will destroy our free enterpirse syst<m.

I am having nothing to do with enforcing a law that will destroy neighborhood sch,x,ls.

I am having nothing to do ,vith enforcing a law that will destroy the rights of private property.

I am having nothing to do with enforcing a law that destroys your right-and my right-to choose my ncighbors-<>r to sell my house to whomever I choose.

I am having nothing to do with enforcing a law that destroys the labor seniority system.

I am having nothing to do with this so-called civil rights bill. The lib- eral left-wingers have passed it. Now lc:t them employ some pinknik social engineers in Washington, D.C., To figure out what to do with it.

The situation rcmjnds me of the little boy looking at the blacksmith as he hammered a red-hot horseshoe into the proper shape.

After minutes of hammering, the blacksmith rook the horseshoe, splashed it into a tub of water and threw it steaming onto a sawdust pile.

216 CIVIL RIGHTS

The little fellow picked up the horseshoe, dropped it quickly. "What's the matter, son," the blacksmith said, "is that shoe too hot

to handle?" "No sir," the link boy said, "it just don't take me long to look at a

horseshoe." It's not going to take the people of this country kmg w look at the

Civil Rights Bill, either. And they arc going to discard it just as quickly as the little boy tossed

away the still hot horseshoe. Bur I am not here to talk ab<>ut the separate provisions of the Federal

Penal Code. I am here to talk about principles which have been over- thrown by the enactment of this bill. The principles that you and I hold dear. The principles for which <)UT forefathers fought and died to estab- lish and to defend. The principles for which we came here to rededicate ourselves.

Bur before J get into that, let me point our one important fact. It would have been impossible for the American people to have been deceived by the sponsors of this bill had there been a responsible ameri- can press ro rcll the people exactly what rhc bill contained. If rhey had had the integrity and the guts to tell the truth, this bill would never have been enacted.

Whoever heard of truth put ,o the worst in free and open encounter? We couldn't get the truth to thc American people.

You and J know that that's cxtremely djfficult to do where our news- papers are owned by our-of-state interests. Newspapers which are run and operated by left-wing liberals, Communist sympathizers, and mem- bers of the Americans for Democratic Action and other Communist front organizations with high sounding names.

However, we will not be intimidated by the vultures of the liberal left- wing press. We will not be deceived by their lies and di.~ronions of truth. We will not be swayed by thci r brutal attacks upon the character and reputation of any honest citizen who dares stand up and fight for liberty.

Aad, we are not going to be influenced by intellectually bankrupt edi- tors of the Atlanta Journal and Constitution, one of whom has presided over the dissolution of the oace great Atlanta Constitution. We can understand his bitterness in his !bleak failure, but we need not tolerate his vituperative and venomous attacks upon the integrity and character of our people. These editors, like many other left-wingers in the liberal

The Ctv,I Rig/Jts Mo ve,,1e11I: Fraud , Sham, a11d Hoax 21 7

press, arc nor influenced by tradition. Th,cirs is a tradition of scalawags. Their mealy-mouthed platitudes disgrace the honored memory of their predecessors-such men of character as Henry Grady, Joel Chandler Harris, and Clarke Howell, men who made the name of the Atlanta Constitution familiar in every household chroughour the Soutb. They a rc nm worthy ro shine the shoes of those gr,car men.

In this connection I want to pay my highcsr respects and compliments to tbe dedicated men of Atlanta and of Georgia who gave to the people of their state what is destined to become the true voice of the south. 1 have reference to the great newspaper the Atlanta Times.

It is a sad commentary on the period in which we live that it is neces- sary for the people of a great city to star< their own newspaper in order to get the truth.

1 hope you have some success in this venture and I assure you that there will be many subscribers in the State of Alabama including myself.

As I have said before, that Federal Penal Code could never have been enacted into law if we bad had a responsible press who was willing to tell the american people the truth about what it actually provides. Nor would we have had a bill had it not been for the United States Supreme Court.

Now on the subject of the court let me make it dear that I am not attacking any member of the United States Supreme Court as an indi- viduaL However, I do attack their decisions, I question their intelligence, their common sense and their judgment, I consider the Federal Judiciary system to be the greatest single threat to individual freedom and liberty in the United Stares today, and I'm going 'to rake off tbe gloves in talking about these people.

There is only one word to describe the Federal judiciary today. Thar word is "lousy."

They assert more power than claimed by King George fil, more power than Hitler, Mussolini, or Khrushchev ever had. They assert the power to declare unconstitutional our very thoughts. To create for us a sysrcm of moral and ethical values. To outlaw and declare unconstitutional, illegal, and immoral the customs, traditions, and beliefs of the people, and fur- thermore they assert the authority to enforce their decrees in a ll these subjects upon the American people without their consent.

This is a matter that has been of great concern to many legal authori- ties. The Council of State Governments composed of representatives of the fifty States sponsored the proposal just last year seeking to mrb the

218 CIVIL RIGHT S

powers of this body of judicial tyrantS. The Conference of Chief Justices of aU of the State Supreme CourtS of this nation has also issued an hismric statement urging judicial restraint upon the Court.

This latter group said, " the value of a firm statement by us lies in the fact that we speak as members of all the state appellate courts with a background of many years experience in the determination of thousands of cases of all kinds. Surely there arc those who will respect the declara- tion of what we believe.

"It has long lx.-cn an American boast that we have a government of laws and not of men. We believe that any srudy of recent decisions of the supreme court will raise at lcasr considcra blc doubt as t<> the validity of that boa,-r. "

In addition, the state legislatures have for yc-ars flooded the Congr= with «-solutions condemning usurpations of power by the Federal judiciary.

The court today, just as in 1 n 6, is deaf to the voices of the people and their repeated entreaties: they have become arrogant, contemptuous, highhanded, and literal despotS.

It has been said that power c.orrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. There was never greater evidence as to the proof of this state-

ment than in the example of the present Federal Judiciary. I want to touch upon just a few of the acts of tyranny which ha vc been

sanctioned by the United States. Supreme Court and compare these acts with the at-rs of tyranny enumerated in the Declaration of Independence.

The colonists objected most strenuously to the imposition of taxes upon the people without their consent.

Today, the Federal judiciary asserts the same tyrannkal power to kvy taxes in Prince Edward County, Virginia, and without the consent of the people. Not only that, but they insist upon the power t0 tell the people for what purposes their money must be spent.

The colonists stated, "he has refused to pass other laws for the accom- modation of large districts of people, unless those p<.·ople would relin- quish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to ryrants only."

Today, the Federal judiciary, in ,inc of its most rtt-ent dcdsions, has deprived the Amcrit-:m people of the rigln to use the unit sysrem of represcatation in their own state govcmmentS for the accommodation of large districts of people, and has icsclf prescribed the manner in which the pt'<>ple shaU struc- ture the lcgislacive branch of their own government, and have prescribed how the people shall aUocate the kgislative powers of State government.

The Ctv,I Rig/Jts Mo ve,,1e11I: Fraud , Sham, a11d Hoax 219

More than that they have even cold the American people that we may not, with a majority of the people voting for the measure, or with two- thicds of those voting, or even if by unanimous consent, adopt a provi- sion in our state conscirutions to allocate the legislative power of state government in any manner other than as prescribed by the court.

One justice of the United States Supreme Court said in this connec- tion, and I quote, "to put the matter plainly, there is nothing in all the history of this Court's decisions which supports chis Constitutional rule. The Court's draconian pronouncement which makes unconstitutiona.1 the legislatures of most of the fifty States finds no support in the words of the constitution in any prior decision of this court or in the 175-ycar political history of our Federal union ... These decisions mark a long step backward into the unhappy era whcr.c a majority of the members of this court were thought by many to have convinced themselves and each other that the demands of the constitution were to be measured not by what it says buy by cheer own notions of wise political theory."

Two other Justices of the Court said, ~such a massive repudiation of the experience of our whole past in asserting dcsrrucrivcly novel Judicial power demands analysis of the role of this Court and our Constitutional scheme ... It may well impair the Court's position as the ultimate organ of the Supreme Law of the Land ... "

The only reason it is the Supreme Law of the Land today is because we have a President who cares so little for freedom that he would send tbc armed forces into the states to enforce the dictatorial decree. Our colonist forefather had something to say about that too.

The Declaration of Independence cited as an act of tyranny the fact that, ...-... Kept among us in rimes of peace .standing armies without the consent of the legislature."

Today, 188 years later, we have actually wirnessed the invasion of the State of Arkansas, Mississippi, and Alabama by the armed forces of the United States and maintained in the state against the will of the people and without consent of state legislatures.

It is a form of tyranny worse than that of King George ID who had sent mercenaries against the colonies because today the Federal Judicial tyrants have sanctioned rhc use of brother against brother and father against son by federalizing the National Guard.

In 1776 the colonistS also complained that the monarch " ... Has incited domestic insurr<.-ctions among us _ .. "

220 CIVIL RIGHTS

Today, we have absolute proof that the Federal Deparanent of Justice has planned, supervised, financed and protected acts of insurrection in the southern stares, resulting in vandalism, property damage, personal injury, and staggering expense to the States.

In 1776 it was charged that the monarchy had asserted power to" ... Dissolve representative houses and to punish ... For opposing with manly firmness his invasions of the rights of the people ... "

Today, the Federal judiciary asserts the power not only to dissolve state legislatures but to cr<-atc them and to dissolve all state laws and state judicial decrees, and to punish a State governor by trial without jury " ... For opposing with manly firmness his invasions of the rights of the people."

The colonists also listed as acts of tyranny: ".The erection of a multi- tude of new offices and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and co cat our their substance.;"

" ... Suspending our own legislatures and declaring themselves invested with the power to legislate for us in aU cases whatsoever;" " ... Abolishing the free system of the English laws ... ;"

-it had "abdicated government here-;" - refusing co assent to the laws enacted by the people, • . Laws

considered most wholesome and necessary for the public go<)d;"-and " ... For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ... ; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable law-s, and altering fundamentally form of our government; for suspending our own kgislatures and declaring themselves invested with p<)wcr to legislate for us in all case-s whatsoever."'

The United States Supreme Court is guilty of each and every one of these acts of tyranny.

Therefore, I echo the sentiments of our forefathers who declared: "a prince., whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people."

Ladit-s and gentlemen, I have listed only a few of the many acts of tyranny which have been committed ()r specifically sancti()ned by the

United States Supreme Court. I fed it important that you should know and understand what it is

that these people arc trying to do. The written opinions of the court arc filled with double talk, semantics, jargon, and meaningless phrases. The words they use arc not important. The ideas that they represent arc the things which count.

The Ctv,I Rig/Jts Mo ve,,1e11I: Fraud , Sham, a11d Hoax 221

It is perfectly obvious from the left-wing libera l press and from the left-wing law journals that what the coun is saying behind aU the jargon is that they don' t like our form of government.

They think they can <'Stablish a better one. In order to do so it is necessary that they overthrow our existing form, destroy the democratic institutions created by the people, change the <lutlo<lk, religion, and philosophy, and bring the whole area of human thought, aspiration, action and <>rganization, under the abS<llute control of the court. Their decisions reveal this co be the goal of the tibcral clement on the court wluch is in a majority at present.

It has reached the point where <lne mar no longer look t<l judicial deci- sions to determine what the court may do. However, it is possible to pre- dict with accuracy the nature of the opinions to be rendered. One may find the answer in the Communist Manifesto. The Communists arc dedi- cated to the overthrow of our form of go,•crnment. They arc dedicated tO the destruction of the c<lncept of private property. They arc dedicated to the object of destroying religion as the basis of moral and ethical values.

The Communists arc determined that aU natural resources shall be controlled by the central government, thait all pr<lductivc capacity <lf the nation shall be under the control of the central government, that the political sovereignty of the people shall be destroyed as an incident to con- trol of local schools. It is their objective to capture the minds of our ouch in order to indoctrinate them in what to think and not how to think.

I do not call the members of the 1Jnitcd States Supreme Coun Communists. But I do say, and I submit for your judgment the fact that every single decision of the court in the past ten years which related in any way to each of these objectives has been decided against freedom and in favor of tyranny.

A politician must stand on his record. Let the Court Stand on its record. The record reveals, for the past number of years, that the chief, if not

the only beneficiaries of the present Court's rulings, have been duly and awfully convicted criminals, Communists, atheists, and clients of vociferous left-wing minority groups. You can't convict a Communist in our Federal court system.

Neither can you convict one of being a Communist in Russia, China, or Cuba. The point is that the United States Supreme Court refuses to recognize the Communist conspiracy and their intent to "bury us."

let us look at the rCc()rd further with respect to the court's contribution to the destruction of the concept of God and the abolition of religion.

222 CIVIL RIGHTS

The Federal coun rules that your children shall not be permitted co read tbc bible in our public school systems. Let me tell you this, though. We still read the bible in alabama schools and as long as I am governor we will continue to read the bible no matter what the Supreme Court says.

Federal courts will not convict a '"demonstrator» invading and destroying private property. But the Federal couns rule you cannot say a simple "God is great, God is go(>el, we thank Thee for our food," in kindergartens supported by public funds.

Now, let us examine the manner in which the Court has continuously chipped away at the concept of private property.

It is contended by the left-wing liberals that private property is merely a legal fiction. That one has no inherent right to own and possess prop- erty. The courts have restricted and limited the right of acquisition of property in life and have decreed its disposition in death and have ruth- lessly set aside the wills of the dead in order to attain social ends decreed by the court. The court has substituted its judgment for that of the testa- tor based on social theory.

The courts assert authority c,,en in decree the use of prfratc cemeteries. They assert the right to convert a private place <)f business into a

public place of business without the consent of the owner and without compensation to him.

One justice asserts that the mere licensing of a business by the State is sufficient to convert it into control by the Federal judiciary as to its use and disposition.

Another asserts that the guarantees of equal protc-crion and due process of law cannot be extended to a corporation. In one instance, following the edicts of the United States Supreme Court, a state Supreme Court has ordered and directed a private citizen to sell his home to an individual contrary ro the wishes of the owner.

In California we witnessed a state Supreme Court taking under advisement the question as to whether or not it will compel a bank t<) make a load to an applicant on the basis of his race.

We have witnessed the sanction by the courts of confiscatory taxation. Let us take a look at the attitude of the court with respect to the control

of the private resources of the nation and the allocation of the productive capacity of the nation.

The Supreme Court decisions have sanctioned enactment of the civil rights bill.

The Ctv,I Rig/Jts Mo ve,,1e11I: Fraud , Sham, a11d Hoax 22 3

What this bill actuaUy docs is to empower the United States govern- ment ro rcalJocatc the entire productive capacity of the agricultural economy covered by quotas and acreage aUotments of various types on the basis of race, creed, color and national origin .

It, in effect, places in the hands of the Federal government the right of a £armer tO earn a living, making that rig;ht dependent upon the consent of the Federal government precisely as is the case in russia.

The power is there. I am not in the least impressed by the protestations that the government will use this power with benevolent discretion.

We know that this bill authorizes the President of the united states tO allocate a ll defense productive capacity of this country on the basis of race, creed, or color.

It does not matter in the least that he will make such allocations with restraint. The £ace is that it is possible with a politically dominat<-d agency to punish and to bankrupt and destroy any business that deals with the Federal goverruacnt if it docs not bow to the wishes and demands of the president of the United States.

All of us know what the court has done co capture the minds of our children.

The Federal judiciary has asserted the authority to prescribe regu- lations with respect to the management, operation, and conuo) of our local schools. The second brown decision in the infamous school segregation case authorized Federal district courts ro supervise such matters as teacher hiring, firing, promotion, the expenditure of local funds, both administratively and for capital improvements, additions, and renovations, the location of new schools, the drawing of school boundaries, busing and transportation of school children, and, believe it or not, it has asserted ,he right in the Federal judi- ciary to pass judgment upon the curricula adopted in local public schools. A comparatively recent Federa l court decision in a Florida case actually entered an order embracing each and every one of these assertions of Federal supervision.

In ruling after ruling, the Supreme Court has c)vc.rsteppcd its constitu- tional authoriry. While appearing co pro<ect the people's interest, it has in reality become a judicial ryrant.

Ir's the old pattern. The people always have some champion whom they set over them ... And nurse into greatness. This, and no other, is the foot from which a tyrant sprin,gs, after first appearing as a protector.

224 CIV I L RIGHTS

This is another way of saying that the people never give up their liberties . . . And their freedom ... But under some delusion. But yet there is hope.

There is yet a spirit of resistance in this country which will not be oppressed. And it is awakening. And I am sure there is an abundance of good sense in this country which cannot be dc-ceivcd.

I have personal knowledge of this. Thirty-four percent of the Wisconsin Democrats supported the beliefs you and I uphold and expound.

Thirty percent of the Democrats in Indiana join us in fighting this grab for executive power by those now in control in Washington. And, listen to this, forty-thrC<? percent of the Democrats in Maryland, practically in view of the nation's capital, believe as you and [ believe.

So, let me say to you today. Take heart. Millions of Americans believe just as we in this great region of the United States believe. I shaU never forget last spring as I srood in the midsr of a great throng of South Milwaukee supporters at one of the greatest political raUics I have ever wimesscd.

A fine-looking man grabbed my hand and said: "Governor, I've never been south of South Milwauh-c, but [ am a

Southerner!• Of course, he was saying he !believed in the principles and philosophy

of the somhcrn people ... Of you here today and the people of my stat< of Alabama.

He was right. Being a southerner is no lon_ger geographic. It's a philosophy and an

attitude. One destined to be a national philosophy-embraced by millions of

Americans-which shall assume the mantle of leadership and steady a governmenta I structure in these days of crises.

Certainly I am a candidate for President of the United States. lf the left-wingers do not think I am serious-let them consider this. I am going to take our fight to the people-the court of public

opinion-where truth and comrn<)n sense will eventually prevail.

At this rime, I have definite, concrete plans to get presidential electors plcdgt-d to me on the ball()ts in the following States: Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virgin.ia, New York, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Missouri, Kentucky, Arkansas, Tennessee, and o( course Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana. Othe, States arc under serious consideration.

A candidate for President must receive 270 electoral votes to win.

The Ctv,I Rig/Jts Mo ve,,1e11I: Fraud , Sham, a11d Hoax 225

The states I a m definitely going to enter represent 2 I 8 ck<:tora I votes. Conservatives of this nation constitute the balance of power in

presidential elections. I am a conservative. I intend to give the American people a dear choice. I welcome a 6ght

becwccn our philosophy and the liberal Ie&-wing dogma which now th reatens to engulf every man, woman, and child in the United States.

I am in this race because I believe the American people have been pushed around long enough a nd that they, like you and I, arc fed up with the continuing trend coward a socialist State which now subjects the indi- vidual to the dictates of a n all-powerful central government.

I am running for President because I was born free. I want to remain free. I want your children and mine a nd our prosperity to be unencum- bered hy the manipulations of a soulless state.

I intend to light for a positive, affirmative program to restore consti- tutiona l government and t<) Stop the senseless bloodletting now being performed on the body of liberty by those who lead us willingly a nd dangerously close to a tota litarian central government.

In our nation, man has always been sovereign and the srote has been his servant. This philosophy has made the United States the greatcsr free nation in history.

This freedom was not a gift. It was won by work, by sweat, by tea rs, by war, by whatever it took to Ix~ and to remain &cc.

Arc we t0day less resolute, less determined and courageous than our fathers and our grandfathers?

Arc we to abandon this prittlcss heritage that has carried us to our present position of achievement and leadership?

I say if we arc to abandon our heritage, let it be done in the open and full knowledge of what we do.

We arc not unmindful and careless of our future. We will not Stand aside while our conscientious convictions cell us that a dictatorial Supreme Court has taken away our rights and our liberties.

We will not Stand idly by while the Supreme Court continues to invade the prerogatives left rightfully to the states by the constitution.

We must not be misled by left-wing incompetent news media that day after day feed us a diet of fantasy tcUing us we a rc big()ts, racists and bate-mongers to oppose the destruction of the constitution a nd our nation.

226 CIV I L RIGHTS

A left-wing monster has risen up in this nation. Ir has invaded the government. It has invaded the news media. It has invaded the leadership of many of our churches. It has invaded every phase and aspect of the life of freedom-loving people.

It consists of many and vairious and powerful interests, but it has combined inw o ne massive drive a nd is held together by the cohesive power of the emotion, setting forth civil rights as supreme to a ll.

But, in reality, it is a drive to destroy the rights of private property, t<) destroy the freedom and liberty of you and me.

And, my friends, where th<"rc arc no property rights, there are no human rights. Red China and Soviet Russia arc prime examples.

Politically evil men have combined and arranged themselves against us. The good people of this na tion must now associate thcmsdves together, else we will fall one by one, am unpitied sacrifice in a struggle which threatens to engulf the entire nation. We can win. We can control the elee- tion of rhe president in novcmber.

O ur object must be our cOuBtry, our whole country and nothing but our country.

If we will stand together-the people of this stare-the people of my srate--the people throughout this great region- yes, throughout the United States-then we can be the balance of power. We can determine who will be the next president.

Georgia is a great state. Atlanta is a great city. I know you will dem- onstra te that grcamess in novcmbcr by joining a labama a nd other States throughout the south in electing the next president of the United States.

We arc not going to change anything by sitting on our hands hoping that things wiU change for the better. Those who cherish individual free- dom have a job to do.

First, let us let it be known 'that we intend to take the offensive and carry our light for freedom across this nation. We will wield the power that is ours-the power of the people.

Let it be km)wn that we will no longer t(>kratc the boot of tyranny.

We will no longer hide our beads in the sand. We will rnschool our thoughts in the lessons our forefathers knew so well.

We must destroy the power to dictate, to forbit, to require, to demand, to distribute, to edict, and to judge what is best and en force that will of judgment upon free citizens.

We mus, revitalize a government founded in this nation on faith in god.

The Ctv,I R ig/Jt s Move,,1e11I: Fraud , Sham, a11d Hoax 22 7

I ask that you join with me and that together, we give an active and courageous leadership to the millions of people throughout this nation who look with hope and faith to our fight to preserve our constitutional system of government with its guarantees of liberty and justice for all within the framework of our pricckss freed(>ms.

LOVING ET UX. v. VIRGINIA Supreme Court of the United States

388 U.S. 1 June 12, 1967, Decided

MR. C HIEF J USTICE WARREN DELIV ERED THE OPINIO N OF THE CO URT

This case presents a constitutional question never addressed by this Court: whether a statutory scheme adopted by the State of Virginia to prevent marriages bcrwcen per.,ons solely on the basis of racial das$ilications violates the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment. For reasons which seem ro us to rcflrtt the central meaning of those constitutional commands, we conclude that these Statutes ca nnot stand consistently with the Fourtltnth Amendment.

In June 1958, two residents of Virginia, Mildred Jeter, a Ncgr() woman, and Richard Loving, a white man, were married in the District of Columbia pursua nt to its laws. Shortly after their marriage, the Lovings retu rned co Virginia a nd established their marital abode in Caroline Counry. At the October Term, 1958, of the Ci rcuit Court of Caroline County, a grand jury issued an indictment charging the Lovings with violating Virginia's ban on interracial marriages. On Ja nuary 6, 1959, the lovings pleaded guilty ro the cha rge a nd were sentenced to one year in jail; however, the ttia l judge suspended the sentence for a period of 25 years on th e condition that the Lovings leave the State and nor return to Virginia together for 25 yi,ars. He stated in an opin ion that:

229

230 CIV IL RIGHTS

AJmighty God created the races white, black, yellow, malay and red~ and he placed them on separate cominems. And bur for the interference witb his arrangemenr there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact chat he separated the races shows char he did not imend for the races ro mix.

After their c.onvicrions, the lovings rook up residence in the Discrict of Columbia. On November 6, 1963, they filed a motion in the state trial court ro vacate rhc judgment and set aside the sentence on the ground that the statures which tbey had violated were repugnant to the Fourteenth AmcndmenL ...

The two statutes under which appellants were convicted and sen- tenced arc pare of a comprehensive Statutory scheme aimed at prohibit- ing and punishing inrerraciaJ marriages. The Lovings were convicted of violating S 20-58 of the Virginia Code:

"Leaving State to evade /a,<1.- lf any white person and colored person shall go our of this State, for th.- purpose of being married, and with the intention of returning, and be married our of ir., and afterwards return co and Tl-side in it, cohabiting as rhan and wife, they shalJ be punished as provided in § 20-59, and the marriage shall be governed by the same law as if ir had been solemnized in this Stare. The fact of their cohabitation here as man and wife shall be evidence of their marriage."

Section 20-59, which defines the penalty for miscegenation, provides: "'Punishment for marriage.- £( any white person intermarry with a

colored person, or any colored person intermarry with a white person, he shall be guilty of a fcl,)ny and shall be punished by confinement in the penitentiary for nor less than one nor more than five years."

Other central provisions in the Virginia Statutory scheme arc S 20-57, which automatica11y voids all marriages between "a white person and a colored person" without any judicial proceeding, and SS 20-54 and 1-14 which, rcspcccively, define "white persons" and "colored persons and Indians" for purposes of the s.atutory prohibitions. The Lovings have never disputed in the course of chis litigation that Mrs. Loving is a "col- ored person" or that Mr. Loving is a "white person" within the m,:anings given those terms by the Virginia statutes.

Virginia is now one of 16 States which prohibit and punish marriages on the basis o f racial classifications. The present Statutory scheme dates from the adoption of the Racial Integrity Act of 1924, passed during the

Lovi,,g Et Ux. v. V,rguda 23 1

period of extreme nativism which followed the end of the First World War. The central features of this Act, and current Virginia law, are the absolute prohibition of a "white person" marrying other than another "white person," a prohibition against issuing marriage licenses until the issuing official is satisfied that the applicants' statements as to their race arc correct, certificates of " racial composition" to be kept by both k><:al and State registrars, and the carrying forward of earlier prohibitions against racial intermarriage.

In upholding the constitutionality of these prov,s,ons in the decision below, the Supreme Court of Appeals of Yrrginia referred to its 1955 decision in Naim v. Naim as Stating the treasons supporting the validity of these laws. In Naim, the State court concluded that the State's legiti- mate purposes were "to preserve the raci:a.1 integrity of its citizens," and to prevent "the corruption of blood," ''a m ongrel breed of citizens/• and "the obliteration of racial pride," obviously an endorsement of the doc- trine of \Vhirc Supremacy. The court also rcason(,d that marriage has traditiona lly been subject to State regulation with<)ut federal interven- tion, a nd, consequently, the regulation of marriage should be left to exclusive Star< control by the Tenth Amendment.

The State docs not contend in its argument before this Court that its powers ro regulate marriage arc unlimited notwithstanding the commands: of the Fourteenth Amendment. Nor could it do so. Instead, the State argues that the meaning of the Equal Prot-,ction Clause, as illuminated by the statements of the Framers, is only that stare penal laws containing an interracial element as pan of the definition of the offense must apply equally to whites a nd Negroes in the sense: that members of each race a rc punished to the same degree. Thus, the State ccmtcnds that, because its miscegenation statutes punish equally both the white and the Negro par- ticipants in an interracial marriage, these statutes, despite their reliance on racial classifications, do not constitute an invidious discrimination based upon race. The second argument advanced by the State assumes the valid- ity of its equal application theory. The argument is that, if the Equal Protection Clause does not outlaw miscegenation Statutes because of their reLiance on racial classiJica tions, the question of constitutionality would thus lxx:omc whether there was any rational basis for a State to treat

232 CIVIL RIGHTS

interracial marriages diffcrenr1y from other marriages. On this question, the State argues, the scientific evidence is substantiaUy in doubt and, con- sequently, this Court should defer to the wisdom of the state legislature in adopting it., poLicy of discouraging interracial marriages.

Because we reject the notion that the mere ••equal application" of a Statute containing racial classifications is enough to remove the classifica- tions from the Fourteenth Amendment's proscription of all invidious racial discriminations, we do not accept the States contention that these statutes should be upheld if there is any possiblt basis for concluding that they serve a rational purpose. The mere fact of equal application docs not mean that our analysis of these starutes should follow the approach we have taken in cases involving no racial discrimination where the Equal Protection Clause has been arrayed against a statute discriminating between the kinds of advertising which may be displayed on trucks in New York City or an exemption in Ohio►s ad valorcm tax for merchan- dise owned by a nonresident in a storage warehouse. In these cases, involving distinctions not drawn ac.cording to race, the Coun has mciely asked whether there is any rational foundation for the discriminations, and has deferred to the wisdom of the state legislatures. In the case at bar, howcvc,; we dtal with statutes containing racial classifications, and the fact of equal application docs not immunize the statute from the very heavy burden of justification which the Fourteenth Amendment has traditionally required of State statutes drawn according to race.

The State argues that Stateinenrs in the Thirty-ninth Congress about the time of the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment indicate that the Framers did not intend the Amendme.nt t<) make unconstitutional state miscq~enation laws. Many of the statements alluded to by the State con- cern the debates over the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, which Pm;idem Johnson vetoed, and the Civil RJghts Act of 1866, enacted over lus veto. While these statements have some relevance to the intention of C<>ngress in submitting the Fourteenth Amendment, it must be understood that they pemuned to the passage of specific statutes and not to the broader, organic purpose of a constitutional amendment. As for the various state- ments directly concerning the Fourteenth Amendment, we ha vc said in connection with a rtlated problem, that although these historical sources "cast some light" they a rc not sufficient to resolve the problem; "[at) best, they arc inconclusive. The most avid proponents of the post-War Amendments undoubtedly intended them t(> remove all legal distinctions

Lovi,,g Et Ux. v. V,rguda 233

among 'all persons born or naturalized in the United States.' Their oppo- nents, just as certainly, were antagonistic to both the letter and the spirit of the Amendments and wished them to have the most limited effect." We have rejected the proposition that the debates in the Thirty- ninth Congress or in the state legislatures which ratified the Fourteenth Amendment supported the theory advanced by the State, that the requirement of equal protection of the laws is satisfied by penal laws defining offenses based on racial classifications so long as white and Negro participants in the offense were similarly punished ....

The Equal Protection Clause requires the consideration of whether the dassi.fications drawn by any statute constitute an arbitrary and invidious discrimination. The clear and central purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to eliminate all official s tate sources of invidious racial discrimination in the Stares.

There can be no question bur that Virginia's miscegenation statutes rest solely upon distinctions drawn according to race. The statutes proscribe generally accepted conduet if engaged in by members of different races. Over the years, this Court has consistently repudiated "distinctions between citizens solely because of their ancc~'try" as being "odious ma free people whose institutions arc founded up<>n the doctrine of equality." At the very least, the Equal Protection Clause demands that racial classi- fications, especially suspe<, in criminal Statutes, be subjeetcd to the "most rigid scrutiny," Koremats11 v. United States (1944), and, if they are ever to be upheld, they must be shown to be necessary to the aecomplishmt,nt of some permissible state objcetive, indcpcndent of the racial discrimina- tion which it was the object of the Fourteenth Amendment to eliminate. Indeed, tw() members of this Courr have already stated that they "cannot conceive ()f a valid legislative purpose ... which makes the color of a person's skin the test of whether his conduct is a criminal offense."'

There is patently no legitimate overriding purp<>SC independent of invidious racial discrimination which justifies this classification. The faet that Vuginia prohibits only interracial marriages involving white persons demonstrates that the raciaJ classi6cations must stand on their own jus- tification, as measures designed ro maintain White Supremacy. We have consistently denied the constitutionality of measures which restrict the rights of citizens on account of race. There can be no doubt that restriet- ing the freedom to marry solely ht-cause of racial classifications violates the central meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.

234 CIV IL RIGHTS

II.

These Statutes also deprive the Lovings of liberty without due process of law in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The freedom to marry bas long been recognized as one of the vital per- sona l rights essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men.

Marriage is one of the " basic civil rights of man," fundamental to our very existence and sun•ival. To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these stat- utes, classifications so directly subversive of the principle of equality at the heart of the Fourteenth Amendment, is surely tO deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidi- ous racial discriminations. Unde·r our Constitution, the freedom ro marry, or nor marry, a person of another race resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by the State. These convictions must be reveirsed.

MR. JUSTICE STEWART, concurring. I have previously expressed the belief that "it is simply not possible for

a State law to be valid under our Constitution which makes the criminality of an act depend upon the race: of the actor." Because I adhere to that belief, I concur in the judgment of the Court.

1984 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION ADDRESS

Jesse Jackson, 18 Ju ly 1984, San Francisco

T hank you very much.

Tonight we come together bound by our faith in a mighty God, with genuine respect and love for our country, and inheriting the legacy of a great Party, the Democratic Party, which is the best hope for redirecting our nation on a more humane, just, and peaceful course.

This is not a perfect party. We arc not a perfect people. Yet, we arc called to a perfect mission. Our mission: m feed the hungry; to clothe the naked; to house the h<)mcless; to teach tbc ilLitcrate; to provide jobs for the jobless; and to choose the human ract, over the nuclear race.

We are gathered here this week to nominate a candidate and adopt a platform which will expand, unify, direct, and inspire our Party and the nation tO fulfill this mission. My e<)ns.titucncy is the desperate, the damned, the di.~inheritcd, the disr<-Spc<-red, and the despised. They arc restless and seek relief. They have voted in r<'<:Ord numbers. They have invested the faith, hope, and trust that they have in us. The Democratic Party must send them a signal that we care. I pledge my best not to let them down.

There is the call o( conscience, redemption, expansion., healing, and unity. Leadership must heed the call of conseiencc, redemption, expan- sion, ht-a.ling, and unity, for they arc the· key to achieving our mission. TlOlc is neutral and docs not change things. With courage and initiative, leaders change things.

No generation can choose the age or circumstance in which it is horn, but through leadersl:tip it can choose to make the age in which

235

236 CIVIL RIGHTS

it is born an age of enlightenment, an age of jobs, and peace, and justice. Only lcadcrship-thar intangible combination of gifts, the discipline, information, circumstance, courage, timing, wiJJ and divine inspiration-can lead us our of the crisis in which we find ourselves. Leadership can mitigate the mllscry of our nation. Leadership can part the waters and lead our nation in the direction of the Promised Land. Leadership can lift the boars stuck at the bottom.

1 have had the rare opportunity to watch seven men, and then two, pour Out their souls, offer their service, and heal and heed the call of duty to direct the course of our nation. There is a proper season for everything. There is a time ro sow and a time ro reap. There's a time to compete and a time to cooperate.

1 ask for your vote on the first ballot as a vote for a new direction for this Party and this nation-a vote of conviction, a vote of conscience. But I will be proud to support the nominee of this convention for the Presidency of the United States of America. Thank you.

I have watched the leadership of our party develop and grow. My respect for both Mr. Mondale and Mr. Hart is great. I have watched them suuggk with the crosswinds and crossfires of being public servants, and 1 believe they wiU botb continue to try to serve us faithfully.

I am elated by the knowledge that for the first rime in our history a woman, Geraldine Ferraro, will be recommended to share our ticket.

Throughout this campaign, I've tried to offer leadership to the Democratic Party and the nation_ If, in my high moments, I have done some good, offered some service, shed some light, healed some wounds, rekindled some hope, or stirred someone fr.om apathy and indifference, or in any way along the way helped somebody, then this campaign has not been in vain.

For friends who loved and cared for me, and for a God who spared me, and for a family who unde,stood, I am eternally grateful.

lf, in my low moments, in word, deed or attitude, through some error of rem per, taste, or tone, I have caused anyone discomfort, created pain, or revived someone's fears, that was not my truest self. If the.re were occasions when my grape turned int<> a raisin and my joy bell lost its resonance, please forgive me. Charge it to my head and not to my heart. My head-so limited in its finitude; rny heart, which is boundkss in its love for the human family. I am not a perfect servant. I am a public ser- vant doing my best against tbe odds. As I develop and serve, be patient: God is nor finished with me yet.

J984 Democrat,c Nat1011al Co11ve11l1on Address 23 7

This campaign has taught me much; that leaders must be tough enough to fight, tender enough to cry, human enough to make mistakes, humble enough to admit them, strong enough to absorb the pain, and resilient enough t(> bounce back and keep on moving.

For leaders, the pain is often intense·. But you mus t smile through your tears and keep moving with the faiith that there is a brighter side somewhere.

I went to see Hubert Humphrey three days before he died. He had just called Richard Nixon from his dying bed, and many people wondered why. And I asked him. He said, "Jesse, from this vantage point, the sun is setting in my life, all of the speeches, the political conventions, the crowds, and the great fighL, arc behind me now. At a time like this you arc forced to deal with your irreducible "s.scnce, forced to grapple with that which is really important to you. And what I've concluded about life," Hubert Humphrey said, "When all is said and done, we must forgive each other, and redeem each other, and move on."

Our party is emerging from one of its most hard fought battles for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination in our history. But our healthy competition should make us better, nor bittcL We musr use rhe insight, wisdom, and experience of the late Hubert Humphrey as a balm for the wounds in our Party, this nation, and the world. \Ylc must forgive each other, redeem each ocher, regroup, and move one. Our flag is red, white and blue, but our nation is a rainbow-red, yellow, brown, black and white-and we're aU precious in God's sight.

America is not like a blanket-<lnc piece of unbroken d oth, the same color, the same texture, the same size. America is more like a quilt: many patches, many pieces, many colors, many sizes, all woven and held together by a common thread. The white, the Hispanic, the black, the Arab, the Jew, the woman, the native American, the small farmer, the businessperson, the environmentalist, the peace activist, the young, the old, the lesbian, the gay, and the disabled make up the American quilt.

Even in our fractured state, aU of us count and fit somewhere. \Ylc have proven that we can survive without each other. But we have not proven that we can win and make progress without each other. We must come together.

From Fannie Lou Hamer in Atlantic City in 1964 to the Rainbow Coalition in San Francisco today; &om the Atlantic tO the Pacific, we have experienced pain bur progress, as we ended American apartheid

238 CIVIL RIGHTS

laws. We got public accommodations. We s«ured voting rights. We obtained open housing, as young people gor the right w vote. We lost Malcolm, Martin, Medgar, Bobby, John, and Viola. The team that gm us here must be expanded, not abandoned.

Twenty years ago, rears wdlcd up in our eyes as the bodies of Schwcrner, Goodman, and Chancy were dredged from the depths of a river in Mississippi. Twenty years later, our communities, black and Jewish, arc in anguish, angci; and pain. Feelings have been hurt on both side..~. There is a crisis in communications. Confusion is in the air. Bue we cannot afford w lose our way. We may agree to agree; or agree ro dis- agree on issues; we must bring hack civility to these tensions.

We arc co-parmers in a long and rich religious bisrory-the Judco- Christian traditions. Many blacks and Jews ha vc a shared passion for social justice at home and peace abroad. We muSt s,:ek a revival of the spirit, inspired by a new vision and new possibilities. We must return ro higher ground. We arc bound by Moses and Jesus, bur also connc,:ted with Islam and Mohammed. These three great religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, were all born in the revered and holy city of Jerusalem.

We arc bound by Dr. Marrin Luther King Jr. and Rabbi Abraham Heschcl, crying outfrom their gra.vcs for us t<) reach common ground. Weare bound by shared blood and shared sacrifices. We arc much roo intelligent, much too bound by our Judco--Christian heritage, much roo vit-rimiud by racism, sexism, militarism, and anti-Semitism, much too threatened as historical scapegoats to go on divided one from anothcL We must turn from finger pointing to clasped hands. We must share our burdens and our joys with each other once again. We must rum to each other and nor on each other and choose higher ground.

Twenty years later, we cannot be satisfied by just restoring the old coalition. Old wine skins must make room for new wine. We must heal and expand. The Rainbow Coalition is making room for Arab Americans. They, roo, know the pain and hurr of racial and religious rejection. They mus t nor continue robe made pariahs. The Rainbow Coalition is making room for Hispanic Americans who this very night are living under the threat of the Simpson-Mazzoli bill; and farm workers from Ohio who arc fighting the Campbell Soup 0)mpany with a boycott to achieve legiti- mate workers' rights.

The Rainbow is making room for the Native American, the most exploited people of all, a people with the greatest moral claim amongst us.

J984 Dem o crat,c Nat1 0 11al C o 11 v e11l1 o n Address 239

We support them as they seek the resroration of their ancient land and claim amongst us. We support them as tbcy seek the restoration of land and water rights, as they seek ro preserve their ancestral homeland and the beauty of a land that was once aU theirs. They can never receive a fair share

for all they have given us. They must finally have a fair chance to develop their great resources and ro preserve their people and their culture.

The Rainbow Coalition includes Asian Americans, now being killed in our streers-scap<,goats for the failures of corporate, indusrrial, and economic policies.

The Rainbow is making room for the young Americans. Twenty years ago, our young people were dying in a war for which they could not even vote. Twenty years later, young America '.has the power to stop a war in Central America and the responsibility to vote in great numbers. Young America must be politically active in 1984. The choice is war or peace. We must make room for young America.

The Rainbow includes disabled veterans. The color scheme fits in the Rainbow. The disabled have their hand;cap revealed and their genius concealed; while the able-bodied have their genius revealed and their dis- ability concealed. Bur ultimately, we must judge people by their values and their contribution. Don 't leave anyb,)dy out. I would rather have Roosevelt in a wheelchair than Reagan on a horse.

The Rainbow is making room for small farmers. They have suffered tremendously under the Reagan regime. They will either receive 90 per- cent parity or JOO percent charity. We musr address their concerns and make room for rhcm. The Rainbow includes lesbians and gays. No American citizen ought be denied equal protection from the law.

We must be unusually committed and caring as we expand our family to include new members. All of us musr be tolerant and understanding as the fears and anxieties of the rejected and the party leadership express themselves in many different ways. Too often what we call hare-as if it were some decply-roorcd philosophy or srrat<-gy-is simply ignorance, anxiety, paranoia, fear, and insecurity. To be strong Jcadcrs, we must be long-suffering as we seek to right rhc wrongs of our Parry and our nation. We must expand our Party, heal our Parry, and unify our Party. That is our mission in l 984.

We a.re often reminded that we live in a great nation-and we do. Bur

ir can be greater still. The Rainbow is mandating a new definition of grcatnc..oss. We must not measure grcamcss from the mansion down, but

240 CIVIL RIGHTS

the manger up. Jesus said that we should not be judged by the bark we wear but by the fruit that we bear. Jesus said that we must measure great· ncss by how we treat the least of these.

President Reagan says the nation is in recovery. Those 90,000 corpo- rations that made a profit last year but paid no federal taxes arc recover- ing. The 37,000 military contracwrs who have benefited from Reagan's more than doubling of the military budget in peacetime, surely they are recovering. The big corporations and rich individuals who received the bulk of a threc .. year, multibilLion tax cut from Mr. Reagan are recovering. But no such recovery is under way for the least of these.

Rising tides don't lift all boats, particularly those Stuck at the bottom. For the boats Stuck at the bottom there's a misery index. This Administration has made life more miserable for the poor. Its attitude has been contemptuous. Its policies and programs have been cruel and unfair to working people. They must be held accountable in November for increasing infant mortality among the poor. In Detroit one of the great cities of the western world, babies arc dying at the same rare as Honduras, the most underdeveloped nation in our hemisphere. This Administration must be held accountable for policies that have contributed tO the grow- ing poverty in America. There are now 34 miUion people in poverty, 15 percent of our nation. 23 million arc White; 11 million Black, Hispanic, Asian, and Others- mostly women and children. By the end of this year, there will be 41 millio□ people in poverty. We cannot stand idly by. We must fight for a change now.

Under this regime we look at Social Security. The '81 budget cuts included nine permanent Social Security benefit cuts totaling 20 billion over five years. Small businesses have suffered under Reagan tax cuts. Only 18 percent of coral business tax cuts went tO them; 82 percent to big busincssc.,. Health care under Mr. Reagan has already been sharply cut. Education under Mr. Reagan has Ix-en cut 25 percent. Under Mr. Reagan there are now 9.7 million female head families. They represent 16 percent of all families. Half of all of them arc poor. 70 percent of all poor children live in a house headed by a v.roman, where there is no man. Under Mr. Reagan, the Administration has cleaned up only 6 of 546 priority toxic waste dumps. Farmc.rs' real net income was only about half its level in 1979.

Many say that the race in November will be decided in the South. President Rragan is depending on the conservative South ro return him

J984 Democrat,c Nat1011al Co11ve11l1on Address 241

to office. But the South, I tell you, is unnaturally conservative. The South is the poorest region in our nation and, therefore, [has] the least to conserve. In his appeal to the South, Mr. Reagan is trying to substi- tute flags and prayer cloths for food, and clothing, and education, health care, and housing.

Mr. Reagan will ask us to pray, and I believe in prayer. I have come to this way by the power of praycL But then, we must watch false prophecy. He cuts energy assistance to the poor, cuts breakfast programs from chil- dren, cuts lunch programs from children, cuts job training from children, and then says to an empty table, "let us pray." Apparently, he is not famil- iar with the structure of a prayer. You thank the Lord for the food that you arc about to receive, not the food that just left. I think that we should pray, but don't pray for the food that left. Pray for the man that took the food to leave. We need a change. We need a change in November.

Under Mr. Reaga n, the misery index has risen for the poor. The danger index has risen for everybody. Under this administration, we've lost the lives of our boys in Central America and Honduras, in Grenada, in Lebanon, in nuclear Standoff in Europe. Under this Administration, one-third of our children believe rhey will die in a nuclear war. The danger index is increasing in this world. All the talk about the defense against Russia; the Russian submarines are doser, and their missiles are more accurate. We live in a world tonight more miserable and a world more dangerous.

Whilr Rcaganomics and Reaganism is talked about often, so often we miss the real meaning. Rcaganism is a spirit, and Rcaganomics represents the real economic facts of life. In I 980, Mr. George Bush, a man with reasonable access to Mr. Reagan, did an analysis of Mr. Reagan's eco- nomic plan. Mr. George Bush concluded that Reagan's plan was "voodoo economics." He was right. Third-parry ,candidate John Anderson said "a combination of military spending, tax cuts, and a balanced budget by '84 would be accomplished with blue smoke and mirrors." They were both right.

Mr. Reagan talks about a dynamic recovery. There's some measure of recovery. Three and a half years later, unemployment has inched just below where it was when he rook office in 198 I. There arc still 8. l mil- lion people officially unemployed; 11 million working only part-time. Inflation has come down, but let's analyze for a moment who has paid the price for this superficial <.-conomic recovery.

242 CIVIL RIGHTS

Mr. Reagan curbed inflation by cutting consumer demand. He cur consumer demand with conscious and caUous fiscal and monetary poli- cies. He used the Federal budget to deliberately induce unemployment and curb social spending. He then weighed and supported tight monetary policies of the Federal Reserve Board ro deliberately drive up interest rares, again to curb consumer demand created through borrowing. Unemployment reached I 0.7 pe,cent. We e,q,cricnccd skyrocketing inter- est rares. Our dollar inflated abroad. There were record bank fa ilurcs, record farm forcdosurcs, rl"<.:Or.d business bankruptcies; record budget deficits, record trade deficits.

Mr. Reagan brought inflation down by desrabilizing our economy and disrupting family life. He promised-he promised in 1980 a balanced budget. Bur instead we now have a m:ord 200 billion dollar budget deficit. Under Mr. Reagan, the cumulative budget deficit for his four years is more than rhe sum total of deficits from George Washington to Jimmy Carter combined. I tell you, we need a change.

How is he paying for tht~ shorr-tcnn jobs? Reagan 's economic recov- ery is being financed by deficit spending-200 billion dollars a year. Military spending, a major cause of this deficit, is projected over the next five years to be nearly 2 trillion doUars, and will cost about 40,000 doUars for every taxpaying family. When the Government borrows 200 billion dollars annually ro finance the deficit, this encourages the private s,.•<:ror ro make its money off of inten,st rares as opposed to development and economic growth.

Even money abroad, we don't have enough money domestically to finance the debt, so we arc now borrowing money abroad, from foreign banks, govemmcncs and financial institutions: 40 billion dollars in J 983; 70-80 bilLioa dollars in I 984-40 percent <)f our total; over 100 billion dollars-50 percent of our total-in 1985. By 1989, it is projected that 50 percent of all individual income taxes will be going just ro pay for interest on that debt. The United States used robe the largest exporter of capital, bur under Mr: Reagan we will quite likely become the largest debtor nation.

About two weeks ago, on July the 4th, we celebrated our Declaration of Independence, ycr every day supply-side economics is making our nation more economically dependent and less economically free. Five to six percent of our Gross NarionaJ Product is now being eaten up with President Reagan's budget deficits. To depend on foreign military powers

J984 Dem o crat,c Nat1 0 11al C o 11 v e11l1 o n Address 243

to protect our national S~'Curity would be foolish, making us dependent and less secure. Yet, Rcaganomics has us increasingly dependent on for- eign economic sources. This consumer-led but deficit-financed r<'Covery is unbalanced and artificial. We have a challenge as Democrats to point a way our.

Democracy guarantees <)pporrunity~ nor success. Democracy guarantees the right ro participate, not a license for either

a majority or a minority co dominate. The victory for the Rainbow Coalition in the Pladorm debates today

was not whether wt won or lost, but tha·t wt raised the right issues. We could afford to lose the vote; issues are non-negotiable. We could not afford to avoid raising the right questions. Our self-respect and our moral integrity were at Stake. O ur heads arc perhaps bloody, but not bowed. Our back is straight. We can go home and face our people. Our vision is dear.

When we think, on this journey from s1avc-ship to championship, that we have g<)ne &om the planks of the Borurdwalk in Atlantic City in 1964 to fighting to help write the planks in th.c platform in San Francisco in '84, there is a deep a nd abiding sense of joy in our souls in spite of the tears in our eyes. Though there art missing planks, there is a solid foun- dation upon which to build. O ur party can win, but we must provide hope which will inspire people to struggle and achieve; provide a plan that shows a way out of our dilemma a nd then lead the way.

In 1984, my heart is made to feel glad because I know there is a way out- justice. The requirement for rebuilding America is justice. The linchpin of progressive politics in our nation will not come from the North; they, in fact, will come from the South. That is why I argue over and over again. We look from Virginia around to Texas, there's only one black Congressperson out of l 15. Nineteen years later, we' re locked our of the Congress, the Senate and the Governor's mansion. What docs this large black vote mean? \Vhy do I fight to win second primaries a nd fight gerrymandering and annexation a nd at-large [elections]. \Vhy do we fight over that? Because I tell you, you cannot hold someone in the ditch unless you linger there with them. Unless you linger there.

If you want a change in this nation, you enforce that Voting Rights Act. We'll get 12 to 20 Black, Hispanics, female and progressive con- gresspersons from the South. We can save the cotton, but we've gor to fight tbc boll weevils. We've got to make a judgment. We've got to make a judgment.

244 CIVIL RIGHTS

It is not enough to hope ERA will pass. How can we pass ERA? If Blacks vote in great numbers, J>rOgressivc Whites win. It's rhe only way progressive Whites win. If Blacks vote in great numbers, Hispanics win. When Blacks, Hispanics, and progressive Whites vote, women win. When women win, children win. \Vhcn women and children win, workers win. We must all come up rogethcr. We must come up wgcthcr.

Thank you.

For all of our joy and excitement, we must not save the world and lose our souls. We should never short-circuit enforcing the Voting Rights An at every level. When one of us risc[s], all of us will rise. Justice is the way <)ut. Peace is the way out. We sh<>uld not act as if nuclear weaponry is negotiable a nd debatable.

In rhis world in which we live, we dropped the bomb on Japa n and felt guilty, but in 1984 other folks [have) also got bombs. This time, if we drop rhe bomb, six minutes later we, too, will be destroyed. It's not about dropping the bomb on somebody. It is about dropping rhc bomb on everybody. We must choose to <kvclop minds over guided missiles, and think it our and not fight it our_ It's time for a change.

Our foreign J>Olicy must be cha ractcrizcd by mutual respect, not by gunboat diplomacy, big stick diplomacy, and rhrcats. O ur nation a t its best feeds rhc hungry. O ur nation at its worst, at its worst, will mine rhe harbors of Nicaragua, at its worst wil1 tty to ovcn hrow their gov<'mrncnt, at its worst will cur aid to American education and increase the aid to £1 Salvador; at its worst, our nation will have partnerships wirh South Africa. Thar's a moral disgrace. It's a moral disgrace. It's a moral disgrace.

We look at Africa. We cannot just focus on Apartheid in Southern Africa. We must fight for trade with Africa, and not just a.id to Africa. We cannot stand icily by and say we will not relate to Nicaragua unless thL-y have ele<.-tions there, and then embrace military regimes in Africa over- throwing democratic governments in Nigeria and Liberia and Ghana. We must fight for democracy aU around the world and play the game by one set of rules.

Peace in this world. Our present formula for peace in the Middle East is inadequate. It will not work. There arc 22 nations in the Midd le East. O ur nation must be able to tal"k and act and influence a ll of them. We must build upon Camp David, and measure human rights by one yard stick. In that region we ha vc too many interests and too few friends.

J984 Dem o crat,c Nat1 0 11al C o 11 v e11l1 o n Address 245

There is a way our- jobs. Put Amcrit-:a back to work. When I was a child growing up in Greenville, South Carnlina, the Reverend Sample used ro preach every so often a sermon re.la ting ro Jesus. And he said, "If I be lifted up, I'll draw all men unto me." I didn't quite understand what he meant as a child growing up, but I understand a little better now. If you raise up truth, it's magnetic. It has a way of drawing people.

With all this confusion in this Convention, the bright lights and panics and big fun, we must raise up the simple proposition: If we lift up a program ro feed the hungry, they'll come running; iif we lift up a program to study war no more, our youth will come running; if we li.h up a program to put America back to work, and an alternative ·to welfare and despair, they will come working.

If we cut that military budget without cutting our dcfon.sc, and use that money t<l rebuild bridges and put steel workers back t<l work, and use thar money and provide jobs for our cities, and use that money to build schools and pay teachers and educate our children and build hos- pitals and rrain doctors and train nurses, rhe whole nation wilJ come running to us.

As I leave you now, we vote in chis convention and get ready t<l go back across this nation in a couple of days. In this campaign, I've tried to be faithful to my promise. I lived in old barrios, ghettos, and reserva- tions and housing projects. I have a message for our youth. I challenge them to put hope in their brains and not dope in their veins. I told them that like Jesus, I, roo, was born in the slum4 But just because you're born in the slum does nor mean the slum is born in you, and you can rise above it if your mind is made up. I told them in every slum there arc two sides. When I S<e'C a broken window-that's the slummy side. Train some youth co become a glazier- that's the sunny side. When I sec a missing brick-that's the slummy side. Let that child in the union and become a brick mason and build-that's the sunny side. When I see a missing door- that's the slummy side. Train some youth to become a carpenter- that's the sunny side. And when I sec the vulgar words and hieroglyphics of destitution (m the walls-that's tbc slummy side. Train some youth co become a painrer

1 an artist-that's the sunny s-idc.

We leave this place looking for the sunny side because there's a brighter side somewhere. I'm more convinced thara ever that we can win. \Ve will vault up the rough side of the mountain. We can win. I just want young America to do me one favor, just one favor. Exrrcisc the right ro dream.

246 CIV IL RIGHTS

You must face reality-that which is. Bur then dream of a reality that ought to be-that must be. Live beyond the pain of reality with the dream of a bright tomorrow. Use hope and imagination as weapons of survival and progress. Use love to motivate you and obligate you to serve the human family.

Young America, dream. Choose the human race over the nuclear race. Bury the weapons and don' t burn the people. Dream-dream of a new value system. Teachers who teach for life and not just for a living; teach because they can't help it. Dream of lawyers more concerned about jus- tice than a judgeship. Dream c,f doctors more concerned about public health than personal wealth. Dream of preachers and priests who will prophesy and not just profiteer. Preach and dream!

Our rime has come. Our rime has come. Suffering breeds character. Character breeds faith. In the end, faith will not disappoint. Our time has come. Our faith, hope, and dreams wiU prevail. Our rime has come. Weeping has endured for nights, but now joy cometh in the morning. Our time has come. No grave can hold our body down. Our rime has come. No lie can live forever. Our time has come. We must leave racial battle ground and come to economic common ground and moral higher ground. America, our rime has come. We come from disgrace ro a.mazing grace. Our time has come. Give me your ti.red, give me your poor, your huddled masses who yearn to breathe fwe and come November, there will be a change because our time has come.

SUPPLEMENTARY DETAILED STAFF REPORTS ON

INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES AND THE RIGHTS OF AMERICANS

April 23, 1976

PINAL REPORT OP TH£ SELECT COMM1TTEE TO STUDY GOVERN MENTAL O PERAT IO NS

WIT H RESPECT T O INTELLIGENCE ACTI VIT IES

UNITE D STATES SENATE

5. BLACK NATIONAUST-HATE GROUPS. -- In marked contrast to prior COlNTELPROs, which grew out of years of intensive intelligence investigation, the Black Nationalist COINTELPRO and the racial intel- ligence investigative section were set up a t about the same time in 1967.

Prior ro that rime, the Division,s investigation of "Negro matters" was

limited to instances of alleged Communist infiltration of civil rights groups and co monitoring civil rights protest activity. However, the long,

COINTELPRO: The: FBl's CO\'C:Tt action programs against American cici:r.c:ns

247

248 CIV IL RIGHTS

hot summer of 1967 led to intense pressure on the Bureau to do some- thing to contain the probl<m, and once again, the Bureau heeded the call.

The originating letter was sent out to 1wenry-three field offices on August 25, 1967, describing the: program's purpose as

... ro expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neurralize the

acriviries of black nationalist, hate~cype organizations and groupings,

their leadership, spokesmen, membership, and supporters, and to coun•

rer dleir propensity for violence and civil disorder . ... EffortS of the

various groups to consolidate their forces or co recruit new or youthful

adherencs must be frustrated.

Initial group targets for "intensified attention" were the Southern Christian leadership Conference, the Student Nonviolent Coordina1ing Committee, Revolu1ionary Action Movement, Deacons for Defense and Justice, Congress of Racial Equality, and the Nation of Islam. Individuals named rargcis were Stokely Carmichael, 1-1. "Rap" Brown, Elijah Muhammed, and MaxweU Stanford. The targets were chosen by confer- ring with Headquarters personnel supervising the racial cases; the list was not intended to exclude othcr groups known to the field.

According to the Black Natfrmalis1 supervisor, individuals and organi- zations were targeted because of 1heir propensiry for violence or their "radical or revolutionary rhetoric [and] actions":

Revolutionary would be [ de6n.ed as] advocacy of 1he overthrow of the

Government .... Radical [is] a loose term that might cover, for example,

the separarist view of the Narion of Islam, the influence of a group

called U.S. focorporated .... Generally, they wanted a separate black nation .... They [rbe NOi] advocated formarion of a separate black nation on the cerritory of five Southern states.

The letter went on to direct field offices to exploit conflicts within and between groups; co use news media contacts to disrupt, ridicule, or dis- credit groups; to precludt "'violencc•pronc" or ... rabble rouser" leaders of these groups from spreading their philosc,phy publicly; and 10 gather

Sta ff R t! po r ts o n lntell,g e 11 ct: A c tu11 tHs 249

information on the "unsavory backgrounds" - immorality, subversive activity, and criminal activity-- o( group members.

According to George C. Moore, the Southern Christian Leadcrslup Conference was included i><."Cause

... at char rime it was still uode.r investigation because of the communist infilrrac.ion. As far as I know, there were not any violent propensities,

except char I note ... in che rover memo lexpanding the program] or somewhere, that chey mentioned that if Manin Luther King decided co go a certain way, he could cause some trouble .... I cannot explain it satisfactorily ... this is something che section inherited.

On March 4, 1968, the program was expanded from tv;cnty-three to forty-one field offices. The letter expanding the program lists five long- range goals for the program:

(I) to prevent the "coalition of militant black nationalist groups," which might be the 6rst step toward a real ·'Mau Mau" in America;

(2) to prevent the rise of a "messiah" who could "unify, and electrify," the movement, naming spccificall)' Marrin Luther King, Stokely Carmichael, and Elijah Muhamme.d;

(3) ro prevent violence on the part of black nationalist groups, by pin- pointing "potential troublemakers" and neutralizing them "before they exercise their potential for violence;"

(4 ) to prevent groups and leaders from gaining "respectability" by dis- crediting chem co the "responsible" Negro community, co the white community (both the responsible community and the "liber- als" - the distinction is the Bureau's}, and co Negro radicals; and

(5) to prevent the long range growth of these organizations, especially among youth, by developing specific tactics to "prevent these groups from recruiting young people."

6. THE PANTHER DIRECTIVES. - The Black Panther Party ("BPP") was not included in the first two lis ts of primary targets (August 1967 and March I 968) because it had not attained national importance. By

250 CIVIL RIGHTS

November 1968, apparently the: BPP had become sufficiently active to be considered a primary target. A letter to certain field offices with BPP activity dated November 25, 1968, ordered r<-cipicnt offices to submit "imaginative and hard-hitting counterintelligence measures aimed at crippling the BPP." Proposals were to be received every two weeks. Particular attention was ro be given 10 capitalizing upon the differences between the BPP and US, Inc. (Ron Karenga's group), which had reached such proportions that "it is ta.king on the aura of gang warfare with attendant threats of murder and reprisals."

On January 30, 1969, this program against the BPP was expanded to addfrional offices, noting that the BPP was attempting 10 crea te a better image. In tine with this effort, Bobby Seale was conducting a "purge" 96 of the party, including expelling police informants. Recipient offices were instructed to take advantage of the opportunity to further plant the seeds of suspicion concerning disloyalty among ranking officials.

Bureau witnesses are nor cctrtain whether the Black Nationalist pro- gram was effective. Mr. Moore stared:

I know that the ... overall results of the Klan [COINTELPRO] was much more eff«-iive from what E have bt-cn told than the Black Extremism [COINTELPRO] because of the number of informants in the Klan who could take action which would be more effective. In the Black Extremism Group ... we got a late start because we did nor have exucmisr - activ- ity [until] '67 and '68. Then we had 10 play catch-up .... It is nor easy to measure effectiveness .... There were policemen killed in those days. There were bombs thrown. There were establishments burned with molotov cocktails .... We can measure that damage. You cannot measure over on the other side, what lives were saved because somebody did nor lea ve the organization or suspicion was sown on his leadership and this organiza- tion graduaUy declined and (there was) suspicion within it, or this <)rga- nization did not join with [that] organization as a result of a black power conference which was aimed towards consolidation cfforrs. All we know, either through their own ineptitude, maybe it emerged through counter- intelligence, maybe, I think we l;kc to think that that helped 10 do it, that there was not this dcvdopmcnu: . ... What part did counterintelligence [play?] We hope that it did play a pan. Maybe we just gave it a nudge. "

CHAPTER SIX

MOVEMENTS OF THE 60s

INTERVIEW WITH HUGH HEFNER

INT: How would you define the American dream.

HUGH HEFNER: It is related to persona l freedom, economic freedom, political freedom.

INT: How do you think that that conccp t has cvol vcd.

HUGH: Well I think that it is there in the original founding fathers of the . ... constitution. I think it is a global dream now. I think to some extent the reinforcement of it comc.s from Hollywood. There's a lot of it comes from, from, I think that o ur best export is America, is actually the American drr-am and ) think that it's in contemporary terms, in terms of this century it's an immigrant dream, and that come directly from Hollywood, most of which was founded by immigrants, and it reinforces you know that belief in that d ream of personal freedom is alive and well around the world now.

INT: How do you think that the pursuit of happiness that was written in the American constitution has arrived as a concept, where does that come from.

HUGH: Well I don't know the historical origins of it. It's certainly some- thing that I strongly endorse. It is not entirely consistent with our reLi- gious heritage. the religious heritage sort of suggests impLicidy and explicitly that you pay your dues and you get your reward later on, that's a little inconsistent with the notion of personal, happiness. I am a strong believer in a set of values that are rooted in the notion of happiness and personal fulfi llment, and you know all the old clichcs about a quest for truth and beauty.

253

254 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

INT: Would you say that the American dream therefore bas a rather schizoid identity.

HUGH: O h well I think. 1 don't know if the dream docs but I certainly thjnk that America's very schizophrenic, there's no question. 1 think you see and it is as American as apple pie, you sec the conflict between the notion of personal freedom as L,Spouscd by the founding fathers and the puritan values that were there hcforc, and that that conflict is, is what America is all about, and we sc-c it even, you know even as we come co the end of the century.

INT: Going back to the 1940's and 1950's after the second world war, how aware were you of the cold war. What <lid the cold war mean 10 you.

1-IUGH: Very aware it, 1 trunk that to some extent, sec you know, I was in the service right our of high school, during world war two and I came out like a lot of Other fellas, b-clicving that somehow we had, ""' had fought in a war, the last really moral war and that we would celebrate that in some form. 1 felt quite frankly having been raised during the depression and looking back a t the roaring twenties, the jazz age, which was a very magic timer in my mind because it was something that I had missed. I expected something comparable after world war two and we didn't get that, a11 we got was a lot of conformity, and conservatism and when I was in college at the university of Illinois the skirt lengths dropped instead of going up as they had during the roaring twenties and I knew that was a very had sign, and it is symbolic and reAective of a very repressive time, and some of that was laid the feet of the cold war. It was the time of the House on American Activities committee, the time of McCarthyism, a nd it had a big impact on me. 1 was as I say a student at the university of Illinois, Larry Parks the actor who played Al Jolson in the Jolson story in the forties came from the university of lllinois and he was one of the people who were singled as being a Little left of ccnt<r, during that period and his career and a lot of o ther careers were destroyed by them. I was very . .. of him, and I think that it to some extent radicalized me. I was a, l was raised in the thirties as in a repub- lican household but I was a Roosevelt democrat and tO some extent what camt after the war was almost a, you know it was a conservative backlash to the liberalism, politically the did exist during Roosevelt's time in America.

l111er u ,ew with Hugi, Hefner 255

INT: You're a srudcnt of psychology, is there a relationship between authoritarian systems.

HUGH: 1 think that if you, if you arc going ro, and it's all very much in O rwell in 1984. you really don't create an authoritarian society unless you control the personal choices including the sexual choices of the people. So I think that sexual oppression and dictatorship go hand in hand.

INT: To what extent do you think that the cold war lent legitimacy to that kind of moral -

HUGH: I think that the cold war and the fear o f nuclear holocaust were used. Some, some of the fo:us were very understa ndable, but it was used by some of the darker parts of our own society ro support the military and to change this into at during that period a very conservative political climate, so that to some extent I felt during that period that we had become, as a country, a part of w hat we fought the wa r to be the enemy ourselves.

INT: How would you de-scribe the Playboy philosophy.

HUGH: Well I think the Playb<)y philosophy is very, very connected to the American dream, it the political philosophy that I've always, that 1 grew up with and that I espoused in the edit0rial series, was really per- sonal freedom, political freedom, economic freedom. With the emphasis on the personal. The notion that we indeed did and do own our own minds and bodies, and that a nything from church o r state that limits that is inappropriate and inconsistent with the ... society that America is supposed to be.

INT: Do you think that making that kind of statement put you in any kind of risk, any possibility of retaliation by

HUGH: (Guffaw) I already suspected it, I lived it for sure, of course.

INT: In what way did you live it.

HUGH: Well I think that from the very beginning it wasn't simply, what made Playboy so popular was not simply the naked ladies, there were naked ladies in other magazines, what made the magazine so popular was, even before I started writing the philosophy, there was a point of view in the magazine, it prior to that you couldn't run nude pictures

256 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

without some kind of rational that they were art. I made them into, f put them into a context of a positive or what I perceived as a positive attitude on male female relationships. I s·uggested that sex was not the enemy, that violence was the enemy, that nice girls like sex. The centerfold itself, the girl next door centerfold, in a very simplistic way was rooted in that philosophy, that that sex is OK, it's a natural patt of life. a very radical idea in America, and I paid dues very early on the post office that had been the arbiter of communication in America since the comstocka in Victorian times, still believe that, despite some court decisions to the contrary, bdicvc that they had a right to define without consideration of the courts, what they, what you could send through the mail, so they didn't want to give me my sector mail, my sector mailing permit, scctore.d mailing permit, that all magazines need to survive. We had to go to court to get that. and then they found other ways, I was, I was on the enemies list during the Nixon era because I was supporting and donating funds tO more liberal democratic, democrat causes, but the being on the list reaUy began in the very early days in the middle fifties along with a lot a great many other Americans although I didn't know it at the time, I was being watched by the FBI and they had a record of what I was doing , in 1960 when we opened the first Playboy dub, Chicago officials that key dubs that had been operating in Chicago for twenty five years were sud- denly illegal. We had to go to coun tO win that case. In 1963 they decided that a very innocent pictorial on a movie by Jane Mansfield was obscene, we had tO fight them in court to win that case. In 19 after the enemies list came out in 1975, 74 they concocted a phony drug case against me because my secretary had been involved with a guy who was a street dealer, and literally fabricated evidence to convict her in the hope that somehow do something with me. And then in the early 1980's when America and England became more politically conservative, we lost our casino licenses in England and <>ur casino license in Atlantic city. Not on the basis of anything but that was really going on there, but because the climate had changed, and to some extent the fact that the first amend- ment protects me in Amtrica in the magazine. Bur the very foct that we

were able to operate for so many years with liquor licenses and with casino Licenses which require the approval of the powers that be is prob- ably in itself quite remarkable. So I fought the good fight, but have always felt that was part of the territory. I didn' t statt the magazine as a crusade bur there's a1ways been a little bit of the crusader in me, and you

l111eru,ew with Hugi, Hefner 257

know, you need dragons to slay, without the conflict and the controversy I think that what I managed to do less, a nd I take a great deal of pride in the accomplishment.

INT: You describe a society which is very conservative, what is your posi- tion on rate and civil rights.

HUGH: My views on tolerance and race from my parents. my mother in particu lar, but both my parents were very idealistic people. As a matter of fact [ accepted their values on every area except sex, they were raised in a very oppressive typically puritan fa rm families in Nebraska. So that was really the only area that I really had problems with my family. I think that the sexual revolution grew tO some d.cgrce out of you know the civil rights movement and I was actively involved in it from the la te fifties on, when we held o ur fi rst jazz festival in Chicago in 1959. We donated the funds from that tO the urban league, and when I formed the Playboy foundation in 1950 in 1965 it became the activist arm of the Playboy philosophy. I started doing the philosophy in 1963, rhe end of 1962 actu- ally and then formed the foundation. The foundation became as the magazine and the company prospered, a way of putting our money where our mouth was, and by the early nineteen seventies we had donated several million dollars to a variety of controversial causes. Many of them related to sex laws, sex research with Mathers and Johnson a nd the Mc Kensey Institute a nd the civil rights movement. In the process also we helped to fight the series of cases that lead eventually to Rowe versus Wade and legalized abortion. I met Martin Luther King for the firs t time, in fact the only time, a short time before his death, and he was in Chicago to try to meet with Mayor Daley and tO segregation was stiU, then a nd now a part of the Chicago scene, in rhc schools.

INT: To what do you ascribe racism in America.

HUGH: The phenomena there is something in us that on the one hand bonds us with like people bur somehow makes us suspicious of other people. and it is one of the sad things of humankind and unfortunately nationaLism and organized religion feed it. It turns int(> a kind of them and us phenomena and it is particularly pa thetic and sad when it comes to religion because most organized religion, most of the fundamental premises of religion arc very similar, they tend towards a single god in some form and that religion can then tum in to the sourct of animosity and hatred and bigotry, is one of the great ironies I think.

258 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

INT: The nineteen sixties were a period of great change, what do you think overall were the causes of this change.

HUGH: Well I think we came out of a very conservative time in the fifties, part of it raised by the pollitical climate at the time but a lso rdlected in conservatism, in lifestyle and [ think that a new generation was growing up that was responding to that. To some extent you sec a kind of cause effect that is like a pendulum, it swings back and forth. I think that the conservatism that occurred in the njnetecn eighties was a direct reaccion to and response ro the liberal changes that rook place in the sixties and seventies a nd I think that's the way of things. With all of this kind of thing we get two steps forward a nd one step back and you know one hop<.--s were coming out of the tunnel again. Always we find reasons to thwart and work against the personal freedom with some Other explanation. During the fifties it was the cold war much of the repression that occurred, the sexual repression in pa rt:icu1ar that occurred during the eighties, they related it to Aids. The politiciza tion of the disease it was cause a nd effect backwards, because it's not really the disease that caused the conservative agenda, the conservative agenda was there already and

we have had in America a rather dramatic rise in the Christian right, in America they actually dccted Reagan and gave us for one of the first times, starting in my lifetime a rather unholy alliance that existed between rdigion and the state, and that in tum gave us the M.ise commission and the lvtise commission ,vas nothing more than a cross country witch hunt

that had nothing ro do with, w·ith research related to sex and there arc many other evidences of it, I can't, it's very difficult for me ro b<:lievc- whcn I was a kid I grew up, fascinated with Darwin and fascinated with the monkey trial in the nineteen rwcnties, the fact that, that controversy would still exist. That creationism would still be perceived in some quar- ters as a viable perception and there would be controversy as there is in American schools, with cvo1ution on the one hand, with science <>n the one hand a nd religious State of superstition on the other, in the form of creationism is Strange, but this is the aarurc of the way we arc, we and I don't just mean America I mean, I mean the world, we you know we have in this century you know reached chc moon and the Stars, our tech- nology and our science is a t such an incredible level and in so many other ways we arc still superstitious savages in the jungle with some of our social and religious values.

l111eru,ew with Hugi, Hefner 259

INT: How much importance do you ascribe to music in in0ucncing changes in the 1960's.

HUGH: Well I always think, quite frankly that pop culture is a lot more important than a lot of people realize. I think that the major inOucncc certainly in terms of in0ucnting people in this century has been the mass c:ommunication that includes, and that is what is unique about America about this century. \Vhat is unique about this century is transportation and transportation of ideas and with movies, radio, television now the internet, and the recording of S()und and music, I think that these arc the major influences at least as much as the puLiticaJ leaders, and I think that, I was fortunate c-nough top be raised in a, in a very romantic time in terms of music, and the music itself simple reflected the much more romantic rime. as we've become more cynical and Bost some of our innocence, we have seen that incredible phenomena during this century, the music reflects it to some- degree, but there is a fascination now with retro and I did a little of that . . . hero three or four issues ago, ... Pia yboy 2000 said in effect that everything old was new again. look w the best of where we've lx"<!n to define who we want to be in the century ahead. BccalL~e we have a tremendous opportunity now, the disappearance of the wall, the BerLin wall and the other boundaries and walls between people, and the arrival of the technology with the internet and global television. We have a tremendous opportunity to try to start solving some of our overwhelm- ing problems ,vith population related environment, related to the hatred

that cxisrs between countries and rcligi<.'ms, so we have a tremendous opportunity, but the dangers arc very clearly there.

TESTIMONY OF ABBIE HOF.FMAN

MR. WEINGLASS: Will you please identify yourself for the record?

THE WITNESS: My name is Abbie. I am an orphan of America.

MR. SCHULTZ: Your Honor, may the r<:<:ord show it is the defendant Hoffman who has taken the stand?

THE COURT: Oh, yes. It may so indkatc .. ..

MR. WEINGLASS: Where do you reside?

THE WITNESS: I live in Woodstock Nation.

l\1:R. WEINGLASS: Will you tell the Cou.rt and jury where it is'

THE WITNESS: Yes. It is a nation of alienated young people. We carry it around with us as a state of mind in the same way as the Sioux tndians: carried the Sioux nation around with them. It is a nation dedicated ro cooperation versus competition, to the idea that people should have bet- ter means of exchange than property or money, that there should be some other basis for human inrcraccion. Ir is a nation dedicated to-

THE COURT: Just where it is, that is all.

THE WITNESS: It is in my mind and in the minds of my brothers and sisters. It docs not consist of property or material but, rather, of ideas and certain values. We believe in a society-

THE COURT: No, we want the place of residence, if he has one, place of doing business, if you have a business. Nothing about philosophy or lndia, sir. Just where you live, if you have a place to live. Now y(m said Woodstock. In what state is Woodstock'

261

262 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

THE WITNESS: It is in the state of mind, in the mind of myself and my brothers and sisters. It is a conspiracy. Presently, the nation is held captive, in the penitentiaries of the institutions of a decaying system.

MR. WEINGLASS: Can you tell the Court and jury your present age?

THE WITNESS: My age is 33. l am a child of the 60s.

MR. WEINGLASS: When were you born?

THE \VITNESS: Psychologically, 1960.

MR. SCHULTZ: Objoc,ion, if the Court please. I move to strike the answer.

MR. WEINGLASS: \Vhat is the: actual date of your birth'

THE \VITNESS: November 30,1936.

MR. WEINGLASS: Between the: date of your birth, November 30, 1936, and May 1, 1960, what if anything occurred in your life>

THE \VITNESS: Nothing. I believe it is called an American education.

MR. SCHULTZ: Obj«-rion.

THE COURT: I sustain the objL-ccion.

THE WITNESS: Huh.

MR. WEl.t'-JGLASS: Abbie, coul.d you tell the Court and jury-

MR. SCHULTZ: His name isn't Abbie. I object to this informality.

MR. WEINGLASS: Can you tel I the Court and jury what is your present occupation?

THE WITNESS: I am a cultural revolutionary. Well, I am really a defendant-full-time.

MR. \VEINGLASS: What d<) you mean by the phrase "cultural revolutionary?"

THE WITNESS: Well, I suppose it is a person who tries to shape and parricipate in the values, and the mores, the customs and the style of liv- ing of new people who eventually become inhabitants of a new nation and a new society through art and poetry, theater, and music.

MR. \VE.INGLASS: What have you done yourself to participate in that revolution?

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 263

THE \VITNESS: Well, I have been a rock and roU singer. I am a reporter with the Liberation News Service. I am a ·poet. I am a fi lm maker. I made a movie called "Yippies Tour Chicago or How I Spent My Summer Vacation." Currently, I am negotiating with United Artists and MGM to do a movie in Hollywood.

I have written an extensive pamphlet on how to live free in the city of New York.

I have written two books, one called Revolution fo r The Hell of It under the pseudonym Free, and one called, Woodstock Nation.

MR. WEINGLASS: Taking you hack t<> the spring of 1960, approxi- mately May 1, 1960, ,viii you tell the Court and jury where you were?

MR. SCHULTZ: 1960?

THE WITNESS: That's right.

MR. SCHULTZ: Objection.

THE COURT: I sustain the objection.

MR. WEINGLASS: Your Honor, that date has great relevance to the trial. May i , 1960, was this witness' 6rst public demonstration. I am going t(> bring him down through Chicago.

THE COURT: Not in my presence, you a rc not going tO bring him down. I sustain the objection to the quc-stion.

THE WITNESS: My background has nothing to do with my stare of mind?

THE COURT: Will you remain quiet while 1 am making a ruling? I know you have no respect for me.

MR. KUNSTLER: Your Honor, that is tot ally unwarranted. I think your remarks call for a motion for a mistria l.

THE COURT: And your motion calls for a denial of the morion. Mr. Weing]ass, continue with your examination.

MR. KUNSTLER: You denied my morion? I hadn't even started ro argue it.

THE COURT: I don' t need any argument on that one. The wimess turned his back on me while he was on the ,vitncss stand.

THE WITNESS: I was just looking a t the pictures of the long hairs up on the wall ....

264 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

THE COURT: .... 1 will let the witness tcII about this asserted conversa- tion with Mr. Rubin on the occasion described.

MR. WEINGLASS: \Vhat was the conversation at that time?

THE WITNESS: Jerry Rubin told me that he had come to New York ro be project director of a peace march in Washington that was going t<) march ro the Pentagon in October, Oct()ber 21. He said that the peace movement suffered from a ctn:ain kind of attitude, mainly that it was based solely on the issue of the Vietnam war. He said that the war in Vietnam was nor just an accident but a direct by-product of the kind of system, a capitalist system in the country, and that we had to Ix-gin to put forth new kind.s of values, especially ro young people in the country, to make a kind of society in which a Vietnam war would nor be possible.

And he felt that these attitudes and values were present in the hippie movement and many of the techniques, the guerrilla theater tcchniqucs that had lxx'Tl used and many of these methods of communication would allow for people to participate and become involved in a new kind of democracy.

1 said that the Pentagon was a five-sided evil symbol in most religions and that it might be possible ro approach this £rom a religious point of view. If we got large numbers of people to surround the Pentagon, we could exorcize it of its evil spirits.

So I had agreed at that point to begin working on the exorcism of the Pentagon demonstration.

MR. WEINGLASS: Prior ro the date of the demonstration which is October, did you go ro the Pentagon?

THE WITNESS: Yes. I went about a week or two before with one of my dose brothers, Martin Carey, a poster maker, and we measured the Pentagon, the two of us, to see how many people would 6t around it. We only had to do one side because it is just multiplied by live.

We got arrested. Ir's illegal to measure the Pentagon. 1 didn't know it up to that point.

When we were arrested they asked us what we were doing. We said it was to measure the Pentagon and we wanted a permit to raise it 300 feet in the air, and they said "How about 10?" So we said "OK".

And they threw us Out of the Pentagon and we went hack to New York and had a press conference, rold them what it was about.

We also introduced a drug calkd lace, which, when you squim,d it at the policemen made them take their clothes off and make love, a very potcru drug.

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 265

MR. WEINGLASS: Did you mea n litcraUy that the building was to rise up 300 feet off the ground?

tv!R. SCHULTZ: I can't cross-examine about his meaning literally.

THE COURT: I sustain the objection.

MR. SCHULTZ: I would ask Mr. Wcinglass please get on with the trial of this case and Stop playing around with ra ising the Pentagon 10 feet or 300 feet off the ground.

tv!R. WEINGLASS: Your Honor, I am glad t(> sec Mr. Schultz finally concedes that things like levitating the Pentagon building, putting LSD in the water, I 0,000 people walking nude on Lake Michigan, and a $200,000 bribe attempt a rc all playing around. I am willing 10 concede that fact, that it was all playing around, it was a play idea of this witness, and if he is willing to concede it, we can all go home.

THE COURT: I sustain the objection.

MR. WEINGLASS: Did you intend that me people who surrounded the Pentagon should do anything of a violent nature whatever tO cause the building to rise 300 /cct in the air and be exercised ol evil spirits?

MR. SCHULTZ: Objection.

THE COURT: I sustain the objection.

MR. \VEINGLASS: Could you indicate t<) the Court and jury whether or not the Pentagon was, in fact, exercised of its evil spirits?

THE WITNESS: Yes, I believe it was . ..•

MR. WEINGLASS: Now, d rawing your attention 10 the first week of December 1967, did you have occasion 10 meet with Jerry Rubin and the others?

THE WITNESS: Yes.

MR. WEINGLASS: Will you relate 10 the Coun and jury what the con- versation was?

THE WITNESS: Yes. We talked about the possibility of having demonstrations at the

Democratic Convention in Chicago, [Uinois, that was going to be occur- ring that August. J am not sure that we kn ew at that point that it was in

Chicago. Wherever it was, we were planning on going.

266 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

Jerry Rubin, I believe, said that it would be a good idea to call it the Festival of Life in contrast to the Convention of Death, and to have it in some kind of public area, like a park or something, in Chicago.

One thing that I was very !"articular about was that we didn't have any concept of leadership involved. There was a feeling of young people that they didn't want to listen to leaders. We had to create a kind of situ- ation in which people would be allowed to participate and become in a real sense their own leaders.

I think it was then after chis that Paul Krassner said the word "YIPPIE," and we felt that that expressed in a kind of slogan and adver- tising sense the spirit that we wanted w put forth in Chicag(i, and we adopted that as our pas.sword, really ....

Anita [HoffmanJ said that "Yippie" would be understood by our generation, that Straight newspapers like the New York Times and the U.S. Government and the courtS and everything wouldn't take it seriously unless it had a formal name, so she ca.me up with the name: "Youth International Parry." She said we could play a lot of jokes on the concept of "party" because everybody would think that we were this huge international conspiracy, but that in actuality we were a party chat you had fun at

Nancy [KurshamJ said that fun was an integral ingredient, that people in America, because they wcrc being programmed like IBM cards, weren't having enough fun in life and that if you watched telcvisi,>n , the only people that you saw havin.g any fun were people who were buying lousy junk on television commercials, and that this would be a whole new attitude because you would sec people, young people, having fun while they were protesting the system, and that young people all around this country and around the world would be turned on for that kind of an attitude.

I said that fun was very important, too, that it was a direct rebuttal of the kind of ethics and morals that were being put forth in the country to k«p people working in a rat race which didn't make any sense because in a few years that machines would do all the work anyway, that there was a whole system of values that people were taught to postpone their pleasure., co put all their monc:y in the bank, to buy life insurance, a whole bunch of things that didn't make any sense ro our generation at all, and that fun actually was becoming quite subversive.

Jerry said rhat because of our action at the Swck Exchange in throwing our the money, that within a few weeks the Wall Street brokers th<:re had

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 26 7

tor.ally enclosed the whole srock exchange in bulletproof, shatterproof glass, thar cost something like $20,000 because they were afraid we'd come back and throw money out again.

He said rhat for hundreds of years p,olitical canoonists had always pictured corrupt politicians in the guise ofa pig, and he said that it would be great theater if we ran a pig for Prcsid.cnr, and we all rook that on as like a great idea and that's more or lcss- rhar was the founding.

MR. WEINGLASS: The document that is before you, D-222 for idcnti6- carion, what is that document?

THE WITNESS: It was our initial call ro people to describe what Yippie was about and why we were coming to Chicago.

MR. WEINGLASS: Now, Abbie, could you read the entire document to the jury.

THE \VITNESS: It says: "A STATEMENT FROM YIP! "Join us in Chicago in August for an international festival of youth,

music, and rhcarer. ruse up and abandon the creeping meatball! Come all you rebels, youth spi rits, rock minstrels, truth-seekers, peacock-freaks, poets, ba rricade-jumpers, dancers, lovers and artists!

" It is summer. It is the last week in August, and the NATIONAL DEATH PARTY meets to bless Lyndon Johnson. We arc there! There arc 50,000 of us dancing in the streets, throbbing with ampliJicrs and har- m<my. We arc making love in the parks. \Yle arc reading, singing, laugh- ing, printing ncwspaptrs, groping, and making a mock convention, and celebrating the binh of FREE AMERICA in our own rime.

"Everything will be free. Bring blankets, tents, draft-cards, body- paint, Mr. Leary's Cow, food to share, music, cager skin, and happiness. The threats of LBJ, Mayor Daley, and J. Edgar Freak<> will nor stop us. We are coming! We arc coming from all over the world!

"The life of the American spirit is being tom asunder by rhc forces of violence, decay, and the napalm-cancer fiend. We demand the Politics of Ecstasy! \Yle arr the delicate spores of the new fierceness that will change Am<"rica . \YJe will create o ur own reality, we are Free America! And we will nor accept the false theater of the Death Convention.

"We will be in Chicago. Begin prcpacarions now! Chicago is yours! Do it !"

268 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

"Do it!" was a slogan like '~Yippic." We use that a lot and it meant that each person that came should take on the responsibility for being his own leader-that we should, in fact, have a leaderless society.

We shortly thereafter opened an office and people worked in tht office on what we call movement salaries, subsistence, thirty dollars a week. \Ve had what the Straight world would call a staff and an office although we called it an energy center and regarded ourselves as a tribe or a family.

MR. WEINGLASS: Could you cxplafo ro the Court and jury, if you know, how this staff functioned in your office?

THE WITNESS: Wdl, l would describe it as anarchistic. People would pick up the phone and give information and people from all over the country were now becoming interested and they would ask for more information, whether we were going to get a permit, bow the people in Chicago were relating, and we would bring Ayers and banners and post- ers. We would have large general meetings that were open to anybody who wanted to come.

MR. WETNGLASS: How many people would attend these weekly meetings?

THE WITNESS: There were about two t() three hundred pC()plc there that were attending the meetings. Eventually we had w m()vc inw Uni()n Square and h"ld meetings out in the public. There w()uld be maybe three to five hundred pe()plc attending meetings ....

MR. WEINGLASS: Where did Y"u go [March 23], if you can recall

THE WITNESS: I flew to Chicago ro observe a meeting being sponsored, I believe, by the National Mobilization Committee. Ir was held at a place called Lake Villa, I believe, about twenty miles outside of Chicago here.

MR. \'(1£INGLASS: Do you recall how you were dressed for that meeting?

THE \VITNESS: l was dn-sscd as an Indian. l had gone to Grand Central Station as an Indian and so I just got on a plane and flew as an Indian.

MR. WEINGLASS: Now, when you flew to Chicago, were you alone'

THE WITNESS: No. Present were Jerry, myself, Paul Krassncr, and Marshall Bloom, the head of this Liberation News Service.

MR. WEINGLASS: When you arrived at Lake Villa, did you have occasion to meet any of the dcfendanrs who arc scared here at this table?

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 269

THE WITNESS: Yes, I mer for the first tune Rennie, Tom Hayden- who I had mer before, and that's it, you know •...

tv!R. WEJNGLASS: Was any decision reached at that meeting about coming ro Chicago?

THE WITNESS: I believe that they dcbat·cd for rwo days about whether they should come o r nor to Chicago. Thcy decided to have more meet- ings. We said we had a lready made up our minds ro come to Chicago and we passed our buttons and posters and said that if they were there, good, it would be a good rime.

tv!R. WEINGLASS: Following the Lake Villa conference, do you recall where you went?

THE WITNESS: Yes. The next day, Ma rch 25, 1 went ro the Aragon Ballroom. Ir was a benefit to raise money again for the Yippies but we had a meeting backstage in one of the dressing rooms with the Chicago Yippies.

tv!R. WEINGLASS: Do you recall what was discussed'

THE WITNESS: Yes. We dratted a pcrmi·r application for the Festival t(> take place in Chicago. We agreed that Grant Park would be best.

tv!R. \VEINGLASS: Directing your attention to the following morning, which was Monday morning, March 26, do you recall where you were at that morning?

THE WITNESS: We went ro the Parks Department. Jerry was there, Paul, Helen Runningwarcr, Abe Peck, Reverend John T uttlc-thcrc were a group of about twenty to thirty people, Yippics.

tv!R. \VEJNGLASS: Did you meet with anyone at the Pa rk District at that time?

THE WITNESS: Yes. There were officiaJs from the Parks Department tO greet us, they took us inro this office, and we presented a perm it application.

tv!R. WEINGLASS: Did you ever receive a reply ro this application?

THE WITNESS: Not to my knowledge.

MR. WEINGLASS: After your meeting with the Park District, where, if anywhere, did you go?

270 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

THE WITNESS: We held a brid press conference on the lawn in front of the Parks Department, and thc:n we went to sec Mayor Daley at City Hall. When we arrived, we were rold that the mayor was indisposed and that Deputy Mayor David Stahl would sec us.

MR. \VEINGLASS: When you mer with Deputy Mayor Stahl, what, if anything, occurred?

THE WITNESS: Helen Runningwarer presented him with a copy of the permit application that we had submitted ro the Parks Department. Ir was rolled up in rhe Playmate of the Month that said "To Dick with Love, the Yippies," on it. And we presented ir ro him and gave him a kiss and put a Yippic button on him, and whcn he opened ir up, the Playmate was just the.re.

And he was very embarrassed by the whole thing, and he said that we had followed the right procedure, rbc city would give it proper attention and things like that ....

December 29, 1969

MR. WEINGLASS: I direct your attention now to August 5, 1968, and I ask you where you were on that day.

THE WITNESS: I was in my apa rrmenr, St. Marks Place, on the Lower East Side in New York City.

MR. WEl.t'-JGLASS: Who was with you?

THE WITNESS: Jerry Rubin was there, Paul Krassncr was there, and Nancy. Anita was there; five of us, I believe.

MR. WEINGLASS: Can you describe the conversation which occurred between you and Abe Peck on the telephone?

THE WITNESS: Mr. Peck and other people frnm Chicago, Yippies-had just returned from a meeting on Monday afternoon with David Stahl and other people from the City administration. He said that he was quite shocked because-they said that they didn't know that we wanted to sleep in the park.

Abe Peck said that it had ken known all along that one of the key clemenrs of this Festival was to let us sleep in the park, that it was impos- sible for people ro sleep in hotels since the delegates were staying there and it would only be natural to sleep in the park.

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 27 1

He furthermore told me in his opinion the City was laying down certain threats to them in order to try and get them to withdraw their permit application, a nd that we should come immediately back ro Chicago.

MR. WEINGLASS: After that phone COD'vcrsation what occurred?

THE WlTNESS: We subsequently went to Chicago on August 7 a t night.

MR.WEINGLASS: Did a meeting occur on that evening?

THE WlTNESS: Yes, in Mayor Daley's press conference room, where he holds his press conferences.

MR. WEINGLASS: Can you relate what occurred a t this meeting?

THE \VJTNESS: It was more or less a n informal kind of meeting. Mr. Stahl made dear that these were just exploratory talks, that the mayor didn't have it in his power ro grant the permits. We said that that was a bsurd, that we had been negotiating now for a period of four or five months, that the City was acting like an ostrich, srickjng its head in the sand, hoping that we would a ll go away like it was some bad dream.

I pointed (>ut that it was in the best interests of the City to have us in Lincoln Park ten miles away from the Convention hall. I said we had n(> intention of marching on the Convention hall, that I didn't particularly think that politics in America could be cha nged by marches and rallies, that what we were presenting was an aJternativc life stylt , and we hoped

that people of Chicago would come up, a nd mingle in Lincoln Park a nd sec what we we.re about.

I said that the City ought to give us a hundred grand, a hundred thousand dollars t(> run the Festival. It would be so much in their best interests.

And then I said, "Why don't you just give two hundred grand, and I'll split town?"

[t was a very informal meeting. We were just sitting around on metal

chairs that they had. All the time David Stahl had oc-en insisting that they did not make

decisions in the city, that he a nd the mayor did not make the decisions. We grnctcd th is with a lot of laughter and said that it was generally understood all around the country that Daley was the boss of Chicago and made all the decisions.

I also said that I considered that our right to assemble in Lincoln Park and to present our society was a right th:at I was wiUing to die for, that this was a fundamental human right ...•

272 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

MR. WEINGLASS: O n August 14, approximately three days later, in the morning of that day, do you recall where you were?

THE \VITNESS: I went to speak to Jay Miller, head of the American Civil Liberties Union. I asked if it was possible for them to work with us on an injunction in the Federal court to sue Mayor Daley a nd other city officials about the fact that they would not grant us a permit and were denying us our right to freedom of speech a nd assembly.

MR. WEINGLASS: Now, can you relate to the Court and jury wha t hap- pened in court when you appca.red a t 10:00 A.M.'

THE WITNESS: It was heard before Judge Lynch. There was a fantastic amount of guards all over the place. We were searched, made to take off our shirts, empty our pockcts-

MR. SCHULTZ. That is totally irrelevant. There happened to be threats at that time, your Honor-

THE WITNESS: He is right. There were threats. 1 had twenty that week.

THE COURT: The language, "There were a fantastic amount of guards," may go out and the jury is directed to disregard them.

MR. WEINGLASS: After the-

THE \VITNESS: We came before the judge. It was a room similar to this, similar, kind of wall-to wall bourgeois, rugs and neon lights. Federal courts are a ll the same, I th ink.

The judge made a couple of references to us in the room, said that our dress was an affront to the Court.

Ir was pointed our by a lawyer that came by that Judge Lynch was Mayor Daley's c.x-1aw parmer. As as result of this conversation we went back into court about twenty, thirty minutes later.

MR. WEINGLASS: Did you spo,ak to the Court?

THE WITNESS: I spoke to Judge Lynch. I said that we were withdrawing our suit, that we had as little faith in the judicial system in this country as we had in the political system.

He said, "Be careful, young roan. I will find a place for you to sleep." And I thanked him for that, said I had one, and left. We withdrew our suit. Then we had a press conference downstairs

to explain the reasons for that. We explained to the press that we were

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 27 3

leaving in OUI permit application but withdrawing OUI Federal injunction to sue the city. We said it was a bit futi le ro end up before a judge, Judge Lynch, who was the rx-law partner of Mayor Daley, that the Federal judges were closely tied in with the Daley and Democratic political machine in Chicago and that we could have little rt-course of grievance.

Furthermore, that we suspe<1:ed that the judge would order us not tO go into Lincoln Park at all and that if we did, that we would be in viola- tion of contempt of court, and that it was a setup, and Judge Lynch planned to lynch us in the same way that Stahl was stalling us.

I pointed out that the names in this thing were getting really absurd, simila rities. I also read a list of Yippie demands that I had written that moming-ort of Yippic philosophy.

MR. WErNGLASS: Now, will you read for the Court a nd 1ury the eighteen demands first, then the postscr ipt.

THE \VITNESS: I will read it in the order that I wrote it. "Revolution coward a free society, Yippic, by A. Yippic.

"This is a personal statement. There arc no spokesmen for the Yippies. We a rc all our own leaders. We realize this List of demands is inconsistent.

They arc not really demands. for people to make demands of the Democratic Party is an exercise in wasted wish fulfillment. If we have a demand, it is simply and emphatically tha t they, along with thei r fellow inmates in the Republican Party, cease tO c,,ust. We demand a society built along the alternative community in Lincoln Park, a society based on hwnanitarian cooperation and equality, a society which allows and pro- motes the creativity present in a ll people and especially our youth.

"Number one. An immediate end to the war in Vietnam and a restruc- turing of our foreign policy which totally eliminates aspects of military, economic and cultural imperialism; the withdrawal of a ll foreign based troops and the abolition of military draft.

"Two. An immediate freedom for Huey Newton of the Black Panthers and all other black people; adoption of the community control concept in our ghetto areas; an end to the cultura l aad economic domination of minority groups.

"Three. The legaLization of marijuana and all other psychedelic drugs; the freeing of all prisoners currently imprisoned on narcotics charges.

"Number four. A prison system based o n the concept of rehabilitation rather than punishment.

274 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

"Five. A judicial system whic-h works towards the abolition of all laws related t() crimes without vicrinns; that is, retention only of laws relating to crimes in which there is an unwilling injured party: i.e. murder, rape, or assault.

"Six. The total disarmament of all the people beginning with the police. This includes not only guns but such brutal vices as tear gas, Mace, electric prods, blackjacks, billy clubs, and the like.

"Seven. The abolition of money, the abolition of pay housing, pay media, pay transportation, pay food, pay education, pay clothing, pay medical health, and pay wilets.

"Eight. A society which works towards and actively promotes the concept of full unemployment, a S(x:icty in which people arc frre from the drudgery of work, adoption of the concept ' let the maclunes do it.'

"Number ten. A program of ecological development that would pro- vide incentives for the deccntraUi..ation of crowded cities and encourage rural living.

"Eleven. A program which provides not only free birth control infor- mation and devices, bur also ab-ortions when desired.

"Twrlve. A rcstrucrured educational system which provides a student power to determine his course of study, student participation in over-all policy planning; an educational system which breaks down its barriers between school and community; a system which uses the surrounding community as a classroom so that student., may learn directly the prob- lems of the people.

"Number thirteen. The open and free use of the media; a program which actively supports and promotes cable television as a method of increasing the selection of channels available to the viewer.

"fourteen. An end to all censorship. We are sick of a s,x:icry that has no hesitation about showing people committing violence and refuses co show a couple fucking.

"Fi fteen. We believe that people should fuck all the time, any time, wherever they wish. This is not a programmed demand but a simple recognition of the reality around its.

"Sixteen. A political system which is more streamlined and responsive to the needs of all the people regardless of age. sex, or race; perhaps a national referendum system conducted via television or a telephone vot- ing system; perhaps a decentralization of -power and authority with many varied tribal groups, groups in which people exist in a state of basic trust and arc free to choose their tribe.

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 275

"Seventeen. A program that encourages and promotes the arts. However, we fuel that if the free society we envision were w be sought for and achieved, all o f us would actualize the creativity within us; in a very real sense we would have a society in which every man would be an artist.'

And eighteen was left blank for anybody to 6 11 in what they wanted. "It was £or these reasons that we had come to Chicago, it was for these r<'aSons that many of us may fight and die here . We recognize this as the visio n of the founders of this nation . We recognize that we arc America; we recognize that we are free men. The present-day politicia ns and their armies of automatons have selfishl y robbed us of our birthright. The evilness they stand for will go unchallenged no longer. Political pigs, your days arc numbered. We arc the second American Revolution. We shall win.

"YIPPIE."

tvlR. WEINGLASS: When you used the words "fight and die here," in what context were you using those words?

THE \VJTNESS: It is a metaphor. That means that we felt strongly about Qur right to assemble in the park and that pe<>plc should be willing to take risks for it. It doesn' t spell it out because people were capable of fighting in their own way and making their own decisions and We never would tell anyone specifically that they should fight, fistfigh t.

Nffi . WEINGLASS: Did you during the week of the Convention and the period of time immediately before the Convention tel l any person singly or in groups that they should fight in the park?

Nffi. SCHULTZ: Objection.

THE COURT: I sustain the objection.

Nffi . WEINGLASS: Directing your attention to the morning of August 19, 1968, did you attend a meeting on that day'

THE WITNESS: Yes. I went to the office of the Mobilization Committee.

MR. WEINGLASS: Was there a discussion?

THE WITNESS: I never stayed long a t these meetings. I just went aad made an announcement and maybe Staye,d ten or fifteen minutes . .. .

Nffi. WEINGLASS: Was there a course given in snake dancing on that day also?

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 275

"YIPPIE."

tvlR. WEINGLASS: When you used the words "fight and die here," in what context were you using those words?

Nffi . WEINGLASS: Did you during the week of the Convention and the period of time immediately before the Convention tel l any person singly or in groups that they should fight in the park?

Nffi. SCHULTZ: Objection.

THE COURT: I sustain the objection.

Nffi . WEINGLASS: Directing your attention to the morning of August 19, 1968, did you attend a meeting on that day'

THE WITNESS: Yes. I went to the office of the Mobilization Committee.

MR. WEINGLASS: Was there a discussion?

THE WITNESS: I never stayed long a t these meetings. I just went aad made an announcement and maybe Staye,d ten or fifteen minutes . .. .

Nffi. WEINGLASS: Was there a course given in snake dancing on that day also?

276 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

THE WITNESS: Yes. Yes. PcopOe would have a pole and there would be about six people, and then about six people behind them, holding them around the waist, four or five lines of these people with men, women, and kids maybe eight years old in on tl:tis whole thing, and people would bounce from one foot ro the other and yell "Wash oi, Wash oi, • which is kind of Japanese for "Yippie," I guess.

And they would just march up and down the park like this, mostly laughing and giggling, because <he newsmen were taking this quite seri- ously, and then at a certain point everybody would tum in and sort of just collapse and faU on the ground and laugh. I believe we lost about four or five Yippics during that great training.

The exciting part was when the police arrested two army intelligence officers in the trees.

MR. WEINGLASS: During the course of that day when you were in the park, did you notice that the police were hanging any signs in the park?

THE WITNESS: Late in the day; maybe four or five, I became aware that there were polite nailing signs on the trees that said "11:00 p.m. curfew,• maybe a few other words, but that was the gist of the signs.

MR. WE.ING LASS: From Friday, August 23, on to the end of Convention week, did you ever discuss with any people the question of staying in the park after the curfew hours?

THE \VITNESS: At a mc-cting on August 24, that subject came up, and there was lengthy discussion .. •

MR. \VEINGLASS: Now, did you hear Jerry Rubin speak at that meeting?

THE \VITNESS: Jerry said that the park wasn't worth fighting for; that we should leave at the eleven p.m. curfew. He said that we should put out a statement to that effect.

MR. WEINGLASS: And did you speak at that meeting?

THE WITNESS: I reported on a meeting that morning with Chief Lynskey. I had asked the Chicago cops who were railing me ro take me to Chief Lynskey who was in charge of the area of Lincoln Park. I went up to the chief and said, "Well, an, you going ro let us have the Festival?"

He said "No festival under a.ny circumstances. If anybody brca.ks one city ordinance in that park, we clear the whole park._,,

He said, "Youd<) any one thing wrong and I will arrest you on sight. "

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 277

He said, "Why don't you tty to kick me in the shins right now?" And I said NBC wasn't there. And he said, "Well, at least the kid's honcsr," and sruff like that. Then I gave a speech to the police that were all assembled and I said,

"Have a good time." I said, "The Natio nal Guard's coming in, they're probably going to whip you guys up, amd I hope your walkie-talkies work better than ours, • a nd stuff like that. And I just walked out.

Then we discussed what we were going to do. I said it was my feeling that Chicago was in a total state of anarchy as far as the police mcnrality worked. I said that we were going to have to fight for every single thing, we were going to have ro fight for the electricity, we were going to have to fight to have the stage come in, we were going to have to fight for every rock musician to play, that the whole week was going to be like that.

1 said that we should proceed with the festival as pla nned, we should tty to do everything that we had come to ,Chicago to do, even though the police and the city o£ficia ls were standing in our way.

MR. WEINGLASS: During the course of this Saturday and prior to this mecring, tlid you have occasion to meet l,v Bock in the park?

THE WITNESS: Oh, I met lrv Bock Satu.rday afternoon during some of the marshal tra ining. Marshal training is a difficult phrase to use for Yippics. \Vlc always have a rclucrancc to marshals b«ausc they a rc telling people what to do and we were m-Orc anarchistic than that, more leaderless.

I sort of bumped into Irv Bock. I showed him a- it wasn't a gas mask but it was a thing with two plastic eyes and a little piece of leather that I got, I purchased in an army-navy store for about nineteen cents, and I said that these would be good protection against Mace.

He Started running down to me a U this complicated military jargon and I looked at him and said, "Irv, you're a cop, ain't you?"

He sort of smiled and said, "No, rm nor." "Come on," I said, "We don't grow peaceniks that big. We are all

quarterbacks. You've got to be a cop.0

I said, "Show me your wallet." So he said, "'No, no. Don't you trust me?" So I said, "Irv/' I said, "'last night there was a guy running around my

hou.se with a pistol trying to kill me," that I had twenty threats that week, and at that point I didn't trust Jerry Rubin . ...

278 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

MR. WEINGLASS: Directing your a ttention to approximately two o'clock in the morning, which would now be Monday morning, do you recall what you were doing>

THE WITNESS: I made a telep"honc call to David Stahl, Deputy l'vlayor of Chicago at his home. I had his home number.

I said, "Hi, Dave. How's it going? Your police got to be the dumbest and the most brutal in the country, " I said.

"The decision to drive people out of the park in order to protect the City was about tbc dumbest military tactic since the Trojans let the Trojan horse inside the gate and there was nothing to be compared with that stupidity."

I again pleaded witb him to let people stay in the park tbe following night. "There will be more people coming Monday, Tuesday, and subse- quently Wednesday night," I said, "and they should be allowed to sleep." I said that he ought to intercede with the Police Department. I said to him that the City officials, in particular his boss, Daley, were totally Out of their mind,;.

I said, " I read in tbc paper the day before that tbey had 2,000 troops surrounding the reservoirs in order to pr()[Cct against the Yippie plot to dump LSD in the drinking water. There isn't a kid in the country," I said, "never mind a Yippic, who thinks that such a thing could be done."

I told him to cht>ek with all the scientists at the University of Chicago--he owned them all.

He said that he knew it couldn't be done, but they weren't taking any chances anyway ....

MR. WEINGLASS: Can you tell the Court and jury where you were in Lincoln Park at approximately 11:30 Monday night?

THE WITNESS: I was walking through the barricade, my wife Anita and I.

MR. WEINGLASS: Did you see Allen Ginsberg at the barricade?

THE WITNESS: Yes. He was kneeling. There was a crowd of people- around. He was playing that instrument

that he plays and people were chanting. There was a police car rhat would come by and I believe it was mak-

ing announcemen ts and people would yell at the police car, you know, "Beat it. Get Out. The pa rks belong to the people. Oink Oink. Pig Pig. Pigs arc coming. Peace Now."

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 279

People were waving flags. People were: running around being scared and people were running around son of joyous. I mean, ir was Strange, different emotions. It was very dark in th.at place.

MR. SCHULTZ: The witness is not answering the question any more. He is giving another essay. I object.

MR. WEINGLASS: When the police finally came to the barricade, from what direction did they come'

THE 'WITNESS: They came in through the zoo. They proceeded to climb and immcdiaitely started to dub people. They were throwing parts of the barricade, trashcans, at people.

MR. WEINGLASS: Now, at the time thc police came to the barricade what did you do?

THE 'WITNESS: Well, I was coughing and spitting because there was tear gas totally flooding the air, cannisters were exploding all around me-I moved with the people Out this way, Out of the park trying to duck, picking up people chat were being clubbed, getting off the ground myself a few rimes.

The police were just coming through in this wedge, solid wedge, club- bing people right and left, and I tried to get out of the park.

MR. WEINGLASS: Directing your attention to approximately six o'clock the following morning, do you recall where you were?

THE WITNESS: I got in the car of the pell ice that were following me aad asked chem tO rake me to the beach- the beach part of Lincoln Park.

MR. WEINGLASS: What was occurring when you got there?

THE WITNESS: Alica Ginsberg and about--<>h 150-200 peoplc were kneeling, most of the people in lotus position which is a position with their legs crossed like this---<::hanting and praying and meditating.

There were five or six police cars on the boardwalk right in back, and there were police surrounding the group. Dawn was breaking. It was very cold, very chilly. People had a number of blankets wrapped around them, sitting in a circle.

I went and sat next to Allen and chanted and prayed for about an hour. Then I talked to the group. People would give talks about their feelings of what was going on in Chicago. I said, "I am very s.ad about what has happened in Chicago.

Testtm o n y of Abbte fl o ffma11 28 1

MR. WEINGLASS: What d id you do?

THE WITNESS: Well, I lifted up the hat and I went "Bang! Bang!" They grabbed me by the jacket and pulled me across the bacon a nd

eggs and Anita over the table, threw me on the floor and out the do<>r and threw me against the car, and they handcuffed me.

I was just eating the bacon and going "Oink Oink!"

MR. WEINGLASS: Did they tel l you why you were being arrested?

THE WITNESS: They said they arrested me because I had the word "Fuck" on my forehead. I had put it on with th is magic marker before we left the house. They called it a n "obsccnary."

I put it on for a couple of reasons, O ne was that I was tired of seeing my picture in the paper and having newsm en come around, and [ know if you got that word on your forehead they ain't going to print your pic- ture in the papCL Secondly, it sort of summed up my attitude about the whole thing- what was going on in Chicago.

I like that four letter word- I thought it was kind of holy, actually.

MR. WEINGLASS: Abbie Hoffman, prior to coming ro Chicago, from April 1968 on ro the week of the Convention, did you enter into an agree- ment with David Del linger, John Froines, Tom Hayden, Jerry Rubin, lee Weiner or Rennie Davis, to come t(> the city of Chicago for the purpose of encouraging and promoting vi<)kncc during the Convention week?

THE WITNESS: An agreement?

MR. WEINGLASS: Yes.

THE WITNESS: We couldn't agree on lunch.

MR. WEINGLASS: I have no further questions.

THE COURT: Cross-examine.

MR. SCHULTZ: Thank you, your Honor ....

MR. SCHULTZ: Did you S<-C numerous instances of people attacking the Guardsmen a t the Pentagon, Mr. Hoffman?

THE WITNESS. I don not believe that I saw any instances of p<.-Ople attack- ing National Guardsmen. In fact, the attitude was one of comradesh ip. They would talk to the National Guardsmen continuously and tell them they were not the people that they had come to confront, that they were their brothers and you don't get people t(> oppose [ their ways) by attacking them.

282 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

MR. SCHULTZ: Mr. Hoffman, the Guards and the troops were trying to keep the people from entering into the Pentagon for two days, isn't that right?

THE WITNESS: I assume that they were thcxc to guaxd the Pentagon from rising in the air possibly. ] mean, who knows what they arc there for? Were you there?

You probably watched iron television and gor a different impression of what was happening. Thar is one asp<-ct of myth-making- you can envisualize hoardcs and hoardcs of people when in reality that was not what happened.

MR SCHULTZ: Did you sec some people urinate on the Pentagon?

THE \VITNESS: On rhc Pentagon itself?

MR. SCHULTZ: Or at the Pentagon?

THE WITNESS: There were over 100,000 people. People have that biological habit, you know.

MR. SCHULTZ: Did you symbolically urinate on the Pentagon, Mr. Hof/man?

THE WITNESS: I symbolically urinate on the Pentagon?

MR. SCHULTZ: Yes.

THE WITNESS: I didn't get that close. Pee on the walls of the Pentagon? You arc getting ro be our of sight, actually. You think there is a law

against it?

MR. SCHULTZ: Arc you done, Mr. Hoffman?

THE WITNESS: I am done when you are.

MR. SCHULTZ: Did you ever State that a sense of integration possesses you and comes from pissing on the Pentagon?

THE WITNESS: I said from combining political attitudes with biological necessity, there is a sense of integration, yes.

MR. SCHULTZ: You had a good rime at the Pentagon, didn't you. Mr. Hoffman?

THE WITNESS: Yes I did. I'm having a good time now roo. I fed that biological necessity now. Could I be excused for a slight recess'

282 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

MR. SCHULTZ: Mr. Hoffman, the Guards and the troops were trying to keep the people from entering into the Pentagon for two days, isn't that right?

THE WITNESS: I assume that they were thcxc to guaxd the Pentagon from rising in the air possibly. ] mean, who knows what they arc there for? Were you there?

MR SCHULTZ: Did you sec some people urinate on the Pentagon?

THE \VITNESS: On rhc Pentagon itself?

MR. SCHULTZ: Or at the Pentagon?

THE WITNESS: There were over 100,000 people. People have that biological habit, you know.

MR. SCHULTZ: Did you symbolically urinate on the Pentagon, Mr. Hof/man?

THE WITNESS: I symbolically urinate on the Pentagon?

MR. SCHULTZ: Yes.

THE WITNESS: I didn't get that close. Pee on the walls of the Pentagon? You arc getting ro be our of sight, actually. You think there is a law

against it?

MR. SCHULTZ: Arc you done, Mr. Hoffman?

THE WITNESS: I am done when you are.

MR. SCHULTZ: Did you ever State that a sense of integration possesses you and comes from pissing on the Pentagon?

THE WITNESS: I said from combining political attitudes with biological necessity, there is a sense of integration, yes.

MR. SCHULTZ: You had a good rime at the Pentagon, didn't you. Mr. Hoffman?

THE WITNESS: Yes I did. I'm having a good time now roo. I fed that biological necessity now. Could I be excused for a slight recess'

Testtmony of Abbte floffma11 283

1HE COURT: Ladies and gentlemen of the jury, we will take a brief recess. (brief recess)

tv!R. SCHULTZ: On the seventh of August, you told David Stahl that at your liberated area you-

THE WITNESS: What meeting was this, August 7?

N!R. SCHULTZ: That's when you just Alsw in from New York.

THE WITNESS: Crossing state lincs-

N!R. SCHULTZ: At this meeting on the evening of August 7, you w ld Mr. Stahl that you were going co have nude-ins in your liberated zone, didn't you?

THE \VITNESS: A nude-in? I don't believe 1 would use that phrase, no. I don't think it's very poetic, frankly.

I might have told him that ten thousand people were going to walk naked on the waters of Lake Michigan, S(>mcthing like that.

N!R. SCHULTZ: You rold him, did you nor, Mr. Hoffman, that in your liberated zone, you would have-

THE WITNESS: I'm not cvrn sure what it is, a nude-in.

l\1:R. SCHULTZ: - public fornication.

THE WITNESS: If it means ten thousand people, naked people, walking on Lake Michigan, yes.

l\l!R.KUNSTLER: I object co this because Mr.Schultz is acting like a dirty <)Id man.

l\1:R. SCHULTZ: We arc not going into dirty old men. If they arc going co have nude-ins and public fornication, the City officials react to that, and I am establishing through this wimcss that that's what be did.

THE COURT: Do you object?

N!R. KUNSTLER: I am just remarking, your Honor, that a young man can be a dirty old man.

THE WITNESS: I don't mind talking about it.

THE COURT: I could make an observation. I have seen some exhibits here that arc not exactly exemplary documents.

Testtmony of Abbte floffma11 285

THE WITNESS: In the reservoir, in the lake?

MR. SCHULTZ: No, among the people.

THE WITNESS: Well, there might have been, I don't know. It is color- less, odorless, tasteless. One can never tel.I ....

MR. SCHULTZ: The fact is, Mr. Hoffman, that what you were trying to do was to create a s ituation where thr State and the United States Government would have to bring in the Army and bring in the National Guard during the Convention in order to protect the delegates so that it would appear that the Convention bad to be held under military condi- tions, isn't that a fact, Mr. Hoffman?

THE WITNESS: You can do that with a yo-yo in this country. Ir's quite easy. You can sec just from this courtroom. Look at all the troops around-

MR. SCHULTZ: Your Honor, may the answer be stricken?

THE COURT: Yes, it may go our. ...

MR. SCHULTZ: Mr. Hoffman, in the afternoon on that Thursday you participated ;in a march, and then you laid down in front of an armored personnel carrier at the end of that march, at 16th or 19th on Michigan, laid down on the street?

THE WITNESS: \Vas that what it was? I thought it was a tank. It looked like a tank. Do you want me to show you how I did it? Laid down in front of

the rank?

MR. SCHULTZ: All right, ML Hoffman. Did you make any gestures of any sorr?

THE \VITNESS: When I was laying down? Sec. I went like that, lying dc)wn in front of the rank.

I had seen Czechoslovakian students do it ro Russian ranks.

MR. SCHULTZ: And then you saw a Chicago police officer who appeared ro be in high command because of all the things he had on his shoulders come over to the group and Stan leading them back coward Grant Park, didn' t you?

THE WITNESS: He came and then people left-and went back to the park, yes.

286 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

MR. SCHULTZ: Did you say to anybody, "Well, you sec that cat?", pointing tO Deputy Superintendent Rochford. "When we get to the top of the hill, if the cat doesn't talk right, we' re going to hold him there, and then we can do whatever we want and the police won't bother us. n Did you say that 10 anybody Out there, Mr. Hoffman>

MR. \VEINGLASS: That's the testimony of the intelligence oflicer, the intelligence police officer of the Chicago Police Department.

THE WITNESS: I asked the Chicago police officers to help me kidnap Deputy Superintendent Rochford? That's pretty weird.

MR. SCHULTZ: Isn 't it a fact that you announced publicly a plan to kidnap the head pig-

THE WITNESS: Cheese, wasn'r it?

MR. SCHULTZ: - and then snuff him-

THE WITNESS: I thought it was "cheese.•

MR. SCHULTZ: - and then snuff him if other policemen touched you? isn't that a fact~ sir?

THE WITNESS: I do not believe that I used the reference of " pig" to any policemen in Chicago including some of the top cheeses. I did not use it during that week ...

MR. SCHULTZ: You and Albert, Mr. Hoffman, were united in Chicago in your determination to smash the system by using any means at your disposal, isn't that right?

THE \VITNESS: Did I write that?

MR. SCHULTZ: No, did you have that thought'

THE \VITNESS: That thought? ls a thought like a dream? If I dreamed 10 smash the system, that's a thought. Yes, I bad that thought.

THE COURT: Mr. Witness, you may not interrogate the lawyer who is examining you.

THE WITNESS: Judge, you have always told people to describe what they see or what they hear. I'm the only one that has to describe what I think.

MR. WEIN GLASS: I object to any reference to what a person thought or his being tried for what he thought. He may be tried for his intent.

Testtmony of Abbte floffma11 28 7

THE COURT: Overrule the objection.

THE WITNESS: Well, I had a lot of dreams at night. One of the dreams might have been that me and Stew were united.

MR. SCHULTZ: Mr. Hoffman, isn't it a fact that one of the reasons why you came to Chicago was simp1y to wreck American society?

THE \VITNESS: My feeling at the time, and still is, that society is going to wreck itself. I said that on a number of occasions, that our rolr is to survive while the society comes tumbling down around us.; our role is to survive.

We have to learn how to defend ourselves, given this type of society, because of the war in Vicmam1 because <>f racism, because of the attack on the cultural revolution-in fact b«ause of this trial.

MR. SCHULTZ: Mr. Hoffman, by Thursday, the twenty-ninth, the last day of the Convention, you knew you had smashed the Dcmocrars' chances for victory, isn't that a fact?

THE WITNESS: No. My attitude was ir was a type of psychic jujirsu where the pcopk smash themselves-or the parry wrecks themselves. The same way this tria l is.

MR. SCHULTZ: By Thursday there was no doubt in your mind when you saw the acceptance speech tha t you had won, and there would be a pig in the White House in '69?

THE WITNESS: Well, that was our role in coming here, to nominate a pig. That pig did win. He didn't actually- which o ne did'

MR. SCHULTZ: And you went out for champagne, and you brought it back to Mobilization headquarters and coasted the revolution, you did just that, right?

THE \VITNESS: We drank some champagne. It was warm, warm champagne.

MR. SCHULTZ: And toasted ro your success, ro your victory, isn't that right'

THE WITNESS: We roasted to rhe fact that we were still alive. Thar was the miracle as far as I saw it, is still being a live by that

last Thursday.

288 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

MR. SCHULTZ: That's all, your 1-lonoi:

THE \VITNESS: Right on!

THE COURT: Have you finished your cross-examination'

MR. SCHULTZ: Yes, I have.

THE WITNESS: Right on!

YIPPIE WORKSHOP SPEECH Abbie Hoffman (1968)

Cops are like Yippies-you can never find the leaders . . . Y(>u just let 'cm know that you're stronger psychically than they arc. And you arc, because you came here for nothin ' and they're holdin' on to their fuckin' pig jobs 'cause of that linlc fuckin' paycheck and workin' them- selves up, y<)u know. Up to what? To a fuckin ' ulcer. Sergeant. We got them by the balls. The whole thing about guerrilla theatre is gcttin' them to believe it. Right.

Theatre, guerrilla theatre, can be used as defense and as an offensive weapon. I mean, 1 think like people could. survive naked, S<.'C. 1 think you could take all your fuckin' clothes off, a cop won't hit ya. You jump in Lake Mkhigan, he won' t go after you, but people are too chickcnshit to do that. It can be used as an offensive and defensive weapon, like blood . We had a dcmonStration in New York. \Ve had seven gallons of blood in little plastic bags. You know, if you c.onvince 'em you're crazy enough, they won't hurt ya. With the blood thing, cop goes to hit you, right, you have a bag of blood in your hand. He Lifts his stick up, you take your bag of blood and go whack over your own head. All this blood pours out, sec. Fuck in' cop standin'. Now that says a whole lot more than a picket sign that says end the war in wherever the fuck it is you know. I mean in that demonstration, there was a fuckin' war thcic. People came down and looked and said holy shit I don't know what it is, blood all over the fuckin' place, smokcbombs goin' off, fla res, you know, tape recorders with the sounds of machine guns, cops on horses rramplin' Christmas shoppers. It was a fuckin' war. And they say, right, 1 know what the fuck you' re ralkin' about. You're ralkin' about wa r. What the fuck has a picket line got to do with war? But people that a rc into a very literal bag, like

289

290 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

that heavy word scene, you know, don't understand the use of communi- cation in this country and the us., of media. I mean, if they give a ten-page Spc<-ch against imperialism, everybody listens and understands and says yeah. But you throw fuckin' money out on the Stock Exchange, and people get that right away. And they say, right, I understand what that's about. And if they don't know what you're doin', fuck 'cm. \Vho cares? Take this, sec, you use blank space as information. You carry a sign that says END THE. You don't need the next word, you just carry a sign that says END, you know. That' s enough. I mean the Yippic symbol is Y. So you say, why, man, why, why? Join the Y, bring your sneakers, bring your helmet, right, bring your thing, whatever you got. Y, you say to the Democrats, baby, Y that's not a V it's a Y. You can do a whole Jotta shit. Steal it, •·«al the V, it's a Y. It's up the revolution like that. Keeping your cool and having gc)od ,vies is your strongest defense.

1f you don't want it on TV, ,vrire the work "FUCK" on your htad, sec, and that won't get on TV, right? But that's where theatre is at, it's TV. I mean our thing's for TV. We don't want to get on Meet the Press. What's that shit? We want Ed Sullivan, Johnny Carson show, we want the shit where people are lookin' ar ir and diggin' ir. They're talking about reachin' the troops in Viet Nam so they write in The Guardian! [An independent radical newsweekly published in New York.) That's groovy. I've met a lot of soldiers who read The Guardian, you know. But we've had articles in Jaguar magazine, Cavalier, you know, National Enquirer interviews the Queen of the Yippics, someone nobody ever heard <)f and she runs a whole riff about the Yippics and Vier Nam or whatever her thing is and the soldiers get it and dig it and smoke a little grass and say yeah I can sec where she's at. That's why the long hair. I mean shit, you know, long hair is just another prop. You go on TV and you can say anything you want but the people are lookin' at you and they're lookin' at the cat next to you like David Susskind or some guy like that and they're sayin' hey man there's a choice, I can sec it loud and clear. But when they look at a guy from the Mobilization [against the War in Vietnam] and they look at David Susskind, they say well I don't know, they seem to be doing the same thing, can't understand what they're doin'. Sec, !vfadison Avenue people think like that. That's why a lot SDS's don't like what we're doin'. 'Cause they say we're like exploiting; we're usin' the tools of Madison Ave. But that's because Madison Ave. is effective in what it docs. They know what the fuck they're doin'. Meet the Press, Face the Nation,

Yip p i e W o rks/J o p Spe e c h 29 1

Issues and Answers-all those bullshit shows, you know, where you gcr a Democrat and a Republican arguin' right back and forth, this and that, this and that, yeah yt"ah. Bur at the end of rhe show nobody changes their fuckin' mind, you sec. Bur thctrc rryin' to push Brillo, you sec, that's good, you ought to use Brillo, sec, and 'lbout every ten minutes on will come a three-minute thing of Brillo. Brillo is a revolution, man, Brillo is sex, Brillo is fun, Brillo is bl bl bl bl bl bl bl bl. Ar rhc end of the show people ain~t fuckin' switchin' from Democ:1rar to Republicans or Commies, you know, the right-wingers or any of that shit. They' re buying Brillo! And the reason they have those boring shows is because they don't want to get out any information that'll interfere with Brillo. I mean, can you imagine if they had the Beatles goin' zing zing zing zing zing zing zing, all that jump and shout, you know, and all of a sudden they put on an ad where the guy comes on very straight: "You ought to buy Brill<, because it's rationally the correct decision and it's pa.rt of rhe American politicaJ process and it's the right way to d<) things. " You know, fuck, they'll buy the Beatles, they won't buy the Brillo.

We raped a thing for the David Sussk;nd Show. As he said the word hippie, a live duck came out with "HIPPIE" painted on it. The duck flew up in rhe air and shat on the floM and ran a ll around the room. The only hippie in the room, there he is. And David went crazy. 'Cause David, s<.-e, he's New York Times head, he's nor Daily News freak. And he said the duck is out and blew it. We said, we' ll sec: you David, goodnight. He say, oh m) no. We'll leave the duck in. And we watched the sh<)w later when ir came on, and the fuck in' duck was all gone. He done never existed. And I called up Sus.skind and went quack quack quack, you motherfucker, that was the best piece of information: that was a hippie. And everything we did, S<'C, non-verbally, he cut our. Like he said, "How do you cat?" and we fed all the people, you know. Bur he cut that out. He wants to deal with the words. You know, let 's play word games, let's analyze it. Soon as you analyze it, it's dead, it's over. You read a book and say wcU now I unde.rstand ir, and go back to sleep.

The media distorts. But it always wor ks to (>ur advantage. They say there's low numbers, right? 4000, 5000 people here. That's groovy. Think of it, 4000 p<-oplc causin' all this trouble. If you asked me, red say there arc four Yippies. I'd say we're bringin' another four on Wednesday. That's good, that freaks 'em out. They're lookin' around. Only four. I mean I saw that trip ,vith the right wing and the Communist conspiracy. You

292 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

know, you'd have 5000 people our there at the HUAC demonstrations eight years ago in San Francisco and they'd say there are five Communists in the crowd, you know. And they did it all. You say, man that's pretty cool. So you just play on their paranoia like that. Yeah, thcre'rc four guys out around the.re doin' a thing. So distortion's gonna backfire on them, 'cause all of a sudden Wednesday by magic there arc gonna be 200,000 fuckin' people marchin' on that amphitheater. That's how many we're gonna have. And they'll say, "Wow. From 4000 up to 200,000. Those extra four Yippics did a hell of a good job." I dig that, sec. I'm not inter- ested in cxplainin' my way of life to Straight people or people that aren't interested. They never gonna understand it anyway and I couldn't explain it anyway. All I know is, in tcrnns of images and how words arc used as images co shape your environment, the New York Times is death co us. That's the worst fuckin' paper as far as the Yippics arc concerned. They say, "Members of the so-called Youth International Party held a demon- stration today." That ain't notlun'. What fuck in' people read that? They fall asleep. 'Cause the New York limes has all the news that's fit to print, you know, so once they have all the news, what do the people have to do? They jusr read the New York T1JUes and drink their coffee and go back ro work, you know. But the Daily News, that's a TV set. Look at it, I mean look at the picture right up front and rhc way they blast those ht-adlincs. You know, "Yippics, sex-loving, dope-loving, commie, bcamik, hippie, freako, weirdos." That's groovy, man, that's a whole life scy)e, that's a whole thing to be, man. I mean you want to get in on that.

When we stormed the Pentagon, my wife and I we leaped over this fence, sec. We were really stoned, I mean I was on acid flying away, which of course is an antircvolutionary drug you know, you can't do a thing on it. I've been on acid ever since I came to Chicago. It's in the form of honey. We got a lab guy doin' his thing. I think he might have got assassinated, I ain't seen him today. Well, so we jumped this here fence, sec, we were sneaking through the woods and people were out to get the Pentagon. We had this flag, it said NOW with a big wing on it, I don't know. The right- wingers said there was definitely evidence of Communist conspiracy 'cause of that flag, I don't know what the fuck it was. So we had Uncle Sam bats on, you know, and we jumped over the fence and we're sur- rounded by marshals, you know, just closin' us in, about 30 marshals around us. And I plant the fuckin' flag and I said, ") claim this land in the name of free America. We are Mr. and Mrs. America. Mrs. America's

Yip p i e W o rks/J o p Spe e c h 293

pregnant." And we sit down and they're goin' fucking crazy. I mean we got arrested and unarrcstcd like six or seven times. And when we 6naUy got arreste.d, it was under other names. I'm rcalJy a digger, ( never wa.s a

Yippic. Was a lways a diggcr. So I said, you know, A. DiggcG Abbie DiggcG Mr. and Mrs. A. Digger. They say are you a boy or a girl, I say girl. Right. This is where I wanna go. I don't have to prove manliness by beatin' up

14-ycar-old girls with nightsticks, you know. Fuck 'cm. But ideas, you just get stoned, get the ideas in your head and then do 'cm. And don't bullshit. I mean that's the thing about doin' that guerrilla theatre. You be prepared to die to prove your point. You gotta die.

You know, what's life? life's all that fun shit. Life's doin' what you want to do. life's an American magazine, and if we hook them right, they' re gonna give us 10,000 flowers tha< are gonna be thrown Out of a helicopter tomorrow afternoon. But we'll only allow them to do it if they bring a ncwsrecJ person up in the hdic.optcr with •cm. You know, to take the pictures. So we,rc workin' out that negotiation with Life magazine. 'Cause we said, you know, it's caJled Festival of Life, man, we named it after your magazine. I know that's immoral and I know that's chcatin' and that's steal in' . I wish I was a revolutionist. I wouldn't have thc.~c probkms. A lot of revolutionists come here, they worry about parking the car. Where we gonna park the caG should we park it in a meter? The mctcr'II run out, we'll get a ticker. Ies a weird revolution. Fuck it. \Vt don1 t nted cars; we travel in wheelbarrows. You see, just worry about your ass.

Forget about your clothes, your money, you know, just worry about your ass and all the rest of us's asses. Cars don't mean shit. They grab our walkie-talkies you say yeah, there you go, take it, thank you, it was too heavy ro carry.

Wei~ I've shot my load. I'm for ending the Yippie thing Thursday, killin' it a LI, ?cause 1 don't think people are Yippics anymore than they' re Mobc or Motherfuckers or whatever they arc. They' re just people. And I think we oughta burn all our Yippic buttons and laugh at the fuckin' press and say nyah nyah, we t(>Ok you for a fuckin' rick. That's what we figured when we started this thing back. in December-just a couple of spcedfrcaks hangin' around the cellar sayin' now how arc we gonna de, this Chicago trip? \Y/c ain't got no fuckin' money, you know, we ain't got no organization, we ain't got no constituency. We went to a New Leh meeting, they said where's your constituency, you can't talk htrc, you know, you ain't against imperialism. J said, man, I don't want any pay

294 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

toilets in this fuckin' country, I don't wane to pay a dime to take a shit. SDS doesn't consider that relevant. That's the trouble with the Left you know. Did a trip on a Socialist Scholars Conference, a couple of Hell's Angels guys and I, we went up and had a capgun fight in the Hotel Hilt(m where the Left has their conferences, it's very interesting. So the heads of the Hilton and the heads of the socialists were gettin' wgether to decide how to throw us specdfreaks out of the fuckin' place, sec. But they didn't, 1 mean, we stayed t<) do our thing. The problem with the Left is that there arc 10,000 socialist scholars in this country and not one fuckin' socialist. 1 mean I talk to guys on The Guardian and they say yeah, we're working on a serious analysis of the Yippics. I say, that's pretty fuckin' cool, man, that's great. By that time there won't be any Yippics. 1 mean, wbat the fuck arc you analyzin' for, man, get in and do it.

The complete workshop speech from which this is taken is part of the evidence being used to indict Abbie Hoffman along with Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, John Froincs, Tom Hayden, Bobby Seale, Jerry Rubin, and Lee Weiner for conspiracy to incite riots during the Democratic Convention. Their trial begins in Chicago on September 24, 1969 and each faces ten years in prison and $20,000 line. We are cold that funds and other assistance arc badly needed. Persons inrer<sted in contributing should make checks payable to the Chicago Defense Fund, do The Conspiracy, 28 E. Jackson Blvd., Chicago, Illinois. Taped by Charles Harbutt.

ADDRESS AT THE PUBLIC MEMORIAL SERVICE FOR

ROBERT F. KENNEDY Edward M. Kennedy, 8 June 1968 Sr. Patrick's CathedraJ, New York

y our Eminences, Your Excellencies, Mr. President: On behalf of Mrs. Kennedy, her children, the parents and sisters of

Robert Kennedy, I want ro express what we feel to those who mourn with us today in this Cathedral and around the world.

We loved him as a brother, aad as a father, and as a son. From his parents, and from his older brothers and sisters-Joe and Kathleen and Jack-he received an inspiration which he passed on ro all of us. He gave us s trength in time of trouble, wisdom in rime of uncertainty, and sharing in time of happiness. He will always be by our side.

Love is not an easy feeling to put inro words. Nor is loyalty, or trust, or joy. But he was all of these. He loved ILfc completely and he lived it intensely.

A few years hack, Robert Kennedy wrote some words about his own father which expresses [sic) the way we in his family felt about him. He sa id of what his father meant to him, and 1 quote:

"\Vhac it really all adds up 10 is love-nor love as ir is described w ich

such faciJiry in popular magazines~ bur th.e kind of love that is affection

and respect, order and encouragement, a11d support. Our awareness of

this was an incalculable source of scren.grh, and because real love is

295

296 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

something unselfish and involves sacrifice and giving, we could nor help

bur profit from it.""

And he continued,

'"Beneath it all, he has tried to engender a social conscience. There were

wrongs which needed arremion. There were people who were poor and

needed help. And we have a responsibility to them and to this country.

Through no virtues and accomplishments of our own, we have been

fortunate enough to be born irn che United Sraces under the mosr com•

fonable conditions. We, therefore, have a responsibility to ochers who

are less well off.""

Thar is what Robert Kennedy was given. What he leaves to us is what he said, what he did, a nd what he stood for. A speech he made to the young people of South Africa on their Day of Affirmation in 1966 sums it up the best, a nd I would like to read it now:

"There i~ diseriminacion in rb.is world and slavery and slaughter and scarvarion. Governments repress their people; miUions are crapped in

poveny while the nation grows rich and wealch is lavished on arma•

mems ever)•where. These are differing evils, bur rhey are che common

works of man. They reAecc the imperfecrion of human justice, the inad•

equaC)• of human compassion, our lack of sensibility cowards the suffer ..

ing of our fellows. Bue we can perhaps remember--even if only for a

rime-char chose who live w ith us are our brochers; chat they share with

us che same shore moment of life; rhar they seek-as we do-nothing

bur the chance co live our cheif' lives in purpose and happiness, winning

what satisfaction and fuJfillmenr they can.

Surely. mis bond of common fai th, this bond of common goal, can

begin co teach us something. Surely, we can learn, ar least, ro look a t

those around us as fellow men_ And surely we can begin co work a lirrle

harder 10 bind up che wounds among us and to become in our own

hearts brothers and countrymen once again. The answer is to rely on

youth-not a time of life buc a scare of mind, a temper of rhe wil~ a

quality of imagination, a predominance of courage over t imidity. of the

appetite for advenrure over the love of ease. The c-ruelcies and obscacles

M,nuor,a/ Serv,ce for Robert F. Ke,,nedy 297

of m is swiftly changing planer will nor yield ro rhe obsolere dogmas and

ourworo slogans. The)' cannoc be moved by those who cling to a present

that is already dying, who prefer the illusion of securiry to rhe excite--

ment and danger that come with e\·en the most peaceful progre-ss. (r is a revolurionary world we live in., and this generation at home

and around the world has had chrusr upon it a greacer burden of respon-

sibiJicy than any generation that has ever lived. Some believe there is

nothing one man or one woman can do againsr the enormous array of

the world's ills. Yee man)' of the world's grear movements, of thought

and action, have flowed from the work of a single man. A young monk

began the Proresranr reformarion; a young general extended an empire

from Macedonia to rhe borders of the eacrh; a young woman reclaimed

the territory of France; and it was a young Italian explorer who discov-

ered me New World, and che 32 year-old Thomas Jefferson who [pro]

claimed that "all men are created equal."

These men moved rJ1e world, and so can we all. Few will have the

greatness to bend hisrory icseJf, bur each of us can work ro change a

small portion of evenrs, and in cbe meal of all those aers wiU be wrimn the history of this generation. "Tr is from numberless di\1erse acts of courage and belief rhar human history is shaped." Each rime a man

stands up for an ideal, or aces tO improve the lot of orhers, or srrikes ouc

against injustice., he sends forth a tiny ripp le of hope, and crossing each

other from a million different cemers of energy and daring, chose ripples

build a current that can sweep down the mighriesr walls of oppression

and resisrance.

Few are willing ro brave the disapproval of their fe llows, the censure

of their colleagues, the wrach of their society. Moral courage is a rarer

commodiry than bravery in barrle or greac imelligence. Yet it is the one

essential, vital qualiry for chose who seek to change a world that yields

mosr painfully to change. And ( believe that in this generation those

with the courage ro emer the moral con.flier will find themselves wich

companions in e\1ery corner of cbe globe.

For d1e forrunare among us, there is d1e rempracion to follow the

easy and familiar paths of personal ambition and financial success so

grandly spread before chose who enjoy che privilege of education. Bue

that is not che road history has marked Ollie for us. Like ir or nor, we live

298 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

in rimes of danger and uncerrainry. Bur they are also more open ro the

creative energy of men d,an any orher rime in history. All of us will

ulrimarely be judged, and as the yea.rs pass we will surely judge ourselves

on the effort we have contribured ro building a new world sociery and

rhe extent ro which our ideals and goals have shaped rhar evenr.

' The future does nor belong to chose who are comenr wirh ccxlay,

aparheric coward common problems and their fe llow man alike, rimid

and fearful in the face of new ideas and bold projecrs. Rarher it will

belong to chose who can blend vision, reason and courage in a personal commitmenc ro the ideals and great encerprises of American Society.•

Our future may lie beyond our vision, bur it is nor completely beyond

our control. le is the shaping impulse of America thac neither fare nor

nature nor cbe irresistible rides of history, bur the work of our own

hands, marched ro reason and principle, char will determine our destiny.

There is pride in that, even arrogance, bur there is also experience and truth. In an)' event, it is the onJy way we can live."

That is the way he lived. That is what he leaves us. My brother need not be idealized, o r enlarged in death beyond what

he was in lcfc; to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried co right it, saw suffering and tried ro heal it, saw war and tried to stop it.

Those of us who loved him a nd who take him ro his rest today, pray that wha t he was to us and what he wished for others will some day come to pass for all the world.

As he said many times, in many parts of chis na tion, to chose he ro uchcd a nd who sought ro to uch him:

"'Some men see things as they :ire and say why.

[ dream things rhar never wer,e and say why nor».

FBI FILES ON BLACK PANTHERS IN NORTH CAROLINA

These records report the investigation of the Winston Salem, North Carolina, chapter of the Black Panther Party. All docments appear in their original format

with government redactions intact.

299

300 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

" j l

l'"\flLP ~1 .\JC.\1 0: HtNf\lt-.:., .. 1

Memoranduni DIRECTOR, FBl (10S-165706)(SOB 8)

SAC, CHARLOTT& (157-617l)(P)

BLACK PI\NTHJ':R PARTY RM

' '

3/7/69

Re Nw aa~eh airtel to Bureau 1/27/69: Charlotte letter to Bureau 2/14/69.

on 2/19/69, (PROTECT 10EN= ucnis e mation to SA -

Raleigh, N. c . following infor-

red to her eon, who student.. ed that the janitor her son's club t nl• univnrsity was the father of a decea3e-d Black Panther Party (BPP) leader who h~d be.en assassinated in california, and buried in the New Haven, conn*, area. She stated that the father of tho deceased 8PP member was not at all in sympathy ~ith his son and >ubs~qu~ntly acked mtn\bexc of her gon 's club at Yale if they would act as honora~y pallbearer& at hi~ aon'G funeral so that the BPP membe~s would no She stated that subsequently her son diO a ct ag a palll)e.a4er and had fw,;cral .

has been

"· c.

It is noted that • previously at R.aleigh.

New Have:·~~~ ~;kfrl t9£;;L~t~Z~te8 - J'f information, protecting th~ 1d~nt1ties 0£ persons involved. as it explains the participation of wh.it.e individuals in a OPP fun•ral. Any further investigation concornin9 this pha$e of t.he BPP inve5·ti9ation ie, being left to the diGc.rotion of New

ven. ,· I , I • Bunau (105-165706) (Sul> 8) (RH) \ ( i - N~W aven (100-19186) \.. - N ' .i;t (l00-161993) (.rnfo) ' •<i IYJl't•t> ili16~•co (157-2861) (info) . •·•~~-• •

=-G Charlo(&il US. S111•111&, 8,µJJ Rt&,ular~,· 1n tht P11Jnll S11ri,1&.s Pla~··_J• -•-·u :Jwr 9) - - --- --- /1

FBI FUes on Black Pa,11l,ers 30 1

( ' -

TELETYPE

~B l VASH DC

'Bl CHARLT

Sill PII URGENT - HM

T91 DIRECTOR

FROMr CHARLOTTE (1)7-6171) CP>

BLACK PANTHER PARTY. - - --... . A_L_LEGED THREAT TO BOl'l~HRIFTY CURB MARKE ..i\'(

GREENSBORO, N.C., ARE DISCUSSING TIIE POSSl8LiTY OF BOl'IBING

T~E; THRIFTY CURB MARKET IN GREENSBORO, N.C,, f

t!• 1; h >:-, ::w?,.:, , : .. t ::,;.•"'-- Mr. Calla.MO_ M.r. CMniA_

... 011 1'£BRUARY El GHT LAST, WHITE EMPLOYEE

or THRIFTY CURB MARKET, INVOLVED IN ALTERCATION VITH NEGRO Fl~ED 6MOT$ ~ND PKYSlCALLY B£&T NEGRO "' MALE VHO VAS ATTEMPTING TO KIT HIM

END PAllE O~E. REC 54

V!TH A BOTTLE ,

J 05-16 5"706 -3' - 13 --- 17 MAR , 1969

302 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

· EJ57• 6171

NEGRO IIALE HAS f>IADE NO COP!PLA INTS BUT

EMBERS or BPP ARE AVARE OF OCCURRENCE AND PLAN TO BOMB MARKEY. AKA

STATED HE HAS A STlCK OF DYNAIMITE. BPP ~££TI NG SCHEDULED FOR

TONIGHT UO GROUP ALLEDGEDLY PLANS TO TAKE ACTlON AGAI NST THRIFTY CURB

IIARKET AFTER l'IEETI NG.

APPRISED OF ABOVE INFORMATION AND HAS ADVISED

CKG

OF THRIFTY CURB l'IARK£t, AHO - OF THREAT. ,?: .Ir/-,,,-,; J'" Id/,· 9 t'nec ·~ AND SECRET SERVICE ADVISED. /he ,..,.r-

1;1111 AND AIRTEL FOLLOWS.

Fil WASH DC

·r --ROOM 836 9&D

FBI FUes on Black Pa,11l,ers 303

federal Bureau of Investigation 1,Jash ingcon 1 D. c.

Greensboro! NoTth caro11na 1-!oy 21, 1%9

-The periodical entided -'!'RE BUICK P.ANTHEll is being circulated in Cre.t..nsbo-ro, North Carolin.a . The publicetion seem~ to be rather inflamm.atoxy a.nd ,chus, a possible threat t.o our govern- ment . A copy of th~& publication is enclosed tor your Ln- foN4irion. ·

There seems to be .-n organlz.•tion of Black Panthers operating !u UY.t c1ty . t1ony citizen& are -rcg,u·d.if\g t:hia orge.n.ii:vc i on ~1th eonsiderabl• suspicion.

I a~ afraid to state my name and addreGs. This kind of fear ar;:,e~:rs to b@ fJOJ r~ 11nn~c,ui:~a,.·y . Please do not rezat'd this letter 3s a threat. An inve$Cigat1on 1$ ne~ded.

Yo-urs very t.n.tly,

A ta,cpayer

CC· .. State Bureeu of Investiration Raleigh, No~th CaTolina

-L, 10 ~- /6s7t:Jt-?- .3:2., . '

- --

' I

304 M O V E M EN T S OF TH E 6 0 S

Cl; 157-6171

I. CHARLOIT£ 1 NORTH CAROLIIIA

A. Orgeni~attoo.at Activitie~ ~nd ConnectiOh& With Black Panther ~~~L!•~•dqu;~ ~!.~·~..,-~rkeley1 C..l Uornia

kro~n oQly ,~ bad rec-0rttly coot•c lcd the beadquar t~rs or Oo ~-e~~ 13, 19G8. CE T-1 ~~v\n~~ th~~ z" iod!vidu•l,

thP. Bhck .Fant: ·t, (8P~) •t Otkland I C•.l Uornia, and a dvts"d that hr repre&tinted an 01·gan:J~tlo u koo•o a s the Afro-Amcrico.n Unity Or ge.nlJ:•tton, Ch.a.,,,,,lotf' orttl Car olina, • hich des i red to stiit 1ate • i th the BPP. as told t ~1t it would be necessary !or h1m to forward the . o $300 to th~ n•~loo•l he~dquarter& in order tb•t a rt"p1·~scntatt"e of the n.stlonal office of the BPP could tra.11~1 t otte, ll"orth Garolina, ~u lndoctrtn....,• Dew 1ri6-11bers . r 11 rn i~ilf" h • t.el1>;:h,:,n<r ouaber O.!i and bis address Ctut' _tot te 1 North C.n n , an,f .,h1serl 1:hat h ,.mp 10 obt.-..io th.a necessary fund.a and rccon1.ac t. the nattooal b og,dqu.arters ~ . ...

30, 196~ . - .l<h t!'E"d tba.t !Ill' Charlot.te ~ Corollni., t a d no

c• •tlcan Unl1y Or11nl•• Llon al Charlo · , however, odvised tbat .J R M"E c1.I r-roH JOH~'SON also knCltrD IS a ltl V , a l{egto ·••lo I Char Jott,e, Mor Lh carol fna, r \4..!pOr t.~ Jobnsoo C. S■ith Unl~erslty c~mpus , Char lott~, North Carolina~ on Dcce11ber 2, 1968, where he wu in t rodUNld aa a 111eaber of tbe BP{' movement . ( •I

On - •nd - advised th!lt JEROME J~ n 6l.f'=~t l! .,,,~ Ubl1Gh ~ an affillat t oo •ltb the 8PP of C"Jit,u:nt 11 . reported that thl& dolt.y tn obtaining s ch-a..rt" r ,i,3.3 due IJ A pu.rge being con- ducted wttbJa the national fl':' r l\, ' , to ge t rid of in!orunts and undesirable characters . - Gt.t\t..:!'d th.11.t th.e ooly oit:lcers arc JEROl(E .rOHNSOH, who hold-5~ ~0!:l ltion ot Area Capt.ata, and BENJAMJ~ fll/, NXt,JN CHAVJ~ , .IR., Vh'> hl:r• t c .-n d~-t lgl"ltted 1.9 the Nlnls ter of lnCo r-aUon. 'j

On May 13. l!:tG9. ildVl 9 fld \.h~t th.ere ..... no ch•rter g,:-o,ip of BPP iti lfOJtll carottn• ar. o t that d&tc: however, tbe group al Charlotte, North CaroliW'I , e ~~~c te to rece i ve a cha.rt.c,r io the n~ar tutu.rc .(C,,,

.,I -4--

CR 157- 6171

c:onsider~ Organlz.ali

On poster boing

r o

FBI FUes on Black Pa,11l,ers 305

th:iit ther~ • ere ro ... Aller lean tJnl t.1

W:iy 21 , 1969, ~ h a.r nish..,11 ,;. copy of the following p,u:;sed out in Ct:llrlotte , Nos·tb f.'J\rol10.J11 : ( t,,

J06 MOVEMENTS OF TIIE 60s

Ro I ft I; 01e: 1 J - LJ P!ace=C'1· k. . - Cor,,e \ or· w IC. . efD and R \ bs 0 " 1 r o~c.crr,es. o,d 'Rd. '-1"'d · J,-, Owl').

Sponsor : C ;tize, \ S' Df rr"'~ 'B\ock ~~orn,nur,·,+ y Luho ore ;""'i-e:~e~td in _:.o ,g an ·, z. ·, ·n ~ a B Io ck ¥0"1"\'\e, "?a ,-\-y.

F BI Ft/es on Black Pantl,~rs 307

<.:J: 157- 6111

8. Publ iea tiona

On March 18, 1969, CE T-6, •ho nan (requent ~ootact •1th tb11 l e-.det"ship of t h~ PD "' l · • 1.-. -. cf"l•Jarters, Berko,ley, C31Uornt., advtsod thlll.t ~:ot• · ... , • n,;t the n;1tlooal headquarter& lo order tba e 111 .q:c:t-:t pu- c.h'IH". q11• -nl11 y or posters :t od ~~•sp,p<'.rs;. Accord ins to CJ: T -6 . ...,q,.,..,.s \~d '200 r..c-pl,09 of the "Black Panther., newsp•~er and 2 . ,,. ur t,,,, d i fiercct. posters b<' shJpped to btm at 2316 T~!e Street, Ch~rJotte, Nortb C~rollni. ~V. T· 6 stat~d that - ~tso gJ~e hi ~ tele~bonc nu111ber ,,

On April 3, 1969, C& T- 7 s,htned ' \ '!t tho '' Black P1ntbcr" ne1¥ilpAner ,~ now being gold at. tb'-' ~.uslty ( , r 11 1, St,,t@:;vJlle Aveuue, ln Charlotte . II(/

On April 23, .l9G9, JE,ROKE CL 1,ro,... .. 'OONSt)li .... a.,; OM'erv,ed by a Spec ial Ag-en t or the f'BI selling c.c pllP, of ttr~ April 20, J969, J~.si1e of the "BJac.k Panther•• nE"t:.5p1.r~ r oo £ .i:;t Trade Street, Charlotte, riortb C:.rolina(~•

c. On

Un i ty Organa~atloo's f1~aocc6 ~~e ba~e heen ■ide to gather tinaaccs dona t ~d by the 1qo~ber6.l'1

t\dVi ~.,d t t.:J.t. t.he Afro ... Am.ertcan nGt koot10 : however~ oo e .!torts other t t1in t he n ... 1il amouots

o. t,cquJ. s i t ton or !!~1:;ons_!~~.2.!.~:.r_!'.~ aph.ern~!._i_! 1969, .411111111. rcp0rtr.rf tlrP..'

o r lb~ p at (:hnTlot.rc, NortQ CJro) Ina, csaion ot a 8&.'\lJ <.t.J 1ht:.r plAt.ol.

o ~ ...... !969, ~ tepOrtl?d l 1l 'll - and 11.not.bcr ~ . nam• ~ . •ere ou,isC'r v~ B~2.ttfe,i; for!lil. ha.rlotte, North carolina., Y1tb each carrying a shotgun . ad on a hunt.ing j&ckf'L wit.h n bot1tun sbelle 1n the d ~s tgna c r; ots io the jac.ktotl. tu

dvi,;:e d t, l\.l. t - a •c•ber ot - mor can y Otg.\Dhl-t , cm flt.~ Nortb Carolina, Arrested by ofClcere of the R&lelgh, North Carol ina, Pollc;.o ~P""' ta·eni, OP • 1wh8.11'e or &h<> T'lhf .,;hu· ' \" deal\ wl th the theft of walk lo-t.alkie,;

30 8 M O V E M EN T S OF TH E 6 0 S

CE 157-61•1

On ~ 1969, information ,ras rc~ehod Cro~ lba.t on l!Ay 3~ . a group of approxisately teo Negro rri•le-$ and fea.i\les gathered at tho iot.~rsecttcu, o{ OakJa'lt'n Avenue •ad Deatttcs Yord Road, Charlotte, Nc>rtb C.ro• : •·• . for •p9roxiute1, ooe ;!;t,d t,n~•- halt t\ours where they gave the t;~ a.-:k P~t\tber s alute .,1th their f l nt!'- l.n the air a.nd shouted abu:.e •t the po\!,an•ea p.\tro.1 ling the 1\rca • such a..s ••ptc,. and 0 hor..ky", and ror the po ltcemea to lec.ve th~ area. A ou11ber or indlviduals had shoult.1er •~ap0ns, s\.lch ;i.a rlfl<►a a.nd shotgun~. • .ad m.it,chetes. ,,_,,

On ... 1969, Ctt l N~ rolhu,, a v

the sa•a gr oup ot tt1cs Ford Roa

practice ne~r the·hoQc or Ch!\rlott.e. This area was 1.: FBI aud nun.cro\.ls ea1pty .22 caliber rUlc and .12 r bntcun shell c;a£ings were p r esent lo the 11.r ca . ( ,./:

(lr, - 1969.--,,. reporte.cl ti-, , l , had poss ibly purchased a ouaber of Cirear•6 ~l local stores 1D Cb::a.rlot te .iv .. ·

Afro- AMerJ c tn Uotly assisted by moAbers Sc l e nce Bu1Jd1D a

rcporl<-d tJ)'\C fllr■bcrs: ol the ttlrlot to. ,~n r t b CaJ;ol ln1,

CharloLte, , ~re Lo take o~er tbe COJJege, UoJMnt, xortb c aro110L

u.ring th" takeover. t • o f ifJes •ere ~ e Negro s udeots al Belmoot Abt..!/ , ~long • ltb tlte bAJ' the door s:.\<,

ll ls noted tbat on M~y 6, 1909, n s ~~cial Agent of tbc FBI obs erved BF.NJAWIN FI\AlllU,lN CHA VIS t ,n . ... ,1 JllP.Olr£ CL IF-TOM JOR~SON, alung with a group or other pcrso tl':fi, AJlJ Jog 3rvund the Ad~ir.istrallon Building at 13elnont Abbey Coll~Ae, 8~l•ont. North C~rol ln,-. . A.JI

E. ~~!,!!,!

On r«,J')Ort'°'d that tiAROt..0 AVENT, also known 3n OJNG, h~s g1oup of Ol~ck Panther Party iat•.cnhco·; h'lM Charlot t e, Horth Carolina. It) ,t IN1d I\ • <"Cling at Crc cu~t,('r o , .Horth Carolina, on J9li9 .;'r'~,'

. • - 8-

FBI FUes on Black Pa,11l,ers 309

C.t. 157-6171

On CreP.a-,;boro mea rs ol tbe BPP was held Creen~bOro, North CRrolloa, attonded b 3nd h!O indJvidual a f ro■ Charlott• appetred. 1.h••• ,ti'ROME JOfnfSOH aod BEN CHAVJS, ~ctu•llJ arr ,. -, ,: J t'>O late acetloc, b~t were ercetcd as brothers by NUNDJ~G •~~ th~

advised U1.at dur lni --..,, t96,, ere held by • e>mhers of ~ A!t"o • Charlott~ • ............, t,:nc been ttcbedult"d until such tt:or- as tbey ohta~ .froa t ,l1e 8PP, Oakh1nd, C•lifornb .• ,..,1

Oo PebruAr,i 21, 1909 ~ rerortc~ t,.tnt HA80LO A\'ENT, repor tedly a Field N~r~bal of ~ froa Grcen:.~u r o, North caroli.na, spoko at a M.i l cola X Day Coueaorath:,a :,c.1.·vi.ce at Jobnsoa C. Sm1tt\ IJn.tvcrsity. During his speec.b, A.vt::l(f • .J.s critical of the por trait& o! ,..bite person6 banging o·n I.be 1u1.J h; ot the audit.oriUJIII, Tbo peoi, l o portt'a)'cd 10 tbcso pot"tr.a:its were lht- foundcl"6 of 1.he : nst i.LuUon, :a p r edo•1nantly Negro college , anJ A\"f..!'t"T sl.ated -the pict11 r es ot these white plgs should b4t takeu ou t and burned.((//

r.n repOr l ed t b& t Ill a •eeting of lhc 6PP o1.t Greensboro, No r h aro oa, a-ix in4J11idual6 fro■ Ci1arlotte, includin11 J£80M.E JOl:U~SOH .ind BEX CHAYlS a.nd four otbers 1 ttended , (CJ

reported t ha t~ VElff bad b<-'!'n a.:."e lo np1,; r a t e o vers y or Nort h Ci.!oli na cauipua Ill Ch:trlotto on Monday~ Marc h Q . in co:..r,ec.tloo wt tb a protest rAlly led by BEN CHAVI to J,rotc~ t the ten deaands hPln& ~ade aga Jos t the vors1 yo 1cial& nnd to g~t recogoitton of• bl ~c~ ~tudent organlza tion oo tbe c~•pu8. ~h~ constitu tion ~nd d~~unds •~de on lhe un!ver&ily toilow the ten-po int program ,. tor U.lack student uoJoi,s a s s.et out in tbe Blad, Pit.othe r nc•s~per .r .... ,

'\'be ' 'Cha.rlot.te Observe r''• a dally Charl otte, Nortb Ct.roUn• , ne;,spaper , i n 1t.s i68ue o f )larch 4, 1969, contained au •~Llcle wh ich &taled ln part tbat about forty (40) Negroes bad gathered around the !lng pole at th~ UnivOisily ot North C~rolina .i.t coarlot tc, shon tiog "Po• or to the J>eoplf"'1 .1nd r ~pbccd tbe Unlt.cd Sla,tcs an.d North. Carol lna [lags 1'1th • t-\.lc k flag . The nc• E-~p,<:r 3.rtiole identified the cb1iet spok.er.ti n tor tne group a s GEPl CH,;\VJS. The article also sta tes t.hat a.t approx im.alel7 2 : 00 r . 11 . un lda.rch 3 1 19G9, the black s t udent.& brgan \.aping pos1,.,en1 ou lbn ~d~lnislra tion 8ulldtng windows . so■e of • hleh were denunciatione o.r Horlb c arolJna Governor ROBERT SCOM', surh a s "Scot t. is oinking (pig) lo tbe eyeo o f the people." (

-9- • VJ l

3 10 MOVEMENTS OF THE 60S

CE 157-6171

On - rep0rted tb$t oo llarch 2 1 , 1989.- lo coo~octioo~ t Secoad W•rd Senior Rieb School, Charlotte, North Carolina, over the iaaue of new &cbool constr uction, 81.N CHAVtS ao':I JEROME JO}(NSON wor·e arre.st1:d. on charges ot lrcf:.passinc ,tnd Ol6rupt .1ng Cl.J.S8C'lS.

Oo reported that infot!'.1J.tJo~ had bc~n recei~ed ro~ a 'CHICO NOBLET, •ho i$ ti\(! &it.St co,st C"-ordinator or , ns due in North Carolina io as.sist the BPP meabers ia North Carolina 1u &elting ready, politica lly a nd socially, concerning the part7's auideline-JLiV.,...

On .May 1, 1969, i,Q the front yard o! his rt."s Horth Carolina, bt Detectives wtth the l>\'ll ice Ge1,a.r tr:1ent, and n Special Agent ad.., t8NI as tollows:

v , - ,. nt-.cled 1 Charlott•,

\l~ . ,or · Carol in•, 1'81. -

De slated that he did not dest.re l.hR inlorvle•·lng otticer& Lo enter ont.o his prca1ses, a od Jf any talkto4 •:.a.s necclili.'lJ'f, it cr,uld be done with the officer• standing on lhc s1r1c,-,1.k .

who was a.;companted by auolt',r-~ ll~tro fl'l!l.le named , advised th.a.t be dld not ,;.l..r"' to di&cucs aoy- thlnt b cers inaemuch as be coasidored l:tzself to ~ a Black Panther. Whco 'I•••- & to hi5 -~IY\l 1w;obenhi p in th~ Black Panther Party, stated that he did not have kOyth1nt: r;ttf1ct11.l Lo prov l • IIU;l'mbe•·&ltlp, buT;. that ~Ct ••tt in f•ct a ■eaber of the Black Panther Par~y io bl~ h~ar t. Be said lb.at be bol teved in certain 1.hlng-s which he ref•1sed to eou.11te1·ale, but he ~t•tod that he ~as willing to die for these b~lief&.* ~

l'hen further questioned coD.e~r nln& b'Jc'f.~cound !.nfora;itioo, stated that :au. background lnfori:iat!on c.ont.-lil!rning. h1a could

be ined ~hrough cootaettna £U>RlOOE CLEA\"l>~.

lo au etfort to es tablisb ra9port, - •as offered a cJgar.ette, at wbtcb tl~e h~ refused, statln~ h~ ••s 1n •ra.infn.c . It was not.:d tha t at the th•e oJ lh,.. c()::ttact, - was •ea.r ing a black boret, Ar11.y fatigue paot~, :rnC blac._ ffiT'rfPJ'- typc Ju""p r,o<>ts. His ha J r ,r.as worn lo a ful 1 bwsh.(V}

-10-

BOB DYLAN'S LETTER TO THE INS DEFENDING JOHN LENNON

AND YOKO ONO

Justice for John & Yoko! John and Yoko add a great voice a nd drive to the country's so called

ART INSTITIJTION / They inspire and transcend and stimula te a nd by doing so, only help others to sec pure light and in doing that, put an end to this mild dull taste of petty commercialism which is being passed off as ARTIST ART by the overpowering mass media . Hurray for John & Yoko. Let them sray and live here and breathe. The country's gm plenty of room and space. Let John and Yoko stay!

Bob Dylan

311

CHAPTER SEVEN

SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

SPEECH BEFORE CONGRESS Carrie Chapman Catt, Washington, D.C., 1917

Woman suffrage is inevitable. Suffragists knew it before November 4, 19 I 7; opponents afterward. Three distinct causes made it inevitable.

First, the history of our country. Ours is a nation born of revolution, of rebellion against a system of government so securely entrenched in the customs and traditions of human society that in 1776 it seemed impreg- nable. From the beginning of things, nations had been ruled by kings and for kings, while the people served and paid the cost. The American Revolutionises boldly proclaimed the heresies: "Taxation without repre- sentation is tyranny." '"Governments dtrive their just powers from the consent of the governed." The colonises won, and the nation which was established as a result of their victory has held unfailingly that these two fundamental principles of democratic government arc not only the spiri- rua] source of our national existence but have been our chief historic pride and at all rimes the sheet anchor of our liberties.

Eighty years after the Revolution, Abraham Lincoln welded those two maxims into a new one: ''Ours is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people." Fifty years more passed and the pres i- dent of the United States, Woodrow Wiilson, in a mighty crisis of the nation, proclaimed to the world: "We arc fighting for the things which we have always carried nearest ro our hearts: for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own government."

All the way between these immortal aphorisms political leaders have declared unabated faith in their truth. Not one American has arisen to question rhrir ]ogic in the 141 years of our nationa] existence. However stupidly our country may have evaded the logical application at times, it

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316 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

has never swerved from its devotion co the chc.ory of democracy as expressed by those two axioms . ..

With such a history behind it, how can our nation escape the logic it has never f:uled to follow, when its last unenfranchised class calls for the vote? Behold our Uncle Sam floa·ting the banner with one hand, "Taxation without representation is tyranny," and with the other seizing the bi1lions of dollars paid in taxes by women to whom he refuses "representation." Behold him again, welcoming the boys of twenty-one and the newly made immigrant citizen to "a voice in their own government" while he denies that fundamental right of dcmcx:racy to thousands of women pub- lic school teachers &om whom many of these men learn all they know of citizenship and patriotism, to women col1cge presidents, to women who preach in our pulpits, interpret law in our courts, preside over our hos- pitals, write books and magazines, and serve in every uplifting moral and social enterprise. Is there a sing1c man who can justify such inequality of treatment, such outrageous discrimination? Noc one ...

St'COnd, the suffrage for women already established in the United States makes women suffrage for the nation inevitable. When Elihu Root, as president of the American Society of International Law, at rhc eleventh annual meeting in Washingmn, April 26, 1917, s:ud, "The world cannot be half democratic and half autocratic. It mus t be all democratic or all Prussian. There can be no compromise," he voiced a general truth. Precisely the same intuition has already taught the blindest and most hostile foe of woman suffrage that our nation cannot long con- tinue a condition under which government in half its territory rest.'\ upon the consent of half of the people and in the other half upon the consent of all the people; a condition which grants representation to the taxed in half of its territory and denies it in the other half a condition which per- mits women in some states to share in the election of the president, sena- tors, and representatives and denies them that privilege in others. It is too obvious ro require demonstration that woman suffrage, now covering half our territory, will eventually be ordained in all the nation. No one wiU deny it. The only question left is when and how will it be complete- ly established.

Third, the leadership of the United States in world democracy compels the enfranchisement of its own women. The maxims of the Declaration were once called "fundamental principles of government." They are now called "American principles" orievcn ''Americanisms." They have become

Speech Befor e Congress 3 17

the slogans of every movement tOward political liberty the world around, of every effort tO widen the suffrage for men or women in any land. Nor a people, race, or class striving for freedom is there anywhere in the world that bas nor made our axioms the chief weapon of the struggle. More., all men and women the world around, with farsighted vision into the verities of things, know that the world tragedy of our day is nor now being waged over the assassination of an archduke, nor commercial com- petition, nor national ambitions, nor the freedom of the seas. Ir is a death grapple bcrwc'Cn the forces which deny and those which uphold the truths of the Declaration of lndcpcndence ...

Do you realize that in no other country in the world with democratic tendencies is suffrage so completely denied as in a considerable number of our own states? There arc thirteen bla-ck states where no suffrage for women exists, and fourteen others where suffrage for women is more limited than in many foreign countries.

Do you realize that when you ask women tO take thtir cause to state referendum you compel them to do this: t:hat you drive women of educa- tion, refinement, achievement, to beg men who cannot read for their political freedom?

Do you realize that such anomalies as a college president asking her janitor to give her a vote arc overstraining the patience and driving women to desperation?

Do you realize that women in increasing numbers indignantly resent rhe long dcla y in their enfranchisement?

Your parry platforms have pledged wo men suffrage. Then why nor be honest, frank friends of our cause, adopt it in reality as your own, make it a parry program, and .. fight with us"? As a pa rty measure- a measure of all parties- why not put the amendment through Congress and the legislatures? We shaU all be better friends, we shall have a happier nation, we women will be free to support loyally the parry of our choice, and we shall be far prouder of our history.

"There is one thing mightier than k ings and armics"-ayc, than

Congresses and political partics- " the power of an idea when its time has come ro move." The time for woman suffrage has come. The woman's hour has struck. If parties prdcr to postpone action longer and thus do battle with this idea, they challenge the inevitable. The idea will not per- ish; the party which opposes it may. Every delay, every trick, every p<)litical dishonesty from now on will antagonize the women of the land

318 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

more and more, and when the party or parties whicb have so delayed woman suffrage finally let it come, their sincerity will be doubted and their appeal to rhe new voters will be mer with suspicion. This is rhe psy- chok)gy of the siruarion. Can you afford the risk' Think ir over.

We know you will meet opposition. The.re arc a few "'women haters" left, a few "old males of the tribe," as Vance Thompson calls them, whose duty rhey believe ir to be to keep women in the places they have carefully picked out for them. Treitschke, made world famous by war literature, said some years ago, "Germany, which knows all about Germany and France, knows far better what is good for Alsace-Lorraine than that miserable people can possibly know." A few American Treitschkes we have who know better than women what is good for them. There arc women, too, with "slave souls" and '"'dinging vines" for backbones. There are female dolls and male dandies. But the world does not wait for such as these, nor docs liberty pause to heed the plaint of men and womr.n with a grouch. She does not wait for those who have a special interest ro serve, nor a sclfish reason for depriving other people of freedom. Holding her rorch aloft, liberty is pointing the way onward and upward and saying to America, "Come."

To you and the supporters of our cause in Senate and House, and the number is large, the suffragists of the nation express their grateful thanks. This address is not meant for you. We arc more truly appreciative of all you have done than any words can express. We ask you to make a last, hard light for the amendment during the present scssi<)n. Since last we asked a vote on this amendmen r, your posirion has been fortified by the addition ro suffrage territory of Grear Britain, Canada, and New York.

Some of you have been too iadiffcrcnt to give more than casual atten- tion to this question. It is worthy of your immediate consideration. A question big enough ro engage the artenrion of our allies in wartime is too big a question for you ro neglect.

Some of you have grown old in party service. Are you willing that those who take your places by and by shall blame you for having failed ro keep pace with the world and thus having lost for them a party advantage? Is there any real gain for you, for your party, for your nation by dday? Do you want to drive the progressive men and womrn our of your pa rty?

Some of you hold ro the dc)ctrine of states' rights as applying to woman suffrage. Adherence ro that theory will keep the United States far

Sp ee ch Before Co n gre ss 3 19

behind aU other democratic nations upon this question. A theory which prcvenis a nation from keeping up with the trend of world progress can- not be justified.

Gcnclcmen, we hereby petition you, our only designated reprcttnta- tives, to redress our grievances by the immediate passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment and ro use your inAucntt to secure its ratification in your own state, in order that the women of our nation may be endowed with political freedom before tht, nen presidential election, and that our nation may resume its world leadership in democracy.

Woman suffrage is coming- you know it. Will you, Honorable Senators and Members of the House of Rcprc.~cnta·tivcs, help or hinder it?

TESTIMONY OF PROFESSOR ANITA HILL REGARDING

CLARENCE THOMAS

Professor Anita F. Hill Senate Judiciary Committee Ocrobcr 11, 1991

Mr. Chairman, Senator Thurmond, Members of the C<)mmittcc, my name is Anita P. Hill, and I am a Professor of Law at the University of Oklahoma. I was born on a farm in Okmulge, Oklahoma in 1956, the 13th child, and had my early education there. My father is Albert Hill, a farmer of that area. My mother's name is Erma Hill, she is also a farmer and housewife. My childhood was the ch;ldhood of both work and pov- erty; but it was one of solid family affection as represented by my parents religious atmosphere in the Baptist faith and I have been a member of the Antioch Baptist Church in Tulsa since I 983. It remains a warm part of my Life at the present time. For my undergraduate work J went to Oklahoma Stare Univ<-rsity and graduated in I 977. I am attaching to this statement my resume with further details of my education. I gradu- ated from the university with academic honors and proceeded to the Yale law School where I r<-ceivcd my J.D. degree in 1980. Upon graduation from law school I became a practicing lawyer with the Washington, D.C. firm of Wald, Harkrader & Ross. In 1981, I was introduced ro now Judge Thomas by a mutual friend. Judge Thomas told me that he antici- pated a political appointment shortly and asked if I might be interested in working in that office. He was in fact appointed as Assistant Secretary of Education, in which capacity he was the Director of the Office for Civil Rights. After he was in that post, he asked if I would become his

321

322 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

assistant and I did then accept that position. In my early period, there I had two major projects. The first was an article I wrote for Judge Thomas' signature on Education of Minority Students. The second was the organization of a seminar on high risk students, which was aban- doned because Judge Thomas transferred to the EEOC before that projt'(:t was completed. During this pc~iod at the Dcpamncnt of Education, my working relationship with Judge Thomas was positive. I had a good deal of responsibility as well as independence. I thought that he respected my work and that he trusted my judgment. After approximately three months of working together, he asked me w go out with him socially. I declined and exi>lained to him that I thought that it would only jeopar- dize what, at the time, I considered to be a very good working relation- ship. I had a normal social life with other men outside of the office and, I believed then, as now, that having a social relationship ,vith a person who was supervising my work would be ill-advised. I was very uncom- fortable with rhc idea and rold him so. 1 thought that by saying " no" and explaining my reasons, my employer would abandon his social sug- gestions. However, to my regret, in the following few weeks he continued to ask me out on several occasions. He pressed me ro justify my reasons for saying "no" ro him. These incidents rook place in his office or mine. They were in the form of private conversations which would nor have been overheard by anyone rise. My working relationship became even more Strained when Judge Thomas began to use work situations to dis- cuss sex. On these occasions he would call me into his office for repo rts on education issues and projcc-rs or he might suggest that because of time pressures we go to lunch at a government cafeteria. After a brief discus- sion of v.rork he would turn the conversation to discussion of sexual matters. His conversations were very vivid. He spoke about ac..-t:s that he had seen in pornographic films :involving such matters as women having sex with animals and films showing group sex or rape scenes. He talked about pornographic materials depicting individuals with large penises or large breasts involved in various sex acts. On several occasions Thomas told me graphically of his own sexual prowess. Because I was extremely uncomfortable talking about sex with him at all and particularly in such a graphic way, I told hjm that I did not want to talk about those subjectS. I would also try to change the subject tO education matters or to non- sexual personal matters such as his background <>r beliefs. My cffortS to change the subject were rarely successful. Throughout the period of these

Test1mo11y of Professor A111ra Hill regarding Clare,1ce T/Jomas 323

conversations, he also from time-to-time asked mt for social engagements. My reactions to these conversations was to avoid having them by dimi- nating opportunities for us to engage in extended conversations. This was difficult because I was l:tis only assistant at tbe Office for Civil Rights. During tbe latter part of my time a,t the Deparoncnt of Education, the social pressures and any conversations of this offensive kind ended. I began both to believe and hope that our working relationship could be on a proper, cordial and professional base. When Judge Thomas was made Chairman of the EEOC, I needed to face the question of whether to go with him. I was asked to do so. I did. The work itself was interest- ing and at that rime it appeared that the sexual overtures which had so troubled me had ended. I also faced the realistic fact tbat I had no alter- native job. While I might have gone back to private practice, perhaps in my old firm or at another, I was dedicated he in that fidd. Moreover, the Dcparanenr of Education itself was a dubious venture; President Reagan was seeking to abolish the entire Department at that time. For my first months at the EEOC, where I continued as an assistant to Judge Thomas, there were no sexual conversations or overtures. However., during the Fall and Winter of 1982, these began again. The comments were random and ranged from pressing me ab<)ut why I didn't go our with him to remarks about my personal appearance:. I remember his saying that someday I would have to give him the real reason that I wouldn't go out with him. He began to show real displeasure in his tone of voice, his dcmt-anor and his continued pressure for an explanation. He commented on what I was wearing in terms of whether it made me more or less sexually attractive. The incidents occurred in his inner office at the EEOC. One of the oddest episodes I remember was an occasion in which Thomas was drinking a Coke in his office. He got up from the rablc at which we were working, went over to his desk to get tbe Coke, looked at the can, and said, "Who has put pubic: hair on my Coke?" On Other occasions he referred to the siz.c of his own penis as being larger than normal and be also spoke on some occasions of the pleasures he had given to women with oral sex. At this point, late 1982, l began to feel severe stress on the job. I began to be concerned that Clarence Thomas might take it out on me by downgrading me or not giving me important assignments. I also thought that he migh.t find an excuse for dismissing me. In January of 1983, I began looking for another job. I was handi- capped lx.-cause I feared that if he found out, he might make it difficult

324 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAM I LY

for me ro find to her employment and I might be dismissed from the job I had. Another factor that made my search more difficult was tha t this was a period of a government hiring freeze. In February, 1983, 1 was hospitalized for five days on an emergency basis for a n acute stomach pain which I attributed ro stress on the job. Once out of the hospital, I became more committed to find other employment and sought further to minimize my contact with Thomas. This became easier when Allyson Duncan Ix-came office d irector because most of my work was handled with her and I had contact with Clarence Thomas mostly in staff meet- ings. In the Spring of 1983, an opportunity to teach law at Ora l Roberts University opened up. I agreed to take the job In large part because of my desire to escape the pressures I fel t a t the EEOC due to Thomas. When I informed him that I was leaving in July, I recall that bis response was that now I "would no longer ha"e a n excuse for nor going out with" him. I told him that I still preferred nor ro do so. Ar some rime after that meeting, he asked if he could rake me to dinner at the end of my term. When I de-dined, he assured me that the dinner was a professional cour- tesy only a nd nor a social invitation. I reluctantly agreed t<) accept that

in vitation bur only if it was a t the very end of a workday. O n, as I recall, the last day of my employment at the EEOC in the summer of 1983, I did have dinner with Clarence Thomas. We went directly from work to a restaurant near the office. We talked about the work I had done both at Education a nd at EEOC. He told me that he was pleased with all of it except for an article and speech that I done for him when we were at the Office for Civil Righrs. Finally, he made a comment which I vividly remember. He said that if I eve. told an yone about his behavior toward me it could ruin his career. This was nor an apology nor was there any explanation. That was his last remark about the possibility of our going out or reference to his behavior. In July 1983, I lefr the Washington, D.C. area and have had minima l contact with Judge Clarence Thomas since.

THE HOPE SPEECH Harvey Milk

Harvey Milk delivered a message in 1978 that is just as relevant today. His message not only challenges our wi/J,'ngnes"S to embrace and ulebrau our differences, but it offers a message of hope. His 1mtimcly and tragit death serves as a reminder that we still have a very long tuay to go.

John Bogle

My name is Harvey Milk and I'm here co recruit you. I've bren saying this one for years. It's a political joke. I can't hdp

it- I've got to tell it. I've never been able to talk to this many political people before, so if I tell you nothing else you may be able to go home laughing a bit.

This ocean liner was going across the ocean and it sank. And there was one little piece <)f wood floating and three people swam to it and they rcaLized only one person could hold on to it. So they bad a little debate about which was the person. It so happened that the three people were rhe Pope, the President, and Mayor Daley. The Pope said he was titular head of one of the grearesr religions of rbe world and he was spiritua l adviser to many, many millions and he went on and pontificated and they thought it was a good argument. Then the President said he was leader of the largest a nd most powerful nation of the world. What takes place in this country affect., the whole world and they thought that was a good argument. And Mayor Daley said he was mayor of the back- bone of rhe Untied States and whar rook place in Chicago affected the world, and what took place in rhe archdiocese of Chicago affected

325

326 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

Catholicism. And they thought ,hat was a good argument. So they did it the democratic way and voted. And Daley won, seven to two.

About six months ago, Anita Bryant in her speaking to God said that the drought in California was because of the gay people. On November 9, the day after I got elected, it started to rain. On the day I got sworn in, we walked to City Hall and it was kinda nice, and as soon as I said the word "I do," it started to rain again. It's been raining since then and the people of San Francisco figure the only way to stOp it is to do a recall petition. That's the local joke.

So much for that. Why arc we here? Why arc gay people here? And what's happening? What's happening to me is the antithesis of what you read about in the papers and what you ht-ar about on the radio. You hear about and read about this movement to the right. That we must band together and fight back this movement tO the right. And I'm here to go ahead and say that what you hear and read is what they want you to think because it's not happening. The major media in this country has talked about the movement to the right so the legislators think that there is indeed a movement to the right and that the Congress and the legisla- tors and the city councils will start to move to the right the way the major media want them. So they keep on talking about this move to the right.

So let's look at 1977 and see if there was indeed a move to the right. In 1977, gay people had their rights. taken away from them in Miami. But you must remember that in the wrck before Miami and the week after that, the word homosexual or gay appeared in every single newspaper in this nation in articles both pro and con. In c,,cry radio station, in every TV station and every household. For the first time in the history of the world, everybody was talking about it, good or bad. Unless you have dialogue, unless you open the walls of dialogue, you can never reach to change people's opinion. In those two weeks, more good and bad, but more about the word homo- sexual and gay was written than probably in the hiswry of mankind. Once you have dialogue starting, you know you can break down prejudice. In 1977 we saw a dialogue Start. In 1977, we saw a gay person ck-cted in San Francisco. In 1977 we saw the state of Mississippi dt-crirninalizc marijuana. ln 1977, we saw the convention of conventions in Houston. And I want ro know where the movement to the right is happening.

What that is is a record of what happened last year. What we must do is make sure that 1978 continues the movement that is rcaUy happening that the media don't want you co know about. That is the movement to

The Hope Speech 327

the left. Ir's up to CDC to put the prcssurc,s on Sacramento-but to break dc)wn the walls and the barriers so the movement to the left continues and progress continues in the nation. We have before us coming up sev- eral issues we must speak out on. Probably the most important issue outside the Briggs- which we wiU come t<>-hut we do know what will take place this June. We know there's an issue on the baUot called Jarvis- Gann. We hear the taxpayers talk about it on both sides. But what you don't hear is that it's probably rhe most racist issue on the ballot in a long time. In the city and county of San Francisco, if it passes and we indt'Cd have to lay off people, who will they be? The last in, and the first in, and who are the last in bur the minoritits? Jarvis-Gann is a racist issue. We must address that issue. We must not talk away from it. We must not allow them to talk about the money it's going to save, because look ar who's going to save the money and who's going to get hurt.

We also have another issue that wt'v,e started in some of the nonh counties and I hope in some of the south counties it continues. In San Francisco elections we're asking--..t lease we hope to ask-that the U.S. government put pressure on the closing of the South African consulate. That must happen. There is a major difference between an embassy in Washington which is a diplomatic bureau .. and a consulate in major cities. A consulate is there for one reason only-to promote business, economic gains, tourism, invcsantnt. And every rime you have business going to South Africa, you're promoting a regime that's offensive.

In the city of San Francisco, if everyone o f 51 percent of that city were to go to South Africa, they would be treated as second-class citizens. That is an offense to the people of San Francisco and I hope all my col- leagues up there will take every step we can to close down that consulate and h<)pe that people in other parts of the State follow us in that lead. The battles must be started some place aod CDC is the greatest place ro Start the battles. I know we arc pressed for time so I'm going to cover just one more little point. That is to understand why it is imporrant that gay people run for office and that gay pcopk get elected. I know there arc many people in this room who arc running for central committee who arc gay. I encourage you. There's a major reason why. If my non-gay friends and supporters in this room understand it, they'll probably understand why l've run so often before I finally made it. Y'scc right now, there's a controversy going on in this convention about the gay governor. Is he speaking our enough? Is he strong enough for gay rights? And there

328 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

is controvrrsy and for us to say it is not would be foolish. Some people arc satisfied and some people arc not.

You sec there is am major diffcrene<--and it remains a vital difference- between a friend and a gay person, a friend in office and a gay perron in of6ct. Gay people have lx-en slandered nationwide. We've been tarred and we've been brushed with the picrnrc of pornography. In Dade Counry, we were accused of child molestation. It's not enough anymore just to have friends represent us. No matter how good that friend may be.

The black community made up its mind to that a long time ago. That the myths against blacks can omly be dispelled by electing black k-aders, so the black community could be judged by the leaders and not by the myths or black criminals. The Spanish community must not be judged by Latin criminals or myths. The Asian community must not be judged by Asian criminals or myths. The Italian community must not be judged by the mafia, myths. And the time has come when the gay communiry mus t not be judged by our criminals and myths.

like every other group, we must be judged by our leaders and by those who arc themselves gay, those who a re visible. For invisible, we remain in limbo-a myth, a person with no parents, no brothers, no sis- ters, no friends who arc straight, no important positions in emplO)'ITltnt. A tenth of the nation supp(>Sedl-y composed of stereorypes and would-be seducers of children-and no offense meant to the Stereotypes. But today, the black community is not judged by its friends, but by its black lcgisla- rors and lcadrrs. And we must give people the chance to judge us by our leaders and legislators. A gay person in office can set a cone, con com- mand respect nor only from the larger community, but from the young people in our own community who need both examples and hope.

The first gay people we elect must be strong. They must not be content to sit in the back of the bus. They must not be content to accept pablum. They must be above wheeling and dealing. They must be-for the good of all of us- independent, unbought. The anger and the frustrations that some of us feel is because we arc misunderstood, and friends can't fed the anger and frustration. They can sense it in us, but they can't feel it. Because a friend has never gone through what is known as coming out. J wiU never forget what ir was lik,c coming out and having nobody to look up toward. I remember the lack of hop<~ and our friends can't fulfill it.

The /.lope Speech 329

I can't forget the looks on faces of people who've lost hope. Be they gay, be they seniors, be they blacks looking for an a lmost-impossilbe job, be they Latins trying to c.xplain their problems and aspirations in a tongue that's foreign tO them. I pcrsonaUy will never forget that people are more important than buildings. [ use the word "I" because I'm proud. I stand here tonight in front of my gay sisters, brothers and friends because I'm proud of you. I think it's time that we have many legislators who arc gay and proud of that fact and do not have to rcm:un in the closer. I think that a gay person, up-front, will not walk away from a responsibility and be afraid of being tossed out of office. After Dade County, I walked among the angry and chc frustrated night after night and I looked at their faces. And in San Frnncisco, three days before Gay Pride Day, a person was killed just because he was gay. And that night, I walked among the sad and the frustrated at City Hall in San Francist(> and later that night as they lit candles on C.astro Street and stood in silence, reaching our for some symbolic thing that would give them hope. These were strong people, whose faces I knew from tbe shop, the succtS, meetings and people who I never saw before hut I knew. They were strong, bur even they needed hope.

And the young gay people in the Altoona, Pennsylvanias and the Richmond, ~linncs.otas who arc coming out and hear Anita Bryant on television and her story. The only thing they have to look forward tO is hope. And you have tO give them hope. Hope for a better world, hope for a better tomorrow, hope for a better plate to come tO if the pressures at home arc too great. Hope that all will be aU right. Without hope, not only gays, but the blacks, the seniors, the handicapped, the us'es, the us'es will give up. And if you help dect to tbe central committee and other offices, more gay people, that gives a green light to all who feel disenfranchised, a green light to move forward. It means hope to a nation that has given up, because if a gay pcrso:n makes it, the doors arc open ro everyone.

So if there is a message I have to give., it is that I've found one over- tiding thing about my personal election, it's the fan that if a gay person can be elected, it's a green light. And you and you and you, you have to give people hope. Thank you very much.

330 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

In 1977, when he won a seat on the San Francisco Board of S11/Jervisors, Harvey Milk became the first ope11ly gay elected official in the U11ited States. Less tha11 one year later, on November 27, 1978, Milk was gunned down along with San Francisco Mayor George Moscone. The shooter was Supervisor Dau White, a conservative board member ruho had camp.aigned 011 a platform of law and order, civic pride, and family values.

\Vhite, packing a gun and extra bullets, climbed through a window i11 City Hall i11 order to confront Milk and Moscone about his troubled te1111re on the Board of Supervisors. After shooting Moscone four times at close ra11ge, White reloaded his gun, walked to the other side of the buildi11g, and invited Milk into his former office. White shot Milk in the arm, the chest, and twice in the head. He then fled the building the same way that he had entered. A feru hours after Dia11e Feinstein, who became Acting Mayor; named l,i111 as a suspect, White t11n1ed hinzs£4f in.

On May 21, 1979. after \White was convicted of volulllary man- slaughter and sentenced to five to seven years in prison for killing both mL'fl, (JrolesfC)rs gathered at City Hall to vent their outrage over the verdict. In what has come to be k11ow11 as ··White Night,'' demonstra- tors broke windows at City Hall, burned police cars, and clashed with police at various flashpoints throughout the city.

1n 1985, after servi11g just over five years i11 Soledad priso11 and 011e year of J>arole in Los Angeles, White returned to San Fra11cisco despite Mayor Feinstein's public objections. On October 21, 1985, seven years after the assassinations, White killed himself in the garage of his wifes home. White's suicide did not provoke any sig11ificant public reaction.

PAUL FARMER ON STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE, AIDS AND

HEALTH CARE

Because ofrontact with p'.'tients, physi~ians re'.'djly appreciate ~h.at large-scale SOCLal forces- racism, gender mequatity, poverty, polot,eal v10- lcncc and war, and sometimes tbc very policies that address them~ften determine who falls ill and who has accc,ss to care. For practitioners of public health, the social detenninants of disease arc eve□ harder to disre- gard.

Unfonunatcly, this awareness is seldom translated into formal frame- works that link social analysis to everyday clinical practice. One reason for this gap is that the holy grail of modern medicine remains the search for the molecular basis of disease. While the practical yield of such cir- tumscrihcd inquiry has been enormous, cxdusive focus on mo]ccular- lcvel phenomena has contributed to the increasing "desocialization" of scientific inquiry: a tendency to ask only biological questions ab<)ut what are in fact biosocial phenomena [l).

Biosocial understandings of medical phenomena arc urgently needed. All those involved in public health sense chis, especially when they serve populations living in poverty. Social amalysis, however rudimentary, occurs at the bedside, in the clinic, in field sites, and in the margins of the biomedical literature. It is to be found, for example, in any significant survey of adherence to therapy for chronic diseases [2,3) and in studies of what were onct rcnncd "sociaJ diseases"' such as venereal disease and tuberculosis (TB) [4-8). The emerging phenomenon of acquired resistance to antibiotics- iaduding antibacterial, antiviral, and anti parasitic agents- is perforce a biosocial process, one which began less than a century ago as novel treatments were introduced (9). Social analysis is heard in discus-

331

332 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

sions about illnesses for which significant environmental components arc believed 10 exist, such as asthma and lead poisoning [10-15]. Can we speak of the "natural history" of any of these diseases without addressing socia I forces, including racism, pollution, poor housing, and poverty, that shape their course in both individuals and populations> Docs our clinical practice acknowledge what we already know-namely, that social and environmental forces will limit the effectiveness of our treatments> Asking these questions needs to be the beginning of a conversation within medi- cine and public health, rather than the end of one.

Box 1. What ls Structural Violence?

Structural viole11ce, a term coined by Johan Galtung and by liberation theologians during the I 960s, describes social StrUctures----cconomic, political, legal, religious, and cultural-that stop individuals, groups, and societies from n.-aching their full potential [57]. In its general usage, the word violence often conveys a physical image; however, according co Galtung, it is the '·avoidable impairmcar of fundamental human nt'<.-ds or ... the impairment of human life, which lowers the actual degrt-c to which someone is able to mt-ct their nel'<ls below that which would oth- erwise be possible" (58]. Structural violence is often embedded in long• standing "ubiquitous social structures, normalized by stable institutions and regular experience" [59]. Because they seem so ordinary in our ways of understanding the world, they appear almost invisible. Disparate access 10 resources, political power, education, health care, and legal standing are just a few examples. The idea of struchtral violence is linked very closely to social i11j11stice and the social machinery of Oppression [16].

DEFINLNG STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE

The term .. structural violtncc'' is one way of describing social arrange- ments that put individuals and populations in harm's way (see Box I) [16). The arrangements arc struch1ral because they arc embedded in the political and economic organization of o ur social world; rhl-y arc violent because they cause injury to pe(>ple (typically, not those rcspon.,iblc for perpetuating such inequalities). \Vith few c.xce-ptions, clinicians arc not trained to under- stand such social forces., nor arc we trained ro alter them. Yet it has long been dear that many medical and public health interventions will fail if we arc unable to understand the social determinants of disease [1 7,18].

Paul Farmer on Strrutural V,olence, AIDS and I-lea/th Care 333

The good news is that such biosocial understanclings arc far more "actionable" than is widely recognized. There is already a vast and grow- ing array of diagnostic and therapeutic tools born of scientific research; it is possible to use these tools in a manner informed by an understanding of structural violence and its: impact on disease distribution and on every step of the process leading from diagnosis to effective care. This means work- ing at multiple levels, from "distal" intcr.•cntions-pcrformed late in the process, when patitnt.'i are already sick-to "proximal" interventions-- trying to prevent illness through efforts such as vaccination or improved water and housing quality.

As with many other concepts, structura) violence has its limitations [19J. Nevertheless, we seek to apply the concept to what remain the primary tasks of clinical medicine: preventing premature death and dis- ability and improving the lives of those we care for. Using the concept of structural violence, we intend to begin, or revive, discussions about socia) forces beyond the control of our patients_

These forces arc not beyond the rcaclh, however, of practitioners of medicine and pub)jc health. In this article, we describe examples of the impact of structural violence upon people living with HIV in the United States and in Rwanda. In both cases, we show that it is possible to address structural violence through structural interventions. We then draw general lessons from these examples for health professi<lnals and policy makers worldwide.

DELIVERING AIDS CARE EQUITABLY IN THE UNITED STATES

The distribution and outcome of chronic infectious diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, are so tightly Linked to social arrangements that it is difficult for clinicians treating these diseases to i,gnorc social factors. Although AIDS is often considered a "social disease," clinicians may have radi- cally different understandings of what m,ikcs AIDS "social." Many doc- tors have focused on the "behaviors" or "lifestyles" that place some at risk for HIV infection [20-23J. Yet risk has never been determined solely by individual behavior: susceptibility to infection and poor outcomes is aggravated by social factors such as poverty, gender inequality, and racism (24-26). Unsurprisingly, in less than a decade AIDS became a disease that disproportionately affected America's poor, many of whom engaged in

334 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAM I LY

"risk behaviors" at a far lower ra te than others who were not at height- ened risk of infection with sexu ally transmitted diseases (27- 29).

Factors affecting disease co urse-

1--UV attacks the immune system in only one way, but its course and out- come a rc shaped by social forces having little to do with the un iversal pathophysiology of the disease. From the outset of acute HIV infection t<) the endgame of recurrent opport unistic infections, disrase course is deter- mined by, to cite but a few obvious factors: (1) whether or not postcxpo- sure prophylaxis is available; (2) whether or not the steady decline in immune function is hastened b-y concurrent i11ntss or malnutrition; (3) whether or not multiple HIV infections occur; (4) whether or not TB is prevalent in the surrounding environment; (5) whether or not prophylaxis for opportunistic infections is reliably available (30); a nd (6) whether or not antiretro ,•iral therapy (A!RT) is offered to all those needing it.

Throughout the usually decade-long process of HIV progression, det- rimental social structures a nd constructs- structural violence-have a profound influence on effective diagnosis, Staging, and crcaancnt of the disease and its associated pathologies. Each of these determinants of dis- ease course and outcome is itself shaped by the very social forces that determine variable risk of infect ion.

Although the variability of outcomes has been especially obvious in the era of effective therapy, it was so even before ART became widely available. In Baltimore in the ea rly 1990s, Moore ct al. showed tha t race was ass,><:iated with the timely receipt of therapeutics: a mong patients in fe,:ted with HIV, blacks were significantly less likely than whites to have received ART or Pnemn<>c.ystis pneumonia prophylaxis when they were first referred to a n HIV clinic, regardless of disease stage at the time of presentation (3 I]. The timclinc from HIV infection to death was further shortened in situations w here TB was the leading opportunistic in fection, as it is in much of the poor world (32). These funda mentally biosocial events call into question a " natura l history" of HIV infection and AIDS.

Addressing disparities in HIV care

In an attempt to address these ethnic disparities in care, resea rchers and clinicians in Baltimore rcportC<! how racism and poverty- forms of

Paul Farmer on Strrutural V,olence, AIDS and I-lea/th Care 335

structural violence, though they did not use these specific terms-were embodied (33,34] as excess mortality among African Americans without insurance. After documenting thtsc disparities, these clinicians and researchers asked: what would happen if race and insurance Status no longer determined who had access to the standard of care?

Their subsequent interventions were decidedly proximal: in addition to removing some of the obvious economic barriers at the point of care, the clinicians and researchers considered paying for transportation costs and other incentives as wdJ as addressing comorbid conditions ranging from drug addiction to mental illness. They also impl<mentcd improve- ments in community-based care, conceived to make AIDS care more convenient and socially acceptable for patients. The goal was to make sure that nothing within the medical system or the surrounding commu- nity prevented poor and otherwise marginalized patients from receiving the standard of care.

The results registered just a few years la<Cr were drarnacic: racial, gc,adei; inj~-cion-drug use, and socioeconomic disparities in outcomes largely dis- appeared within the study populacion [3.5). In other words, these program improvements may nor have dealt with the lack of national health insur- ance, and still less with the persistent problems of racism and urban poverty, but they did lessen the embodimcent of social inequalities as pre- mature death from AIDS. Similar work elsewhere has shown the ability of providers to lessen the impact of social inequalities on AIDS outcomes among the homeless, the addicted, the mtmally ill, and prisoners [36-38].

The program in Balcimorc was impr<wed in part by linking an under- standing of s<><:ial context to clinical services. The importance of such programs is underscored by the emergence of mulcidrug-resistant HN in the United States (39]. Microbial acquisition of resistance t<) antibiocics, including antirctrovirals, is necessarily a biosocial phenomenon. Most microbes mutate when challenged with antibiotics; the rate of mutation may be hastened by imprudent use, of antibiocics or by inadequate or intcrrupted therapy [40,41]. Although Structural violence lcssc,ns both

access and adherence to effective therapy, it is a rarely discussed contributor to epidemics of multidrug-rcsistant HIV. In reality, it is impossible to understand the dynamics of drug-resistant disease without understanding how structural violence- is embodied at rhc community, individual, and microbial levels [9,42]. The lessons from Baltimore show us that by viewing access to care and adherence to treatment as structural

336 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAM I LY

issues requiring programmatic solutions, we can a1rer the very biology of HIV and the "natural hist<lry" of AIDS.

PRE VENTING PEDIATRIC AIDS IN RWANDA:

LESSONS FROM RURAL HAITI

The impact of structural violence is even more obvious in the world's poorest countries and has profound implications for those seeking t<)

provide clinical services the.re. Over the past year, working with the non- profi t organization Pa rcncrs In H ealth (PIH), we have sought to address

AIDS and T B in Africa, the world's poorest a nd most heavily burdened continent. Specifical ly, we have transplanted and adapted the "PIH model" of ca re, which was designed in rural Haiti to prevent the embodi- ment of poverty and social inequalities as excess mortality due to AIDS, T B, malaria, and other diseases of poverty (43,44).

T he PIH model

In some senses, the model is simple: clinical and c.ommunity barriers ro care arc removed as diagnosis and treatment arc declared a public go,)d

and made available free of charge to patients living in poverty. Furthermore, AIDS care is delivered not only .in the conventional way at the clinic, but also within the villages in which our patienrs work and live.

Each patient chooses an acwmpagnateur, usually a neighbor, trained to deliver drugs and other supportive care in the patient's home. Using this model, we currently provide daily supervised ART to more than 2,200 patients in rural Haiti. This model, with conventional clinic-based (dista l)

services complemented by home-based (more proximal) care, is deemed by some to be the world's most effective way of removing structural bar-

riers to quality care for AIDS and other chronic diseases. It is also a way

of creating jobs in rural regions in great need of them. We have used a similar model in urban Peru (45,46], a nd in Boston, Massachusetts (37).

T he challenge of HI V in R waoda

Rwanda presents unique chaJlcnges, but many barriers to care are quire similar to those S<.-Cn in Haiti and other settings where socia.l upheaval, poverty, and gender inequality d ecrease the effectiveness of distal services

Paul Farm er on S trrutu ral V , o l e nc e , AIDS and I-l e a/th Ca re 337

and of prevention efforts. like Haiti, Rwanda is a densely populated, predominantly agraria n society. Although both countries have endured large-scale political violence, rhat which registered a decade ago in Rwanda due to war and genocide was unprecedented in scale. In the two rural districts of Rwanda in which the PIH modtl was introduced in May 2005, an estimated 60 percent of inhabitants a re refugees, returning exiles, or recent settlers; not a singk physician was prc.~cnt to serve 350,000 people.

AIDS has recently worsened this situation and is a leading cause of young adult death . In spite of the availability of significant resources ro treat complications of 1-11\/ infection iin Africa, almost all patients enrolled on ART live in cities or towns. lndecd, some have noted that rapid treatment scale-up is likely ro occur largely in urban settings, where infrastructure, though poor, is better than in rural regions [47]. The chal- lenge, however, is ro reach rural Africa, where fewer than five percent of those who need ART receive it. Rural treatment scale-up is far from impossible: less than a year after our program began in 2005, more than 1,500 rural Rwandans with AIDS were a lready enrolled in care using rhe PII-1 model.

To deepen our discussion of interventions designed to counter Struc- tural violence, consider the prevention of mother-to-child transmission (MTCT) of HIV in rural Rwanda. Whcrc clean water is unavailable a nd HIV prevalence is high, the policy of un iversal breast-fccding--<iriven by the desire to reduce diarrhea-related mortality- leads to increased trans- mission of the virus to in fants, even when ART is offered. We knew from our experience in Haiti that we could reduce rates of MTCT from as high as 25 to 40 percent to as low as two percent. We knew that such a d ra- matic reduction could be made possible by: (I) providing combination ART to the mother d uring pregnancy; (2 ) enabling formula-feeding a nd close follow-up of infants; and (3) launching potable water projects within the catchment area-in even the most difficult regions, where electricity i., scarce, food ins,-curity widespread, a nd health and sanita- tion infrastructure rudimentary at best [ 48].

Although our pi lot project in Rwanda is only a year old , its feasibility is almost certain. In the first six months of operation, we screened for HIV infection more than 3 I ,000 persons in the two districts in which we work. Without exception, pregnant women found to be infected with HIV expressed interest in ART to prevent MTCT, and a ll requested

338 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAM I LY

assistance nor only with procuring infant formula, bur also with the means to b<)il water a nd to store the formula safely.

MEDI CAL PROFESSIONALS ARE NOT TRAJNED TO MAKE STRUCTURAL INTERVENT IONS

Our distal intervention is to provide ART to a U women in the catchment area with the- help o( accompag11ate11rs. More proximal interventions include the distribution of kerosene stoves, kerosene, bottles, a nd infant formula; we also provide food aid and housing assistance when possible. Already, we are seeing a lowering of HIV infection rares amongst new- borns, and we believe tbat, as the program becomes well established and services become availab1c earlier during the course of pregnancy, rates of MTCT will continue to decline.

Unsurprisingly, opposition to the PIH model did not come from rural Rwandan women living with 1-llV. Rather, we faced the most resistance to this approach from local and global health polity makers who contin- ued to promote universal breast-feeding, a p(>licy which made eminent sense prior ro the advent of HIV. Instead of crying ro overcome program· rnaric barriers, the experts argu ed that formula-feeding was simply not feasible in rura I Rwanda a nd that HIV-related stigma would prevent women from enrolling in such projects.

The exampk-s of Rwanda and Haiti have shown us that, to date, there is little reason to believe that thoughtful srructural interventions will fail to improve HIV prevention and treaanent outcomes. Any failure is more likely to be due ro programmatic shortfaUs than to stigma or to non-compliance on the part of the patients enrolled in the program. Structural interventions of the sort described here remove the onus of adherence from vulnerable patients and place it squarely on the health system and on providers.

li'ICORPORAT ING STR UCTU RAL INTERVENTIONS IN MEDlCIN E AND PUBLIC H EALTH

If structural violence is often a major determinant of the distribution and outcome of disease, why is it o r a similar concept not in wider circulation in medicine and public health, especially now rhar our interventions can radically alter clinical outcomes? One reason is that medical professionals a.re not trained to make structural interventions. Physicians can rightly

Paul Farmer on Strrutural V,olence, AIDS and I-lea/th Care 339

note that structural interventions arc ''not our job."' Yet, since structura.1 interventions might arguably have a grtatc:r impact on disease control than do conventional clinical interventions, we would do well to pay hccd to them.

Acknowledging and addressing stru<:rural impediments, however, should never be the sole focus of our work. For decades, those who study the determinant.,;: of disease have known that social or structural forces account for most epidemic disease. But truisms such as (,!poverty is the root cause o f tuberculosis" have not led us very far. Whi le we do not yet have a curative prescription for poverty, we do know how to cure TB. Those who argue that focusing solely o n economic development will in time wipe out tuberculosis may be corrc~ct, but ca route toward this uto- pia the body count will remain high if care is not taken to diagnose a nd treat the sick. The same holds true for o ther diseases of povcrry. Clean water and sanitation will prevent cases of ryphoid fever, bur those who fall ill need antibiotics; cit-an water comes too late for them.

The debate about whether to focus on proximal versus distal intervcn- tionst or similar debates about how best to use scarce resources, is as old as medicine itself. Bur there is little compelling evidence thar we musr make such either/or choic.es: distal and proximal interventions are com- plementary, not competing. International public health is rife with false debates along precisely these lines, and the list of impossible choices facing those who work among the destitute sick seems endless. In reality, there is no good way to tackle the health crisis in Africa when the scam resources previously available are so bittt"rly cont<>Stcd; thus is structural violence perpetuated at a time in which science and medicine continue to yield truly miraculous tools. Without an equity plan to bring these tools to bear on the health problems of the destitute, these debates will con- tinue to waste pm:ious time (49].

The lessons of Baltimore, Haiti, and Rwanda

What arc the lessons that can be drawn from the examples of successful structural interventions in the diverse strtings of Baltimore, ru ral Haiti, and rural Rwanda? First, we have seen tlnat it is possible to decrease the extent to which social inequalities become embodied as health dispari- ties. While some interventions arc straightforward, we also ha vc to recognize that there is an enormous flaw in the dominant model of

340 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAM I LY

medical care: as long as medical services arc sold as commodities, they wiU remain available only to those who can purchase them. National health insurance and other social safety nets, including th<,sc that guar- antee primary education, fo('>CI security, and clean water, are important because they promise rights, rather than commodities, to citizens. The lack of these social a nd economic righrs is fundamental to the perpetua- tion of structural violence (50).

Second, we have learned that proximal interventions, seemingly quite remote from the practice of clinical medicine, can also lessen premature morbidity a nd mortality. To put this in sociological terms, interventions that increase the agency of the poor will lessen their risk of HIV. Similarly, it is not possible to have an honest discussion of a lcoholism among Native America ns [ 51 ), o r crack cocaine addiction a mong African Americans [521, without discussing the history of genocide and slavery in North America. Again, such commentary is often seen as extraneous in medical and public ht-a.Ith circles, where discussions of su bstance abuse arc curiously dcsocializcd, viewed as personal a nd psychological prob- lems rather than societal ones. Herc, too, structural violence is perpetu- ated through analytic omission.

Third, we have K-en that stiructuraJ interventions can have an enor- mous impact o n outcomes., even in the face of cost-effectiveness analyses and the flawed policies of international bodies. Taking the components of the distal interventions alread y underway in Rwanda- infant formula, clean water, fuel, and so forth-it is possible to go further and describe more proximal interventions co improve access ro each component of the project. These would include, of course, legislation to promote generic medications, improved distribution networks for ART and infant for- mula, clean-water campaigns, and the development of alternative fuels. More proximally still, they wouHd include enhancing agricultural produc- tion; creating new jobs outside of the agricultura l sector; addressing gender inequality through legislation about land tenure and political rcp- rcscntarion (53]; and promoting adult Literacy.

These are nor the tasks for which clinicians were trained, but they arc central to the struggle to reduce premature suffering and death. The importance of Structural intrrvemions for the future of health care means that practitioners of medicine and pubLic health must make common cause with others who arc trained to intervene- more proximaUy. Sometimes public health crises, such as the AJDS pandemic in Africa, can

Paul Farmer on Strrutural V,olence, AIDS and I-lea/th Care 341

lead to bold and specific interventions, such as the campaign to provide AIDS prevention and care as a public good (54]. When linked tO more structural interventions, such ostensibly specific campaigns can help to trigger a "virtuous social cycle" that promises to shift the burden of pathology away from children and young adults- a major victory in the struggle to lessen structural violence.

CONCLUSIONS

Pioneers of modern public health during the nineteenth century, such as Rudolph Virchow, understood that epidemic disease and dismal life cxp<-ctancies were tightly linked to social conditions (55,56J. Such leaders might not have employed the term "structural violence," but they were well aware of irs toll and argued compellingly for proximal inter- ventions: c-clucarion, basic sanitation, land rcfonn, sovereignty, and an e:nd to political oppression. These interventions arc no less needed now that we ha vc betttr distal tools, including vaccines, diagnostic.,;, and a large armamentarium of effective therapeutics.

It docs not matter what we call it: structural violence remains a high- ranking cause of premature death and disability. We can begin to address this by "rcsocializing" our understanding of disease distribution and outcome. Even new diseases such as AIDS have quickly become diseases of the poor, and the development of cffr-crivc therapies may have a per- verse effect if we arc unable to use them where they are needed most. By insisting that our services be delivered equitably, even physicians who work on the distal interventions characteristic of clinical medicine have much to contribute to reducing the toll of structural violence. The poor are the natural consritucnrs of public health, and physicians, as Virchow argued, arc the natural attorneys of the poor. In this struggle, equity in healthcare is our responsibility. Only when we link our efforrs tO those of others committed to initiating virtuous soda] cycles can we expect a future in which medicine attains irs noblest goals.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors work with large teams of providcrs-accompagnatet4Ts, social workers, nurses} physicians-in both Haiti and Rwanda. We arc deeply grateful to our colleagues.

342 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

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violence and racial disparit)' in heteroSC'xuaJ HJV infection. J Health Care Poor Undmerwd 15, 319-335. FL'ID THIS ARTICLE ONLINE

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vio!C'ncc. Curr Anthropol 45: 322. FJND THIS ARTICLE ONLINE 20. ( 1987} AIDS, homophobia, nnd biorncdjcal discourse: An epidemic of signification.

AIDS: Cultural analysis, cultural acti,·ism. In: Crimp D, editor. Cambridge (MA):

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2 1. ( 1988) AIDS, gender, and biomedical discourse: Current contests for meaning. AIDS:

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prenatal clinics in the mid.west. J Pcrinatol 19: 48.l-487. ANO THIS ARTICLE ONLINE

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ONLINE

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344 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

32. Lucas SB, Hounnou A, Peacock C, Beaumd A, Djom.:md G, ct al. (1993} The mor•

taliry and pathology of HIV infa-cion in a west African city. AIDS 7: 1569-1579. FIND THJS ARTICLE OKLJNE

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34. (1994) The political economy of injury and compassion: .amputttS on the Thai• Cambodian border. In: Csordas TJ, editor. Cambridge: Cambridge. University Press.

pp. 69-99 . .15. Chaisson RF.., Keruly JC, Moore RO ( 1995) Ra.cc, sex, d.rug use, and progression of

hum:m immunodc6cien-cy virus disease. N Engl J Med .133: 751-756. FlND THLS ARTICLE ONLINE

.16. BanJ:?berg D, Tulsky JP, Hecht F~1, Moss AR ( 1997) Protease inhibitors in the

homeless. JAMA 278, 63-65. FIND HUS ARTICLE ONLINE 37. Brhforouz HL, Farmer PE, MukheriC't' JS (2004) From direccly observed therapy to

accompaguateurs: Enhancing AJDS trc:-anncnt outcomes in Haiti and in Boston. Clin Infect Dis 38, S429-S436. FIND THIS ARTICLE ONLINE

.18. M.icty JA, Macalino GE, Bazerm:J n LB, Loewenth:Jl HG, Hogan JW, et al {2005)

The use of co mmw1ity•b.'tsed modi.6ed direc:dy obser\'cd ther:tpy for the treatment of

HIV.infected persons. J Acquir Immune De.fie Syndr 39: 545-550. ANO THIS ARTICLE ONLINE

.19. little SJ, Holte S, Rout')' JP, O:Jar E.S, Markowitz M, et :ii. (2002) Anriretroviral.drug resist1nce among patients recently infected with HIV. N Engl J Med .147: 385-394.

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THIS ARTICLE ONLINE 41. del Rio C, Grt'cn S, Abrams C, len.noxJ (2001 ) From diagnosis toundete<:table~ The

reality of HfV/AJDS ca.re in the inner cit)' !abstract]. 8th Annual Confe.renct on

Retroviruses and Opportunistic Infections; 200 I 4-8 February; Chi<.-ngo, Illinois,

United St:itC'S of America. Available.: http://gatC"way.nlm.nih.go\•/MectingAbstracts/

102244586.httnl. Accessed 20 September 2006. 42. (2005) Social and cul rural factors in tropical medicine: Rcframjng our understanding

of diseaSC'. In: Guerrant RL, Wall:er OH, Weller PF, editors. New York: Elsevier.

pp. 26-35.

43. Fanner P, Lcandre F, Mukherjee JS, Claude MS, Nevil P, et al. (2001) Community• ba.,;ed approaches to HIV a-eacment in resource•poor settings. L-tncet 358: 404-409.

FIND nos ARTICLE ONLINE 44. Walton DA, Farmer PE, Lamben W, Uandre F, Koenig SP, et al. (2004) lntrgran-d

HIV pl't'\·encion and care strengthens primary health care: Lessons from rural J-lniti.

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Paul Farmer on Strrutural V,olence, AIDS and I-lea/th Care 345

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divide. Proc: Nar Acad Sci 103, 14228-14233_ FINO THIS ARTICLE ONLl1\'E 48. Raymonville M, Uandre F, Saintar<l R, Colas M, Louissaint M (2004} PreYencion of

mother-to-chiJd transmission of HIV in rural Haiti: The Partners In Health experi-

em:e lposterl. A Multicultural Caribbean United Against HIV/AIDS; 2004 5-7 March;

Samo Domingo, Dominican Republic. 49. Farmer P (2001) The majo r infectious diseases in the world-to treat or not to treat?

N Engl J Med 345, 208-210. AND THIS ARTICLE ONLINE 50. Farmer PE (2005) Pathologies- of power: l-lcalth, human rights, and the new war cm

the poor. 2nd edition. Berkeley: Uni••trsity of California Prt'Ss.

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53. Lacey M (2005 February 26) Women's voices rise :is Rwanda rt"invent."- itself. The New Yor-k Times; Sect A: I (col 3). Available: http://www.pcacewomen.org/news/ Rwanda/Feh05/ voicesriSC'.html. Accessed 20 September 2006.

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FBI FILE ON ALFRED KINSEY

Alfred C. Kinsey was born 011 August 23, 1894, iu Hoboken, New Jersey. He taught Zoology and Biology at Indiana Universt'ly. He wettt l-0 t:ollege

at Harvard University and turote a textbook ou biology. His speda/ty was the naming, desaibing and dassification of insta.s. He later did a study on ~xual behavior of males and females and worked at the Sex Research

Institute~ Tncorporaud al Indiana University. He died 011 August 25, 1956~

at Bloomingt.011_, Indiana.

All docments appear in their o riginal government file format with redact ions intact.

347

348 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAM I LY

: . Office MenG'andum - (JJ@

• ONITRD STATES GOVS R.}lfWB NT

TO (;/ll/S?

SA!:, Ir.di&llllpolb (1 45-107)

IUaJICT: :.r::::cr.r.· 31.iB~Cl'; ·:.uea.reh lr.aUtnto,

\ ,. l s.di.a: 1& 'C11iver1ity ~ r 'C:: - _, . .;;a institute, t:-~ucceseor to the ~ ~,,eorc~

I• ,ctr,ute , cperat•s t~"Otl th c&:1pua ot the lr.d.1.ar.a University at. 9 0~1 nzr p nd r.a · hough it ia not tinar.ced by the ,·n1vlfsity. ~ror. M•· - !!Al'J> ot lrul1-l!&. l/J;J-r•r•ity ia /ii,) director or t bis l.nat tut e, and :tAlIDi!LL ~ JI~.! ot I ~d~e.,a ,r.iveraity is director ot tiald service for the i r.stitct,:--

O, )/2)/~7, SA - lwao adyised by tho Ac.deraon , L~dic.a PJ that tttey ttere hCM.d.inJ tnntv-nve reela o!' .. ,~ and tifteej ro&la of l6r.1r.1 obsceno r11:.~si pl.a}'i.UC cardo , boo' :s and pha;:,phl•~•. all also ot obse•~• r.&tl:..-.. "":~e .\:.derao:: P!) bad ea:~er. th.e a 't-ove oaterial !'N,:!;. t,10 tool t o:<es 11:,10;, a cab driver hacl been gl,ytn ~10 tQ 9b;&11l Ci'9Q Pe.-:neylTania !ailroad Stat ioc. locket-a, that city, alter ,~iic:: ~e tms t o oxpreee the·- as deaigr.at cd to the nesea.rcl'. ~st.in:.~• a -: l r.diana l: :--.1Te!"s1t•,. necauae or the ~ ,;:al ci.rec.-sta~ces , t~I cat driver reported t.hia i ncident to e~e A.,derson Pn. ,mich departr.er.:t in tw-n, ,lit?I the assista.,ce or t.?\• Special Agct or t.h• ttaUwar ~•• Co;:p&ry, oo" fieoated th• t'ila, after ,,bich the;r aano the ec.pty boxes 0:1 t o !!looctr:..,;ton , I:-.d.iana. ·

- -- SA lat BlocY.'1.'14,ton, Ind.tan.a ,iaa advioed b)' PA111, !8!ll:ARD, t"he director or the institute, t!,at •hip-,ar.t ma not e,:peoted by hir., nor had arra:i:e:-:er.ts been ;::ade by t.l\e inatituu tor the ahipc:ent ot t he L.&terial to • t.'m : . Ha stated that au ahipc:e~to ot obscene i:,atorial to t •1e ir,st.itut• were arranead by hitl "in 11gr11enent \dtb State a.~ ;"ed.eral laws," ar..d l'\Jrther that o.:: c«-a•iono lffll:1 obacene C!4tter 1,as purchaHd tram individual• 1 that latter would deli var the :::atter personally to the institute at Bloocln;:ton .

~ - Bureau l - Ind.ianapolli

,,, 1(,,-6'. , ,

'1.1 /4-,7

RECORDED • 5Z INDEXED· ~7 1, atlf;l I ,

{ < I

FBl F,fe on i\l{rej Kinsey 349

IP 145-107

o-.:,.J./1?1<7 !ll tiU.-IJbbed bi -:-c=,--- / I after the

!a~r had be•~-aho,m tne .1.0C1:, tll-. aeiiea by the A:,deroon PD; tr.at sue!> tilm ia idont~h that sold bv a r.llll..J·thor. he l:r.ew only aa (FY.l') -

SA ws adv bed by WA!IDELL B. PCC::!!OY of tte at o•• L'istitute , Blocx:ingto~ , th.at he bad contacted t~eA;:derao., PD conceming the obscene aatter orip!>ally contained 111 t;,o tl>Ol boxes w!>ich \1118 shipped to .lnderoon since th• 1nst:1tute wao interested 111 the ob•cene tta.tter ror roaoerch work, l'O; Jl:?OY disclabtd an7 kno11ledge or t~• ide~tity <Sf the sender of theso 'boxes and clair..od that the 1:Ultitute bad rade r.o arr&"!;e:-'.0:11; for the receipt o;' the obeceoe :iatur prior to its being seixed by e.~e Ar.derson ~ .

S.\ detan:J.uod at Anderaon, that Pa:l.:tOY ~.ad obtained a:: order rr... the ::ad.11<>11 County Circuit C~ diN~...1-nc the P~ to NlM$& t,.h,e obscene c:.atter to t~e inatit,;.te upor. t!ie cco:ple~ion or th• cattor by the local P!>. It ,111,1 indi~l!tt4 tl'.at th111 onler uwld be co:;pUtd 111<.;h ar.d ,:-.aurial rd.eased to the 1r.l'titute. ·

a::d t:r. obscene

In rtew or th• 1nlon.at1on turnbhed by ~:r. c::a1:A..1D PO:llROY indicatin!j that they have received r.iateriai in the paat; the fact tbat the A.'>der1on PD

- 2 -

r- • I

3 5 0 SE X , WOME N , AND F AMILY

IP 145-107

is going to release obscene mate~ial to the institute plus the fact that obscene material addressed to the institute received f r oc, foreign countries is being held by Customs in New York, it is obvious that the institution is receiving obscene material .

The Bureru is rQquested to authorize interview with the officials of the insti tute at Indiana University . It ia the intention of the IP Otfi ce 1f such an interview is authorized, to attempt to sacure the cooperati on of these offi cials in furnishing i nformation concerning sources of obscene material . It is also planned t hat they will be questioned concerning their knowledge of tbe source and suppliers of o~scena mat erial in the United States and to det el"l:aine i.f violations pf the ITOM statutes are occurring .

- 3 -

FBl F, f e on i\l{rej Kinsey 35 1

uc, IJlcliaao'°lu (lts-107) •1211rn

lliNCtor, lPBI ftll C ID)

NOTE: Indiuapolis advises tbat tbe ·Researcb liii"fitute , lndia.na Ui11verslty, tb•JUlr.sutSsor to the K.1D.ae7 Research Juatitute, ha• been)TO'liave been aent obscene material, both from ·the U.S. and from foreign countries. Some of this obscene eaterial addressed to ..._ Research Institute is bei.n.g held by Customs authorities .

lodla.napolis request• authority to interview officials ot the Research tnsttt-ute to att-eapt to seou.re tbotr cooperation to det-em.io.e sou·rces aa.d • suppliers ot obscene aateri.al botb i.a the u.s·. and in

- f0J'81gn. countr·i~Boreau-..uthor1t,-1a- be1,og granted---- tor auob an interview.

(4)

•.

3 52 SE X , WOMEN , AN D F AMI L Y

.--~.'O,'R,T ~ ~il, ~ l'l,,N'ff - IOaMy ereap Str1199lea t. Sert• ,...., n4. loeb

'Dirty Picture' Fig~ t B ews· . NEW YORK, July 17 Cll'I-Thie Federal Gov nt sought perml.&-

&ion last night to destroy a collection of ••o d immoral"' photo- graphs, books and statuettes coimgned to ti\~ Rneltth Instjlpte once headed by the late Dr. Al:fred Kinley. · {

T The 1nOY1 w In Fedn llaniett F.

' •v tor I S...R l • I I.AA "1"St7 . ., - · • Mn. PUPIi Nkl Ult '1 -

ii ==~ ~ ~ or ttatuttta a.nd boob were I ·....i.i .. tho job Ille ... sttrute ii dotllf.• l h:1'~~•~~ I ...,. - Ult - ~y Dr. KINtf. author ot tM l:li&r.-

ly ~ - • -ual bthavlol" rn Ute tn.un,u --i :ti::..~ .. ~

' JNtlhnt, dlta lut .Au,-t. n, GoverntD~n• M1.ud u-

- bl lllll - l.152. -- ........ bR>IWli ~I> Ii, an u!NSIIII •!chi ___ _ ,_ Edmw,4 I,. p- • -'-""'' U. 8. Alt.....,, -In T. IUdlU'dl Jr. a,s,MII: -r .... ..... .,, ..... .

cuual ln11:>tctlon (youl --Ulo lwm lmolvtd blre oblNnl.'" __ .__. decta1Gn. ' •

---

\ -·-"-Dtne ..... ftl JJU)JAJIA muTD11n bilitOII J"Oa DX llfffll'I, JJIC,, (J:IIIUY lllftnvft) I

"! · -fT', ,,1

FBl Fl l e on i\l{rej Kinsey 353

1/1/11

AD iwa appe&Nd la - "9ubl.JCt• star" Oil 1/ 3/ 08, l.lldioatl.JC tllat a dkUIOA by redaral .Jl&dc• -• Palaierl of 11n York altered U. olNlcenttr n,le.

Tbe HW U• nlat" tut tloe OoTel'IUleilt lou broadeud it■ .l•J•l ■tand&J'd for JudsillC obecenity of i■ ported boob, photCNI, ud otber 11& terial■ • TIie n l iAI laid down by tM Juda• t■ tbe nl■ tla&t u obJec t i• not lesally obeceP• ~i tbe peraon•iliportina it la&d a pnuiA■ ■ct■ntttto pu·-•· 'Ille arltcl• al■o indicated that tll■ tol tettor Oenoral ■aid tll• Qc,yenm•.11t wovld aot appeal Ir• tllia nllq aad, 1D •ff.at, 1a taatuount to bre&deaiDa ol .._ Gnenaeat ' • ori•lnal ooneeptioa of Meun1tJ •-lcll ud aot oea.aideNd th ■tatua ud par-■■ of notpt■Dt■ of p■r■ocraphJ .

TIie CH■ before .J■ds• Palatorl s.a-1 .. d ■.dllUtedlJ por-raplllo INleU, pt.ci>wn■ 1 11H 9"tr ol>Joot■ i■ ported froa Cllaa by tM a'bffe S...Ut•t• ■a4 bel4 ta flew York by tll■ u . a. Qaatcaa.

354 SE X , WOMEN, AND FAM I LY

:Wlsion · ObscenitfR

Tht OoYenmleu\ Jiu broad•, ,ened 'lla lesal f&andal'd tori

:=•~=lll:s~~II terlals.

ThlS I CUOD follo ... ,d • recent 1' 01>lnlon b)' Pederel J11d1e Ed·

I m11nd Palllllul In New Yort. The ·Judie held tba l whether 1 material 11 JllttlJ' to arouse, "'1)Nrlent lntaut·• ~ ao; who 1s aamlninr It. I

The cuf' betore him involved · admittedly POl'DOtraphlc boots.I, plcture3 and other obJecu Im· I POrttd from China by Ule ln•1 / :!Jan& Unlvuslt, Institute for . Sex ~~•arch. tnc .. fowided by :he Jatfo Dr. AJC~ c. Kinsey.

The Govemment bad IDIU•

I ;uted suit to have the matulal jutrond on It.be Sl'OUDd• that LI ,..., obsctne.

In 1·u1Jn~ a,alnst the Oovem- lllfflt. Judie P'alln!trl Wd do,rn the rule that an obJect II not

I leaally obsrene IC the Pt~ Im•. portlns It ba4 a 1enulne aclflt• IIJlc PUl'pOSC. •Ye&Urdar. ISollcltor Oenenl

J. Lee Rantln said ttw Govern• _ ____ ___ ff!~DL would : not .. aPPtal . from

this rullnr. This. ID effect. Is

tantamount to broadenln& of the oovernmenrs orlalnal con- i :eption or obscmlty. whlcb bad not considered lbe atatua and pu11101u of' n<"lplentl _,JJJ ""' - >ti ___ .. - - :

DON'T ASK, DON'T TELL REPEAL ACT OF 2010

S 4023 PCS

Calendar No. 688 111th CONGRESS

2d Sc-ssion. S.4023

To providt for mt rel){'al of the Department of Defense policy concrming homosexuality in the Armed Forces known as 'Don' t Ask, Don't Tell' .

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

December 10, 2010

Mr. LIEBERMAN (for himself, Mr. UDALL of Colorado, Mrs. GILUBRAND, Ms. COLLINS, Mrs. LINCOLN, Mrs. FEINSTEIN, Mr. LEAHY, Mr. REID, Mr. FRANKEN, Mr. BINGAMAN, Mrs. MURRAY, Mr. LAUTENBERG, Mr. COONS, Mr. KERRY, Mr. DODD, Mr. AKAKA, Mr. CARDIN, Mr. WHITEHOUSE, Mrs. BOXER, Mr. UDALL of New Mexico, Mr. BENNET, Mr. HARKIN, Mr. l\11ENENDEZ, Mr. LEVIN, Mr. MERKLEY, Mr. DURBIN, Mr. WYDEN, Mr. BROWN of Ohio, Mrs. HAGAN, Mr.SCHUMER, Ms. MIKULSKI, Ms. CANT\'QELL, Mr. CASEY, Mr. SANDERS, Mr. FEINGOLD, Ms. LANDRIEU, Ms. STABENOW, Ms. KLOBUCHAR, Mrs. SHAHEEN, ML SPECTER, Mr. KOHL, and Mr. DORGAN) introduced the following bill; which was read the first time

355

356 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

Dc-cembcr 13, 20 I 0 Read the second time and placed on the calendar

A BILL

To provide for the repeal of the Department of Defense policy concern- ing homosexuality in the Armed Forces known as 'Don' t Ask, Don't Tell'.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U11ite.d States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION L SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be citrd as the 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell Repeal Act of 2010'.

SEC. 2. DEPARTMENT Of DEFENSE POLICY CONCERNING HOMOSEXUALITY IN THE ARMED FORCES.

(a ) Comprehensive Review on the lrnplcmentacion of a Repeal of I 0 u.s.c 654-

( I) IN GENERAL- On March 2, 20 JO, the Secretary of Defense issued a memorandum directing rhc Comprehensive Review on the Implementation of a Repeal of JO U.S.C. 654 (section 654 of title 10, United States Code). (2) OBJECTIVES AND SCOPE OF REVIEW- The Terms of Reference accompanying the Secretary's memorandum established the following objectives and scope of the ordered review:

(A) Determine any impacts to military readiness, military effoctivcncss and unit cohesion, recruiting/retention, and fam- ily rearuncss that may result from repeal of the law and rec- ommend any actions that shou Id be taken in light of such impacts. (B) Determine leadership, guidance, and training on standards of conduct and new policies. (C) Determine appropriate changes to existing policies and

D on ' t A sk D o n ' t T e jl R e p e al Ac t gf 2 010 357

regulations, including bur not limited ro issues regarding per- sonnel ma nagement, leadership and training, facilities, inves- tigations, and benefits. (D) Recommend appropriate changes (if any) to the Uniform Code of Military Justice. (E) Monitor and evaluate existing legislative proposals tO repeal 10 U.S.C. 654 and proposals that may be introduced in the Congress during the period of the review. (F) Assure appropriate ways to monitor the workforce climate and military effectiveness that support successful follow- through on implementation. (G) Evaluate the issues raised in ongoing litigation involving 10 u.s.c. 654.

(b) Effective Date- The amendments made by subsection (f) shall take effect 60 days after the date on which the last of the following occurs:

(1) The Secretary of Defense has received the report required by the memora ndum of the Secretary referred to in subsection (a). (2) The President transmits ro the congressional defense commit- tCl-S a written certification, signed by the President, the Secretary of Defense, a nd the Chairman of the Joint Chief's of Staff, stating each of the following:

(A) That the Prl-Sidcnt, the Secretary of Defense, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff have considered the rec- ommendations c.ontaincd in the rcpon and the report's pro- posed plan of action. (B) That the Department of Defense has prepared the neces- sary policies a nd regulations to exercise the discretion pro- vided by the amendments made by subsection (f). (C) That the implementation o f necessary policies and regula- tions pursuant to the discretion provided by tbe amendments made by subsection (f) is consistent with the standards of military readiness, military c.f(ectiveness, unit cohesion, aad recruiting and retention of the Armed Forces.

358 SEX, WOMEN, AND FAMILY

United States Code, shall remain in effect until such time thar all of the requircmenrs and certifications required by subsection (b) arc met. If these requirements and certifications arc not mtt, section 654 of title 10, United Stares C-0dc, shall remain in effect.

(d) Benefits- Nothing in this section, or the amendments made by this section, shall be construed ro require the furnishing of benefits in violation of section 7 of tide I, United States Code (relating to the ddinitions of 'marriage' and 'spouse' and referred to as the 'Defense of Marriage Act').

(c) No Private Cause of Action- Nothing in this section, or the amcnd- mtnrs made by this section., s hall be construed to create a private cause of action.

(f) Treatment of 1993 Policy-

( ! ) TIIlE IO- Upon the effective date established by subsection (b), chapter 37 of tide 10, United States Code, is amended--

(A) by striking stttion 654; and (B) in the table of sections at the beginning of such chapter, by striking the irrm relating to section 654.

(2) CONFORMING AMENDMENT- Upon the effective dat< established by subsection (b), section 571 of the National Defense Authorization Act for f;scal Year 1994 (10 U.S.C. 654 note) is amended by striking subsections (b), (c), and (d).

CHAPTER EIGHT

THE RISE OF THE RIGHT: 80s-00

THE MEANING OF COMMUNISM TO AMERICANS

Vice-President Richard Nixon August 21, 1960

The major problem confronting the p<,slple of the United States and free peoples everywhere in the last half of the 20th century is the th reat to peace and freedom presented by the militant aggressiveness of international communism. A major weakness in this struggle is lack of adequate imdcrstanding of the character of the challenge which commu- nism prescnrs.

I am convinced that we arc on the right side in this struggle and that we are weU ahead now in its major aspects. But if we art to maintain our advantage and assure victory in the struggle, we must develop, not only among the leaders, bur among the people of the free world a better understanding of rhe threat which confronts us.

The question is not one of being for or against communism. The rime is long past when any significant number of Americans contend that communism is no particular concern of theirs. Few can still believe that communism is simply a curious and twisted philosophy which happens to appeal to a certain number of zcalors but which constitutes no serious threat to the interests or ideals of free society.

The days of indifference arc gone. The danger today in our attitude toward communism is of a very different kind. Ir lies in the fact that we have come ro abhor communism so much that we no longer recognize the necessity of understanding it.

We sec the <)bvious dangers. We recognize that we must retain our prcs- c-nt military and economic advantage over the Commwust bloc, an advantage whicb deters a hot war and which counters the Communisr threat in the

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362 THE R I SE OF THE R JGIIT: 80s - oo

<:old war. In the 6d ds of rocket technology and space exploration, we have risen to the challenge and we \\~I.I keep the lead that we have gained. There is no question that the American people generally will support whatever programs our leaders initiate in these fields.

What we must realize is that this Struggle probably will not be decided in the. military, c.'Conomic, or scientific areas, important as these arc. The battle in which we arc engaged is primarily one of ideas. The test is one not so much o f arms but of fai th.

lf wc arc to win a conte.sr of ideas we must know their ideas as well as our own. Our knowledge must not be superficial. We cannot be con- tent with simply an intuition thar communism is wrong. It is not enough ro rest our case alone on the assertions, true as they arc, rhat communism denies God, enslaves men, and destroys justice.

We must recognize that the appeal of the Communist idea is not tO the mass.cs, as the Communists would have us believe, bur more often to an intelligent mim)rity in newly developing countries who are trying t<) decide which system offers the best and surest road to progress.

We must cut through the ext<Crior t<) the very hea rt of the Communist

idea. We musr come ro understand the weaknesses of communism as a system- why after more than 40 years on trial it continues to disappoint so many aspirations, why it has failed in irs promise of equality in abun- dance, why it has produced a whole library of disillusionment and a steady stream of men, women, a nd children seeking to escape itS blight.

Bur we must also come co understand its strength- why it has so securely entrenched itself in the U.S.S.R., why it has been able to accom- plish what it has in the field of education and science, why in some of the problem areas of the world it continues to appeal to leaders aspiring to a better lift for their people.

It is to 6nd the answers to these questions that in rhis Statement I want to discuss communism as an idea- its economic philosophy, it.< philosophy of law and politics, its philosophy of history.

This Statement will admittedly not be simple Ix-cause the su bject is complex.

It will not be brief Ix-cause nothing less than a knowledge in depth of the Communist idea is nect'Ssary if we are w deal with it effectively.

In discussing the idea I will not offer programs to meet it. I intend in a larcr Statement to discuss the tact:ics and vulnerabil ities of the Communist conspiracy and how we can best fashion a stra tegy for victory.

Th e A1 e ant11g of Commu,,rsm to Amer,ca,,s 363

1 anticipate that some might understandably ask the question-why such a lengthy discussion of communism when everybody is against it already?

[f the free world is to win this struggle, we must have men and women who not only arc against communism but who know why they arc against it and who know what they arc going to do about it. Communism is a false idea, and the answer to a fa1sc idea is truth, not ignorance.

One of the fundamentals of the Communist philosophy is a belief that societies pass inevitably through cemun Stages. Each of these stages is supposed to generate the necessity for its: succCSSOL Feudalism contained within its loins the seed of capitalism.; capita.Lism was, in other words, to supplant feudalism. Capitalism, in turn, moves inevitably toward a di- max in which it will be supplanted by its appointed successor, commu- nism. All of these things arc matters of necessity and there is nothing men can do to change the inflexible sequence which hisrory imposes.

It is a part of this philosophy that, as society moves along its predes- tined way, each stage of development is dominated by a particular class. Feudalism was dominated by the aristocracy; capitalism by something called the bourgeoisie; communism by the proletariat. During any par- ticular stage of society's dcvdopmem the whole of human life within thar society is run and rigged for the benefit of the dominant class; no one else counts for anything and the most he can cxp<.-ct is the leftover scraps. lo the end, of course, with the final triumph of communism, classes will disappear- what was formerly the proletariat will expand so that it is the only class, and, since there arc no longer any outsiders that it can domi- nate, there will in effect be no classes at all.

Now this theory of successive stages of development makes it clear that, if we are to understand communism, we must understand the Communist view of capitalism, for, according to l..ommunist theory, capitalism contains within itself the germs of communism. The Communist notion of capitalism is that it is a market economy, an economy of "free trade, free selling and buying," to quote the manifesto again. It follows from this that, since communism inevitably supplant., and destroys capi-

talism, it cannot itself be anytbing like market economy. The fundamental belief of the Communist economic philos<>phy there-

fore is a negative one; namc.ly, a bcJief that, whatever the economic sys- tem of mature communism may turn out to be, it cannot be a market economy; it cannot- in the words of the Communist Manifesto-be an economy based on "free trade, free selling and buying."

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It may be well at this point ro digress for the purp<lSC of recalling the curious £act that the literature of communism contains so many praises for the achievements of capitalis:m. The manifosto contains these words about the market economy of capitalism and its alleged overlords, the bourgeoisie:

lt has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman

aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted e.\'.peditions that put in the shade aJI former migrations of nations and crus~-tdes. • • • The

bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce 100 years {the manifesto spe.,ks from rhe year 1848), has crened more massive and more colossal pro•

ductive forces chan have all preceding generations together. Subjection

of Nacure,s forces to man, machinery, application of chemjs-uy to indu.s•

rry and agriculture, steam navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for culcivac:ion, canalization of rivers,

whole populations conjured our of the ground- \Yhac earlier century

had even a presentiment char such productive forces slwnbe.red in the

lap of sQCial labor'

Marx and Engels could afford this praise for capitalism lx'<:ause they supposed it would everywhere be succeeded by communism, a stage of society whose glories would in turn dwarf all the achicvcmcntS of capital- ism. Communism would build on capitalism and bring a new economy that would make the capitalist world look like a poorhouse. Those who constituted the dominant class of capitalism, the bourge<lisie, would have performed their historic mission and w<luld be dismissed from the scen~ismisscd without thanks, of course, for after all they only accom- plished what was foreordained by the forces of hiswry, forces that were now to throw them into the discard like the husk of a sprouting Sl"Cd.

One of the m<lst startling gaps in the Communist theory is the lack of any dear notion <>f how a Communist economy would be organized. ln the writings of the great founders of communism there is virtually nothing on this subject. This gap was not an oversight, bur was in fact a nrcessary consequence of the general theory of communism. That theory taught, in efft'<=t, that as a society moves inevitably from one level of development to another, there is no way of knowing what the next stage will demand until in fact it has arrived. Communism will supplant and destroy the market

Tb , M , an111g of Co mmu,11sm t o Amer,ca,rs 365

economy of capitalism. What will its own t'C<lnomy be like? Thar we can- n<)t know until we are there and have a chance to s<.'C what the world

looks like without any institution resembling an economic market. The maniftsto, in fact, expresses a deep contempt for "uropian socialists" who

propose "an organization of society six-cially contrived" by them, instead of waiting out the verdict of history and depending on the "spontaneous class organiz.ation of the proletariat." The Communist l'C-Onomy would organize itself according ro principles that would become apparent only when the arena had been cleared of the market principle.

Operating then, in this vacuum of guidance left behind by their prophets, how did the founders of the Soviet Union proceed to organize their new economy? The answer is that tbcy applied as faithfully as they could the teachings of their masters. Sin.cc those teachings were essen- tially negative, their actions had to have the same quality. They started by attempting to root our from the Russian scene every vestige of the market principle, even discouraging the u.<e of money, which they hoped soon 10 abolish altogether. The production and distribution of goods were put under central direction, the theory being that the flow of goods would be directed by social need without reference ro principles of prof- it and loss. This experiment began in 1919 and came roan abrupt end in March of 1921. It was a catastrophic failure. It brought with it adminis- trative chaos and an almost inconceivable disorder in economic affairs~ culminating in appalling shortages of the most elementary necessities.

Competent sch,)lars estimate its cost in Russian lives at 5 million. The official Russian version of this experiment docs nor deny that ir was an enormous failure. It attributes that failure to inexperience and to a mythical continuation of military operations, which had in fact almost wholly ceased. Meanwhile the Russian economy has been moving steadily tOward the market principle.

The Aow of labor is controlled by wages, so that the price of labor is itself largely set by market forces. The spread from top 10 bottom of industrial wages is in many cases wider than it is in this country. Managerial efficiency is promoted by substantial economic incentives in the form of bonuses and even more substantial perquisites of various

kinds. Enterprises arc run on a profit and loss basis. Indeed, there arc all the paraphernalia of an advanced commercial society, with lawyers., accountants, balance sheets, taxes of many kinds, direct and indirect, and finally even the pressures of a creeping inflation.

366 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

The allocation of r<-sourccs in Russia probably now comes about as dose to being controlled by the market principle as is possible where the government owns all the instruments of production. Russian economists speak lcamcdly of following the "Method of Balances."

This impressive phrase stands for a very simple idea. It means that in directing production and establishing prices an effort is made t<) come out even, so that goods for which there is an insufficient demand will not pile up, while shortages will nor develop in other fields where demand exceeds supply. The "Method of Balancl'S" turns out co be something a lot of us learned about in school as the law of supply and demand.

All of this is not to say that the Russian economy has fully realized the market principle. There are two obstacles that block such a development. The first lies in the fact that there is a painful tension between what has to be done to run the economy .efficiently and what ought to be happen- ing according to orthodox theory. The result is that the Russian econo- mist has to be able to speak our of both sides of his mouth at the same time. He has to be prepared at all times for sudden shifts of the party line. lf today he is condemned as an "unprincipled revisionist" who apes capirolisr methods, tomorrow he may bt jerked from rhc scene for having fallen into a "sterile orthodoxy", not realizing that Marxism is a devel- oping and creative science.

The other obstacle tO the realization of a free market lies in the simple fact that the government owns the whole of industry. This means, for one thing, that the industrial units axe huge, so that all of steel, or all of cos- metics, for example, is under a single: direction. This naturally creates the economic condition known as oligopoly and the imperfectly functioning market which attends that condition.

Furthermore, a realization of the market principle would require the managers of the various units of industry to act as if they were doing something they are not, that is, as if they were directing independent enterprises. Understandably the.re is a considerable reluctance to assume this fictitious role, since the manager's reward for an inconvcniem inde-

pendence may well be a trip to Siberia where he is likely nowadays, they say, to be made chief bookkcep,er in a tiny pow<r plant 300 miles from the nearest wwn. Meanwhile, a constant theme of complaint by Moscow against the managers is that they arc too "cousinly" with one another and that they are too addicted to "back scratching." They ought to be

Th e A1 e ant11g of Commu,,rsm to Amer,ca,,s 367

acting like capitalist entrepreneurs, bur they find this a little difficult when they arc all working for the same boss.

One of the most familiar refrains of Communist propaganda is that "capitalism is dying of its internal contradictions." In fact, it would be hard to imagine a system more tortured by internal contradictions than present-day Russia. It constantly has to preach one way and act another. When Russian economists and managers discover that they have to do something that seems ro contradict the prophets, they usually don't know which of three jusriJications-all hazardous-they ought to attempt: ( I) to explain their action as a temporary departure from Marxist propriety to be corrected in a more propitious future; (2) to show that what they arc doing can be justified by the inherited text if it is read carefully and between the lines; or (3) to invoke the dichc that Marxism is a progres- sive science that learns by experience-we cantt after all, expect Marx, Engels, and Lenin to have foreseen everything.

These inner tensions and perplexities help to explain the startling "shifts in the party line" that characterize all of the Communist c(mn- tries. It is true that these shifts sometimes rcAcct the outcome of a subter- ranean personal power struggle within the party. Bur we must remember that they also at times resu It from the struggles of conscientious men try- ing to fit an inconvenient text co the facts of reality.

The yawning gap in Communist theory, by which it says nothing about how the economy shall be run except that it shall not be by the market principle, will continue to create tensions, probably of mounting intensity, within and among the Communist nations. The most painful compromise that it has so far necessitated occurred when it was decided that trade among the satellite countries should be governed by the prices set on the world market.

This embarrassing concession to necc-ssiry recognized, on the one hand, that a price cannot be meaningful unless it is set by something like a market, and, on the other, the inability of the Communist system to develop a reliable pricing system within its own government-managed

economy. The Communist theory has now had a chance to prove itself by an

experience extending over two generations in a great nation of huge human and material resources. What tan we learn &om rhis experience? We can learn, first of all, that it is impossible to run an advanced economy

368 THE R I SE OF THE R JGIIT: 80s-oo

successfully without resort to some variant of the market principle. In time of war, when costs arc largely immaterial and all human efforts converge on a single goal, the marktr principle can be subordinated. In a primitive society, where men live on the vt'rgc of extinction and a ll must be content with the same meager ration, the marker principle la rgely loses its relevance. But when society's aim is tO satisfy divers human want.s and tO deploy irs productive facilities in such a way as to satisfy those wants in accordance with thcir intensity-their intensity as fdt by those who have the wants-there is and can be no substitute for the mar- ket principle. This the Russian experience proves abundantly. That expe- rience also raises serious doubt whether the market principle can be

realized within an economy wholly owned by rhe government. The second grcar lesson of the Russian experience is of deeper import.

It is that communism is utterly wrong about its most basic premise, the premise that underlies everything it has to say about economics, law, philosophy, moraliry, a nd religion. Communism Starrs with rhe proposi- tion that there are no universal truths or general truths of human nature. According to irs teachings there is nothing one human age can say ro another abour the proper ordering of society or abour such subjccrs as justice, fm:,dom, a nd equality. E.verything depends on the stage of socicry and the economic class that is in power at a particular time.

In the light of this fundamental belief-or rather, this unbending and all-pervasive disbelief- it is clear why communism had to insist rhat what was rrue for capitalism could not be true for communism. Among the rruths scheduled to die with capitalism was the notion char t-C<)nomic life could be usefully ordered by a market. If this truth seems still to be alive, orthodox Communist doctrine has tO label it as an illusion, a ghost left behind by an age now being surpassed. Ar the present time rhis par- ticular capitalist ghost seems to have moved in on the Russian economy and threatens to become a permanent guest at the Communist banquet. Let us hope it will soon be joined by some other ghosts, such as freedom, political equality, religion, and constitutionalism.

This brings me tO the Communist view of law and politics. Of rhc Communist legal and political philosophy, we can almost say that there is none. This lack is, again, not an accident, but is an integral part of the systematic negations which make up the Communist philosophy.

According to Marx and Engels, the whole life of any society is funda- mentally determined by the organization of irs economy. What men will

Th e A1 e ant11g of Commu,,rsm to Amer,ca,,s 369

believe; what gods, if any, they will worship; how they will choose their leaders or let their leaders choose themselves; how they will interpret the world about them-all of these arc basically dctcnnincd by economic interests and relations. In the jargon of communism: religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law constitute a superstructure which reflects the underlying economic organization of a particular society. It follows that subject~ which fall within the superstructure pcnnit of no general truths; for example, what is true for law and political science under capitalism cannot be true under communism.

I have said we can almost assert that there is no CommuniSt philoso- phy of law and political science. The litrlc there is can be briefly stated. Ir consists in the assumption that after the revolution there will be a dic- tatorship (called the dictatorship of the proletariat) and that this dicta- torship will for a while find it nec.essary to utilize some of the familiar political and legal institutions, such as courts. (There is an incredibly torrurcd literature alx)ut just how these institutions are to he utilized and with what modifications.) When, however, mature communism is achieved, law and the state, in the consecrated phrase, "wilJ wither away." There will be no voting, no parliaments, no judges, no policemen, no prisons-no problems. There will simply be factories and fields and a happy populace peacefully reveling in the abundance of their output.

As with economic theory, there was a time in the history of the Soviet regime when an attempt was made to rake seriously the absurdities of this Communist thcory of law and state. For about a decade during the thirties an influential dcx:trine was called the commodity exchange theory of law. According to this theory, the fundamental fact about capitalism is that it is built on the (~onomic institution of exchange. ln accordance with the doctrine o f the superstructure, all p<)litica I and legal institutions under capitalism musr therefore be permeated and shaped by the concept of exchange. Indeed, the theory went further. Even the rules of morality arc based on exchange, for is there not a kind of tacit deal implied even in the Golden Rule, "Do unt(> others, as you would be done by"? Now the real- ization of communism, which is the negation of capitalism, requires the utter rooting out of any notion of cxchan.gc in the Communist economy. But when exchange has disappeared, the political, legal, and moral super- structure that was built on it will also disappear. Therefore, under mature communism there will not only be no capitalistic legal and political insti- tutions, there will be no law whatever, no state, no morality-for all of

370 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

these in some measure rcffcn the undcr1ying notion of an exchange or deal among men.

The high priest of this doctrine was Eugene Pashukanis. His reign came ro an abrupt end in I 93 7 as the inconvenience of his teachings began to become apparent. With an irony befitting the career of one who predicted rhar communism would bring an end ro law and legal pro- cesses, Pashukanis was quietly taken off and shor without even rhc sem- blance of a trial.

As in the case of economics, since Pashukanis' liquidation there has developed in Russian intellectual life a substantial gray market for capi- talistic legal and political theories. Bur where Russian economistS seem ashamed of their concessions to the market principle, Russian lawyers openly boast of their legal and political system, claiming for it that ir docs everything that equivalent bourgeois institutions do, only better. This boast has to be muted somewhat, because ir still remains a matter of dogma that under mature communism, Jaw and the state will disappear4 This embarrassing aspect of their inherited doctrine the Soviet theorists try ro keep as much as possible under rhe table. They cannot, however, openly renounce it without heresy, and heresy in the Soviet Union, be it remembered, still requires a vcrJ active taste for extinction.

One of the leading books on Soviet legal and political theory is edited by a lawyer who is well known in this country, the late Andrei Vyshinsky. In the table-pounding manner he made famous in the U.N., Vyshinsky praises Soviet legal and political institutions to the skies and contrasts their wholesome purity with the putrid vapors emanating from the capi- ta1is t countrits. He points out, for example, that in Russia the voting age is 18, while in many capitalist countrits it is 21.

The capitalists thus disenfranchise miltions of young men and women because, says Vyshinsky, it is feared they may not yet have acquired a properly safe bourgeois mcntaliry. As one reads arguments like rhis spelled out with the greatest solemnity, and learns all about the "safeguards" of the Soviet Constitution, it comes as a curious shock to find it openly declared tbat in the Soviet Union only one political parry can legally exist and that the Soviet Constitutio:n is " the only constitution in rhe world which frankly declares the directing role of the party in the scare."

One wonders what all the fuss about voting quati6cations is about if the voters are in the end pc rmitted only to vote for the candidates chosen by the only political party permitted t(> exist. The plain fact is,

Th e A1 e ant11g of Commu,,rsm to Amer,ca,,s 37 1

of course, that everyth ing in the Soviet Constitution rela ting to public participation in po1icical decisions is a facade concealing the rea1 instru- ment of power that lies in the Communist Party. It has been said that hypocrisy is vice's tribute to virtue. The ho lding of elections in which the electorate is given no choice may similarly be described as an attempt by communism to sa)vc its uneasy conscience. Knowing that it cannot achieve representative democracy, it seems to feel bener if it adopts its empty forms.

When one reflects on it, it is an astounding thing that a great and powerfu l nation in the second half of the 20th cenrury should still leave its destinies to be determined by intraparty intrigue, that it should have developed no p<)litical instirutions capablt, of giving to its people a really effective voice in their Government, char it should lack any openly declared and lawful procedure by which the succession of one ruler to another could be determined. Some arc inclined co seek an explanation for this condition in Russian history with its bloody and irregular succes- sions of czars. But this is to forget that even in England, the mother of parliaments, there were once in times l<)ng gone by some pretty raw doings behind palace walls and some unsc·cmly and even bloody struggles for the throne.

But where ocher nations have worked gradua lly roward stable politi- cal institutions guaranteeing the integrity of their governments, Russia has remained in a state of arrested development. Thar state will continue until the Russian leaders have the courage to declare openly that the legal and political philosophy of Marx, Engle,,, and Lenin is fundamentally mistaken and must be abandoned.

How heavy the burden of the inherited Communist philosophy is becomes clear when the concept of law itself is under discussion. Through- out the ages, among men of all nations and creeds, law has generally been thought of as a curb on arbitrary power. It has been conceived as a way of substituting rca.son for force in the decision of disputes, thus Liberating human energies for the pursuit of aims more worthy of man's destiny than brute survival or the domination of one's. fe llows. No one has supposed that these ideals have ever been fully realized in any society. Like every human institution, law is capable of being exploited for selfish purposes and of losing its course through a confusion of purposes. But during most of the world's history, men have thought that the questions worthy of discussion were how the institutions of law could be shaped so that they

372 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

might not be pervcncd into instruments of power or lose the sense of their high mission through sloth or ignorance.

What is the Communist attitude toward this intellectual enterprise in which so many great thinkers of so many past ages have joined' Communism consigns all of it to the ashcan of history as a fraud and delusion, beneath the contempt of Communist science. How, then, is law defined today in Russia? We ha·ve an authoritative answer. It is declared tO be " the totaLity <)f rhc rules of conduct cxprl-ssing the will of the dominant class, designed to promote those relationships that arc advan- tageous and agreeable to the dominant class."

Law in the Soviet Union is not conceived as a check on power, it is openly and proudly an expression of p(>wcr. In this conception surely, if anywhere, the bankruptcy of communism as a moral philosophy openly declares itself.

Ir is vitally imponant to emphasize again that all of the truly imposing absurdities achieved by Communist thought-in whatever field: in eco- nomics, in politics, in law, in mora)jry-rhat all of these trace back to a single common source. Thar origin Lies in a belief that nothing of univer- sal validity can be said of human narurc, char there arc no prindplcs, values, or moral truths that stand above a particular age or a particular phase in the evolution of socict}'· This profound negation lies at the very hean of the Communist philosophy and gives to it both its motive force and its awesome capacity for destruction.

Jr is this central negation thar make.,; communism radicaUy inconsi~Lcnt with the ideal of human freedom. As with other bourgeois virtues, once dismissed contemptuously, Soviet writers have now taken up the line that only under communism can men realize "true &eedom." This line may even have a certain persuasiveness for Russians in that individuals tend to prize those freedoms they arc familiar with and not ro miss those they have never enjoyed. A Russian transplanted suddenly to American soil might well fod for a time ''unfrc-c" in the sense that he would be confronted with the burden of making choices that he was unaccustomed to making and that he would regard as onerous;, But the problem of freedom goes deeper than the psychological conditioning of any particular individual. It touches the very roots of man's fundam<-ntal conception of himself.

The Communist philosophy is basicaUy inconsistent ,vith the ideal of freedom because it denies that there can be any standard of moral truth by which the actions of any given social order may be judged. If the

Th e A1 e ant11g of Commu,,rsm to Amer,ca,,s 373

individual says to government, "Thus far may you go, but no farther," he necessarily appeals tO some principle of righmess that Stands above his particular form of government. It is precisely the possibility of any such standard that communism radically and uacomprisingly denies. Marx and Engels had nothing but sneers for the idea that there are "eternal truths, such as freedom, justice, etc., that arc common to all states of society."

They contend that there arc no eternal truths. All ideas of right and wrong come from the social system under which one lives. lf that system requires tyranny and oppression, then tyranny and oppression must within that system be accepted; there can be no higher court of appeal.

Nor only do the premises of Communist philosophy make any coherent theory of freedom impossible, but the actual structure of the Soviet regime is such that no true sc-nse of freedom can ever develop under it. To sec why this is so, it is useful to accept the Communist ideology provisionally and reason the matter out purely in terms of what may be called human engi- neering. Let us concede that a struggle for political power goes on in all countries and Jet us assume in keeping with Marxist views that this struggle has absolutely nothing to do with right and wrong. Even from this per- versely brutal poinr of view, it is clear wily a sense of freedom can never develop under the Soviet regime. In a constitutional democracy the struggle for political power is as.~igned to a definite arena; it is roped off, so to speak, from the rest of life. In the Soviet Union, on the other hand, there is no clear distinction between politics and economics, or between politics and other human activities. No barriers exist to ddinc what is a political question and what is not. Instead of being ordered and c-analizcd as it is in constitutional democracies, the struggle for political power in Russia pervades, or can at any time pervade, every department of life. For this reason there is no area of human interest-the intellectual, literary, scientific, artistic, or religious- that may nor at any time become a battleground of this struggle.

Take, for example, the situation of a Soviet architect. Today without doubt he enjoys a certain security; he is no r likely ro lie awake fearing the dread knock at the door at midnight. Furthermore, he may now sec opening before him in the practice of his profession a degree of artistic freedom that his predecessors did not enjoy. Bur he can never be sure that ht will not wake up tomorrow morning and read in the papers that a new "line" has been laid down for architecture, since his profession, like every othe~ can at any moment be drawn inw the struggle for power. He can never know the security enjoyed by those who live under a system

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where the struggle for political power is fenced off, as it were, from the other concerns of life. When Soviet upolitics" invades a field like archi- tecture, it cannot be said to spread beyond its prop<,r boundaries, for it has none. It is precisely this defect in the Soviet regime that in the long run prevents the realization of the ideal of freedom under communism.

It is only in the constitutional democracies that the human spirit can be p<,rmancntly free to unfold itself in as many directions as arc op<,ncd up for it by its creative urge. Only such governments can achieve diver- sity without disintegration, for only they know the full meaning of "those wise restraints that make men firce."

Since the Communist philos<>phy of history is the central core of its ideology, that philosophy has of necessity permeated every theme I have so far discussed. Briefly Stated -rhe Communist philosophy of history is that man docs nor make history, but is made by it.

Though communism denies to man the capacity to shape his own des- tiny, it docs accord to him a remarkable capacity to foresee in great detail just what the future will impose on him. The literature of communism is full of prophecies, tacit and explicit. Probably no human faith ever claimed so confidently that it knew so much about the future. Certainly none ever ran up a greater number of bad guesses. On a rough estimate the Communist record for mistaken prophecies stands at about 100 percent.

Among the conclusions about the future that were implicit in the Communist philosophy, or were drawn from it by its prophers, we can name the following:

Thar communism will first establish itself in countries of the most advanced capitalism;

Thar in such countries sociecy wiU graduaUy split icsel( imo rwo classes, with the rich becomin.g fewer and richer, rhe laboring masses sinking steadily to a bare level of ex.isrence;

Thar under capitalism colonialism will increase as each capiralisric

nation seeks more and more ourletS for its surplus production;

Thar in capiralist countries .labor unions will inevitably rake rhe lead

in bringing about the Communise revolution;

Thar as soon as communism is 6rmly esrablished sreps will be taken

toward rhe eliminarion of the capiralisr market and capitalise policica.l

and legal insrirurions; ere.

Tb , M , an111g of Co mmu,11sm t o Amer,ca,rs 375

As with other a5JX'CtS of communism, -rhis m:ord of bad guesses is no accident. It derives from the basic assumption of Marxism that man has no power to mold his institurions to meet problems as they arise, that he is caught up in a current of history which carries him inevitably roward his predestined goal. A philosophy which embraces chis view of man's plight is constitutionally incapable of pre-dieting the steps man will take co shape his own destiny, precisely because it has in advance declared any such seeps to be impossible. Communism in this respect is like a man standing on the bank of a rising river and observing what appears to be a log lodged against the opposite shore. Assuming that what he observes is an inert object, he naturally predicts that the log will eventually be car- ried away by the rising floodwaters. When the log turns Out to be a living creature and steps safely out of the water the observer is, of course, pro- foundly surprised. Communism, it must be confessed, has shown a remarkable capacity co absorb such shoc:ks, for it has survived many of them. In the long run, however, it seems inevitable that the C...ommun1st brain will inflict serious damage upon itself by the tortured rarionaliza- tions with which it has to explain each successive bad guess.

This brings us ro the final issue. Why is it that with all its brutalities and absurdirics communism still retains an active appeal for the minds and hearts of many intelligent men and women? For we must never for- ger that this appeal does exist.

It is true that in the United States and many other countries the fringe of serious thought represented by acti vc Communist belief has become abraded to the point of near exrinction. It is also the fact that many people everywhere adhere to groups dominated by Communist leader- ship who have only the slightest inkling of communism as a system of ideas. Then again we must remember that in the Communist countries themselves there arc many inrclligcnr, loyal, and hard-working citizens, thoroughly acquainted with the Communise philosophy, who view that philosophy with a quiet disdain, nor unmixed with a certain sardonic pleasure of the sort that goes with witnessing, &om a choice scar, a com- edy of errors that is unfortunately also a tragedy Finally we must not confuse every .. gain of communism" with a gain of adherents ro Communist beliefs. In particular, we should nor mistake the acceptance of technical and economic aid from Moscow as a conversion to the Communist faith, though the contacts thus established may, of course, open the way for a propagation of that faith.

376 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

With all this said, and with surface appearance discounted in every proper way, the tragic fact remains that communism as a faith remains a potent force in the world of ideas today. It is an even more tragic fact that that faith can sometimes appeal not only to opportunists and adventurers, but also to men of dedicated idealism. How docs this come about'

To answer this question we have to ask another: What arc the ingrc- dicnt.s that go tO make up a successful fighting faith, a faith that will enlist the devotion and fanaticism of its adherents, that will let loose on the world that unaccommodating creature, "the trut believer"?

I think that such a faith must be made up of at least three ingredients. First, it must lift its adherents above the dread sense of being alone

and make them feel themselves members of a brotherhood. Second, it must make its adherents bditvc that in working for the

objectives of their faith they arc moving in step with nature, or with the forces of history, or with the divine will.

Third, it must be a faith that gives to its adherents a sense of being lifted above the concerns that consume the lives of the nonbelieving.

All of these ingredients arc f11rnishcd in abundance by communism. In the Communist philosophy the first 1wo ingredients are fused inro one doubly effective amalgam. To become a Communist is n<) longer to be alone, bur to join in the march of a great, oppressed mass of humanity called the proletariat. This silent, faceless army is being carried inevitably to its goal by the unseen forces of history. There is thus a double identi- fit-ation. History belongs to the proletariat, the proletariat belongs t<) history. By joining in this great march the Communist not only gains human companions but a sense of responding to the great pull of the universe itself.

Now the picture I have just painted is not one that even the most devout Communi,, can comfortably carry about with him at all times. Indeed, there arc probably few Communists who do not, even in their moments of highest faith, sense some of the fictions and contradictions of the dream to which they are committed. The a.bsurdities of the Communist ideology arc, however, by no means immediately apparent ro the new convert, who is likely to be intrigued rather by the difficulty of understanding them. The old believer stts no reason to point out these absurdities, partly because he docs not wish to undermine the faith of the young, and partly because he has become inured to them, has learned to Live with them at peace, and docs not want to disturb his own adjustment to them.

Th e A1 e ant11g of Commu,,rsm to Amer,ca,,s 377

One of the key fictions of the Communist edifice of thought is the belief that there is in modem industrial society an identifiable class of people called the proletariat. That such a class would develop was not a bad guess in 1848 and Marx had other economists with him in making this guess. As usual, history perversely rook the wrong tum. And as usual, this has caused communism no particular embarrassment,. for it continues- with diminished ardor, ro be sure- to talk about the prole- tariat as if it were actually there. But professing ro sec things that arc not there is often a sign of faith and furnishes, in any event, a bond of union among believers.

To many of its American critics, communism has appeared as a kind of nightmare. Like awakened sleepers still recoiling &om the shock of their dream, these critics forger that the nightmare is after all shot through and through with absurdities. The result is to lend ro the Communist ideology a substance that, in fact, it docs not possess. If in moments of doubt the Communist is inclined to feel that his philosophy is made of air and tinsel, he is reassured and brought back into the fold when he recalls that its critics have declared this philosophy to be pro-

foundly and powerfully vicious. Part of the tarnish that an uncompli.ant history has visited on the

Communist prophecies has in recent years been removed by the achieve- ments of Russian technology. Ir is now possible to identify communism with the land that has the highest school buildings, the hugest outdoor rallies, the most colossal statues and the space satellites that weigh the most tons. It i.~ not difficult to make all this appear as a kind of belated flowering of the promises communism began holding our more than a hundred years ago. Ir is easy to make men forger that none of the solid accomplishments of modem Russia came about by methods remo tely resembling anything anticipated by Marx, Engels, or Lenin.

In suggesting the ingredients that go to make up a successful lighting faith, I stared that such a faith must be one "that gives to its adherents a sense of being lifted above the concerns that consume the lives of the non believing." I have purposely left this aspect of the Communist faith to the last for it is here that the truly nightmarish quality of that faith manifests itself.

Not that it is any objection ro a faith that it enables those sharing it to be indifferent to things that seem important t() others. The crucial question is, What is it that men arc told not to heed' As ro the Communist

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faith there is no ambiguity on this score. It tells men to forget all the teachings of the ages about go,·crnmem, law, and morality. We a re told to cast off the imcllecrual burden left behind by men like Confucius, Mencius, Plato, Aristotle, St. Thomas, Kant and Bentham. There are no "c-tcrnal truths" about society. There is no science of social architc<.-rurc. Only the simple minded can believe that there are principles guiding the creation of sound legal and political institutions. For the enlightened there is only one rule: Smash the c.x'lsting "bourgeois" economic and legal order and leave the rest to the "spontaneous class organization of the proletariat."

In diplomatic dealings the Russians display great respect for American military and economic power, bur consider us hopelessly naive in matters political. We are still concerned with trifles as they foe! themselves long since ro have left behind-trifles like: How do you help a people ro realize self-government who have had no experience with it.,;: necessary forms and restraints? How, following the overthrow of a tyranny, do you suggest steps that will prevent an interim dictatorship from hardening into a second tyranny?

It is nor rhar the Communists have ideas about sound government that differ from ours. According to strict Communist theory there can be no ideas on such a subject. If a gray market for such ideas has gradually developed in Russia it has not yet reached the point of being ready for the export trade. Russia has engineers able to help the underdeveloped countries build roads and dams and the.re is no reason to question the comper<ncc of these engineers. ·sut whoever heard of Russia sending an expert in political institutions to help a new country design an appropri- ate form of representative srlf-govcmmcnt? Not only would such a mission s tand in ludicrous incongruity with the present situation of the Communist countries in Europe; it would be a repudiation of thr basic premises of the whole Communjst philosophy.

Even in the economic field, Russia really has nothing tO offer the rest of the world but negations. For a long time after the establishment of the Soviet regime it was actively disputed in Russia whether for communism there is any such thing as an economic law.

C'.ommunistic ideology has had gradually to bend before the plain fact that such laws exist. But Russia has as yet developed no economic institu- tions that are more than distom,d shadows of their capitalist equivalents. Rus.~ia may help a new country to develop electric power. It has nothing

The A1eant11g of Commu,,rsm to Amer,ca,,s 379

to say about the social institutions that will determine how that power will be utilized for the good of the whole people.

This great vacuum that lies in the heart of communism explains not only why its philosophy is in tbc long run so destructive of everything human, but why in the short run it can be so successful. Consider, for example, what it can offer to the leader of a successful revolution. A cruel dictatorship has lx'Cn overthrown. It had to be overthrown by force because it permitted no elections or nc,,cr counted the vote honestly. Following tbc successful revolt, there mLtSt be an interval during which order is kept by something approaching a dictatorship. Sooner or late~ if the revolution is nor co belie its democratic professions, some movement must be made toward representative scl.f-govcmment. This is a period of great difficulty. There is no mystery about its problems. They 6t into an almost classic pattern known from antiquity. The revolutionary leaders must find some accommodation with what is left of the old regime. Soc)ncr or later the firing squad must be retired. Even when this is done vengeful hatreds continue to endanger the successful operation of parlia- mentary government. Among the revolutionary pany, men who were once united in overthrowing plain injustice become divided on the ques- tion what constitutes a just new order. Militant zealots, useful in the barricades, are coo rough for civil government and must be curbed. If curbed too severely, they may take up arms against the new government. Etc., etc. \'i'hat can communism offer the revolutionary leader caught in this ancient and familiar quandary? ft can, of course, offer him material aid. But it can offer him something more: significant and infinitely more dangerous, a clear conscience in taking the easy course. It can tell him to forget about elections and his promises of democracy and freedom. It can support this advice with an imposing library of pseudoscience clothing despotism with the appearance of intellectual respectability.

The internal stability of the present Russian Government lends an additional persuasiveness to this appeal. If Russia can get along without e.lcctions, why ta.n't we? Men forget that it is a common characteristic of dictatorships to enjoy internal truces that may extend over decades, only to have the struggle for power renew itself when the problem of a succes- sion arises. This is a pantrn written across centuries of man's struggle for forms of government consistent with human dignity. It is said that the struggle for power cannot under modern conditions with modern armies and modern weapons, take the form of a prolonged civil war. That is n<>

380 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

doubt true in a developed c-conomy like that of Russia. The shift in power when it comes may involve only a few quick maneuvers within th~ appa- ratus of the party, which have their only outward manifestation in purges or banishments that seal the results. But the fact remains that the fate of millions will be detennincd by processes which take no account o( their interests or wishes, in which they are granted no participation, and which they are not even permitted to observe.

Ir must nor be forgotten that modem Russia was for an indefinite period prior to 1953 governed by a tyranny. This is admitted in Russia today. To be sure, the term "tyranny" is not used, because according to the Communist philosophy a term like that betokens a naive and our- dared view of tbc significance of governmental fonns. The Soviet term is "the cult of personality." Accorcting to the official explanation Sta]jn and his followers in some mysterious way became infected with a mistaken view of Sta1in's proper role. According to ancient wisdom this was because Stalin ruled without tbe check of constitutional forms and with- out effective popular participation in his government. In the words of Arisrot1e, written some 23 c.enturics ago, "This is why we do not permit

a man ro rule, bur the principle: of law, because a man rules in his own interest, and bcc:omes a tyrant."

It is plain that Stalin at some point became a tyrant. According to Aristotle this was because Russia did not base its government on the principle of law. According to the Communist theory some inexplicable slippage of the gears, some accidental countercurrent of history, led Sta)jn to embrace incorrc<..l notions about himself.

lf mankind is to survive at a level of dignity worthy of itS great past, we must help the world recapture some sense of the teachings of the great thinkers of former ages. It must come again to S<'C that sound legal and political institutions nor only ex:press man's highest ideal of what he may become, but that they arc indispensable instruments for enabling him to realize that ideal. It would be comforting to believe that the forces of his- rory arc working inevitably coward this realization and that we roo arc cooperating with the inevitable. We can only hope that this is so. But we can know that the forces of human life, struggling to realize itself on its highest plane, arc working with us and that those forces need our help desperately.

RONALD REAGAN ADDRESS ON BEHALF OF SENATOR

BARRY GOLDWATER RENDEZVOUS WITH DESTINY

October 27, 1964

On 1he evening of 27 October 1964~ Ron.aid Reagan delivered a nation•

wide paid political telecast 011 behalf of the presidential c.andidacy of Barry Goldwater. His presentation was so foruful and engaging tl,at Reagan,

llitherlo little ,onsidered a political figure, became ovemiglu a political fora ;,, the Republican par/)~ Altbough Goldwater lost t.o Lyndon John.so11 in an landslide and Ric:hard Ni:con capt11red 1he 1um1ination-and the presidency--in 1968, Reagan's reputatio:n ,vas finnly established and

he recovered the fortunes of 1he Republican party with his victory in the

presidential election of I 980.

Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been per- mitted to choose my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.

I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fir to follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace a nd prosperity. The line has lx"Cn used "We've never had it so good."

381

382 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s-oo

Bur I have an uncomfortabl" feeling that tlus prosperity isn't some- thing on which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in hisrory has ev<r survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income. Today, 37 cents of every doUar earned in this country is the tax collccror's share, and yet our go·vernmcnt continues to spend S 17 million a day more than the government' takes in. We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years. We have raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations in the world. We have $15 biUion in gc)ld in our treasury-we don' t own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims arc S27.3 billion, and we have just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value.

As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a JX-ao, that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace? There can ht no real peace whiJc one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us. We arc at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp tO the stars, and it has been said if we lose that war, and in doing so lose tlus way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening. Well, I think it's time we ask oursclvc, if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.

Not too long ago two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refu- gee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said, "We don't know how lucky we arc." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky you are! I had someplace to escape <0." In that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here, there is no place to escape to. This is the last stand on Earth. And this idea that government is beholden t<) the

people, that it has no other source of power except t() sovereign people, is still the newest and most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man. This is the issue of this election. Whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little imcllectual elite in a far-distant capital can plan our lives for us better 1than we can plan them ourselves.

R e nd e zt•ous \V, 1I, D e stin y 383

You and 1 arc told increasingly that we have ro choose between a left or right, bur 1 would like ro suggest that there is no such thing as a left or righr. There is only an up or down-up ro a man's age-old dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order-or down to the ant heap totalitarianism, and reg.ardlcss of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course.

ln this vote-harvesting time, they use 1terms like the "Great Society," or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must ac.cept a "greater government activity in the affairs of the people. • Bur they have been a little more explicit in rhe past and among themselves-and all of the things that I now will quote have appeared in print. These arc not Republican accusations. For example, they have voices that say " the cold war will end through acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism." Another voice says that the profit motive has become oucmodcd, it must be replaced by the incentives of rhc welfare State; or our traditional sys- tem of individual frc-cdom is incapahlc of solving the complex problems of the 20th century. Senator Fullbright bas said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to the president as our mora 1 reacher and our leader, and he said he is hobbled in his task by the restrictions in power imposed on him by this antiquated document. He must be freed so that he can do for us what he knows is best. And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articnlatc spokesman, defines liberalism as " meeting the material needs of the masses through rhc full power of centralized government." Well, I for one restnt it when a rep- resentative of the people refers ro you and me-the free man and woman of this country-as "' the masses." This is a term we haven't applied to ourselves ia America. But beyond char, " the full power of centralized govcrnmcnt"-this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought ro minimize. They knew that governments don't control things. A govern- ment can't control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coer- cion ro achieve its purpose. They also knew, rhose Founding Fathers, chat outside of its legitimate functions, government docs nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy.

Now) we have no better example of this than the government's involvement in the farm economy over th.c last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in

384 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Thrce-founhs of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21 % increase in the per capita consumprion of all its produce. You sec, that one-fourth of farming is regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the last thr<c years we have spent $43 in feed grain program for every bushel of corn we don't grow.

Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater as Pres ident would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he wiU find our that we have had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. He will also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress an extension of the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free. He will find that they have also asked for the right to imprison £armers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal government. The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnati<)n and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a provi,;ion that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 miUion £armers from the soil.

At the same time, there has been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees. There is now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can't tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol E.~tcs never left shore.

Every r<,SpOnsible farmer and farm org;mizarion has repeatedly asked the government to free the fann economy, but who arc farmers to know what is best for them? The wheat farmers voted against a wheat pro- gram. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up; the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.

Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on free- dom carries on. Private property rights arc so diluted that public intCTl,St is almost anything that a few government planners decide it should be. In a program that rakes for the nl'Cdy and gives to the greedy, we sec such S)X'Ctaclcs as in Cleveland, Ohio, a miUion-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a ''more compatible use of the land." The Pres ident tells us he is now going to Start building public housing units in the thousands where hcrctof-Ore we have only built them in the hun- dreds. But FHA and the Veterans Administrarion tell us that they have 120,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosures.

R e ,rd ,zvous \f/ 11I, D est iny 385

For three decades, we have sought to solve the problems of unemploy- ment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency. They have just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the I 4,000 people there have over $30 million on deposit in personal savings in their hanks. When the government tells you you're depressed, lie down and he depressed.

We have so many people who can't sec a for man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion that the fot man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So they are going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government plan- ning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer and they've had almost 30 years of it, shouldn't we expect government tO almost read the score to us once in a while? Shouldn' t they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public housing?

But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater, the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to hed hungry each night. Well, that was probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we arc cold that 9.3 mill-ion families in this country arc poverty-Stricken on the basis of earning less than $3,000 a year. Welfare spending is IO times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression. We arc spending $45 billion on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you will find that if we divided the $45 b iUion up equally among those 9 million poor families, we would be abk to give each family $4,600 a year, and this added to their present income should eliminate poverty! Direct aid to the poor, however, is running only about $600 per family. It would s~-em that someplace there must he some overhead.

So now we declare "war on povtny, "' or "you, roo, can be a Bobby Baker!" Now, do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add $ I billi<)n to the $45 million we arc spending ... one more program to the 30-odd we have-and remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it jusr duplicates existing programs-<lo they helicvc that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic? Well, in all fairness I should explain thar there is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated. This is the youth feature. We arc now going co solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting som,cthing like the old CCC camps,

386 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

and wc arc going to put our young people in camps, but again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we arc going ro spend each year just on room and board for each young person that we help $4,700 a year! We can send them to Harvard for S2,700! Don't get me wrong. I'm nor suggesting that Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.

Bur seriously, what arc wc doing tO those we seek to hdp? Not too long ago, a judge called me her<: in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who had come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning $250 a month. She wanted a divorce so that she could get an $80 raise. She is eligible for $330 a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who had already done that very thing.

Yet anytime you and I questi,)n the schemes of the do-gO<)dcrs, we are denounced as being against th~ir humanitarian goals. Thc.y say we are always "against" things, never "for,. anything. \Veil, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they arc ignorant, but that they know so much that isn't so. We arc for a provision that destitution should nor follow unemployment by reason of old age, and ro that end we have accepted Social Security as a step toward. meeting the problem.

But we arc against those entrusted with this program when they prac- tice dt-ceprion regarding irs fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments ro those who depend on them for livelihood. They have called it insurance to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. Bur then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified that it was a welfare pro- gram. They only use the term " insurance" to sell it to the people. And they said Social Security dues arc a tax for the general use of the govern- ment, and the government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional com- mittee and admitted that Social Sc-curiry as of this moment is $298 billion in the hole. But he said there should he no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them our of trouble! And they arc doing just that.

A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary ... his Social Security contribution would, in the open marker, buy him an insur- ance policy that w(mld guarantt-c· $220 a month at age 65. The government

R e nd e zt•ous \V, 1I, D e stin y 387

promises Sl27. He could live it up until he is 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now, arc we so lacking in business sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis so that

people who do require those payments will find that they can get them when they arc due ... that the cupboard isn't bare' Barry Goldwater thinks we can.

At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would per- mit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provisions for the non-earning years> Should we allow a ,vidow ,vith children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband' Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under these programs, which we cannot do? I think we arc for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. Bur I think we are against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have sucb exam- ples, as announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program was now bankrupt. They've come w the end of the road.

In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program <)f deliberate planned inflation so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's worth, and not 45 cents' worth?

I think we are for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we arc against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so scructura1ly unsound that today you can muster a rwo-thirds vote on the Aoor of the General Assembly among the nations tha, represent less than JO percent of the world's p<)pulation. I think we arc against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in Soviet colonies in the satellite nation.

I think we are for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we arc against doling out money government t() government, creating bureau-

cracy, cf not socialism, all over the world. We set our to help 19 countries. We arc helping 107. We spent $146 billio:n. With thar money, we bought a $2 million yaehr for Hailc Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenyan government officials. We bought a

388 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity. In the last six years, 52 nations have b<)ught $7 billion worth of our gold, and all 52 arc receiving foreign aid &om this country.

No government cve.r voluntarily reduces itself in size. Government programs, once launched, never disappeaL Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever sec on this Earth. Federal employees number 2.5 million, and federal, State, and local, one out of six of the nation's work force is employed by the government. These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property without a warrant? They can impose a fine without a formal bearing, let alone a trial by jury, and they can seize and sell his property in auction to enforce the payment of that fine. In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier overplanted his rice allotment. The government obtained a $ I 7,000 judgment, and a U.S. marshal sold his 950-acrc farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work. Last February l 9 at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-time candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's exactly what be will do.

As a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present adminis- trati<)n. Back in I 936, Mc Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the loader- ship of his patty was taking the ·part of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. And he walked away from bis party, and he never returned to the day he died, because to this day, the leadership of that party has been taking that party, that honorable parry, down the road in the image of the labor socialist party of England. Now it doesn't require expropriation or con- fiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people. What docs it mean whether you hold the deed or the tide to your busi- ness or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property? Such machinery already exists. The govern- ment can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses ro prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Ou.r natural, inalienable rights arc now

Rend e zt•ous \V,1I, Destiny 389

considc.red to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close tO slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment. Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and 1 bclicvc that this is a contest between two men ... that we are to choose just between two persona Li ties.

Well, what of this man that they would destroy? And in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear. Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is' Well, l have been privileged to know him --when." l knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and l can tell you per- sonally I have never known a man in my life I bdievc so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.

This is a man who in his own business, before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan, before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent <)f the profit, before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He scm checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work. He provided nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ra,•agcd by floods from the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.

An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying ro gee a ride home to Arizona for Christmas, and he said that rbere were a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. Then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, .. Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such," and they went down there, and there was this fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in the weeks before Christmas, all day long, he would load up the plane, fly to Arizona, fly them to their homes, then fly back over ro get another load.

During the hectic split-second riming of a campaign, this is a man who took rime out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of canceL His camp:ugn managers were understandably impatient, but he said, "There aren't many left who care what happens to her. I'd like her to know I care." This is a man who said to his 19-ycar-old son, "There is no foun- dation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life upon that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you

390 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

have, then you have a real start." This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all of the other problems I have discussed academic, unless we realize that we are in a war that must be won.

Those who would trade out freedom for the soup kitchen of the wel- fare State have told us that they have a utopian solution of peace without vicrory. They call their policy "accommodation." And they say if we only a void any direct confrontation with the enemy, be will forget his evil ways and learn to love us. All who oppose them arc indic-ted as warmon- gers. They say we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, per- haps there is a simple answer-not an easy answer-but simple.

If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based upon what we know in our hearts is morally right. We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by commirting an immorality so great as saying to a billion now in slavery behind the Iron Curtain, "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skin, ,vc arc willing to make a deal with youI slave masters." Alexander Hamilton said, .. A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one." Let's set the record straight. There. is no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there is only one guaranteed way you can have peace-and you can have it in the next second-surrender.

Admittedly there is a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every k-sson in history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the spec-ter our well-meaning libera I friends refuse to fact--that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice betwcl~n peace and war, only between fight and surrender. If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we ha vc to face the final demand-the ultimatum. And what then> When Nikita Khrushchev has rold his people he knows what our answer will be? He has told them that we are retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the ultimatum, our surren- der will be voluntary because by that time we will have weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically. He believes this because from our side he has heard voices pleading for "peace at any price" or "bencr Red than dead/ or as one commentator put it, he would rather "Live on bis knt-cs than die on his feet." And therein lies the road co war, bccau.se those voices don't speak for the rest of us. You and I know and

Rend e zt•ous \V,1I, Destiny 39 1

do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweer as tO be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin- jusr in the face of this enemy? Or should Moses have told the children of Israel 10 live in slavery under the pharaohs? Should Ch rist have refused the cross? Should the patriois at Concord Bridge ha vc thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the world? The martyrs of history were nor fo(,ls, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn't die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace? \Veil, it's a simple answer after all.

You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will not pay." There is a point beyond which they must nor advance. This is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength." Winston Churchill said that ''the destiny of man is nor mea- sured by material computarion. When great forces arc on the move in the world, wc learn wc arc spirits- not animals." And he said, "'The.re is something going on in rime and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty."

You and I have a rendezvous with destiny. We will preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on Earth, o r we will sentence them tO take the last step inro a thousand years of darkness.

We wiU keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.

Thank you very much.

PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION ACCEPTANCE SPEECH

Richard M. Nixon

Republican National Convention Miami Beach, Florida August 8, 1968

Mr. Chairman, delegates ro this convention, my fellow Americans. Sixteen years ago I stood before th;s Convention to accept your

nomination as the running mate of one of the greatest Americans of our time-or of any timL~ Dwighr D. EiscnhowcL

Eight years ago, I had the highest honor of accepting your nomination for President of the United States. Tonigh t, I again proudly accept that nomination for President of the United States.

But I have news for you. Th is time there is a difference. This time we are going to win. We're going to win for a number of reasons: fu-s t a personal one.

General Eisenhower, as you know, lies critically iJI in the Walter Reed Hospital tonight. I have talked, however, with Mrs. Eisenhower on the telephone. She tells me that his hea rt is with us. And she says that there is nothing that he lives more for and there is nothing that would lift him more than for us tO win in Nclvember and I say let's win this one for Ike!

We are going to win Ix-cause this great Convention has demonstrated ro the nation that the Republican Party has the kadership, the platform and the purpose that America needs. We are going to win because you have nomi- nated as my running mare a statesman of the first rank who will be a great campaigner and one who is fully qualified to undertake tbe new responsi- bilities tbat I shall give to tbc next Vice President of tbe United Stares.

393

394 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

And he is a man who fully shares my conviction and yours, that after a period of fony years when power has gone from the cities and the states ro the government in Washington, D.C., it's time to have power go back from Washington to the s.-aces and to the cities of this country all- over America.

We arc going to win because at a rime that America cries out for the uniry that this Administration has destroyed, the Republican Pany--<1ftcr a spirited contest for its nomination- for President and for Vice President stands united before the nation tonight.

1 <:ongraculacc Governor Reagan. 1 congratulate Governor Rockefeller. I congratulate Governor Romney. I congratulate all those who have made the hard fight that they have for this nomination. And I know that you will all fight even harder for the great victory ou, party is going co win in November because we'irc going to be together in that election campaign.

And a party that can unite itself will unite Amcrica4 My fellow Americans, most important- we arc going to win because

our cause is right. We make history ronighr- nor for ourselves but for the ages. The choice we make in I 968 will determine not only the fururc of

America but the future of peace and frccd(>m in the world for the last third of the Twentieth Century.

And the question that we answer tonight: can America meet this great challenge?

For a few moments, let us look at America, let us listen to America co find the answer to that question.

As we look at America, we sec cities enveloped in smoke and flame. We hear sirens in the night. We sec Americans dying on distant battlefields abroad. We sec Americans hating each other; fighting each ocher; killing each

other at home. And as we see and hear these things, millions of Americans tT)' our

in anguish. Did we come all this way for chis' Did American boys die in Normandy, and Korea, and in Valley Forge

for this? Listen to the answer to those questions. It is another voice. It is the quiet voice in the tumult and the shouting.

Pres,de,rt,a/ Nom,nat,on Accepta,rc, Speech 395

It is the voice of the great majority of Americans, the forgotten Americans-the non-shouters; the non-demonstrators.

They arc not racists or sick; they arc not guilry of the crime that plagues the land.

They arc black and they arc white-they're native born and foreign born-they're young and they' re old.

They work in America's factories. They run America's businesses.

They serve in government. They provide most of the soldiers who died to keep us free. They give drive to the spirit of America. They give lift to the American Dream. They give srrcl to the backbone of America. They arc good people,

they arc decent people; they work, and they save, and they pay their taxes, and they care.

Like Theodore R,l<>scvdt, they know that this country will not be a good place for any of us to live in unless it is a good place for all of us to live in.

This I say tO you tonight is the real voice of America. In this year 1968, this is the message it wiU broadcast to America and co the world.

Lcr1s never forger that despite her faults, America is a great nation. And America is gmn because hrr people arc great. With Winston Churchill, we say: "We .have not journeyed all this way

across the ccnturic$, across the oceans, across the mountains, across the prairies because we are made of sugar ca.ndy."

Amrriea is in trouble today not because her people have failed bur because her leaders have failed.

And what America needs are leaders co march the greatness of her people.

And this great group of Americans, the forgotten Americans, and others know that the great question Americans must answer by their votes in November is this: Whether we shall continue for four more years the policies o f the last five years.

And this is tbci.r answer and this is my answer to that question. When the strongest nation in the world can be tied down for four

yea.rs in a war in Vietnam with no end in sight; When the richest nation in the world can't manage its own economy; When the nation with the greatest tradition of the rule of law is

plagued by unprecedented lawlessness;

396 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

When a nation that has been known for a century for equality of opportunity is torn by unprecedented racial violence;

And when the President of the United States cannot travel abroad or tO any major city at home without fear of a hostile demonstration-then it's time for new leadership for the United States of America.

My fellow Americans, tonight I accept the challenge and the commit- ment to provide that new leader ship for America.

And I ask you to accept it with me. And let us accept this challenge nor as a grim duty but as an excit-

ing adventure in w hich we are privileged t<) help a great nation realize its destiny.

And let us Ix-gin by committing ourselves to the truth-to sec it like it is, and tcU it like it is-tO find the truth, to speak the truth, and to live the truth-that's what we will do.

We've had enough of big promises and little action. The time has come for honest government in the United States of

America. And so tonight I do not promise the miUennium in the morning. I don't promise that we can eradicate poverty, and end discrimination,

eliminate all danger of war in the space of four, or even eight years. But, I do promise action-a new policy for peace a broad; a new policy for peace and progress and justice at home.

Look at our problems abroa,d. Do you realize that we face the stark truth that we are worse off in every area of the world tonight than we were when Pr<-sident Eisenhower left office eight years ago. That's the record. And there is only one answer to such a record of failure and that is a complete houst-clcaning of those responsible for the failures of that record. The answer is a complete re-appraisal of America's policies in every scrtion of the world.

We shall begin with Vietnam. We all hope in this room that there is a chance that current negotia-

tions may bring an honorable end to that wac And we will say nothing <luting this campaign that might destroy that chance.

But ,f the war is not ended when the people choose in November, the choice will be clear. Here it is.

For four years this Administration has had at its disposal the greatest military and economic advantage that one nation has ever had over another in any war in history.

Pres, d e nt,al No mtna/1 0 11 Accepta,rce Speech 397

For four years, America's fighting men have set a record for courage and sacrifice unsurpassed in our history.

For four years, this Administration has had the support of the loyal OppMition for the <)bjective of seeking an honorable end to the struggle.

Never has so much military and economic and diplomatic power been used so ineffectively.

And if after a ll of this time and a ll of chis sacrifice and all of this sup- p<m there is still no end in sight, then I say the time has come for the American people to turn to new leadership-not tied to the mistakes a nd the policies of the past. That is what we offer to America.

And I pledge to you tonight that the fi rst priority foreign policy objec- tive of our next Administration will be to bring an honorable end to the war in Vietnam. We shall not stop thcrc~ we need a policy to prevent more Vicmams.

All of America's peace-keeping institutions and a ll of America's for- eign commitments must be re-appraised. Over the past twenty-five years, America has provided more than one-hundred and fifty billion dollars in foreign aid to nations abroad.

In Korea and now again in Vicrnam, the United Stares furnished most of the money, most of the arms; most of chc men to help the people of those countries defend thcmsdvcs against aggression.

Now we arc a rich country. We are a strong nation. We are a popu1ous nation. But there are rwo hundred million Americans and they're two billion people that live in the Free World.

And I say the time has come for other nations in the Free World to bear their fair share of the burden of defending peace and freedom around this world.

What I call for is nor a new isolationism. It is a new internationalism in which America enlists its allies and ios friends around the world in those struggles in which their interest is as great as ours.

And now to the Icade.rs of the Communist world, we say: After an era of confrontation, the time has come for an era of negotiation.

\Vhcrc the world's super powers an: concerned, there is no acceptable alternative to pcacefu] negotiation.

Because th is will be a period of negotiation, we shall restore the strength of Amer ica so that we shall alwa ys negotiate from strength a nd never &om weakness.

And as we seek peace through nt,gotiation, let our goals be made dear:

398 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

We do not seek domination over any other country. We believe deeply in our ideas, but we believe they should travel on

their own po,-.,cr and not on the power of our anns. We shall never be belligcrenr but we shall be as firm in defending out

system as they arc in expanding theirs. We believe this should be an era of peaceful competition, nm only in

the productivity of our factories but in the quality of our ideas. We extend the hand of friendship to all people, to the Russian people,

to the Chinese people, to all people in the world. And we shall work coward the goal of an open world----0pcn skies,

open cities, open hearts, open minds. The ncJct eight years, my friends, this period in which we arc entering,

I think we will have the greatest opportunity for world peace but also face the greatest danger of world war of any time in our history.

I believe we must have peace. I believe that we can have peace, but I do not underestimate the difficulty of this task. Because you sec the a rt of preserving peace is greater than that of waging war and much more demanding. But I am proud to have served in an Administration which ended one war and kept the narion our of other wars for eight years. And it is that kind of experience and it is that kind of leadership that America needs today, and that we will give to America with your help.

And as we commit to new policies for America tonight, let us make one further pledge:

For five years hardly a day has gone by when we haven't read or hea rd a report of the American Oag being spit on; an embassy being stoned; a library being burned; or an ambassador being insulted some place in the world. And each incident reduced respect for the United States until the ultimate insult inevitably <lecurrcd.

And I say to you tonight that when resp<-ct for the United Stat<s of America falls so low that a foumh-ratc military p<>we~ like North Korea, wil1 seize an American naval vcssd on the high s.e.as, it is rime for new leadership to restore respect for the United States of America.

My friends, America is a grc:at nation. And it is time we started ro act like a great nation around the world.

Ir is ironic to note when we w.crc a small nation-weak militarily and poor economically- America was respected. And the reason was that America stood for something more powerful than military strength or economic wealth.

Pres, d e nt,al No mtna/1 0 11 Accepta,rce Speech 399

The American Revolution was a shining example of freedom in action which caught the imagination of the world.

Today, too often, America is an example to be avoided and not

followed. A nation that can't keep the peace at home won't be trusted to keep

the peace abroad. A President who isn't treated with respect at home will not be treated

with respect abroad. A nation which can't manage its own economy can't cell Others how

tO manage theirs. lf we a rc to rest0re prestige and respect for America abroad, the place

to begin is a t home in the United States of America. My friends, we live in an age of revolution in America and in the

world. And to 6nd the answers co our problems, let us rum co a revolution, a revolution that will never grow old. The world 's greatest continuing revolution, the American Revolution.

The American Revolution was and is dedicated to progress, but our founders recognized that the 6rsr requisite of progress is ordeL

Now, there is no quarrel betwt-cn progress and order- Ix-cause neither tan exist without the o ther.

So let us have o rder in America-not the order that suppresses diss.,nt and discourages change but the order which guarantees the right to dissent and provides the basis for peaceful change.

And tonight, it is time for some honest talk a bout the problem of order in the United States.

Let us always respect, as I do, our courts and those who serve on them. But let us also recognize that some of our courts in their decisions have gone too far in weakening the peace forces as against the criminal forces in this country and we must act to restore that balance.

let those who have the responsibility tO enforce our laws and our judges who have the responsibility to interpret them be dedicated to the great principles <>f civil rights.

But let them also recognize that the fi r-st civil right of every American is tO be free from domestic violence, a nd. that right must be guaranteed in this country.

And if we arc to restOre order and resp,cct for law in chis country there is one place we arc going to begin . We arc going to have a new Attorney General of the United States of America.

400 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

I pledge to you that our new Attorney General will be directed by the President of the United States to launch a war against organized crime in this country.

1 pledge to you that the new Attorney Gcoeral of the United States will be an active belligerent against the loan sharks and the numbers racke- teers that rob the urban poor in our cities.

I pledge to you that the new Anorney General will open a new fr,mt against the filth peddlers and the narcotics peddlers who arc cor- rupting the lives of the children of this country.

Because, my friends, let this message come through clear from what I say t<might. Time is running our for the merchants of crime and corruption in American St'>cicry.

The wave of crime is not going to be the wave of the future in the United States of America.

We shall re-establish freedom from fear in America so that America can take the kad in re-establishing freedom from fear in the world.

And to those who say that law and order is the code word for racism, there and here is a reply:

Our goal is justice for every American. If we arc to have respect for law in America, we must have laws that deserve respect.

Just as we cannot have progirc.ss without order, we cannot have order without progress, and so, as we commit to order tonight, let us commit to progress.

And this brings me tO the clearest choice among the great issues of this campaign.

For the past five years we ha vc been deluged by government programs for the unemployed; programs for the cities; programs for the pooi: And we have reaped from these programs an ugly harvest of frustration, violence and failure across the I and_

And now our opponents will be offering more of the same-more bil- lions for government jobs, government housing, government welfare.

1 say it is time to quit pouring billions of dollars into programs that have failed in the United States ()f America.

To put it bluntly, we arc on the wrong road-and it's time to take a new road, ro progrc-ss.

Again, we turn to the American Revolution for our answer. The war on poverty didn't begin five years ago in this country. It

began when tltis country began. It's been the most successful war ()n

Pres, d e nt,al No mtna/1 0 11 Accepta,rce Speech 401

poverty in the history of nations. There is more wealth in America today, more broadly shared, than in any nation in the world.

We are a great nation. And we must never forget how we bt'came great. America is a great nation roday not bc.-cause of what government did

for peopk~but because of what people did for themselves over a hundred-ninety years in this country.

So it is time to apply the lcssons of the American Revolution to our present problem.

Let us increase the wealth of America so that we can provide more generously for the aged; and for the needy; and for all those who cannot help themselves.

But for those who arc able to help themselves- what we need arc not more millions on welfare rolls- bur more millions on payrolls in the United Stares of America.

Instead of government jobs, and government housing, and govern- ment welfare, let government use its tax and credit policies ro enlist in this battle the greatest engine of progress ever developed in the hisrory of man- American private enterprise.

Let us enlist in this great cause the millions of Americans in volunteer organizations who will bring a dedication to this rask that no amount of money could ever buy.

And let us build bridges, my friends, build bridges to human dignity across that gulf that separates black America from white America.

Black Americans, no more than white Americans, they do not want more government programs which perpetuate dependency.

They don't want to be a colony in a nation. They want the pride, and the self-respect, and the dignity that can only

come if they have an equal chance ro own their own homes, to own their own businesses, to be managers and executives as well as workers, ro have apiece o( the action in the exciting ventures of private enterprise.

I pledge to you tonight that we shaU have new programs which will provide that equal chance.

\Y/e make great history tonight. \Y/c do not fire a shot heard ' round the world but we shall light the

lamp of hope in millions of homes across this land in which there is no hope today.

And that great light shining out from America wiU again become a bea- con of hope for all those in the world wh(> seek freedom and opportunity.

402 THE R I SE OF THE R JGIIT: 80s - oo

My fellow Americans, I believe that historians will recall that 1968 ma rked the beginning of the American generation in world history.

Just to be alive in America, just to be a]ive at this time is an experience unparalleled in history. Herc is where tbc action is. Think.

Thirty-two years from now most Americans living today will celebrate a new year that comes once in a thousand years.

Eight yea.rs from now, in the second term of the next President, we wiU celebrate the 200th anniversary of the American Revolution.

And by our decision in this e lection, we, all of us here, a U of you lis- tening on television and radio, we wiU determine what kind of nation America will be on its 200th bi,thday; we will determine what kind of a world America will live in tbe yea r 2.000.

This is the kind of a day I sec for America on that glorious Fourth- eight years from now.

I s<,c a day when Americans a rc once again proud of their flag. When once again at home and abroad, it is honored as the world's greatest symbol of liberty and justice.

I sec a day when the President of the United States is rcspet-rcd and his office is honored because it is worthy of respect and worthy of honor.

I see a day when every child in this land, regardless <)f his background, has a chance for the best education ou, wisdom and schools can provide, and an equal chance to go just as high as his taknts will take him.

I sec a day when life in rurai America attracts people to the country, rather than driving them away.

I sec a day when we can look back on massive breakthroughs in solv- ing the problems of slums and pollution and traffic which arc choking our cities to death.

I sec a day when our senior citizens a nd millions of others can plan for the future with the assurance that their government is not going to rnb them of their savings by destroying the value of their dollars.

I see a day when we will again have freedom from fear in America and freedom from fear in the world.

I set a day when our nation is at peace and tht wor1d is at peace and everyone on earth-those who hope, those who aspire, those who crave liberty- will look to America as the shiajng example of hopes realized and d,cams achieved.

My fellow Americans, this is the cause I ask you to vote for. This is the cause I ask you to work for. This is the cause I ask you to commit t~ not just for victory in November but beyond that to a new Administration.

Pres, d e nt,al No mtna/1 0 11 Accepta,rce Speech 403

Because the rime when one man o r a few Icade.rs could save America is gone. We need tonight nothing less than the total commitment and the total mobilization of the American people if we a rc to succeed.

Government can pass laws. But respect for law can come only from people who take the law into their hearts and their minds-and not into their ha nds.

Govrmmcnt can provide opportunity. :Bur opportunity means nothing unless people arc prepared to seize it.

A President can ask for reconciliation in the racia l conflict that divides Americans. But reconci liation comes onlr from the hcarrs of people.

And tonight, therefore, as we make this commitment, Jct us look into our hearts and let us look down into the faces of our children.

ls there anything in the world that should stand in their way? None of the old hatreds mean anything when we look down into the

faces of our children. ln their faces is our hope, our love, and our courage. Tonight, I sec the face of a child. He lives in a great city. He is black. Or he is white. He is Mexican, Italian,

Polish. None of that matters. \'(/hat matters, he's an American child. That child in that great city is more umportant than any politician's

promise. He is Amcrica4 He is a poet. H e is a scientist, he is a great teacher, he is a proud craftsman. He is everything we ever hoped to be and everything we dare to dream to be.

He sleeps the sleep of childhood and be dreams the d reams of a child.

And yet when be awakens, he a wakens 10 a living n ightmarc of poverty, neglect and despair.

He fails in school. He ends up on welfare. For him the American system is one that feeds his stomach and starves

his soul. It breaks his heart. And in the end it may take his Life on some distant battlefield. To millions of children in this rich land, this is their prospt-a of the future. But this is only part of what I sec in America. I sec another child tonight. He hears the train go by at night and he dreams of far away places

where he'd like 10 go. It seems like an impossible dream. But he is helped on his journey through life.

404 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s-oo

A father who had to go to work before he finished the sixth grade, sacrificed everything he had so that his sons could go to college.

A gentle, Quaker mother, with a passionate concern for peace, quietly wept when he went to war but she underst(>Od why he had to go.

A great reacher, a remarkable footbalJ coach, an inspirational minister encouraged him on his way.

A courageous wife and loyal children srood by him in victory and also defeat.

And in his chosen profession of politics, first there were scores, then hundreds, then thousands, and linally millions worked for his success.

And tonight he stands before you- nominated for President of chc United Stares of America.

You can see why I believe so deeply in chc American Dream. For most o( us the American Revolution has been won; the American

Dream has come true. And what I ask you to do conighc is to help me make that dream come

true for millions co whom it's an impossible dream today. One hundred and eight years ago, chc newly clccccd President of the

United Scates, Abraham Lincoln, left Springfield, Illinois, never to return again. He spoke co his friends gathered at the railroad station. Listen to his words:

"Today I leave you. I go co assume a greater task than devolved on General Washington. The great God which helped him muse hclp me. Without that great assistance, I will surely fail. Witb ic, I cannot fail."

Abraham Lincoln lose his life bur he did not fail. The next President of the Uaiced States will face challenges which in

some ways will be greater than those of Washington or Lincoln. Bocause for the first time in our nation's histoiry, an American President will face not only the problem of res-coring peace abroad but of r<'Storing peace ar home.

Without God's help and your help, we will surely fail; but with God's help and your help, we shall surely succeed.

My fellow Americans, the long dark night for America is about to end. The time has come for us to leave the valley of despair and climb the

mountain so that we may see the glory of the dawn-a new day for America, and a new dawn for peace and freedom in chc world.

Source: 'Richard M. Nuon Pres,de,,tial Nommation Accepta,ue Speech' Pamphlet. Publislied by Ni:co,r/Agnetv Compa,gn Committee

DICTATORSHIPS & DOUBLE STANDARDS

Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, November 1979

The failure of the Carter administration's foreign policy is now clt-ar to everyone except its architeas, and even they must entertain pri- vate doubts, from time to time, about a po)icy whose crowning achieve-

ment has been to lay the groundwork for a transfer of the Panama Canal from the United States ro a swaggering Latin dictator of Castroite bent. In the thirty-odd months since the inauguration of Jimmy Carter as President there has occurred a dramatic Soviet military buildup, matched by rhc Stagnation of American armed forces, and a dramatic extension of Soviet influence in the Hom of Africa, Afghanis tan, Southern Africa, and the Caribbean, matched by a declining America n position in a ll these areas. The U.S. has never tried so hard a nd failed so utterly to make a nd keep friends in the Third World.

As if this were not bad enough, in the current year the United States has suffered two othrr major blows- in Iran and Nicaragua-of large and strategic significance. ln each country, the Carter administration nor only fai led to prevent the undesired outcome, it actively collaborated in the replacement of moderate autocrats friendly to American interests with less friendly autocrats of extremist persuasion. It is too soon to be certain about what kind of regime will ultimately emerge in either Iran or Nicaragua, but accumulating evidence suggcSts that things arc as likely to get worse as to get better in bmh countries. The Sandinistas in Nicaragua appear to be as skillful in consolidating power as the Ayatollah Khomeini is inept, and leaders of both rew,luti<lns display an intolerance

405

406 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

and arrogance that do not bode well for the peaceful sharing of power or the establishment of constitutional governments, especially since those leaders have made clear that they have no intention of seeking either.

Ir is at least p<Ksiblc that the SALT debate may stimulate new scrutiny o( the nation's strategic position and defense policy, but there are no signs that anyone is giving serious attention to this nation's role in lranian and Nicaraguan developments-despite clear warnings that the U.S. is con- fronted with Silllllar situations and options in El Salvador, Guatemala, Morocco, Zaire, and elscwher.-. Yer no problem of American foreign policy is more urgent than that of formulating a morally and Strategically acceptable, and politically realistic, program for dealing with non-democratic governments who arc threatened by Soviet-sponsored subversion. In the absence of such a policy, we can expect that the same reflexes that guided Washington in Iran and Nicaragua will be permitted to determine American actions from Korea to Mexico-with the same disastrous effects on the U.S. strategic position. (That the administration has not called its policies in Iran and Nicaragua a failure-and probably docs not consider them such-complicates the prnblem without changing its nature. )

There were, of course, significant differences in the relations between the United States and each of thrse countries during the past two or three decades. Oil, size, and proximity to the Soviet Union gave Iran greater economic and strategic import than any Ccntra1 American "republic," and closer relations were cultivated with the Shah, his counselors, and family than with President Somoza, his advisers, and family. Relations with the Shah were probably also enhanced by our approval of his manifest determination to modernize Iran regardless of the effects of modernization oa traditional social and cultural patterns (including those which enhanced his own authority and legitimacy). And, of course, the Shah was much better loo.king and altogether more dashing than Somoza; his private life was much more romantic, more interesting co the media, popular and otherwise. Therefore, more Americans were more aware of the Shah than of the equaUy tenacious Somoza.

But even though Iran was rich, blessed with a product the U.S. and its allies needed badly, and led by a handsome king, while Nicaragua was poor and rocked along under a long-tenure president of less strilcing aspect, there we.re many similairities between the two countries and our relations with them. Both these small nations were led by men who had

D,cratorships e...~ Dottble Standards 407

not been selected by ttl'C elections, who recognized no duty to submit them selves to searching tests of popular acceptability. Both did tolerate limited apposition, including opposition newspapers a nd political par- ties, but bmh were a lso confronted by radical, violent opponents bent on social and political revolution. Both rulers, therefore, sometimes invoked martial law to arrest, imprison, exile, and occasionally, it was a lleged, torrure their opponents. Both relied for public order on police forces whose personnel were sajd to be too harsh, too arbitrary, and too powerful. Each had what the American press termed "private armies," which is to say, armies pledging their allegiance to the ruler rather than the "'constirurion" or the "nation" or some other impersonal entity.

In short, both Somoza and the Shab were, in central ways, traditional rulers of semi-traditional societies. Although the Shah very badly wanted to create a tl'Chnologically modern and powerful nation and Somoza tried hard to introduce mod em agricultural methods, neither sought to reform his society in the tight of any abstract idea of social justice or political virruc. Neither atremptcd to a lter significantly the distribution of goods, starus, or power (though the democra tization of education a nd skills that accompanied modernization in Iran did result in some redistri- bution of money and power there).

Both Somoza and the Shah enjoyed lo ng tenure, large personal for- tunes (much of which were no doubt appropriated from genera l reve- nues), and good relations with the United States. The Shah and Somoza were not only anti-Communist, they were positively friendly to the U.S., sending their sons and others to be educated in ouI universities, voting with us in the United Nations, and regularly supporting American inter- ests a nd positions even when these entailed personal a nd political cost. The embassies of both governments were active in Washington social life, and were frequented by powerful Americans who occupied major roles in th is nation's diplomatic, military, a nd political life. And the Shah a nd Somoza themselves were both welcome i n Washington, and had many Americ.an friends.

Though each of the rulers was from rime t<> time criticized by American officia ls for violating civil and human rights, the fact that the people of [ran and Nicaragua only inN.>rrnittently enjoyed the rights accorded to citizens in the Western democracies did nor prevent succ<.--s- sivc administrations from granting- with the necessary approval of suc- cessive Congresses- both military and economic' aid . In the case of both

408 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

Iran and Nicaragua, tangible and intangible tokens of U.S. support con- tinued until the regime became the object of a major arrack by forces e,q,licitly hostile ro the United States.

Bur once an attack was launched by opponents bent on destruction, everything changed. The rise of serious, violent opposition in Iran and Nicaragua set in motion a succession of events which bore a suggestive resemblance ro one another and a suggestive similarity to our behavior in China before the fall of Chiang Kaishck, in Cuba before the triumph of Castro, in certain crucial periods of the Viemamcsc war, and, more recently, in Angola. In each of these countries, the American effort to impose liberalization and democratization on a government confronted with violent internal opposition nor only failed, bur actually assisted the coming to power of new regimes in which ordinary people enjoy fewer freedoms and less personal seeu rity than under the previous autocracy- rcgimes, moreover, hostik to American inrcrcsrs and policies.

HONDURAS: DICTATORSHIPS AND DOUBLE STANDARDS

REVISITED Analysis by Daniel Luban

and J im Lobe, July 03, 2009

When the Honduran military deposed President Manuel Zelaya on June 28, in an incident that sti rred memories of Cold War military coups in Latin America, it a lso seems ro have caused a t least some foreign policy commentators to revert to positions reminiscent of the Cold War.

While the O rganization of American Stares (OAS), the U.N. General Assembly, and the U.S. government all condemned Zelaya's detention and forced exile, the coup makers found supporters among neoconscrva- tives and other right-wing U.S. hawks, wh.o defended the military's action as a justified reaction to Zelaya's alkgcdly unconstitutional power grab.

The hawks' support for rhe coup, which came as media reports from Honduras described a violent police crac.kdown against demonstrators and a government-imposed media blackout throughout the country, may ha vc been surprising co many observers.

Afrcr all, only days before many of the same comrnenrarors were fiercely decrying similar scenes coming our of Tehran, and caUing for U.S. President Barack Obama to Stand up for democracy in Iran against what was frequently described as a coup by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei a nd President Mahmoud Ahmadincjad.

Bur to those with longer memories, ithis apparent discrepancy was anything bur surprising.

For although neoconservarism has in recent years become identified with former President George W. Bush's " freedom agenda," and aggressive

409

410 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

U.S. support for so-called democracy promotion in the Middle Easr and beyond, the ideology has a very different history in Latin America.

During the Cold \'(fa r, neoconscrvarivcs were known as staunch dtfcndcrs of right-wing authoritarians as counterweights to leftist move- ments in the region. Thc-se autocrats and dictators included Augusto Pinochet in Chile, Jose Efrain Rios Monn in Guatemala, and the military junta in Argentina-nor ro mention rhc former Honduran Chief of Staff, Gen. Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, who was so brutal and imperious that his fellow officers threw him out of the country in 1984.

Support for right-wing authoritarianism in Latin America and [ran, and blistering criticism of Jimmy Carter's human righrs policy comprised the core of the movement's early manifesto, "Dictatorships and Double Standards," Jeanne Kirkpatrick's famous 1979 essay in Commentary magazine. Ronald Reagan was so impressed with the article tbat he made Kirkpatrick his ambassador to the United Nations.

The current debate over Honduras serves as a reminder that the simple polarities of recent foreign policy ,discussions, in which a "ncoconscrvatism" identified with "democracy promotion" is contrasted with a "realism" identified with acceptance of authoritarian governmcnrs, disguise a more complex history.

After all, as ncoconscrvativc.s claimed to be championing democratic "transformation" in the Middle East during the Bush administration, they simultaneously applauded the attempted coup in 2002 against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and were deeply disappointed by its failure.

Two years later, they welcomed the forcible exile of Hajtian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide aboard a U.S. Air Force jer in the face of an upris- ing by former military officers and their paramilitary allies.

At the time, the ncocons argued rhat the rwo presidents were danger- ous, power-hungry-albeit democratically elec-red-demagogues who, if left unchecked, would wreck the constitutional o rder and threaten U.S. interests.

These neoconservative.o; have made similar daims against Honduran president Zelaya, who had clearly managed t<> antagonize orher branches of government, including rhc Supreme Court. The Court ruled that his effort to hold a non-binding referendum thar could amend the constitu- tion was unconstirucional, precipitating a series of events that culminated in his ouster.

"Yes, Zelaya was elecred, bur Hitler was as well, and Chavez also was," said influential \Vashington Post columnist Charles Kraurharnmer.

J-lo11dttras: Dictatorships and Dortble Sta11dards Revisrted 4 11

"A coup isn't a nice thing, but it's preferable to having Zelaya dismantle the democracy."

Similarly, the right-wing National Review editorialized tha t "[r)he Honduran soldiers who escorted Pres. Manuel Zelaya from his home on Sunday were acting to protect their country's democracy, no t to trample it."

But the actual means by which Zelaya was ousted-specifically the military's decision co intervene in what was cssentia1ly a political dispute by a rresting the president and dispatching him to Cosca Rica- bore all the hallma rks of a conventional coup d'etat, even if it was ratified by the Congress immediately afterward.

The OAS has already resolved "to condemn vehemently the coup d'etat" against Zelaya, called for bis "immediate, safe, and uncondi- tional return" to office by a July 3 deadline, and vowed chat "no govern- ment arising from this unconstitutional eruption will be recognized." After some hesitation, on June 29 Obama also condemned the milirary's actions as '' not legal" and called for Zelaya's restoration. In addition co arguing that Zelaya had himself acted in an unconstitutional manner, neoconsttvativcs also stressed his ties to Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and other Latin American leftist kadcrs- and the a lleged threat they pose to democracy in the region-as a justification for deposing him, whatever the means.

"Look, a rule of thumb here is whenever you find yourself on the side of Hugo Chavez, [Nicaraguan president] Da niel Ortega, and the Castro twins [Raul and Fidel Castro of Cuba), you ought to reexamine your assumptions," Krauthammer noted .

O thers depicted Zelaya as one more pawn in Chavez's efforts to expand his influence, in much the same way cha t Ki rkpatrick described Ortega and the Sandinistas as puppets of Moscow and Havana 30 years ago.

Kirkpatrick criticized Carter for allegt,dly taking a harder line against tight-wing but pro-U.S. dktators than against their left-wing, Soviet- backed counterparts. As brutal as they rnay be, she a rgued, "traditional authoritarian governments arc less repressive than revolutionary autoc- racies" and genera Uy "'more compatible with U.S. interests."

[n an echo of Kirkpatrick's criticism of Carter's human rights policy, former Bush six-cchwritcr Peter Wehner complained about O bama's alleged double standard, in denouncing the Honduran coup but failing ro strongly condemn election fraud in Ira n.

4 1 2 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

"[T)hcre doesn't seem to be any consistency on when Obama decides to meddle, beyond his tendency to take actions that make life easier for those who do not wish America wdl, » Wehner, who now heads the neo- conscrvativc Ethics and Public Policy Center, wrote on the Commentary website .

.,. As a general matter, I'm not in favor of military coups," he added, in another echo of decades-old rhct.oric. "On the other hand, I'm not in favor of Zelaya doing to Honduras what Cha vcz has done in Venezuela."

Although the Reagan administration was fiercely criticized by human rights advocates for its support of military dictators against leftist move- mcnt.s that frequently enjoyed widespread popular support, ncoconscrva- tivcs a rgued that the larger threat to freedom posed by Soviet influence outweighed any injustice involved in suppressing opposition to "friendly authoritarians.,» as they were S()mctimcs called.

If th is argument seems jarring, it is likely because the popular image of ncoconservativc doctrine has undergone a marked change in recent years. Thi.s was in large part because of the ncocons' deliberate efforts to depict themselves as '"idealists" dedicated to universal democratization, as laid our in Bush's 2005 stcond inaugural address and his so-called "freedom agenda."

On closer examination, however, the aeocons' zeal for democratization appears to depend significantly on whether the target is considered friendly or hostile to U.S. interests. In that respect, not much has changed.

THE CIA'S INTERVENTION IN AFGHANISTAN

Interview with Z bigniew Brzezinski, President Jimmy Carter's National

Secur iry Adviser

Le Nouvd Obscrvareur, Paris, 15-2 1 January 1998 Posted a t global rcsearch.ca 15 Ocrobcr 2001

Q uestion: The former director of the C[A, Robert Gates, stated in his memoirs ["From the Shadc)ws"), that American intelligence services began to aid the Mujahadccn in Afghanistan 6 months before the Soviet intcrvcn- rion. In this period you were the national security adviser to President Carter. You therefore played a role in this affair. Is that correct ?

Brzezinski: Yes. According to the official version of history, CLA aid to the Mujahadcen began during 1980, that is to say, after the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan, 24 Dec 1979. But the reality, secretly guarded until now, is completely otherwise Indeed, it was July 3, 1979 that President Carter signed the firs t direcrive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro- Soviet regime in Kabul. And that very day, I wrote a note t(> the president in which I explained to hjm that in my opinion th is aid was going to induce a Soviet military intervention.

Q: Despite this risk, you were an advocate of this covert action. Bur perhaps you yourself desired this Soviet entry into war and looked to provoke it?

B: It isn't quite that. We didn't push the Russians to intervene, but we knowingly increased the probability that they would.

413

THE CIA'S INTERVENTION IN AFGHANISTAN

Interview with Z bigniew Brzezinski, President Jimmy Carter's National

Secur iry Adviser

Le Nouvd Obscrvareur, Paris, 15-2 1 January 1998 Posted a t global rcsearch.ca 15 Ocrobcr 2001

Q: Despite this risk, you were an advocate of this covert action. Bur perhaps you yourself desired this Soviet entry into war and looked to provoke it?

B: It isn't quite that. We didn't push the Russians to intervene, but we knowingly increased the probability that they would.

413

SARAH PALIN SLAMS OBAMA AGAIN ON AYERS

AT FLORIDA RALLY TRANSCRIPT

Lynn Sweet, October 6, 2008

LOCATION: Clearwater, Florida

TIME! 9!00 A.M. EDT

DATE: Monday, October 6, 2008

REPUBLICAN VlCE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE GOVERNOR SARAH PALIN REMARKS AT A "ROAD TO VICTORY" RALLY

GOV. PALIN: Thank you so much. Thank you so much. Thank you so much. And Senator Lieberman, thank you for that kind introduction. And it is so good ro have aU of you here today. As Senator Lieberman just said, he's never seen so many people up so early and we thank you for making that sacrifice.

(Applause.) Thank you so much for that very, very warm welcome ro the state of

Florida. You rake my breath away. Thank you, Florida. (Applause.) The flags arc beautiful. Thank you for that als<). God bless America.

You guys get it. Thank you. (Applause.) It's great to be here in the home of the Tampa Bay Rays, too.

(Applause.) 415

416 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

I know that earLicr some of the experts this year are kind of rough on the Rays. I've been there. Bur what a difference a season can make. And now the Rays arc in the playoffs for the first time cvcc Florida knows a little something about turning an underdog into a victor, and together that's what we can do.

(Applause.) How about it Florida? Let us do that for Senator John McCain. (Applause.) So the last time that our campaign came tO Florida it was up in the

villages and it was so much fun. Thousands of people our there. Golf carts everywhere. We got such a kick out of that, that was cool. Thousands of people our there ro hear our message of reform and posi- tive change. And they came there Like you today because the people of Florida are ready to shake things up in Washington.

(Applause.) So John McCain and I, we arc raking our cause and our case for

reform to every voter of every background in every region of America. Whether you' re a Republican or a Democrat or an Independent, maybe you don't belong ro any- parry at all , we' re asking for your vote. And it's going ro be a hard fought contest. Right here in Fi<)rida it's going to be a rough contest. With your support, though, we'll win Florida.

(Applause.) We'll win for you. (Applause.) So, I wanted to come here a couple of days earlier but I had an

appointment in St. Louis that just wouldn't wait. (Applause.) And so on Thursday night I had a little debate with Senator Joe Biden. (Boos.) Joseph Bidcn is a decent man, he is. And I enjoyed meeting him for

the first time. I was so proud, though, to get to make the case for the next president of the United States, John McCain.

(Applause.) As I cxplafoed to Senator Bidcn, John McCain is the only man in this

race who wiU solve our economic crisis and not exploit it. And he's the only man in this race with a plan that will actually help our working families, and cut your taxes, and get our economy back on track.

(Applause.)

Sarai, Pal,11 .slams O bama aga,11 o n A y ers 41 7

He's the only man in this race who talks about the wars that America is fighting and he isn't afraid to us., the word victory.

(Applause.) Out opponent gives speech after speech about the wars that America

is fighting and it sure would be nice if just once he'd say that he wants America to win.

(Applause.) See our opp<)ncnt voted to Cut off funding for our troops even after

saying that he would never do so. (Boos.) And he said that our troops in Afghanistan arc just quote, "raiding

villages and killing civilians." (Boos.) And that's not what our brave men and women in uniform arc doing

in Afghanistan. The U.S. military is fighting terrorism and protecting us and our values.

(Applause.) And they're building schO<lls for children in Afghanistan so that there

is hope and there is opporruniry in char country. Thar is what our troops arc doing and they deserve our gratitude and they deserve our support.

(Applause.) Sec, John McCain is a different kind of man. He believes in our troops

and their mission. And as the mother of one of those troops that's exactly the kind o( man l want as commander in chief.

(Applause.) Man, some of your signs just make me want to cry. Thank you so

much. I love you guys. (Applause.) Thank you. (Applause.) Senator McCain-Senator McCain served our nation in uniform for

22 years, five and a half years he was a POW. In fact, it was after gradu- ating from the Naval Academy, he was s tationed right here in Florida. That's where he learned to do what he docs, here in Florida.

(Applause.) And Florida, it was in your skies that he trained to become a naval

aviator. And Senator McCain is proud to have been part of Florida's strong trarution of military service. And today, we're proud (>fall the Floridians who have worn our country's uniform. Your st.ate is home to millions.

(Applause.)

418 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

Florida is home co millions of our veterans and many of our nation's active duty soldiers and airmen. And they continue to keep our nation strong and srcure. And I know that here in the audience there arc veter- ans, there arc those who are serving today. Would you do me the honor, raise your hand, let us applaud you? Thank you, guys.

(Applause.) We thank you and we love you guys. Thank you-and gals, thank you. (Applause.) Florida, in just 29 days it will be the time for choosing in this el«-rion.

And here's how I look at the choice that we face. In politics there are some candidates who use change to just promote their careers. And then there are those leaders, like John McCain, who use their career to pro- mote change.

(Applause.) This is a moment when principles and political independence matter

a lot more than just the parry line, as Senator Lieberman just told you. It matters a lot more than just the parry line. John McCain is his own man. I-le doesn't run with the Washington herd. And he and I don 't jusr talk

about change, wt're the only candidates in this race with a track record of actually making change happen.

(Applause.) As mayor and as a governor, I reminded p<.-ople that government is not

always the answcL In fact, government too often is the problem. So we got back to basics and we put government back on the side of the people.

As mayor, I eliminated taxes on personal property and I eliminated taxes like small business inventory taxes. Those burdens on our small businesses, we got rid of them. Property taxes were too high. Every year that I was in office I reduced that (mill levy ?).

And as governor, I brought che same agenda of positive change on a State level. I came to office promising to control spending, by request if possible, but by veto if nccessa,y. And today, our stare budget is under control and we have a surplus. And I put the veto pen to nearly half a billion dollars in wasteful spending.

(Applause.) We suspended our state fuel tax and I'm returning a chunk of our

surplus money right back to th,c people of Alaska. It's their money and they can spend it better than government can spend it for tbem.

(Applause.)

Sarai, Pal,11 .slams Obama aga,11 on Ayers 4 19

Imagine that. Imagine that, having that principle. And that's what we're going to bring on a national level also. That principle of knowing that- no, the people, our families, our businesses they know best so let them keep more of what they earn and produce and not have this govern- ment take trying co quote, "solve" all tho: problems for our fam ilies a nd our businesses. No, we're not going t<> do that.

I've always known that I was accountable to the people who hired me. There, it was the people of Alaska. And in a McCain-Palin administra- tion I promise you that we will never forget that we'll be there in D.C. to work for you the people of America.

(Applause.) So one mission <)f a McCain-Palin ad.ministration wiU be to set this

nation fi rmly on a c<mrse of energy independence. (Applause.) Across Florida and all across America, high gas prices is making a fuU

tank at the pump st..-m like a lmcury. And the cost of living, of course, is going up. And the cost of groceries is going up. Everything is going up, but the value of your paycheck is going do-.11. And that's because of high energy costs. So, to meet America's great energy challenge we're going to nttxl an all of the above approach. And that, in a i\llcCain-Palin administration, wiU mean developing new alternative energy sources. And it will mean requiring to build more nuclear power plants. And in Florida, it means alternative sources of energy like wind and solaL God has so richly blessed you here.

(Applause.) look at these sources of energy here in Florida that arc still sitting

untapped. And we'll tap into them, along with environmentally friendly off shore production. \V/e do need to d rill here and drill now. Now you can chant the drill baby drill.

(Applause.) It's as simple as this, Florida. In a McCain-Pa lin administration we will

achieve energy security for our country. fr is a matter of national security and economic prosperity. That means American energy resources brought to you by American ingenuity and produced by American workers.

(Applause.) And we're also going to bring tax rdief to every American and cut

taxes for businesses S() you business owners you can hire more people. That's how jobs a rc created.

(Applause.)

420 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

Herc again, John McCain is the real rcfonneL In this election, he is the real reformer and he can do mis and he has a record to prove it. And so do l, as a mayo~ as a governor who cut tax<-S for the people of Alaska. You know, in this campaign, in this ckction, I think the phonic-st claim in a campaign that's Ix-en full of them, is that Barack Obama is going to cut your taxes?

(Boos.) I mean, tbink about it. He's built his whole career on doling out rax

money, first as a Chicago politician, and then raising taxes as a senator. He's voted 94 times ro raise rax:cs.

(Boos.) Even on middle class every day working Americans making $42,000

a year, he voted to raise those taxes. And he tried to waste a million dol- lars a day just on his requested earmarks. And now, hes committed co almost a trillion dollars in new government spending. And yet, he never bothers to explain where all that's going to come from to pay for all of that. And dog gone it, no one sc-cms to be asking him how is he going t<) pay for the huge government growth that he wanes. No one is asking him. So you all, just do the math. Either do the math or just go with your gut. In either way, you're going ro come up with the same conclusion, Barack Obama is going to raise your taxes.

(Boos.) So, there's a pattern here of a left-wing agenda that is packaged and

prettied up to look like mainstream policies. And everyhody knows that this country has got to bc put back on the right track. But the problem with our opponent's agenda is chat higher raxes and bigger goverrunenr and activist couns and retreat in war, that's nor the right track for <)ur country. That's another dead end.

(Applause.) We have that plan to put our country back on the right track. Okay

now Florida, evidently there's some interest in what I've been reading lately. And I think that this comes from-it's a result of a prohably less than successful interview that I had recently with kind of mainstream media.

(Boos.) Yer, you know what, in response to critics after that interview ·what I

should have told them was I was just trying to keep Tina Fay in business, just giving her more information.

(Applause.)

Sarai, Palt11 .slams O bama agarn o n A y ers 421

Job security for SNL characters. All right. ReaUy in that interview I was ju.~ getting really impatient because I was so convinced that Americans want to hear about the issues that are so important in your life: how to win the war, how to get me economy back on trace, public education, accountability in our schools, more choices for our parents: with education. Those things.

(Applause.)

So, I do have to apologize, though, for being a little bit imparienr, a little bit annoyed. Bur anyways, so <)nc of the questions about well what do I read everyday? And my answer was sort of flippant, Well, I was reading my copy of the New York Times the orher day, okay.

(Boos.)

And I knew you guys would react that way, okay. So I'm reading the New York Times, though, and I was really interested to read about Baratk's friends from Chicago, as the New York limes (put it ').

(Applause.)

Now it turns out one of his earliest supporttrs is a man named Bill Ayers.

(Boos.) And according ro the New York Times he was a domestic terrorist and

part of a group that quote, " launched a campaign of bombings that would rarger the Pentagon and our U.S. Capitol."

(Boos.) And then there's even more to the story. Barack Obama says that Ayers

was just someone in the neighborhood, bur that's less than truthful. His own top adviser said that they were quore, "certainly friendly." In fucr, Obama held one of his first meetings of his political rnreer in BiU Ayers Living room.

(Boos.)

And they worked together on various projccrs in Chicago. And, you know, these arc the same guys who think that patriotism is paying higher taxes.

(Boos.) Remember, that's what Joe Bidcn had said. And I am just so fearful

that this is not a man who secs America the way that you and I sec America, as the greatest source for good ;n this world.

(Applause.)

I'm afraid this is someone who secs America as imperfect enough tO work with a former domestic terrorist who had targeted his own country.

(Boos.)

422 THE RISE OF THE RJGIIT: 80s - oo

This, ladies and gentkmen, has nothing to do with the kind of change that anyone can believe in, nO't my kids, not for your kids. What we believe in is what Ronald Reagan believed in, and that is America is an exceptional nation.

(Applause.) (Chant of USA) Remember Ronald Reagan used to talk about America

being that shining ciry on a hill for all mankind to S<e-c and that America is a good and honorable nation. We arc not a perfect nation but we learn from our mistakes. And individually, no we arc not perfect; bur collt'(;· tivcly together America represents a perfect ideal. It's freedom. It's toler- ance. It's respect for equal rights. It is those things that our military men and women have fought and died for, and freedom is worth fighting for.

(Applause.) So look at the contrasts. On November 4th, you'll have that choice,

the contrasts. The only man who can take on Washington is Senator John McCain.

(Applause.) Okay, so Florida you know that you're going to have to hang onto

your hats hccausc from now until election day it may get kind of rough. That's all right. You're going to hear our opponents still go <)n and <)n about how they're going to fight for you. But since he won't say it on his own behalf, I've had to kind of make it my business to say it for him. There is only one man in this campaign who has ever really fought for you.

(Applause.) He has the courage to go on fighting for you. That man is John

McCain so god bless you for supporting John McCain. Thank you, Florida. God bless you and god bless America.

(Applause.)

Thank you.

END.

CHAPTER NINE

9/11-TODAY

STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES June 3, 1997

American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies af the Clinton Administration . They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives have nor confideil1tly advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have a llowed differences over tactics to obscu re potential agreement on srrategic objectives . And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security a nd advance America n interests in the new ce ntury.

We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.

As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces a n opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Dot-s the United Statt-S have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We a re living off the capital-both the military investments and the foreign policy achievements- built up by past administrations. Cuts in foreign affairs a nd defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and inconstant leadership arc making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short- term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the: nation's ability to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.

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We s<'Cm to have forgotten the essential clements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready co meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purpose- fully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' gk,ba I responsibilities.

Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But wc cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leader- ship or the coses that arc associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia~ and the Middle East. If we shirk our rcsp<)nsibilitics, we invite challenges to our funda- mental int<rests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and co meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us w embrace the cause of American leadership.

Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Herc arc four consequences:

we need to increase defcnst, spending significantly if we arc to ca rry out our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the fururc; wc need to strengthen our tics to democratic aUies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interrcsts and values; we need to promote the c-ausc of political and economic freedom abroad; we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order fricnd)y to <)ur security, our prosperity, and our principles.

Such a Reagaaite poLicy of miLitary strength and moral dariry may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the ncx--r.

NARRATNE Niloofar Mina

Herc is another view from downtown New York: A wt-ck has passed but I am still engulfed in depression and anxiety and do not quite understand why. On Wednesday night, the day after the bombing, as we were driving out of the city to escape the confusion and smoke in my downtown neighborhood, the sight of the empty streets, army vehicles, and the refrigerated trucks on the road reminded me of the period of revolution in Iran. J think part of my fear stemmed from my experience of exile. Tbe events that lead to my present life in downtown New York became once again vivid. I felt I could nor bear moving again. There is an unbelievable force and power witnessing thousands die in front of you. And I saw it happen! I was riding my bike along the Hudson River to my school's swimming pool at around 9. I was pretty close to the WTC. By the rime I [reached] my school the second tower was hit and people were rushing uptown, filling up the bike path along the river. Ar sch,x,I the pool was cl,)sed, so, I went to the Battery Park City, across the street, to S<'C what was developing. The twin buildings were on fuc. Bur all the surroundings were normal, just two buildings on lire. People from Wall Street were sitting in the park to take a breath, talking about bodies, falling off rhe top of rhe twin towers. Fr-om there J could sec the black shadows falling off the buildings. People were standing there in disbelief. Some had brought out their rclcsropcs from their apartments in Battery Park City to look closer. J rode my bike closer, opposite the world finan- cial center, near the boats. I was thinking of all the people trapped, and looking at the rowers like two torches, on fue. We were all transfixed; did nm think that we should really be moving away from there. The area was full of people just looking up in astonishment and horror. I do not think it occurred to anyone that the buildings might collapse or pose any

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danger to the surrounding area. Bur suddenly the South tower collapsed. It was unbelievable. It looked as if the top of the building was sliding off of it and coming toward us. Bue tbe building immediately disapp<'arcd in a white cloud and now the cloud was rushing to us. I looked up at the buildings right above me. [n a flash I realized that they too were about to collapse or at the least the windows were sure to break on top of us. Wben the cloud reached us in a matter of seconds, the air was all white with small white particles in it. We could not breathe or see beyond our nose. I could nor breath, things were falling from above and p<'Oplc were saying confusing things: like lic on the floor. Go to the right, no, left! There was a middle aged Wall Strc-ct CEO type within my field of vision. He was on the floor, hurt. I could not reach to help him. I was holding on to my bike and contemplating a jump in the Hudson Rivec At least I won't be burned. For a shorr while I was essentially immobile, thinking that we were all abour to die and there is little we can do about it. There was nothing ro hide under. It was scary and unbelievable, strange. Like a Godzilla movie. I decided to ger off the ground and walk up north through the park and to the West side highway, along the river. It was a good decision, because the pictures now show that area to be covered with metal and glass from the American Express Building. There were kids trapped in the Stuyvesant school engulfed in smoke. But I could nor linger to help. The police kept pushing us ro move. A sea of people mov- ing slowly. Once on the highway I jumped on my bike and left the area. Right as I reached home the other building collapsed. People were screaming on the srrc-ct right outside my window. I looked our and saw the second building reduced ro smoke. Everything was covered with building particles, glass and smoke. By the next day my neighborhood was sealed off and the air was full of smoke and chemical vapors. I real- ized that when C()nfronred with human loss political and cultural differ- ences disappear. I felt for the WfC victims the same way I feel for the continuing plight of the Palestinian people, the people of Iraq, and for the over 2 million [ranian and [raqi proplc who were killed i□ a wa.r that was used by the US to destabilize and devastate the Gulf region and fund ter- rorist groups in Central America. A war that took the lives of many of my friends. This is precisely the reason why the current talks of revenge and war, and the patriotic sen timcnrs forced on the American people scare me. Clearly, violence diminishes us.

TRANSCRIPT OF OBAMA'S SPEECH OPPOSING

THE IRAQ WAR

REMARKS OF LLLINOIS STATE SEN. BARACK OBAMA AGAJNST GOLNG TO \VAR WITH IRAQ, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS-OCTOBER 2, 2002

I stand before you as someone who is not opposed to war in all circumstances. The Civil War was one of the bloodiest in history, and yet it was only through the crucible of the sword, the sacrifice of multitudes, that we could begin to perfect this union and drive the scourge of slavery from our soi I.

I don't oppose all wars. My grandfather signed up for a war the day after Pearl Harbor was bombed, fought in Patton's army. He fought in the name of a larger freedom, part of that arsenal <>f democracy that triumphed over evil.

I don't oppose all wars. After September 11, after wimcssing the carnage a nd destruction, the dust and the tears, I supponed this admin- istration's pledge to hunt down and root o ut tho.sc who would sla ughter innocents in the name of intolerance, and I would willingly take up arms myself to prevent such tragedy from happening again.

I don't oppose all wars. What I am opposed to is a dumb war. What I am opposed to is a rash war. What I am opposed to is the cynical attempt by Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowit:~ and other armchai~ wcckend warriors in this administration to shove their own ideological agendas down our throats, irrespective of the costs in lives lost and in hardships borne.

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What I am opposed to is the attempt by political hacks like Karl Rove to distract us from a rise in the uninsured, a rise in the poverty rare, a drop in the median income, to distract us from corporate scandals and a stock market that has just gone through the worst month since tht> Great Depression.

That's what I'm opposed to. A dumb wac A rash war. A war based not on reason but on passion, not on prindplc but on politics.

Now let me ht' clear: I suffer no iUusions about Saddam Hussein. He is a hrutal mao. A ruthlt-ss man. A man who butchers his own people to secure his own power .... The world, and the Iraqi people, would be better off without him.

But I also know that Saddam poses no imminent and direct threat t<) the United States, or to bis neighbors ... and that in concert with the international c.ommunfry he c.a.n be contained until, in the way of all petty dictators, he falls away in,o the dustbin of hisrory.

I know that even a successful war against Iraq will require a U.S. occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undeter- mined consequences.

I know rhar an invasion of Iraq without a clear rationale and without strong international support wiU only fan the flames of the Middle East, and encourage the worst, rather than bt>st, impulses of the Arab world, and strengthen the recruitment arm of al-Qaeda.

I am not opposed to all wars. f'm opposed to dumb wars. So for those of us who seek a more just and St.'Cure world for our children, let us send a clear message to the president.

You want a fight, President Bush? Let's finish the fight with Bin Laden and al-Qaeda, through effective, coordinated intelligence, and a shutting down of the financial networks that support terrorism, and a homeland security program that involves more than color-coded warnings.

You want a fight, President Bush? Let's fight to make sure that ... we vigorously enforce a nonproliferation treaty, and that former enemies and current allies like Russia safeguard and ultimately eliminate their stort>S of nuclear material, and that nations like Pakistan and India never use the terrible weapons already in their possession, and that the anns merchants in our own country stop fceding the countless wars that rage across the globe.

You want a fight, President Bush> Let's fight to make sure ou, so-called allies in the Middle East, the Saudis and the Egyptians, stop oppressing

Tra11sc r ipt of Ob ama •s Sp ee c h O pp o sing th e Iraq \Var 431

their own people, and suppressing dissent, and tolerating corruption and inequality, and mismanaging their economics so that their youth grow up without education, without prospects, wichour hope, the ready recruits of terrorist cclJs.

You want a fight, President Bush' Let's fight to wean ourselves off Middle East oil through an energy policy that doesn't simply serve the interests of Exxon and Mobil.

Those arc the battles that we need to 6ghr. Those arc the battles that we willingly join. The battles againsr ignorance and intolerance. Corruption and greed. Poverty and despaiir.

BUSH MAKES HISTORIC SPEECH ABOARD WARSHIP

ABOARD THE USS ABRAHAM UNCOLN (CNNJ-The following is an unedited transcript of Pretident Bush's historic speech from the flight

deck of the USS Lincoln, during whid, he dedared an end to major combat in lraq:t

T hank you. Thank you all very much.

Admiral Kelly, Captain Card, officers and sailors of the USS Abraham Lincoln, my follow Americans, major combat operations in Iraq have ended. In the banle of Iraq, the United States and our allies have prevailed.

And now our coalition is engaged in securing and reconstructing that country.

In this battle, we have fought for the cause of liberty and for the peace of the world. Our nation and our coalition arc proud of this accomplish- ment, yet it i.~ you, the members of the United States military, who achieved it. Your courage, your willingness to face danger for you r coun- try and for each other made this day possible.

Because of you <)ur nation is more secure. Be-cause o f you the tyrant has fallen and Iraq is free.

O peration Iraqi Freedom was carried out with a combination of preci- sion and speed and boldness the enemy did not expect and the world had not seen before.

From distant bases or ships at sea, w,c sent planes and missiles that could destroy an enemy division or strike a single bunker. Marines and soldiers charged to Baghdad across 350 miles of hostile ground in one of the swiftest advances of heavy a rms in his tory.

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You have shown the world -rhe skill and the might of the American armed forces.

This nation thanks all of the members of our coalition who joined in a noble cause. We thank the armed forces of the United Kingdom, Australia and Poland who shared in the hardships of waL We thank all of the citizens of Iraq who welcomed our troops and joined in the libera- tion of their own country.

And tonight, I have a special word for Secretary Rumsfrld, for General Franks and for all the men and women who wear the uniform of the United States: America is grateful for a job well done.

The character of our military through history, the daring of Normandy, the fierce courage of lwo Jima, the dt-cency and idealism that turned enemies into allies is fully present in this generation.

When lraqi civilians looked. into the faces of our service men and women, they saw strength and kindness and good will. When I look at the members of the United States military, I see the best of our country and I am honored to be your commander in chief.

In the images of fallen statues we have witnessed the arrival of a new era. For a hundred of years of war, culminating in the nuclear age, mili- tary technology was designed and dcpi<)ycd to inflict casualties on an ever-growing scale.

In defeating Nazi Germany aad Imperial Japan, Allied forces destroyed entire cities, while enemy Jeadcrs who started the conflict were safe until the final days. Mj]itary power was used to end a regime by breaking a nation.

Today we have the greater power to free a nation by breaking a dangerous and aggressive rl-gimc.

With new tactics and pre<:1:sion weapons, we can achieve military objcLLivcs without directing violence against civilians.

No device of man can remove the tragedy from war, yet it is a great advance when the guilty have far more to fear from war than the innocent.

In the images of celebrating l.aqis we have also seen the ageless appeal of human frt-cdom. Dt-cadcs of lies and intimidation could not make the lraqi pcoplt love their oppressors or desire their own enslavement.

Men and women in every culture need Liberty like they need food and watC:r and air. Everywhere that freedom arrives, humanity rejoices and everywhere that freedom stirs, let tyrants fear.

Busl, Makes Histonc Spe,ch Aboard \Varslnp 435

We have difficult work to do in Iraq. We're bringing order to parts of that country that remain dangerous. We're pursuing and finding leaders of the old regime who will be held ro account for their crimes. We've begun the search for hidden chemical and biological weapons, and already know of hundreds of sires that will be investigated.

We are helping to rebuild Iraq where the dictator built palaces for himself instead of hospitals and schools.

And we will stand with the new leaders of Iraq as they establish a government of, by and for the Iraqi people.

The transition from dictatorship ro democracy will take time, but it is worth every effort. Our coalition will stay until our work is done and then we will leave and we will leave behind a &cc Iraq.

The hattle of Iraq is one victory in a war on terror that began on September the I Ith, 2001 and still goes on.

That terribk morning, 19 evil men, the shock troops of a hateful ideology, gave America and the civilized world a glimpse of their ambitions. They imagined, in the words of one terrorist, that September the 11th would be the beginning of the end of America.

By seeking to rum our cities into killing fields, terrorises and their allies believed that they could destroy this nation's resolve and force our retreat from the world.

They have failed. In the battle of Afghanistan, we destroyed the Taliban, many terrorists

and the camps where they trained. We continue to help the Afghan people lay roads, restore hospitals and educate all of their children.

Yl-t we also have dangerous work ro complete. As I speak, a spedal operations task force, lead by the 82nd Airborne is on the trail of the rerror- istS and those who seek to undermine the frl-c government of Afghanisran.

America and our coalition will finish what we have begun. From Pakistan to the Philippines to th.c Horn of Africa, we are hunt-

ing down Al Qaida killers. N,nctccn months ago I pledged that chc terrorists would not escape

the patient justice of tbc United States. And as <>f tonight nearly one half <>f Al Qaida's senior operatives have been captured or killed.

The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in rhc campaign against tcrrOL We have removed an ally of Al Qaida and cut off a source of terrorist funcling.

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And this much is certain: No terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because the regime is no more.

In these 19 months that changed the world, our actions have bc(,n focused and deliberate and proportionate C<) tht offense. We have not forgotten the victims of September the 11th, the last phone calls, the cold murder of children, the searches in the rubble. With those attacks, the terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States, and war is what they got.

Our war against terror is proceeding according to the principles that I have made clear to all.

Any person involvtd in committing or planning terrorist attacks against the American people bc,comes an enemy of this country and a target of American justice.

Any person, organization or government that supports, protects or harbors tcrrorisrs is complicit in the murder of the innocent and equally guilty of terrorist crimes. Any outlaw regime that has ties to terrorist groups and seeks or possesses weapons of mass destruction is a grave danger to the civilized world and will be confronted.

And anyone in the world, including the Arab world, who works and sacrifices for freedom has a loyal friend in the United States of America.

Our commitment to liberty is America's tradition, declared at our founding, affirmed in Franklin Roosevelt's Four Frc-cdoms, asserted in the Truman Doctrine and in Ronald Reagan's challenge to an evil empire.

We arc committed tO freedom in Afghanistan, Iraq and in a pt,accful Palestine.

The advance of freedom is th.e surest strategy to undermine the appeal of terror in the world. Where freedom takes hold, hatred gives way to hope.

When freedom takes hold, men and women turn to the peaceful pursuit of a better life.

American values and American interests ]cad in the same direction. We stand for human libe.rry.

The United States upholds these principles of security and frc-cdom in many ways: with all <>f the tools of diplomacy, law enforcement, intelli- gence and finance.

We a re worlcing with a broad coalition of nations that understand the threat and our shared rcsponsihility to meet it.

Busl, Makes l·Ustonc Speech Aboard \llars!Jtp 437

The use of force has been and remains our last r<.-sort. Yet a ll can know, friend and foe alike, that our natioa has a mission: We will a nswer th reats to our security, and we will dcfond the peace.

O ur mission continues. Al Qaida is wounded, not destroyed. The scat- tered cells of the terrorist network still operatt in many nations and we know from daily intelligence that they continue to plot againsr free people. The proliferation of deadly weapons remains a serious danger.

The enemies of freedom arc n<)t idle, a nd neither are we. O ur govern- ment has taken unprecedented measures to defend the homeland and we will continue to hunt down the enemy bdore he can strike.

The war on terror is not over, yet it is not endless. We do not know the day of final victory, but we have seen the turning of the tide.

No act of the terrorists will change our ·purpose, or weaken our resolve, or alter their fate. Their cause is lost; &cc nations wilJ press on to victory.

O ther nations in history have fought in foreign lands a nd remained ro occupy and exploit. Americans, following a battle, want nothing more than to return home. And that is your durc,:tion tonight.

After service in the Afghan a nd Iraqi theaters of war, after 100,000 milts on the longest carrier deployment in recent hisrory, you arc home- ward !x)und.

Some of you will sec new family members for the fust rime; 150 babies were born while their fathers were on the Lincoln. Your famil ies are proud of you, and your nation will welcome you.

We a rc mindful as well that some good men a nd women arc not making the journey home. O ne of those who fell, Corp-Oral Jason Milco, spoke ro his parents five days before his death. Jason's father said, "He called us from the center of Baghdad, not ro brag but ro tell us he loved us. Our son was a soldier."

Every name., every life is a loss to our miLitary, to our nation and to the loved ones who grieve. There is no homecoming for these families. Yet wt pray in God's time their reunion will come.

Those we lost were last seen on duty. Their final act on this Earth was to fight a great evil a nd bring Liberty

to others. All of you, all in this generation of our military, have taken up the

highest calling of history: You were ddcncLing your country and protecting the innocent from harm.

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And wherever you go, you carry a message of hope, a message that is ancient and ever new. In the words of the prophet Isaiah, "To the captives, come our; and to those in darkness, be free."

Thank you for serving our country and our cause. May God bless you all. And may God continue to bless America.

SUMMARY OF THE MUELLER REPORT ON OBSTRUCTION OF

JUSTICE

April 8, 2019

EXECUTNE SUMMARY TO VOLUME II

Our obstruction-of-j ustice inquiry focused on a series of actions by the President that related to the Russian-interference invl-Stigations, including the President's conduct toward s the law enforcement officials overseeing the investigations and the witnesses to relevant events.

FACTUAL RESULTS OF THE OBSTRUCTION INVESTIGATION

The key issues and events we examined include the following:

The Campaign's response to reports about Russian support for Trump. During the 2016 presidential campaign, questions arose about the Russian government's apparent support for candidate Trump. After WikiLcaks released politically damaging Democratic Party emails that were reported to have been hacked by Russia, Trump publicly expressed skepticism that Russia was responsible for the hacks a t the same time that he a nd o ther Campaign officials privately sought information

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(Redacted: Hann to Ongoing Matter) about any further planned \Viki leaks releases. Trump also denied having a ny business in or connec- tions to Russia, even though as late as June 2016 the Trump Organization had been pursuing a licensing d eal for a skyscraper to be built in Russia called Trump Tower Moscow. After the election, the President expressed concerns to advisors that reports of Rus.o;ia's election interference might lead the public to question the kgitimacy of his election.

Conduct in volving FBI Director Corney and Michael Flynn. fn mid- January 2017, incoming National Security Advisor Michael Flynn falsely denied to the Vice President, other administration officials, and FBI agents that he had talked to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak about Russia's response to U.S. sanctions on Russia for its ele<..-rion inre.rfcrcncc. O n January 27, the day after the President was told that Flynn had lied to the Vice President a nd had made similar statements to the FBI, the President invited FBI Director Corney to a private dinner at the White House and told Corney that he needed loyalty. On February 14, the day after the President requested Flynn's resignation, the President told an outside advisor, "Now that we fired Flynn, the Russia thing is ovei:" The advisor disagreed a nd sajd the investigations would continue.

later that afternoon, the President cleared the Oval Office to have a one-on-one meeting with Corney. Referring to the FBl's investigation of Flynn, the President said, " I hope you can sec your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go. He is a good guy. I hope you can let this go." Shortly after requesting Flynn's resignation and speaking privately to Corney, the President sought to have Deputy National Security Advisor K.T. McFarland draft an internal letter stating that the President bad not directed Flynn to discuss sanctions with Kislyak. McFarland declined because she did not know whether that was true, and a White House Counsel's Office attorney thought that the request would look like a quid pro quo for an ambassadorshiJ> she had been offered.

The President's reaction ro the continuing Russia investigacion. In February 2017, Attorney Gcne,al Jeff Sessions began to assess whether he had to recuse himself from campaign-related investigations because of his t()lc in the Trump Campa:ign. In early March, the President told \Vhite House Counsel Donald McGahn to stop Sessions from rccusing.

Sttmmar y of th e Mtt e ll e r R epor: ◄◄ I

And after Sessions announced his recusal on March 2, the Prc-sident expressed anger at the decision a nd told advisors that he should have a n Atto rney General who would protect him. That weekend, the President took Sessions aside at an event and urged him to "unrrcuse." Later in

March, Corney publicly disclosed at a congressional hearing that the FBI was investigating "the Russian govcrnm.tnt's efforts co interfere in the 20 I 6 presidential election," including any links or coordination between the Russian government and the Trump Campaign. In the following days, the President reached out to the Director of National Intelligence and the leaders of the Central lntdligence Agency (CIA) and the National Security Agency (NSA) to ask them what they could do to publicly dispel the suggestion that the President had a ny connection tO the Russian d cction-intcrfercnce effort. The President also twice called Corney dim :t- ly, notwithstanding guidance from McGahn to a void direct contacts with the Department of Justice. Corney had previously assured the President that the FBI was not investigating him personally, and the President asked Corney to "Lift the cloud• of the Russia investigation by saying that publicly.

The President's termination o f Corney. O n May 3, 2017, Corney tcsti- fied in a congressional hearing, but dcclincd tO answer questions a bout whether the President was personally un.der investigation. Within days, the President decided to terminate Corney. The President insisted that the tcnninatic)n letter> which was written for public release, state that Corney had in formed the President that he was not under investigation. The day of the firing, the Wh ite House maintained that Corney's termination resulted from independent rccommcndations from the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General that Corney should be discharged for mis- handling the Hillary Clinton email inws tigation. But the President had decided to fi re Corney before hearing from the Oepa.ttmcnt of Justice. The day a fter fi ring Corney, the President told Russian officials that he had " faced great pressure because of Russia,• which had been "taken off' by Corney's fir ing. The next day, the President acknowledged in a television interview that he was going to fire Corney regardless of the Department of Justice's rccommendation a nd that when he "decided to just do it," he was thinking that " this thing with Trump and Russia is a made-up story." In response to a question about whether he was a ngry with Corney a bout the Russia investigatio n, the President said, "As far as

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I'm concerned, I want that thing tO be absolutely done properly," addi ng that firing Corney "might even lengthen out the investigation."

The appointment of a Special Counsel and efforts to remove hi m. On May 17, 201 7, the Acting Atrorncy General for the Russia investigation appointed a Special Counsel to conduct the investigation a nd related matters. The President reacted ,o news that a Special Counsel had been appointed by telling advisors that it was "the end of his presidenq•" a nd demanding that Sessions resign. Sessions submitted his resignation, but the President ultimately did not accept iL The President told aides that the Special Counsel had conflicts of interest and suggested that the Special Counsel therefore could not serve. The President's advisors told him the asserted conflicts were mcritlcss a nd had already been considered by the Department of Justice.

O n June 14, 2017, the media reported that the Special Counsel's Office was investigating whether the President had obstructed justice. Press repons called this "'a major turning point" in the investigation: while Corney had told the President he was not under investigation, fol- lowing Corney's firing, the Prl>Sident now was under investigation. The President reacted to this news with a series of tweets criticizing the Department of Justice and the Special Counsel's investigation. On June 17, 2017, the President called McGahn a t home and directed him to call the Acting Attorney General and say that the Special Counsel had con- flicts of interest a nd must be r,emovcd. McGahn did not carry out the direction, however, deciding that be would resign rather than trigger what he regarded as a potential Saturday Night Massacre.

Efforts to curtail the Special Counsel's investigation. Two days after directing McGahn to have the Special Counsel removed, the President made another attempt to affect the course of the Russia investigation. On June 19, 2017, the President met one-on-one in the Oval Office with his former campaign manager Corey Lewandowski, a trusted advisor out- side the government, and dictated a message for Lewandowski to deliver to Sessions. The message said that Sessions should pub! idy announce that, notwithstanding his rccusal from the Russia investigation, the inves- tigation was (.Ivery unfair" to the President, the President had done noth- ing wrong, and Sessions planned to meet with the Special Counsel and

Sttmmary of the M,uller Repor: 443

"let [him] move forward with investigating election meddling for future c.lections." Lewandowski sa id he unders tood what the President wanted Scssi(ms to do.

One month later, in another private meeting with Lewandowski on July 19, 2017, the President asked a bout the status o f his message for Sessions to limit the Special Counsel investigation to future election inter- ference. Lewandowski told the President that the message would be delivered soon. Hours after that meeting, the President publicly criticized Sessions in an interview with the New York Times, and then issued a series of tweets making it clear that 5<:ssions's job was in jeopardy. Lewandowski did not want to deliver the President's message personally, so he asked senior White House official Rick Dearborn to deliver it to Sessions. Dearborn was uncomfortable with the task a nd did nor follow through.

Efforts to prevent public disclosure of evidence. In the summer of 2017, the President learned that media outlets were asking questions about the Ju ne 9, 2016 meeting at Trump Tower between senior cam· paign o fficia ls, including Donald Trump J r., and a Russia n lawyer who was said to be offering damaging information about Hillary Clinton as "part of Russia and its government's support for Mr. Trump." O n sev- eral occasions, the President directed aides not to publicly disclose the emails scrting up the June 9 meeting, suggesting that the emai ls would not leak and that the number of lawyers with access to them should be Limited. Before the emails became public, the President edited a press statement for Trump j L by deleting a line that acknowledged that the meeting was with "an individual who [Trump Jr.] was told might have information helpful ro the campaign" and instead said only that the meeting was about adoptions of Russian children. \Vhen the press asked questions about the President's involveme nt in Trump Jr. 's statement, the President's personal lawyer repeatedly denied the President had played any role.

Further efforts to have the Attorney General take control of the inves- tigation. In early summer 2017, the President called Sessions at home and again asked him to reverse his rccusal from the Russia investigation. Scssi(ms did not reverse his recusal. In October 20 17, the President met

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privately with Sessions in the Oval Office and asked him to "take [a] look" a t investigating Clinton. In December 2017, shortly after Flynn pleaded guilty pursuant to a cooperation agreement, the President met with Sessions in the Oval Office and suggested, according co notes taken by a senio r advisor, that if Sessions unrccused and took back supervision of the Russia investigation, he would be a "hero." The President told Sessions, "I'm not going to do anything or direct you to do anything. I just want to be treated fairly." In response, Sessions volunteered that he had never Sttn anything " improper" on the campaign and told the President there was a "whole new leadership ream" in place. He did not unrecusc.

Efforts to have McGahn deny that the President had ordered him ro have the Special Counsel removed. In early 2018, the press reported that the President had directed McGahn to have the Special Counsel removed in June 2017 and that McGahn had threatened to resign rather than carry out the order. The President reacted to the news stories by directing White House officials to tell McGahn co dispute the story and <TCate a record stating he had not bcc:n ordered ro have the Sp<.'Cial Counsel removed. McGahn rold those officials that the media reports were accu- ra te in stating that the President had dirt"<.'tCd McGahn to have the Special Counsel removed. The President then met with McGahn in the Oval Office and again pressured him to deny the report:S. Tn the same meeting, the President also asked McGahn why he had rold the Special Counsel about the President's effort to remove the Special Counsel and why McGahn took notes of his conversations with the President. McGahn refused to back away from what he remembered happening and perceived the President to be testing his mettle.

Conduct towards Flynn, Manafort, [Redacted: Harm to Ongoing Matter). After Flynn withdrew from a joint defense agreement with the President and began cooperating with the government, the President's personal counsel left a message for Flynn's attorneys reminding them of the President's warm feelings towards Flynn, which he said "still remains," and asking for a "heads up" if Flynn knew "information that implicates the Pres ident. " When Flynn's counsel reiterated that Flynn could no longer share information pursuant to a joint defense agrl"Cmcnt, the President's personal counsel said he would make sure that the

Sttmmary of the M,uller Repor: 445

President knew that Flynn's actions reflected " hostility" towards the President. During Manafort's prosecution and when the jury in his crim- inal trial was deliberating, the President praised Manafort in public, said that Manafort was being treated unfairly, and declined to rule out a par- don. After Manaforc was convicted, the President called Manafort "a brave man" for refusing to "break" a nd said that "flipping" "almost ought to be outlawed." (Redacted: Haren to O ngoing Marter]

Conduct involving Michael Cohen. The President's conduct towards Michael Cohen, a former Trump O rganization executive, changed from praise for Cohen when he falsely minimized the President's involvement in the Trump Tower Moscow project, to castigation of Cohen when he became a cooperating witness. From S.,ptcmhcr 2015 to June 20 16, Cohen had pursued the Trump Tower Moscow project on behalf of the Trump Organization and had briefed candidate Trump on the project numerous times, including discussing whether Trump should travel to Russia to advance the deal. In 201 7, Cohen provided false testimony to Congress about the project, including seating that he had only briefed Trump on the project three times and never discussed travel to Russia with him, in an effort to adhere to a " party line" that Cohen said was developed to minimize the President's connct-r.ions to Russia. While pre- paring for his congressional testimony, Cohen had extensive discussions with the Prc,sident's personal counsel, who, acC<)rding to Cohen, said that Cohen should "stay on message" a nd not contradict the President. After the FBI searched Cohen's home and office in April 2018, the President publicly asserted that Cohen would not " flip," contacted him dir«~ly to tell him to "stay strong," and privately passed messages o f support to him. Cohen also discussed pardons with the President's personal counsel and believed that if he stayed on message he would be taken care of. But after Cohen began cooperating with the government in the summer of 20 I 8, the President publicly criticized him, called him a "rat," and sug- gested that his family members had committed crimes.

Overarching factual is.sues. We did not make, a traditional prosecution decision about these facts, hut the evidence we obtained supports several general statements about the President's conduct.

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Several features of the conduct we investigated distinguish it from typical obstruction-of-justice cases . First, the investigation concerned the President, and some of his actions, such as firing the FBI di rector, involved facially lawful acts within his Article II a uthority, which raises constitutional issues discussed below. At the same time, the President's position as the head of the Executive Branch provided him with unique and powerful means of inAucncing official proceedings, subordinate offi- cers, and potential witnesses- all of which is relevant to a potential obstruction-of-justice analysis. Second, unlike cast's in which a subject engages in obstruction of justice to cover up a crime, the evidence we obtained did not establish that the President was involved in a n underly- ing crime related to Russian clcctirm interference. Although the obstruc- tion statutes do not require proof of such a crime, the absence of that evidence affects the analysis of the President's intent a nd requires consid- eration of other poS-<iblc motives for his conduct. Third, many of the President's acts directed at witn.esscs, including discouragement of coop- era tion with the government a nd suggestions of possible furure pardons, took place in public view. That circumstance is unusual, but no principle of law excludes public acts from the reach of the obstruction laws. If the likely effect of public acts is to influence witnesses or alter their testi- mony, the harm to the justice system's integrity is the same.

Although the series of events we investigated involved discrete acts, the overall pattern of the President's conduct towards the investigations can shed light on the nature of t:hc President's acts and the inferences that can be drawn about his intent. In particular, the actions we investigated can be divided into two phases, reAccting a possible shift in the President's motives. The fust phase covered the period from the President's first intcra<-tions with Corney through the President's firing of Corney. During that time, the President had lx,.;:n repeatedly told he was not personaUy under investigation. Soon after the firing of Corney and the appointment of the Special Counsel, however, the President became aware that his own conduct was being investigated in an obstruction-of-j ustice inqui.ry. At that point, the President engaged in a second phase of conduct, involv- ing public a ttacks on the investigation, non-public efforts to control it, and efforts in both public a nd private to encourage witnesses not to cooperate with the investigation. Judgment.< about the nature of the

Sttmmar y of th e M,u ll e r R epo r: ◄◄7

President's motives during each phase wo uld be informed by the totality of the evidence.

STATUTORY AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEFENSES

The President's counsel raised srarurory and constitutional defenses to a possible obstruction-of-justice analysis o f the conduct we investigated. We concluded that none o f those legal defenses provided a basis for declining ro investigate rhc facts.

Statutory defenses. Consistent with precedent and the Department of Justice's gtncral approach to inttrprcting obstruction statutes, we con- cluded that several Statutes could apply here. Sec 18 U.S.C. SS 1503, 1505, 1512(b)(3), 1512(c)(2). Section 15"12(c)(2) is an omnibus obstruc- tion-of-justice provision that covers a range of obstructive acts d irected at pending or contemplated official proceedings. No principle of statu- tory construction justifies narrowing the provision to cover only conduct that impairs the integrity or availability of evidence. Sections 1503 and 1505 also offer broad protection against obstructive acts directed at pending grand jury, judicial, administrative, and congressional proceed- ings, and they arc supplemented by a provision

in Section 15 !2(b) a imed specifica lly a t conduct intended to prevent or hinder the communication to law enforcement of information related to a federal c rime.

Constitutional defenses. As for constitutional defenses arising from the President's status as the head of the E:xccutive Branch, we recognized that the Oeparrmcnr of Justice and the courts have not definitively resolved these is.~ues. We therefore examined those issues through the framework established by Supreme Court precedent governing separa- tion-of-powers issues. The Department o f Justice and the President's personal counsel have recognized that the President is su bject to statutes that prohibit obstruction of justice by bribing a witness or suborning perj ury because that conduct docs not im plicate his constitutional authority. With respect to whether the President can be found to have obstructed justice by exercising his powers under Article II of the Constitutfrm, we concluded that Congress has authority to prohibit a

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President's corrupt use of his a uthority in order to protect the integrity of the administration of justice.

Under a pplicablc Supreme Court precedent, the Constinition docs not categorically a nd permanently immunize a President for obstructing jus- tice thrnugh the use of his Article n powers. The separation-of-powers doctrine authorizes Congress 1,0 protect official proceedings, including those of courts and grand juries, &om corrupt, obstructive acts regardless of their source. We a lso concluded that any inroad on presidential authority that would occur from prohibiting corrupt acts does not under- mine the President's ability to fulfil l his constitutional mission. The term "corruptly" sets a demanding standard. It requires a concrete showing that a person acted with an intient to obtain an improper advantage for himself or someone else, inconsistent with official duty and the rights of others. A preclusion of "corrupt" official action docs not diminish the President's ability to exercise Article fl powers. For example, the proper supervision of criminal law docs not demand freedom for the President to act with a corrupt intention of shielding himself from criminal punish-

ment, avoiding financial liabi lity, or preventing personal embarrassment. To the contrary, a stature that prohibits official action undertaken for such corrupt purposes fu rthers, rather than hinders, the impartial and evenhanded administration of the law. Ir also aligns with the President's constitutional duty to faith fullr execute the laws. Finally, we concluded that in the rare case in which a criminal investigation of the President's conduct is justiiied, inquiries 10 determine whether the President acted for a corrupt motive should not imperrnissibly chill his performance of his constitutionally assigned duties. The conclusion that Congress may apply the obstruction laws to the President's C<lrrupt exercise of the pow- ers of office accords with our constitutional system of checks and bal- ana,s a nd the principle that no person is above the law.

CONCLUSION

Because we determined not to make a traditional prosccutorial judg-

ment, we did not draw ultimate.- conclusions about the President's con- duct . The evidence we obtained about the President's actions and intent presents difficult issues that would need to be res<llved if we were making a traditi<lnal prosccut<lrial jud~ent. At the same time, if we had con6-

Sttmmary of th e M,uller R epor: 449

dcncc after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clear- ly did nor commit obstrut"tion of justice, we would so state. Based on the facts a nd the applicable legal standards, we arc unable to reach that judgment. Accordingly, wlulc this report docs not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also docs: not exonerate him.

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