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What Is Empowerment Anyway? A Model for Domestic Violence Practice,

Research, and Evaluation

Article  in  Psychology of Violence · January 2015

DOI: 10.1037/a0035137

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What Is Empowerment Anyway? A Model for Domestic Violence Practice, Research, and Evaluation

Lauren Bennett Cattaneo George Mason University

Lisa A. Goodman Boston College

Although the idea of empowerment lies at the heart of the anti– domestic violence movement, consensus on the defining characteristics of this construct have remained elusive. A clear and consistent definition of empowerment would promote the development of common metrics for research and evaluation, and guide the development of best practices. In this article, we describe specific challenges that have made the conceptualization of empowerment difficult. We then overview the Empowerment Process Model, and describe the ways in which it addresses those challenges. This model articulates empowerment as a meaningful shift in the experience of power attained through interaction in the social world, and describes the process of building empowerment as an iterative one, in which a person takes action toward personally meaningful goals; draws on community supports, skill, knowledge, and self-efficacy to move toward those goals; and observes the extent to which those actions result in progress. By incorporating both process and outcome dimensions, bridging the psychological and contextual realms, and allowing for domain specificity, the model addresses challenges to a clear conceptualization; and provides a common framework that may be used as a reference point for practitioners and researchers wishing to apply the construct. We conclude with suggestions for and examples of its application in research and practice.

Keywords: best practice, domestic violence services, empowerment, evaluation, intimate partner violence

The goal of empowering survivors lies at the heart of the anti– domestic violence1 movement (Goodman & Epstein, 2008). The defining characteristics of empowerment, however, have re- mained vague and inconsistent (Kasturirangan, 2008; Masterson & Owen, 2006). As a result, researchers have understood and mea- sured the concept in a wide variety of ways, thereby hindering the accumulation of a knowledge base that could deepen our under- standing of survivors’ experiences and build and evaluate best practices in anti– domestic violence work. After highlighting the centrality of the idea of empowerment in the field of intimate partner violence (IPV) and outlining obstacles to its conceptualization, this article describes the Empowerment Process Model (Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010), a model that clarifies the characteristics of em- powerment. We define empowerment as a meaningful shift in the experience of power attained through interaction in the social world. The model describes the process of building empowerment as an iterative one, in which a person who lacks power sets a personally meaningful goal oriented toward increasing power, takes action, and makes progress toward that goal, drawing on his or her evolving self-efficacy, knowledge, skills, and community resources and supports, and observes and reflects on the impact of

his or her actions (see Figure 1). This conceptualization of em- powerment sets it apart from related concepts such as mastery, locus of control, and self-determination in two primary ways. First, it is a process focused on specific goals. Second, it extends beyond the intrapsychic realm (Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010). After de- scribing the model and the definition of power on which it rests, the article details the ways in which the model addresses chal- lenges to the conceptualization of empowerment within IPV. We conclude with examples of the model’s applications to practice and research, and suggestions for future work.

Empowerment as a Key Construct in IPV

From its earliest days, the anti– domestic violence movement has worked toward the empowerment of survivors as a central goal. Early recognition of intimate partner abuse arose from the stories of women who came together and found common ground in their descriptions of being controlled by their partners, who ex- erted their power through psychological, sexual, economic, and physical abuse (Stark, 2007). If abusers were taking power from survivors, healing entailed restoring it. Early activists also identi- fied an overarching structure of patriarchy and the systematic oppression of women as a root cause of violence against women, and aimed for structural changes to gain power for women as a group. Indeed, one can find evidence of the importance of em- powerment in the scholarship of that time (e.g., Brownmiller,

1 In this article, we use the terms domestic violence, intimate partner violence, and partner abuse interchangeably to describe the abuse of a current or former intimate partner.

This article was published Online First January 13, 2014. Lauren Bennett Cattaneo, Department of Psychology, George Mason

University; Lisa A. Goodman, Department of Counseling, Developmental, and Educational Psychology, Boston College.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lauren Bennett Cattaneo, Department of Psychology, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA 22030. E-mail: [email protected]

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Psychology of Violence © 2014 American Psychological Association 2015, Vol. 5, No. 1, 84 –94 2152-0828/15/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0035137

84

1975; Martin, 1976), narratives of the history of the movement (e.g., Schechter, 1982), and early program descriptions (e.g., Ro- driguez, 1988).

Although much has shifted over time, as that early grassroots movement has evolved into a sprawling social services system, empowerment remains central to the work of those seeking to support IPV survivors. For example, on its website, the National Coalition against Domestic Violence lists as one of its five aims to “empower battered women and children” (National Coalition Against Domestic Violence, 2011). The websites of state associ- ations and myriad programs use similar language (Kasturirangan, 2008; Macy, Giattina, Sangster, Crosby, & Montijo, 2009; Mc- Dermott & Garofalo, 2004). There are several reasons why do- mestic violence organizations have embraced empowerment as a core goal in their work. Most simply, both inside and outside the IPV context, the use of the term empowerment invokes ideals that resonate with feminist and social justice values: personal choice; finding voice; a focus on strength versus deficit; and transcending oppression (Cattaneo, Calton, & Brodsky, in press). But the fre- quent use of the term in the social response to IPV is supported by more than abstract principles. Empirical work that focuses on empowerment, or overlapping constructs such as voice and con- trol, indicate a connection with key outcomes related to survivor wellbeing.

For example, research has demonstrated that when survivors feel in greater control during the process of helpseeking, they report greater satisfaction with police, the court system, and victim services

(Cattaneo, 2010; Cattaneo & Goodman, 2010; Zweig & Burt, 2007). Moving beyond satisfaction to behavior, Hotaling and Buzawa (2003) showed that survivors who reported that they had had more voice in the prosecution of their cases were more likely to report repeat incidents of abuse when they occurred in the next year. In addition to survivors’ perceptions and behavior related to the source of help itself, several studies have now linked empow- erment with more general mental health outcomes. In a longitudi- nal study in the context of the court system, victims who experi- enced greater voice and who felt they had gotten what they wanted by pursuing the court case reported less depression and greater quality of life six months later, over and above experiences of repeat abuse (Cattaneo & Goodman, 2010). Among survivors receiving services from a shelter, empowerment moderated the relationship between IPV severity and PTSD symptoms, above and beyond access to resources (Perez, Johnson, & Wright, 2012). Further, in a randomized trial, an empowerment-oriented interven- tion was related to less severe PTSD symptomatology over time and to less repeat abuse (Johnson, Zlotnick, & Perez, 2011). Finally, in a study randomizing prosecution tracks among victims of IPV, participants experienced least repeat abuse when they had a choice about pressing charges, and then decided to move forward with them (Ford & Regoli, 1992).

These studies suggest that helpseekers vary in the amount of empowerment (and related constructs) they experience in their interactions with help providers. Some survivors, for example, perceive greater choice or control than others. This variance is not

The Empowerment Process Model

Define or redefine meaningful, power- oriented GOALS and objec�ves

Carry out ACTIONS toward goal achievement

Observe and reflect on IMPACT of ac�ons in

rela�on to goal achievement

self-efficacy

knowledge

skills

community resources

Figure 1. The Empowerment Process Model.

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85WHAT IS EMPOWERMENT

a surprise given documentation of the range of survivors’ experi- ences when they reach out to formal systems (e.g., Bennett, Good- man, & Dutton, 1999; Erez & Belknap, 1998). Of greater import, research also suggests that those who experience a greater degree of empowerment appear more likely to reach positive longer-term outcomes. In other words, empowerment may be a key mechanism for the achievement of outcomes any organization working with IPV survivors would target: mental health, satisfaction with ser- vices, and safety.

In fact, the identification of empowerment as a short-term or proximal outcome that may lead to longer-term or distal outcomes holds promise for addressing a major challenge to evaluation of IPV services: that long-term goal of safety—the core desired outcome and reason for existence of such services—is not under the direct control of survivors or practitioners (Sullivan, 2011). The person with ultimate control over the victim’s potential safety is the potential offender. Empowerment, on the other hand, is a process that can be influenced by supporters and shaped by sur- vivors, and it has the potential to lead to outcomes such as safety that may be attainable in the longer term. In other words, the construct of empowerment has the potential to be useful as a measure of the immediate impact of domestic violence services, as well as the longer-term impact.

In sum, empowerment is a powerful idea, a worthy goal, and a useful orienting concept in IPV work, including intervention, research, and evaluation. However, despite the consensus about its core importance, the way that empowerment is defined, measured, and applied both within and outside the arena of IPV remains problematic on a number of dimensions which prevents its effec- tive use as a guiding framework. We describe these problems next.

Problems in the Conceptualization of Empowerment

Empowerment Has Become a Buzzword

Despite the centrality of the idea of empowerment within both IPV practice and research arenas, when it is applied, there is little clarity about the nature of the construct and therefore wide variety in how it is measured. The research just reviewed provides an example. Three of the studies included did not explicitly focus on empowerment, but used a single question to ask participants about how much control they believed they had in their interactions with help providers (Cattaneo, 2010; Hotaling & Buzawa, 2003; Zweig & Burt, 2007); they are included in reviews on the subject, such as this one, because the construct of control is viewed as falling under the empowerment umbrella (e.g., Bell, 2007; Zimmerman, Israel, Schulz, & Checkoway, 1992). Two of the studies that did explic- itly focus on empowerment measured it using the Personal Prog- ress Scale—Revised, which assesses “10 broad outcomes of fem- inist therapies including positive self-evaluation and self-esteem, a favorable comfort— distress ratio, gender role and cultural identity awareness, a sense of personal control/self-efficacy, self- nurturance and self-care, effective problem solving skills, compe- tent use of assertiveness skills, effective access to multiple eco- nomic, social, and community resources, gender and cultural flexibility, and socially constructive activism” (Johnson et al., 2011, p.545). Finally, Cattaneo and Goodman (2010) measured empowerment with a scale focusing on the extent to which par- ticipants felt respected and got what they wanted in the court. The

variance in conceptualization and measurement makes it difficult to synthesize and identify implications of this body of work.

A search of organizations whose Web sites invoke empower- ment underscores this issue in the practice realm. For example, at the time of this writing, a Google search using the key words “domestic violence” and “empowerment” yielded more than 4 million hits. The first few websites listed include the following: a program geared toward “financial empowerment” through the pro- vision of “financial skills, knowledge, and resources,” (Allstate Foundation, 2011); the Survivor Empowerment Fund, which ac- cepts donations that are then provided to survivors in the form of gift cards to support them in whatever they need (Domestic Vio- lence Resource Center, 2012); the Healing Club, a Facebook page designed to share resources and support through connecting with others (Healing Club Inc., 2010); and the Survivor’s Empower- ment Zone, which provides information and resources, such as a list of state coalitions and the criteria for PTSD (Survivor’s Em- powerment Zone, 2001).

These Web sites may all be excellent resources. However, the looseness with which empowerment is applied creates a vicious cycle, whereby diffuse applications muddy the definition of the concept, facilitating further diffusion in application. To serve as a guiding framework for work in IPV, empowerment needs a clear definition. Although DV researchers have identified key elements of the empowerment construct, outcomes associated with it, and practices consistent with it (for several excellent examples see, e.g., Johnson, Worell, & Chandler, 2005; Kasturirangan, 2008; Song, 2012; Sullivan et al., 2013), these studies themselves reflect tensions in its conceptualization; and these tensions in turn prevent clarity and consistency across applications. We describe these challenges next.

Empowerment Is Both Process and Outcome

In scholarship both inside and outside of IPV, it is often unclear whether researchers are considering empowerment as a process, an outcome, or both. In a general review of the construct, the first author noted that much of the scholarship on empowerment de- scribes it as iterative, involving a rich give and take between action and observation of the impact of that action (Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010). In the context of IPV, for example, a survivor might take steps toward increasing her safety, take notice of the effects of those steps, and perhaps realize that she needs to gather more resources to be successful. She might attempt to gather such resources, observe her progress toward her goals again, and then revise her plans further. Empowerment, in this scenario, is a process involving multiple steps and an evolving sense of what is needed and what is possible, depending on the impact of one’s actions. Yet, at any point in this process, it would be possible to ask about the outcome of her efforts; that is, how empowered is the survivor is at that time? The fact that it is possible to consider empowerment as both process and outcome is a significant chal- lenge to a clear definition.

To date, although scholarship inside and outside IPV might acknowledge that empowerment is a process, it is usually mea- sured as an outcome, or as one of a number of outcomes (Song, 2006, 2012; Wright, Perez, & Johnson, 2010). For example, Wor- rell and Chandler’s Personal Progress Scale (revised by Johnson, Worell, & Chandler, 2005; Wright et al., 2010), as just mentioned,

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86 CATTANEO AND GOODMAN

includes “ten broad outcomes theorized to be associated with empowerment” (Johnson, Worell & Chandler, 2005, p.113). Both aspects of the construct need to be included in any clear and comprehensive conceptualization.

Empowerment Is Domain Specific

In terms of both theory and measurement, there is a tension between the need to develop a standard understanding of empow- erment, so that it might be compared across people and programs, and recognizing that people may be empowered in some parts of their lives but not in others. Within the context of IPV, this point is intuitive: being empowered with respect to one’s abusive partner is different from being empowered with respect to one’s parenting or one’s work life, though they may influence each other. On the basis of this understanding, Zimmerman and Warschausky (1998) argue that the construct must be conceptualized to fit with specific populations and settings, and caution against the development of a global measure. Going further, we argue that even within specific populations and settings, the construct is best conceptualized in relation to specific domains rather than as a broad concept that cuts across domains. Determining which domain to prioritize and mea- sure represents a formidable challenge to researchers attempting to develop tools that are survivor-centered; that is, tools that reflect the priorities of the community of interest.

Empowerment Is Both Psychological and Contextual

As we describe below, power is not solely a psychological phenomenon, but involves interaction between individuals (or groups) and their social context (Christens, 2012; Neal & Neal, 2011). Similarly, conceptualizing empowerment—an increase in power—requires more than a psychological focus, though most conceptualizations tend to stop there (Cattaneo, Calton & Brodsky, in press; Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010). As Riger (1993) argued in a widely cited critique of the use of the term empowerment, focusing only on the psychological, or “individuals’ sense of empowerment rather than actual increases in power [risks] making the political personal” (1993, p. 279).

In the context of IPV it is particularly clear that empowerment involves interplay between the psychological and social realms: IPV occurs within a relationship, and considerations of empower- ment often include efforts of survivors to reach out to informal and formal social systems who may respond in a variety of ways. These social experiences have psychological consequences, which in turn shape social interactions. In essence, empowerment is a bridge concept; it crosses the boundary between self and the social world. Defining and measuring a construct that crosses these realms is a formidable challenge as well.

The Empowerment Process Model

Conceptualizing Power

Any conceptualization of empowerment rests implicitly on a definition of power. There is a rich and contentious literature on the definition of and dynamics of power (for reviews see Master- son & Owen, 2006; Neal & Neal, 2011; Tew, 2006), the details of

which are beyond the scope of this paper. However, in synthesiz- ing the literature, scholars have arrived at three key aspects of power that undergird our conceptualization of empowerment. First, “the idea of power as a relationship and not a property of an individual or a group has been a recurring feature of theorizing about power for over 60 years” (Neal & Neal, 2011, p. 163). In other words, power is a dynamic between social entities—ranging from individuals to institutions. A shift in power, therefore, could include a change in a relationship between two people (e.g., an interaction where a person feels truly heard or the promotion of one person over another), or a change in the relationship between people and institutions (e.g., the deposing of a dictator, or the implementation of legislation).

Second, Masterson and Owen (2006) review the tension be- tween empowerment at the individual and social levels. This tension results from the perception that a focus on power at one level detracts from an understanding of power at the other level: a focus on individual power diverts attention from structural in- equality, and a focus on power at the macrolevel assumes away within-group differences. They conclude, as do we, that both the individual and social conceptualizations are necessary, and in fact are inextricably linked: “Helping individuals to feel more person- ally powerful will have a limited effect without social change to allow that power to be exercised. Likewise, social change will not be empowering if individuals perceive themselves as unable to make use of those changes” (p.26). Further, power dynamics at the social level may be internalized at the individual level, with profound impact on how people understand their situation and the possibility of changing it (Tew, 2006). This conceptualization of power supports our articulation of empowerment as a bridge concept, spanning the boundary between the intrapsychic and social worlds.

Finally, scholarship on types of power reveals its enormous breadth, viewing a wide range of behaviors as the enactment of power dynamics. For example, Riger (1993) summarizes the lit- erature to identify power over (dominance), power to (ability to take action), and power from (freedom from the influence of others); Tew (2006) has also indentified power together (wielding influence cooperatively), and proposes that power dynamics can be productive (opening up opportunities) or limiting (closing them off).

Building upon this literature, the Empowerment Process Model relies on the following definition of power: “an increase in power is an increase in one’s influence in social relations at any level of human interaction, from dyadic interactions to the interaction between a person and a system” (Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010, p.647). Influence in turn is defined broadly, including connection, withdrawal, or effecting broad social change.

Model Overview

The Empowerment Process Model (Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010; see Figure 1) builds on a thorough review of several decades of empowerment scholarship (e.g., Fitzsimons & Fuller, 2002; Freire, 2000; Gutiérrez, 1990; McWhirter, 1991; Rappaport, 1987; Zim- merman, 1995) to articulate the concept of empowerment in a way that addresses the challenges just outlined. In the model, as men- tioned above, empowerment is defined as a meaningful shift in the experience of power attained through interaction in the social

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87WHAT IS EMPOWERMENT

world. It is an iterative process, in which a person who lacks power sets a personally meaningful goal oriented toward increasing power, takes action, and makes progress toward that goal, drawing on his or her evolving self-efficacy, knowledge, skills, and com- munity resources and supports, and observes and reflects on the impact of his or her actions. Here we elaborate each component of this process in the context of IPV, and then describe the ways that the model addresses each challenge in turn.

Goals in the context of IPV. It has been well-established that survivors of IPV may have a wide range of goals (e.g., Davies, Lyon, & Monti-Catania, 1998). For example, a survivor may want to find ways to ensure her own safety within the relationship; to leave the relationship and find a new place to live; to gain financial independence so as to increase her range of options; to get mental health treatment for her children who have witnessed violence; or to reduce her isolation. Within the context of the broad goals such as these, there is further variety. For example, the survivor seeking financial independence might wish to find a job, to advance herself in a current job, to seek public benefits to help with expenses such as childcare, or to decrease expenses by moving in with a family member. Any one goal might be considered superordinate to a set of subgoals. For example, the survivor who wants to find a job may have subgoals to identify jobs she wants, to pursue job training to increase her qualifications, to apply for jobs that are a good fit, and to learn how to speak up for herself in a job interview. The process of empowerment involves thinking through possibil- ities and selecting the best option based on the unique circum- stances each survivor faces at any given time. It also often involves revisiting goals and subgoals, as context and other components of the process shift.

Self-efficacy, skills, knowledge, and community resources in the context of IPV. Once a person has defined a single or set of goals, her ability to act and the effectiveness of the action depends on her self-efficacy, skills, knowledge, and community resources. Self-efficacy is one’s perceived ability to accomplish particular tasks (Bandura, 1977). Because self-efficacy is related to other commonly used constructs such as agency, perceived-control, and mastery, and because it has been critiqued for an individualistic focus, its selection in the model requires explanation. First, self- efficacy has a strong grounding in theory and research. Goal- setting theory specifies self-efficacy as the moderator between goals and performance, with the combination of highly valued goals and high self-efficacy deemed the “motivation hub” (Locke & Latham, 2002, p.709). Second, self-efficacy has been shown to be a key factor in performance across cultures. In particular, Bandura (1997) has argued that it is not at all incompatible with a collectivist orientation:

There is no reason to believe that individuals from collectivist cultures do not form personal goals. . . . [but] it is the content of the goals that is different between individualistic and collectivist cultures. Whereas individualist persons . . . prefer to set goals for themselves that relate to self-actualization, collectivist individuals . . . prefer to set goals for themselves that relate to promoting the welfare of their in-group. For both types of goals, it should be the self-efficacious individuals who make good progress toward realizing their goals, whereas the indi- viduals plagued by self-doubt should be less effective (p. 170).

Nor is self-efficacy born of the belief that one must go it alone; instead, a belief in one’s own ability to reach a goal could easily

include the belief that one needs to collaborate with others in order to prevail. In sum, in developing the Empowerment Process Model, we chose the concept of self-efficacy above related con- cepts because of this connection to the pursuit of valued goals, and because of the large amount of evidence linking it to outcomes across situations and cultures (Cattaneo & Chapman, 2010).

Self-efficacy is strongly related to, but not the same as the actual skills a survivor possesses relative to her goal. Skills are the concrete capabilities needed to move toward particular goals, and can range from relatively straightforward competencies like know- ing how to use a computer, to more complex sets of abilities like being able to job-seek or parent children who are suffering from the sequelae of trauma. The survivor interested in financial inde- pendence, for example, may not have the skills to write a resume that will help her find a job. The survivor who wants to improve her relationship with her child may not have the skills to respond effectively to the child’s tantrums.

Knowledge is the understanding of what must be done in order to reach goals. It is distinct from the ability to actually take those steps, which is determined by skills. Within the context of IPV, knowledge often requires an understanding of how systems work, and can be built through informal networks or official information sources like Web sites or brochures. To take steps toward gaining financial independence, for example, a survivor must be aware of the resources available, such as job listings or training, and how to access them. A key component of knowledge is critical conscious- ness—a broader understanding of belief systems and institutions that influence the survivor’s situation. For example, a survivor who is in a same-sex relationship may learn that resources, such as shelters, are not as available to him, and may come to understand this lack of availability as part of a larger pattern of bias in the community. This knowledge may lead him to redefine his goals in any number of ways—from seeking refuge from informal supports rather than formal, to seeking services at a GLBT-friendly com- munity organization instead of a DV program, to working toward changing cultural biases.

As the above example suggests, as important as knowledge about resources and systems, skills to use them, and beliefs in one’s abilities to do what is needed is the question of what resources exist: Building and/or accessing community resources, including both formal systems and informal supports such as friends, neighbors, coworkers, or family, is also part of the process of empowerment. A social interaction may translate into an expe- rience of increased power much more readily for some than others, depending on available resources, which in turn depend on mac- rolevel structures. Returning to the survivor in the same sex relationship, if there is no shelter bed available, no job training to be had, or no friend to reach out to, either the survivor will need to revisit his or her goals or work with an advocate to find or create new resources.

Impact in the context of IPV. Finally, the question of the impact of the survivor’s actions is key; the process of empower- ment involves reflecting on one’s progress, both in terms of internal experience and external change, and on any other ramifi- cations—whether collateral damage or unexpected benefits. Social context again plays an important role here, in that the same action may result in different levels of progress depending on the social location of the actor. For example, a survivor who is poor may have a more difficult time being hired because she does not have

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88 CATTANEO AND GOODMAN

professional clothing or has been unable to afford dental care (Smith, 2010). An African American survivor who submits the same resume as a white survivor may get a less favorable response simply because her name suggests her racial identity (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). Though certainly desirable, attainment of one’s ultimate goals is not required to meet the definition of “progress.” Indeed, the idea of subgoals serving superordinate ones opens the door to incremental progress; movement toward changing the world may begin with one’s story being told and heard.

Within the context of IPV, this model addresses the challenges described earlier in specific ways. We highlight these aspects of the model next.

How the Model Responds to Critiques of Empowerment

Empowerment is both process and outcome. The Empow- erment Process Model provides a framework for considering em- powerment as both a process and an outcome. As we have de- scribed, the process dimension includes the iterative interaction among components: defining goals, taking action, drawing on self- efficacy, skill, knowledge, and community resources, observing the impact of the action internally and externally, and then poten- tially doubling back to redefine goals or build resources.

Conceptualizing empowerment as a process in this way ad- dresses Kasturiranagan’s (2008) critique of the term, in which she makes clear that empowerment is a long process that programs intersect with but don’t hand over: “Programs designed to address domestic violence do not, in and of themselves, empower women. Rather, women may turn to programs as a resource at various stages of the empowerment process” (p. 1473). This understanding of survivors as involved in a longer process of change, and of service providers as potential facilitators of that process, is also a feature of survivor-centered or client-centered practice in general (Goodman & Epstein, 2008). In that framework, providers assume that each survivor is unique and expert on the contours of her own situation. The provider’s role is to collaborate, understanding the survivor’s frame of reference and bringing her own expertise to bear when needed.

The Empowerment Process Model locates the work of programs within the evolving process of empowerment that victims engage in over time. Service providers might facilitate (or hinder) any part of the process, from helping a person or group to define personally meaningful goals to contributing to knowledge and supporting self-efficacy, to identifying and helping with access to community resources, to helping evaluate the impact of actions and consequent need to retool goals or actions. In essence, one might add an arrow to any part of the process depicted in Figure 1, describe how the work of an organization influences that component, and then consider how that influence might then shape the other compo- nents of the survivor’s empowerment.

The model is also useful in considering empowerment as an outcome. Although individuals can always become more or less empowered (or disempowered) within a specific domain, at any given point in time it is possible to evaluate one’s level of em- powerment relative to an earlier level, or one group’s level of empowerment relative to another group’s. Sullivan and colleagues (2013), for example, evaluated empowerment as a set of outcomes

in their cross-sectional study of women who had exited a shelter. They found that above and beyond practical assistance, the use of “empowering practices” in the shelter led to greater survivor empowerment, which they defined as confidence, connections, and consciousness. What the model adds to this picture is a conceptu- alization of empowerment that is embedded within an iterative process.

Empowerment is domain specific. The Empowerment Pro- cess Model is also customizable for different contexts or domains. Perhaps the only broad goal domain shared across survivors is that of safety, though it may be conceptualized and achieved in many different ways, depending on the individual circumstances of each survivor. Given different subgoals within this broad domain, dif- ferent resources might come into play. For example, the resources required to be successful in a court case against one’s abuser will be different from those required to achieve financial independence, and both will be different than those required to reduce the vio- lence without leaving the relationship. In each case, though, the process of empowerment requires developing a set of goals and subgoals, learning about available resources that may help achieve them, developing or strengthening whatever skills are needed, building a sense of self-efficacy about one’s capacity to employ those skills and achieve the goals, feeling supported to move forward; and then having influence in social world as a result of that movement. It is likely that this same process might evolve differently in various domains for an individual survivor—she might be empowered in the domain of parenting but disempowered in the domain of job security. Viewing the overall process as the same but the support needed as different, depending on domain, is helpful in considering where and how service providers should facilitate.

Empowerment is both psychological and contextual. Finally, the Empowerment Process Model explicitly bridges the psychological and social realms by including both intrapersonal and social components, and the links between the two. From a philosophical standpoint, it answers Riger’s (1993) call to avoid making the political personal, as described earlier—not finding a job may have nothing to do with the survivor’s efforts, and her disempowerment in attempting to find one may draw the evaluator, researcher, or program developer’s attention to more macrolevel problems.

Thus the Empowerment Process Model is designed to standard- ize our understanding of the construct of empowerment so that we might grab hold of it to greater effect, but to do so in a way that is also enormously flexible, and that avoids pathologizing survi- vors for social problems. In the sections that follow we describe specific applications of the model within the context of IPV.

Applications of the Empowerment Process Model

The Empowerment Process Model can be used as a guiding framework for work with IPV survivors, and for evaluation and research related to that work. The model does not necessarily recommend a shift in practices; we believe that advocates are already facilitating many of the processes the model names. In- stead, the model offers a framework for describing and commu- nicating about those practices. In terms of research and evaluation, the model offers specific pathways for evaluating program and practice impact in terms of their influence on empowerment; and

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exploring the empowerment process and its connection to other long-term outcomes. In this section and in Table 1, we offer examples and specific suggestions for applications of the model to both practice and research.

Applications to Practice

Applying the goals component to practice. Applying the Empowerment Process Model means that the work of understand- ing a survivor’s goals, and of helping the survivor articulate those aims, is part of the process of empowerment, as opposed to being ancillary or a footnote to other more important work. Here we are almost certainly describing practice that is already standard in many programs—the work of helping a survivor get clear about what she wants. However, many scholars have commented that the web of systems that have been developed to address IPV have unintentionally led to a menu-based or service-defined approach in which a survivor is offered a set of options for assistance based primarily on the availability of services or the mission of the organization rather than on the survivor’s unique circumstances and hopes for her future (Davies et al., 1998; Goodman & Epstein, 2008; Stark, 2007). Consistent with the movement toward

survivor-centered practice, the Empowerment Process Model ex- plicitly roots practice in survivor priorities rather than in service options (Kulkarni, Bell, & Rhodes, 2012).

Helping a survivor to identify her priorities can range from a straightforward process to an enormously complex and time- consuming effort. Survivors may have a number of goals that fall within different domains such as safety, work, and children. Some may be more high priority than others, though harder to achieve. In assisting the survivor to articulate and map out subgoals toward superordinate goals, it is important to be domain-specific, because each goal may require different kinds of knowledge and services, and may generate different risks (Davies et al., 1998). At the same time, it is critical to explore when progress in one domain might cause unintentional negative consequences in another (Good- man, Smyth, Borges, & Singer, 2009). If a low-income woman gains access to subsidized housing, she may find herself unable to continue to house her aging relatives given rules about overcrowding; if an African American woman turns to the criminal justice system for help with safety, she might find herself criticized by a community that does not want to see another black man enter the justice system; or if a lesbian

Table 1 Recommendations for Applying the Empowerment Process Model to Research/Evaluation and Practice in IPV

Model component Recommendations to guide practice Recommendations for questions to guide research/

evaluation

Goals Ensure that goal identification is an ongoing process that cuts across domains and is rooted in survivor priorities rather than service options.

Pay attention to broad goals as well as subgoals or steps required to attain goals.

Assess the potential for unintended negative consequences of specific goal achievement.

What is the fit between survivor-defined and system-defined goals and subgoals?

To what extent do evaluation plans address survivor-defined versus system-defined goals and subgoals?

What kind of formal and informal supports facilitate progress toward which kinds of goals and subgoals?

How do individual and contextual factors shape goal formation and goal achievement?

Knowledge, skills, self-efficacy, and community resources

Assess what knowledge, skills, self-efficacy, and community resources the survivor has and what s/he needs relevant to each goal and subgoal

Collaborate on identifying best route to facilitating acquisition of these components. Consider innovative strategies including counseling, accompaniment, critical consciousness raising, and relationship building (network oriented practice).

Consider role of trauma in clients’ experience accessing these resources.

Consider the role of biased or ineffective social systems as obstacles to accessing these resources.

Collaborate with other community agencies to develop resources when relevant supports don’t exist

To what extent do programs facilitate attainment of resources in each of these areas?

To what extent do specific strategies work to enhance these components?

What is the relationship between changes in one component and changes in another?

How does trauma history influence the process of change in each of these areas? What obstacles do survivors commonly face in growing or accessing resources in each of these areas?

How does culture and other contextual factors influence change in these areas?

Impact Assess where the survivor is on his/her path to goals, including what obstacles have prevented success in the past, and whether success in one domain has interfered with success in another.

Beyond system-defined outcomes, how do various services affect outcomes most important to survivors?

What kinds of outcome measures are most relevant to survivors’ goals, account for unintended negative consequences, and incorporate elements of the entire empowerment process, including both psychological and social components?

Allow for the possibility that impact assessment may trigger a re-assessment of other components such as goals or resources.

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reports the abuse to an authority, she risks outing herself at a time that is not right for her.

Further, for many survivors, because of the devastating effects of trauma on sense of self and agency, identifying goals might be a significant piece of work in and of itself. In fact, in their article on best practices in trauma-informed services, Elliott and col- leagues (2005) identify the prioritizing of women’s choice and control over their recovery as a key principle. Applying the Em- powerment Process Model to practice in IPV locates this important piece of work with survivors within their process of empowerment.

Applying the knowledge and skill components to practice. Some survivors, when they seek services, already possess a wealth of knowledge born of experience in similar systems, and only need practical information about which office to go to when. These survivors may also possess the skills they need to navigate the system. In these cases, organizations do not need to facilitate these components of the process to facilitate the survivors’ empowerment—they can focus their resources else- where. Other survivors may be utterly overwhelmed by the complexities of systems, and need a great deal of support over time. For example, the court system is enormously confusing, and for a novice, receiving information only on the day of entry is not particularly helpful as the case unfolds (Bennett et al., 1999). In addition to information, such survivors may need help building skills, for example, role-playing how to speak to a judge. Both skill building and providing knowledge are com- mon foci of IPV programs (Sullivan, 2011). For example, most programs are well-equipped to educate survivors about IPV, to explain the court system to survivors who wish to use it, or to make referrals to agencies that might provide job training. What the model brings to these efforts is a framework linking them to the rest of the empowerment process, such as the survivor’s personally meaningful goals, her evolving sense of self- efficacy, and the community support she has or needs to take follow-up steps.

Applying the self-efficacy component to practice. Building self-efficacy, like clarifying goals, may range from a relatively straightforward task to one requiring longer-term support; it may mean building up a survivor’s personal sense of confidence, or cre- ating a sense of community such that survivors feel they can accom- plish goals together. In their study of empowering practices in shel- ters, Sullivan and colleagues (2013) found that building concrete skills was the strongest predictor of self-efficacy. For many survivors, then, what is needed to build self-efficacy is the development of skills relevant to their goals. For other survivors, however, self-efficacy across many areas of their life has been a casualty of their experience with trauma, and re- building a sense of self-efficacy may require more than skill- building. Survivors who struggle with self-efficacy may require more accompaniment or emotional support as they move toward their goals. For example, many survivors’ fragile sense of self-efficacy may gain in strength when they are accompanied by advocates as they seek services from a court or a government agency; some may simply need to be actively reminded of their successes by an advocate who has built a relationship with them; some may need help building critical consciousness to understand past failures as the result of biased or ineffective systems as opposed to their own incompetence; still others may feel little ability to make any kind of change in their lives and

need the support of an ongoing group or a therapist to begin to rebuild a shattered sense of self-efficacy (Goodman, Glenn, Bohlig, Banyard, & Borges, 2009). The limited resources an agency has to provide such intensive support might be allocated based in part on this understanding, in addition to more typical considerations related to risk.

Applying the community resources component to practice. The support provided by community agencies as well as informal networks of friends, neighbors, and family is critical to empower- ment as a process and an outcome. Assessing and facilitating the accrual of such resources may require considerable creativity from service providers. When there are obvious community resources that facilitate goal achievement, the process is straightforward (though not necessarily easy). But where no such resources exist, advocates may need to come together to advocate for their creation or find alternatives. Advocates can also play a critical role in helping isolated survivors reengage with informal networks (Goodman & Smyth, 2011). Such networks often play a key role in supporting survivors’ goals. Indeed, extensive research demon- strates the critical contribution of informal networks to improving survivors’ mental health, safety, and ability to access formal ser- vices (Adkins & Kamp Dush, 2010; Bybee & Sullivan, 2005; Goodman, Dutton, Vankos, & Weinfurt, 2005). For some survi- vors, there are clear informal resources to draw from—a support- ive friend or family, a church community, or a workplace. In other cases, advocates may need to turn to what the second author has termed network-oriented practices; that is, practices that help isolated survivors reengage and get support from people in their community (Goodman, Banyard, Woulfe, Ash, & Mattern, in press; Goodman & Smyth, 2011). This too may require creativity and innovation. Across these possibilities, advocates are facilitat- ing the survivor’s empowerment by helping her to assess and then develop the community resources needed to reach her goals.

Applying the impact component to practice. Attending to the impact component of the empowerment process encourages service providers to learn from the survivor as she reflects on her internal and external progress or lack thereof. If a particular step, such as a safety plan, is not increasing this survivor’s safety at this time, there are likely obstacles to progress that need to be under- stood and addressed. These obstacles might be in the domain of community resources, self-efficacy, or the response (or lack thereof) of others in the survivor’s life. Research has been clear that there are no one-size-fits-all solutions for all survivors or even for one survivor over time (Cattaneo, Cho, & Botuck, 2011; Davies et al., 1998; Goodman & Epstein, 2008). Thus the assess- ment of impact must be ongoing, with the expectation that the effectiveness of actions will shift as other parts of the process and the context of the survivor’s life evolves. Relatedly, as already noted, it is often the case that success in one domain might interfere with success in another domain; the assessment of impact must be attuned to this possibility and facilitate a weighing of costs and benefits.

Applications to Research/Evaluation

The model is useful for understanding the experience of survi- vors over time as well as evaluating the work of IPV programs. Rather than taking a comprehensive approach, here we present

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examples of ways in which we believe the model is particularly useful in these contexts.

Applying the goals component to research/evaluation. If the identification of goals is the cornerstone of the empowerment process, it must also be a focus of research and evaluation. For an organization struggling with the question of what matters most to its clients in an era of decreasing resources, evaluation might explore what goals or definitions of success their clientele tend to have, and to what extent their services match those goals and definitions. For example, the first author recently completed a project that focused on goals within the civil protection order process (Cattaneo & Dunn, 2013). Absent the empowerment framework, one might evaluate the effectiveness of protection orders by evaluating their impact on safety or arrest rates. The Empowerment Process Model broadens this perspective by orient- ing the evaluator toward petitioners’ personal goals, which include other priorities in addition to safety. In an urban court system, we explored this question by first conducting qualitative interviews with survivors seeking protection orders to deepen our understand- ing of the kinds of goals survivors had in pursuing a protection order and how these goals matched up with the system’s goals for them. Based on these, we generated a checklist of 32 goals, which we used as the basis of a survey of survivors at the end of the protection order process; here, we were interested participants’ goal prioritization and their sense of their ability to reach each goal. In addition to identifying the match between survivor and system-defined goals, evaluation might also focus on the extent to which service provid- ers facilitate the identification of goals with clients, or might explore which services facilitate progress toward which goals.

Applying the knowledge/skill/self-efficacy/community resources components to research/evaluation. There is a wide array of po- tential research and evaluation questions related to knowledge, skill, self-efficacy, and community resources. Perhaps the richest set of questions for researchers to explore relate to how these components of the model interact with each other and other com- ponents of the process, both in the short- and long-term. In other words, program activities aimed at increasing knowledge or skills should be evaluated not only in and of themselves— do clients actually have more skill in relevant areas, and have they absorbed the psychoeducation or information about systems that has been taught— but do these increases relate to other aspects of the process, particularly the bookends of the empowerment process: goals and impact? Does the knowledge an organization facilitates or provides connect to the priorities of the survivors seeking services? Do the skills an organization provides lead to meaningful impact in survivors’ lives? Such questions could also be framed to explore empowerment outside of the context of formal helpseeking as well. For example, does support from informal networks lead to greater self-efficacy and, ultimately, progress toward one’s goals? Finally, the connection between these aspects of the empowerment process and longer-term outcomes of interest, such as safety and mental health, might be explored longitudinally. This last set of questions would test the assumption that empowerment is a mech- anism for longer-term positive change.

Applying the impact component to research/evaluation. Research on the effectiveness of services tends to focus nar- rowly on the aim of the service being provided (e.g., housing, safety, conviction). The model calls on researchers to illuminate the broader set of impacts that any action might bring, and how

they relate to what is important to the survivor. For example, the first author and colleagues (Cattaneo, Dunn, & Chapman, 2013) developed a measure to evaluate the experience IPV victims have in court during the process of petitioning for a protection order. The measure goes beyond the traditional focus on case disposition to incorporate experiences such as valida- tion, fear, and influence on work and family. Including a broad measure of impact allows researchers and evaluators to develop a holistic picture of the effect of engaging with a system, beyond system-defined outcomes such as obtaining a protection order or not.

Creating an evaluation tool. If empowerment is a core goal of DV programs, it must be measurable as an outcome. The model enables the measurement of empowerment as a theoreti- cally derived and clinically consistent construct. Indeed along with several colleagues, we have just completed a study validating a measure of safety-related empowerment (MOVERS: Measure of Vic- tim Empowerment Related to Safety; Goodman, Cattaneo, Thomas, Wolfe & Chong, 2013), a tool that we developed in collaboration with 17 DV programs across the northeast, that can be used to assess the extent to which participants experience a sense of empowerment in the domain of safety at any given point in time. The measure includes items reflecting each component of the model: goal setting, or seeing a path to keeping safe (i.e., “I know what my next steps are on the path to keeping safe.”); self efficacy, or the belief in one’s own capacity to keep safe (i.e., “I can cope with whatever challenges come at me as I work to keep safe”); knowledge, or access to information about keeping safe (i.e., “I have a good idea about what kinds of support for safety I can get from community programs and services”.); context, or community factors that facilitate safety (i.e., “Community programs and services are able to provide the support and resources I need to keep safe”); and finally impact (i.e., “I have to give up too much to keep safe”). The structure of the instrument allows for an overall score on safety-related empowerment, as well as subscale scores that cor- respond with factors that emerged from our study: internal resources, external support, and tradeoffs (an assessment of the cost of pursuing safety). This measure is standardized, in that it can be used across settings and individuals, but also survivor-centered, in that it allows for survivors to respond to questions in the context of their own specific safety-related goals.

Conclusion

Empowerment has deep roots in the movement to address IPV, and continues to be an orienting concept in the field. The general agreement about its importance creates potential for research and practice to coalesce around this theme. To actualize this potential, we have suggested the Empowerment Process Model as a guiding framework. It is our hope that the model might pave the way for accumulation of knowledge and refinement of our efforts toward providing meaningful and lasting help to survivors.

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Received February 4, 2013 Revision received September 24, 2013

Accepted October 10, 2013 �

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94 CATTANEO AND GOODMAN

View publication statsView publication stats

  • What Is Empowerment Anyway? A Model for Domestic Violence Practice, Research, and Evaluation
    • Empowerment as a Key Construct in IPV
    • Problems in the Conceptualization of Empowerment
      • Empowerment Has Become a Buzzword
      • Empowerment Is Both Process and Outcome
      • Empowerment Is Domain Specific
      • Empowerment Is Both Psychological and Contextual
    • The Empowerment Process Model
      • Conceptualizing Power
      • Model Overview
        • Goals in the context of IPV
        • Self-efficacy, skills, knowledge, and community resources in the context of IPV
        • Impact in the context of IPV
      • How the Model Responds to Critiques of Empowerment
        • Empowerment is both process and outcome
        • Empowerment is domain specific
        • Empowerment is both psychological and contextual
    • Applications of the Empowerment Process Model
      • Applications to Practice
        • Applying the goals component to practice
        • Applying the knowledge and skill components to practice
        • Applying the self-efficacy component to practice
        • Applying the community resources component to practice
        • Applying the impact component to practice
      • Applications to Research/Evaluation
        • Applying the goals component to research/evaluation
        • Applying the knowledge/skill/self-efficacy/community resources components to research/evaluation
        • Applying the impact component to research/evaluation
        • Creating an evaluation tool
    • Conclusion
    • References

Daviera & Grant 2020 (Just pages 12-15).pdf

1 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

The

Community

Psychologist

From the President

Notes from the President

Written by Bianca L. Guzman, California

State University, Los Angeles

“The wound is the

place where the Light

enters you.” ~Rumi

Last night at about

11:30 PM there was a 4.6-

point earthquake whose

epicenter was the city of El

Monte, in Los Angeles

County, California. I live 4

miles from this epicenter. My first reaction was to

call my mother to make sure she was okay. What

she said to me was this “hija la tierra esta ardiendo

de dolor” as a rough translation she said the earth

is burning with pain. Her words have stuck with me

as I think about how to move forward as a

responsible human being.

How do we move forward during a time of such

great worldwide turmoil? Politically our country is in

dire need of reform. How can we continue to ignore

the brutal treatment and killings of our Black

community members? How do we dismantle

structural racism that has been deliberately

constructed to keep out communities of color?

Contents From the President .......................................... 1

From the Editor ................................................ 4

Special Feature: Racial Capitalism, COVID-19,

and Compounding Inequalities ........................ 5

Community Psychology Practice in

Undergraduate Settings ................................. 24

Early Career .................................................. 25

International Committee ................................ 27

Prevention and Promotion ............................. 31

Public Policy .................................................. 36

Regional News .............................................. 40

Research Council .......................................... 43

Rural Interests ............................................... 46

Self Help and Mutual Support Interest Group 48

Student Issues ............................................... 51

SCRA Member Spotlight ............................... 54

From Our Members ....................................... 55

SCRA News .................................................. 71

SCRA Membership ........................................ 72

TCP Submission Guidelines .......................... 72

Volume 53

Number 4

Fall 2020

A PUBLICATION OF THE SOCIETY FOR COMMUNITY RESEARCH AND ACTION

Division 27 of the American Psychological Association

Bianca L. Guzman

2 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

These structures are so embedded and

pervasive in our society that when a pandemic

arrives we see that large cities where there are

large groups of people of color become the places

where COVID-19 spreads more rapidly and has

more devastating consequences. For example,

California, the state where I live, has become the

leading state in the nation with the most COVID-19

cases (LA Times, 2020). In the county of Los

Angeles, Blacks and Latinx individuals are

contracting and dying of COVID-19 at a rate three

times higher than of our white communities. If all

healthcare and social services were of equal

access and quality, why would this issue arise?

As a community psychologist my first

thought is: “How do we begin to heal from

these wounds? What is our role?”

Within our own organization, we find ourselves

at a great time of crisis and opportunity. As many of

you know, members of African descent (as

described in the letter: African, Caribbean, and

Black) put forth an open call letter demanding that

SCRA as an organization take action against anti-

Blackness, white supremacy and oppressive

acts/behaviors. (See full letter here:

https://www.scra27.org/files/8915/9735/2183/SCRA

_CALL_TO_ACTION_ON_ANTI-BLACKNESS.pdf)

This letter outlined four demands which are:

1. Put tangible resources back into Black

communities.

2. Acknowledge our complicity and maintenance

of white supremacy and white supremacy

culture in SCRA.

3. Develop a deep and critical understanding of

anti-Blackness and white supremacy.

4. Engage in collective action to dismantle anti-

Blackness and white supremacy in SCRA and

Community Psychology.

When I heard and read these demands I took

time to understand and acknowledge that SCRA

needs to work in better ways so that all of our

members feel that our community is a place of

refuge. The demands seem reasonable and

appropriate given the history that SCRA has had in

upholding racist structures that continue to favor a

white middle class academic society. As an

immigrant Latinx woman who has been part of this

organization since graduate school, I have felt and

experienced my share of racism, discrimination and

humiliation in this organization; that said, I do not

purport to understand what Black members have

felt.

I also left the organization to see if I could find

another professional home. Every time I went to

another professional organization, I observed that

they too had many of the same issues that SCRA

has related to racism, discrimination and the fear of

allowing individuals of color to have positions of

power in the organization. What was always

missing for me in these other organizations was the

values and the people that I knew in SCRA. There

are so many individuals that I have known over the

years that continue to be my colleagues, friends

and mentors who belong to SCRA. I also felt a

deep need to continue to connect with the people of

color in the organization that could relate and

advise me about how to move forward in my

professional and academic roles.

For me the earning of my degree was such a

prideful moment; the accomplishment was so

difficult and part of what my family felt was the

obtaining of a piece of the American dream. I like

other immigrants have always felt the full weight of

my community upon me as I make professional

decisions. I wanted a professional home that was

something that was established, honorable and

worthy of my time.

I believe that the members of SCRA do believe

in social justice and a movement to liberation. My

thought about this has not changed. I returned to

SCRA because the people I care about are here. I

was elected president. Then the pandemic hit and

everything in our world changed. As humans we

began to see that the earth indeed was radiating,

burning and hurting from the centuries of

mistreatment, killings and prohibited opportunities

that we continue inflicting on our Black community

members. In the summer of 2020, I was no longer

president-elect, I was president. By this point the

country was speaking up about the injustices

committed against Black men and women by the

police. As never before we witnessed a grass-roots

3 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

mass social media campaign centering on police

brutality and the brutal killings of George Floyd and

Breonna Taylor and so many other Black

individuals. Suddenly, perhaps in part by the

peaceful protests that occurred, the re-framing of

the way our society thinks about the police became

possible. Many cities across the country began to

talk about how dollars could be re-allotted to

community services instead of expanding police

budgets. These events and many others

encouraged me to think about what SCRA could

do.

As an organization it seemed plausible that we

could deem my presidential year the year dedicated

to Black Lives. I wanted and continue to want to

make a difference. I also realize that SCRA is a

volunteer-driven non-profit based organization with

an executive committee making decisions. In my

mind I always want to move at lightning speed. I

also realize that we have a governing board and

decisions and implementing sustainable change

take time.

One of the things that I thought I could do as

president was to turn to my SCRA colleagues,

friends and sisters for advice. Talking with these

women made me quickly realize that the APA

convention could be a platform where we could

discuss the issues occurring in our reality, primarily

the COVID-19 pandemic and the country’s anti-

Blackness campaign which some of them termed

the 1619 pandemic. This led to us creating a panel

discussion entitled “Subverting white supremacy,

Centering Black Lives Amidst Two Public Health

Crisis: Anti-Black Racism and COVID-19.” Although

many of our members may have not attended APA,

we made the video available for everyone to view

(link: https://vimeo.com/442572845/e3f60d3e71). This

panel was made up of seven women of color who

are community psychologist. They are: Ireri Bernal,

Khanh Dinh, Yvette Flores, Jesica Fernandez,

Laura Kohn-Wood, Rhonda Lewis, and Pamela

Martin. Susan Torres-Harding, president at the

time, and I moderated and these amazing women

shared insights with us about what it is like to be

intersectional Black, Asian and Latinx women in the

field. We also had a talk-back session in which

many of our SCRA members attended, and we all

shared in community. There were so many lessons

from these panel discussions. What I took away

was that, as difficult as it is to be a woman, faculty

member and/or practitioner in the field, we felt a

personal responsibility to the next generation to

continue to struggle and make a difference.

In addition to this panel, the executive

committee of SCRA has embarked on many

activities related to the addressing the open letter

we received from our Black members. We as a

body drafted an extensive document detailing how

we could respond to the demands. We also put all

the information related to the call for action, the

EC’s response, and related activities on the SCRA

website that you can reference here:

https://www.scra27.org/resources/call-action/. This

response did include the following proposed actions

(among others):

1. Leveraging Conference Space: Training,

Scholarship, and Climate

2. Investing in Sustainable Anti-Racist, Anti-

Oppression Organizational Change

3. Promoting Dialogue on Racism and white

Supremacy Outside of Conferences

4. Revising Community Psychology Research and

Practice Core Competencies

5. Promoting Black, Non-Black POC, and Anti-

Racist Scholarship and Practice

6. Revising Recognition and Leadership

Development Policies and Practices in SCRA

7. Establishing Anti-racist Policies and Practices in

Councils, Committees, and Interest Groups

This plan was a starting place; as a member-

driven organization, the leadership team was eager

to receive feedback and improvements from our

members. We realized we needed to review the

sections of the plan with the membership in a clear,

open and transparent manner. Therefore, we set up

a series of information sessions to discuss that plan

that would be done over Zoom, inviting the whole

membership to participate. So far, we have

completed one session that primarily dealt with item

number 1: leveraging conference space and, more

specifically, a discussion about our Biennial

Conference. All the feedback and related

4 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

information can be found at

https://www.scra27.org/resources/call-action/.

Moreover, the executive committee did embark on

a self-assessment and we are still in the process of

evaluating what we have learned. We are also

committed to hiring a diversity, equity and inclusion

consultant(s) to assist us in refining and carrying

out the action plan.

Finally, I return to Rumi’s quote and

continuing to understand its meaning and

application. The wound is indeed where we need to

be in order for the light to hit us so that we may

continue to move through and process our own

pain as an organization. As president, I want to

reiterate that I hear, acknowledge, and want to

move SCRA so we are closer to embodying our

principles surrounding social change, diversity,

empowerment, etc. We cannot fulfill these

principles unless we examine and implement the

aforementioned proposed actions.

As a final word, I find mindful meditation a

powerful way to manage my life and pain. I have

been certified in mindful meditation, and, as a

humble contribution, I continue to offer weekly

meditations which I announce via the SCRA

listserv. I invite you to join me and others, in brief

community. Lastly, I look forward to growing

opportunities for learning and healing, as an

individual and as part of this society, throughout my

presidential term.

Bianca L. Guzmán

California State University, Los Angeles

References

LA Times (2020). Accessed at:

https://www.latimes.com/projects/california-

coronavirus-cases-tracking-outbreak/

From the Editor Written by Susan M. Wolfe, Susan Wolfe

and Associates, LLC

It’s hard to believe that

this is already my final issue

as Editor of The Community

Psychologist. The past three

years have seen some

changes. Our biggest change

was that we went to an

online/emailed PDF format. While many people (me

included) mourned the loss of that paper version

coming in the mail, there were more benefits than

drawbacks. We saved SCRA some money that

could be put to better use. The greatest drawback

to the printed version was that we had page limits.

After we removed them, we were able to accept

more articles from members.

I’ve been a member of SCRA and received

TCP for many years now. I always looked forward

to browsing through each issue when it arrived. As

editor, I had to carefully read through all the articles

that were submitted. I learned so much from each

one of them, that in the future I will continue to read

every article.

As my editorship comes to an end, I’m a little

sad, but optimistic. After working with Dominique

Thomas for the past three years, I know TCP will

be in good hands. I am excited to hand this off to

Dr. Dominique Thomas and Dr. Allana Zuckerman,

the new Associate Editor, as I turn my focus to my

role as President Elect.

Susan M. Wolfe

TCP Editor

Susan M. Wolfe, Editor

5 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Special Feature: Racial

Capitalism, COVID-19, and

Compounding Inequalities Edited by Dominique Thomas, TCP

Associate Editor

As I write on the week

of Indigenous People’s Day,

I am constantly reminded of

the legacy of that fateful

year of 1492. For millions

across Earth, it was the

onset of an apocalypse.

People stolen via the

transatlantic slave trade and

land stolen from colonialism

and imperialism. Disease,

war, and enslavement decimated, ravaged, and

displaced entire peoples. The people, land, wealth,

and knowledge stolen served as the foundation of

empires, whose descendants live on as settler-

colonial nation-states today. Colonialism, racial

capitalism, it is an old story with new names and

faces.

Hurricane season is also still happening. Being

from Mississippi, I’m well aware of how long these

seasons can be, but they feel like they’re getting

longer and more intense. Big storms are an integral

part of our history on the Gulf Cost. Hurricane

Camille in 1969 was the one my grandmother

always talked about. That was the big one for

us…before Katrina. My hometown of Gulfport has

rebuilt and revitalized, but ghosts of hurricanes past

remain 15 years later. My uncle has said several

times recently that dealing with hurricanes is

enough without having to navigate a pandemic as

well. I worry about him and my younger siblings

who still have to go out and work. Who among us

have the advantage to make an income from our

home? Who has to work to close the stores and

transport money and resources in preparation for

an oncoming storm? Does essential equal

expendable?

The pandemic also put many people out of

work, leaving millions without income, health

insurance, and the ability to pay their rent. The

evictions have resumed, making it almost certain to

be an increase in people without secure housing.

I’ve lived this experience and have interviewed

people on the street who had similar experiences. I

know many people would rather not talk about such

heavy topics, but if we are silent, how will anyone

know something is wrong? Is the comfort we feel in

our ivory silos worth silencing those with the most

to lose? Does the arrogance from our academic

credentials and social circles blind us to what

actually matters—who actually matters?

Mississippi is changing their state flag and the

proposed new flag design included input from the

Choctaw, one of the Indigenous peoples located in

the land of the Mississippian culture/civilization.

“Before the

commission

voted, they

discussed

various aspects

of the Magnolia

Flag, including

whether it

should have 20 or 21 stars. The 20 white stars

represents Mississippi being 20th state to join the

United States. The 21st gold star represents the

Native Americans who were originally here

(Bologna, 2020).” This is the outcome of protests

and organizing past and present, local, and

national. “Back in 2002 when we had the issue with

the Confederate flag, when Jason Whitfield took it

on his own to protest and go sit out on Eight Flags

on the beachfront, I didn’t witness it, but when I

came, when I would come around, we would have

stories where snakes were thrown where he was at

and everything. (Marsh, 2012)” I remember when

Jason sat on the beach in protest of the

Confederate flag that flew on the sands of the

coast. And it came down. Statues and symbols fall,

but social structures are enduring. This is why we

persist. Social structures only endure because we

do, but this means we can change it when we

commit our minds and resources to it. This special

Dominique Thomas, Associate Editor

6 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

feature is dedicated to those conversations and

actions moving forward. We present strategies to

protect and sustain and conversations.

“In the debates on the ‘Anthropocene,’ global

warming, and climate change, voices of the South

and of minorities – the prime victims of these

phenomena’s consequences – have developed an

analysis that brings together race, capitalism,

imperialism, and gender (Vergès, 2017, p. 72)”

With the climate crisis, environmental racism is an

existential site of struggle and resistance. Christa

M. Sacco discusses how the Black-owned Lola

Housing Development, Inc seeks to create Zero

Waste residential communities with the input of

multiple stakeholders for the benefit of residents

and creating a new normal.

The complicity of universities in these

structures cannot be ignored in the contexts of their

decision making regarding their reopening, during

the COVID-19 pandemic, their responses to

protests against racism and police brutality, and in

some instances, the raising of tuition prices. Racial

justice or racial capitalism? That is the question

posed by Geraldine Palmer in Racial Diversity

Initiatives on College Campuses. She presents

suggestions for moving forward in advancing true

racial justice in higher education.

Racial justice has been a goal since the time of

Ida B. Wells-Barnett’s crusade against the lynching

of Black men in the United States. It’s been a goal

since the Haitian Revolution established the first

Black republic in the Western hemisphere. Racial

justice comes from resisting colonial/capitalist

structures. BIPOC communities are more policed,

surveilled, and incarcerated, a historical legacy of

Slave/Indian patrols and other forms of carceral

and colonial social control. Protests against police

brutality have spurred a conversation on whether

police should be reformed or abolished. Andrea L.

DaViera and Alexis Grant continue this discussion

as it relates to first order and second order change.

Whether we view these instances form the

vantage point of the individual or the social

structure, we are talking about ideologies that

become psychologically internalized. Respectively,

Kristina Yarbrough and the team of Megan Dunn,

Andrea Cladek, Humza Khan, Hannah

VanLandingham, Christopher Gonzalez, Erin

Matthews, Nima Novak, and Rachael L. Ellison

discuss how the master class psyche and systemic

racism in mental health services reproduce

ideologies rooted in white supremacy and

eugenics. Dunn and colleagues present a pilot

intervention for mental health professionals.

We hope that you find this special feature

enlightening and that it inspires you to think of ways

we can engage with people to find solutions to the

myriad and interlocking structural problems we

must disentangle and dismantle.

References

Bologna, G. (2020, September 2). New

Mississippi state flag: Commission has made its

final selection, now it’s up to voters. Clarion Ledger.

Retrieved from

https://www.clarionledger.com/story/news/politics/2

020/09/02/new-mississippi-state-flag-commission-

final-design/3455475001/

Marsh, R. K. (2012). Oral history with Richard

K. Marsh/Interviewer: Ruth White. Mississippi Oral

History Program, University of Southern

Mississippi, Hattiesburg

Vergés, F. (2017). Racial capitalocene. In G. T.

Johnson & A. Lubin (Eds.), Futures of Black

radicalism (pp. 72 – 82). New York: Verso.

Repurposing Normal: Proceeding

with the Blueprint for California’s

Zero Waste Communities

Written by Christa M. Sacco, Lola Housing

Development, Inc.

Lola Housing

Development, Inc. is a

Black-owned and operated

housing and development

corporation founded in

2020. They combine some

of the top technologies in

sustainable energy and eco-

design while also stimulating

new markets and ecological entrepreneurism by

Christa M. Sacco

7 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

using repurposing to develop equitable and

abundant affordable living communities throughout

California. Lola is a West African name or suffix

that means wealth. It is also an ancestral family

name of the corporation’s founder, honoring his

grandmother who taught his generation the

profound value of creating loving and healing home

places. Lola’s mission is to build and construct

affordable zero waste housing developments using

prefabricated panelization units made from recycled

plastics combined with renewable energy

technologies, and other eco-building materials.

Future housing on the chosen site in San

Bernardino County, California will expand the range

of living options in the neighborhood, the city, and

the county with a focus on green single-family

buildings and tiny homes, disability accessible,

veteran and senior living, mobile houses, and multi-

family residential units. The housing should vary in

size and price, meeting the needs of people in

different stages of life. A developed Zero Waste

Community should be a 21st Century community

that builds on the assets of the neighborhood and

the people power inherent in residents coming

together for a shared purpose, creating equity

meaning a livable and accommodating space for

everyone in the community, while showcasing the

best of clean green modern living.

Mission for Lola’s Zero Waste

Residential Communities

In order to make 100% recycling a reality, we

propose using current green technologies to create

an “upcycle” in which rather than just continuously

recycling plastics into packaging, we permanently

repurpose them as marketable commodities for

sustainable projects, generating additional revenue

and employment and contributing to integrated

global solutions.

The on-site repurposing center is the center for

zero waste management control, complete with a

centralized command center where it can receive,

process, direct, and transform raw materials into

marketable commodities, such as electricity,

biofuel, biofuel additives, building blocks, bitumen,

irrigation systems, with seamless functionality. This

can eliminate the need for landfills and replace

them with repurposing centers and accompanied

green housing.

Lola Housing & Development is a performing

social enterprise creating integrated solutions to

complex problems such as housing, rapid growth of

developments, and waste management, by creating

entirely new commodities, markets, and

opportunities for the world of the future. This project

is the collaboration between development and

research companies, eco-tech firms and startups,

as well as non-profit actors, university partners, and

grants from government entities of the state of

California. This is a direct approach toward tackling

inequalities and linking the end of financial

exclusion and poverty directly to their financial

motivations and its evolution from thriving organic

micro-economies to the creation of new marketable

solutions, reducing greenhouse gas emissions and

pollution that most heavily impacts poor

communities, and implementing a combined

participatory social impact evaluation of these

efforts.

The end result of Zero Waste is thriving

residential communities of the future, with abundant

and diverse economies, eco-tech start-ups, and

microeconomies that act on multiple levels and

sectors from the international to the local. In

addition to goals that tie greenhouse gas reduction

to a new way of economy, the project has high

social ambitions for their sites to be designed

collaboratively and with the participation of many

stakeholders and future residents for the ongoing

development of the community and shared spaces.

8 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

The vision of equity that we hold is to extend

what Sentamans (2013) called, “a livable reality” (p.

39, author’s translation) to members of

disadvantaged communities as a way to overcome

exclusion, discrimination, and related forms of

oppression that leave us displaced or with too few

options to live. We offer people multiple ways to

participate and influence how these communities

grow into their potential to respond to our times and

create something altogether new.

Connection to the Current State of

Affairs

As I write this, I am taking breaks to steam my

nostrils to delay the onset of an inevitable allergy

headache by the end of the day and drastically

limiting outdoor times. I wear my mask all the time

now, not just in public, because I am living in an

unincorporated area in Riverside County where the

smog is thick, and ash falls from the sky in the

evening. It is not within the scope of this article for

me to impress upon readers the intensity of the

ecological struggle, nor can I say that I am without

suspicion of what is really behind the wildfires. But

for those of us who have been listening to the earth

and watching the skies for some time now, it is

apparent that the struggle for humanity is quickly

escalating. I say the struggle for humanity because

it should not be confused with the struggle for

Earth. Earth is healing itself from centuries of racist

intolerance and treachery towards it. It will go on.

What is at stake more and more is human presence

on the planet, as well as the quality of our

humanity. It is time for us to re-examine the human

character and elevate. How will we “meet the

moment” and “create our new normal”, if we cannot

elevate beyond self-hatred, racial genocide,

becoming socially distant robots, decimating

ecosystems, hoarding wealth, and creating scarcity

on the planet? What will be left of our humanity? All

these thoughts are coming to mind as I try to move

to the last phase of this article which is to discuss

what this process has been like in moving forward

with imagining and taking solid steps towards the

creation of Zero Waste Communities in California,

and to propose how these could be part of a

strategy to interrupt racial capitalism.

I came into this project early on as a

consultant. It spoke to my deep need to create

spaces and communities for shared healing and

healing the earth. It also re-ignites a long time

vision of mine to create a residential community

and cultural center in which long term residents are

able to take part in a range of healing activities,

services, employment, and entrepreneurial

activities, such as cultivating our own food and

medicinal herbs and inviting in the local community

and eco-tourists to share our produce and goods in

farmer’s markets, a café, community events, and

spaces for respite and rejuvenation. I could see that

this type of placemaking was possible with the

technological and economic infrastructure and the

spirit of abundance found in Lola’s plan for Zero

Waste Communities in California.

When our group was writing our initial proposal

and letters of intent, I was facing directly the nexus

of racism, housing exclusion, trauma, pollution of

earth, gentrification, and cycles of poverty in the

form of housing instability. At one point, I was even

living in a shelter. Now, as we have grown this

project, and in the light of current events such as

COVID-19 and quarantine or stay at home orders,

social distancing, the murder of George Floyd and

ongoing protest of murderous and villainous police,

the wildfires in California, other conditions of

extreme climate, and seeming economic standstill,

suffice it to say that the Now has changed

considerably since this project was first conceived.

As noted in a recent Harvard study, where air

9 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

pollution is highest, the number of coronavirus

deaths is increased as the virus is able to cling to

the particulate matter in the air and because people

in communities with high pollution often already

have chronic immune conditions (Friedman, 2020).

Thanks to the work of scholars like Dr. Mindy

Thompson Fullilove’s (2004) book Root Shock:

How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts

America, and What We Can Do About It, we can

see the racist urban development policies that

ensured that Black and poor communities bore the

brunt of pollution, thus systematically exposing

these communities to greater risks of illness, and of

course, this also applies to the corona virus.

Repurposing Normal, Repurposing the

Earth

In regard to “the new normal,” it feels difficult

for me to embrace social distance as the new

normal, but I also believe that we cannot go back to

the old normal. In light of all the crises and global

urgency of the current moment, we cannot return to

a world founded on divisions, hatred, racism, white

supremacy, slavery and mass incarceration. We

cannot proceed into the future with half of the

population in our cities going homeless. We cannot

proceed with most of inner city and urban youth of

color being incarcerated and never attending

adequate post-secondary education. We cannot

proceed into the future of the new era we are

embarking on if we continue to use our technology

against the citizens, against the people, and

against the Earth.

Over the last few months, to combat feeling

constantly under siege and desperately uncertain

about the future, I have turned to spiritual

processes of prayer, meditation, chanting, singing,

stomping, listening deeply to the land, mourning,

watching the skies, waiting for right timing, and

becoming open to receive messages from the

spiritual realm, myth, deep history, and other

spaces of deep knowing. We have practiced shared

visioning and vision quests and modelled

abundance. We have called upon those

professional colleagues that truly hold us and our

work in love and we have had to eliminate the

voices of the naysayers, the haters, the doubters,

the liars, the distractors, the time-wasters, and

other pollution of the psyche.

In this current convergence of hopes, dreams,

visions, realities, and turmoil, in which the norm is

rapidly melting down to its most raw forms and

materials, we are called upon collectively in

different ways to energetically discard the normal.

We are called to repurpose Normal and transform it

for new permanent uses: vibrance, viability,

thriving, abundance, joy, diversity, equity, shared

wealth, and a spirit of place and community for

which there is no “new” centralized Normal made of

40% recycled normalcy, but only endless new

possibilities, variations, intersections, and

combinations, customizable to each new extension

of a live-able reality. We propose Zero Waste

housing developments as an alchemical container

for these transformations to occur. Unfortunately,

there is no convenient machine or technological

gismo to make this work easier for us. The best

machinery we have available to achieve

repurposing normal is the vast untapped potential

of human consciousness and human connections.

Author’s Note: Please connect with us! Lola is

open to broad connections and collaborations. If

you want to know more or have an interest in

collaborating, feel free to email the author at

[email protected].

References

Friedman, L. (2020). New research links air

pollution with higher coronavirus deathrates.

New York Times. Retrieved from

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/07/climate/air

-pollution-coronavirus-covid.html

Fullilove, M. T. (2004). Root Shock: How Tearing

Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America, and

What We Can Do About It. New York, NY:

Ballantine Books.

Sentamans, T. (2013) Redes transfeministas y

nuevas politicas de representación sexual. In

M. Solá and E. Urko (eds.), Transfeminismos:

Epistemes, fricciones, y flujos (pp. 31-44).

Tafalla, Navarra: Txalparta. Retrieved from

https://transfeminismos.wordpress.com/descarg

ar

10 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Racial Diversity Initiatives on

Adademe Campuses: Racial Justice

or Racial Capitalism?

Written by Geraldine (Geri) Palmer,

Community Wellness Institute (CWI), Adler

University and National Louis University

The commodification of race has proliferated

across the globe from the transatlantic slave trade

to contemporary sports to racial diversity initiatives

on college campuses. This article is concerned with

the latter, racial diversity initiatives on college

campuses, specifically those where the underlying

motive is social and/or economic gain rather than

racial justice.

I conceptualize the term racial justice to denote

such initiatives as diversity, equity, and inclusion

(DEI), diversity and inclusion (DI), multicultural

affairs (MA), and similar work. I recognize it’s not all

that easy to

distinguish the

difference

between

initiatives with

social and/or

economic gain

as motives and

those striving

for real racial

justice.

Nonetheless, I

use a critical

race theory lens

to question and

examine this

current

phenomenon. I

am highly aware that there is a flurry of recent

movement going on in much of White America

including predominately white educational

institutions (PWI) where less than a year ago

silence was typically the norm regarding ongoing

racism in America. Yet, in record time White

Americans are devouring anti-racist and

decentering whiteness books, espousing race and

ethnicity theories, swearing off white privilege, and

the like. Seemingly the murders of George Floyd,

Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery struck a chord

that I have not seen before and I’m not sure why.

This flood of activity is hard to fathom though

because murdering Black/African Americans has

been going on for centuries and in record numbers.

Why now? It seems reasonable to be skeptical or at

minimum, question the motives.

As I seek to practice daily critical

consciousness and examine this current time, I

offer my reflections to the reader as food-for-

thought for your own interrogation and reflections. I

must admit I am comfortable thinking we might be

looking at a form of the commodification of race, at

least in some cases. There is available literature

that support my supposition.

Leong (2013) identified several examples of

racial capitalism or the commodification of race in

an article published in the Harvard Law Review.

She pointed out that when a White American

political figure casually mentions a Black/African

American’s name as a friend when giving a speech

at the NAACP, or when a White university

president, concerned that prospective students

might be dismayed at the lack of diversity on its

campus, photoshops a Black/African American

student’s face onto a marketing brochure (p. 2153),

or when university admission offices begin

aggressive recruitment processes for Black/African

American, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC)

because state budget funding is being threatened.

Yet, these same universities have been PWIs since

their establishment.

An illustration of my last point is Louisiana

State University (LSU), a flagship institution in

Louisiana. In 2018, for the first time in nearly 30

years the university elected a Black/African

American as their student government president.

When looking through documents in his new office,

the president found marketing materials for the

student government and recognized that out of the

100 plus students who had served, 100% were

White (Parks, 2019, para. 2). However, this finding

wasn’t that strange, as LSU had been the state’s

whitest public university since inception, even

Henry. C. (2020.). https://unsplash.com/s/photos/black- lives-matter

11 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

though the state is 32% Black/African American. In

2019, LSU put forward an aggressive plan to

racially diversity and today a few more

Black/African Americans and Latinx students now

grace the halls. This all sounds great, except, when

critically examining this shift, a question for me

surfaces, and that is, what’s the rush now to “color-

up” the place? Well, delving deeper, LSU’s current

university president said state-funded institutions

who are not aggressively pursuing racial diversity

are doing so at their own peril (para. 10). State

budget cuts have forced many flagship institutions

to rely more heavily on tuition and fees, while

simultaneously children of color make up the

majority of those under 18 in public schools

…perhaps seeking to attend LSU, and this group is

expected to grow even larger. Concurrent to this

publicized data, LSU’s enrollment has dropped for

the past 3 years, to a total of over 25,000 students

which translates into a huge financial loss. To this

end, the university president shared,

…If we don’t pay attention to demographic

trends, many of our institutions are going to be

left out in the cold for decades…to remain

financially viable in the long term, as well as

fulfilling its mission of serving all the state’s

residents (not sure when this became their

mission considering their history), he knows his

school has to enroll a greater number of

students who look like the student government

president… (para. 10).

When looking at this shift through the lens of racial

capitalism it is not hard for me to conclude, if LSU’s

financial stability weren’t on the line, it is highly

likely efforts to racially diversity wouldn’t be on the

table either. My premise could easily apply to other

predominately white institutions (PWI) and

organizations as well.

One reason it is not all that hard to draw such

conclusions is, it is no secret that many of these

initiatives have their root in legal obligations such

as affirmative action. Dr. Derria Byrd (2019) noted

in her article The Diversity Distraction: A Critical

Comparative Analysis of Discourse in Higher

Education Scholarship the concept of racial

diversity is “merely a new spin on affirmative

action…not a new concept, but a new rhetoric” (p.

137). Musser (2015) added that BIPOC aren’t

necessarily the benefactors of PWI racial diversity

initiatives, but that the commodification of racial

diversity serves to benefit the institution and even

faculty. Further, I believe it’s important to point out

there are also dangers in racial diversity initiatives

with wrong motives including the practice reducing

one’s identity to only their visible characteristics

and often devaluing and disregarding other

attributes. Another consideration is it often places

extra responsibility on BIPOC faculty, researchers,

students and others in college universities and

campuses. Musser calls this burden “affective

labor” which also typically goes uncompensated (p.

8). Musser’s presumption is consistent with Leong

(2013) who argued that for many BIPOC, attempts

at racial diversity does place extra work on them

and this work is expected to be done without

compensation. Why? It is often assumed this is part

of BIPOC’s identity. Musser (2015) contended as

well that racial diversity is something that is more

valuable to PWIs because in its visibility, it can be

seen and thus, sold. These themes support that

BIPOC are not necessarily valued in this space for

who they are, but what they are (Evans, 2020,

para.14). Leong (2013) warns “affiliation with

nonwhite individuals thus becomes simply a useful

means for white individuals and PWIs to acquire

social and economic benefits while deflecting

potential charges of racism and avoiding more

difficult questions of racial equality” (p. 2155).

Moving Forward

In a perfect world, all the motives of racial

diversity initiatives on colleges and university

campuses, and everywhere else…corporations and

nonprofit entities would be ones conducted towards

advancing racial justice rather than racial

capitalism. Yet, we do live in this world, fraught with

the remaining stink of colonialism and coloniality

the lasting legacy of colonialism, with its practice of

selective racialization (Martinot, 2005) and racial

capitalism. So, where do we go from here? Here

are a few suggestions for such a time as this:

1) Examine your own motives for engaging in

racial diversity initiatives. Are you doing it

12 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

because it’s expected of you to participate, or

else? You fill in the blanks of what or else

means for you. You have to ask yourself is

selling black bodies to the highest bidder who

you are? We are either the colonized striving

for liberation, or the colonizer, bent on power

and greed. You tell me.

2) Understand embedded ideologies don’t just

disappear overnight. Dismantling white

supremacy and its tenets such as racial

capitalism is hard work. Real life, soul-change

is messy and complicated…

3) Understand silence is often complicity and I

added often to this suggestion because people

are silent for a number of reasons---fear,

introversion, not sure how to say it, and more.

However, for those who know how to raise their

voices, and stay silent, you do know your

silence speaks volumes, right?

In conclusion, I want to reiterate, this article is

meant for “fodder’. The more our eyes are open to

the ways that colonialism have impacted us all, the

more we, together can work to dismantle systems

such as racial capitalism. Dismantling these

systems include developing critical consciousness

around concepts like racial diversity in educational

institutions and examining these practices. Part of

sustaining systems of oppression is when people

are asleep or aren’t aware of navigating life through

the lens of the colonizer. To this end, I charge,

“Wake up everybody…no more sleeping in bed”

(Whitehead, McFadden, & Carstarphen, 1975). To

hear the song “Wake-up Everybody” go here:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7pspeIJS7XQ

Note: If you need additional information, have

questions, or need to contact the author, please do

so at [email protected]

References

Byrd, D. (2019). The diversity distraction: A critical

comparative analysis of discourse in higher

education scholarship, The Review of Higher

Education, 42, 135-172.

Evans, J. (2020). Commodifying diversity: The

danger of racial capitalism on student growth in

higher education Remake, (1)

https://remake.wustl.edu/issue1/evans-

commodifying-diversity

Whitehead, J., McFadden, G., & Carstarphen, V.

(1975). Wake up Everybody. [Recorded by

Harold, Melvin and the Blue Notes] On Wake

up Everybody [record] Philadelphia: Sigma

Sound Studios.

Leong, N. (2013). Reflections on racial capitalism:

Responding to Richard Thompson

Ford, Capitalize on Race and Invest in Justice,

Harvard Law Review, 2151-2225

https://harvardlawreview.org/2013/11/reflections

-on-racial-capitalism/

Martinot, S. (2007). The coloniality of power: Notes

toward de-colonization. The Center for Global

Justice.

https://www.globaljusticecenter.org/papers/colo

niality-power-notes-toward-de-colonization

Musser, A.J. (2015). Specimen days: Diversity,

labor, and the university. Feminist Formations,

27(3) vol. 27, 1-20.

Parks, C. (2019). For state schools, diversity isn’t

just about fairness. It’s also about the bottom

line. The Christian Science Monitor

https://www.csmonitor.com/EqualEd/2019/0405

/For-state-schools-diversity-isn-t-just-about-

fairness.-It-s-also-about-the-bottom-line

Police Reform Vs. Abolition as First

and Second-Order Change: The Case

of Chicago

Written by Andrea L. DaViera and Alexis

Grant, University of Illinois at Chicago

In the wake of George Floyd’s murder by

police officers in Minneapolis, Minnesota, protests

have erupted worldwide against police violence.

Chicago is no exception to the state-sanctioned

violence and has one of the highest rates of fatal

shootings by police across the country (Schroedter,

2015). One of the most well-known incidents in

Chicago was the murder of Laquan McDonald in

2014, where a 17-year old Black teenager was shot

16 times in the back by a Chicago police officer

who had numerous complaints previously filed

against him. The officer who murdered McDonald

13 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

was sentenced to prison for 6 years and 9 months,

while the officers who attempted to cover up the

event were fired but acquitted of any criminal

wrongdoing. Since before Laquan McDonald’s

murder in 2014 and now in the aftermath of George

Floyd’s murder, cries for police abolition resound in

Chicago and other cities across the country,

brought together by grassroots organizers. In this

article, we use the principles of community

psychology to briefly question how police reform vs.

abolition can accomplish first- and second-order

change, respectively. This analysis is apt and

timely, given the sociopolitical climate, historical

and enduring calls to abolish the prison industrial

complex and all the pieces within that system. We

write in the spirit of elevating the demands like

those made by community-based social justice

organizations and other voices calling from the

intersections of racial capitalism.

In August 2020, Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot

announced a plan for police reform for the city that

includes the use of co-responders instead of police,

de-escalation policies, and building a relationship

with the community (Pathieu & Rivera, 2020).

Although this commitment towards reform appears

positive, transformative groups such as Black Lives

Matter (BLM) Chicago and the Black Abolitionist

Network (BAN) call for more than police reform.

Instead, these groups take an abolitionist stance,

which requires us to “re-imagin[e] institutions,

ideas, and strategies, and creat[e] new

institutions...that render prisons obsolete,” (Davis,

2005, p. 75). Chicago spends 40% of its budget-

over 1.8 billion dollars- on the police department,

while resources for the community remain

continuously underfunded and uninvested. In

response, BLM Chicago and BAN are calling for the

divestment in police spending by 75% and using

that money to invest in community services, such

as housing, health care, and education, amongst

other demands to remove police from schools,

close the infamous Homan square “black site,”

passing the Civilian Police Accountability Council,

and more (Black Lives Matter Chicago, 2020). As

scholar-activists working in this historical moment

where the calls for police reform and abolition are

deafening, now is the time for community

psychologists to question these opportunities as

first- and second-order change.

Settings, Systems, and Social Change

Community psychology broadly speaks to the

importance of understanding social settings to

promote social change (Tseng et al., 2002;

Seidman & Capella, 2017) and prioritizes systems-

level change (Foster-Fishman, Nowell, & Yang,

2007). Social settings are not just physically-bound

spaces, but include networks, patterns, and the

composition of relationships, resources, and

behaviors (Seidman, 2017). Systems include “the

set of actors, activities, and settings that are directly

or indirectly perceived to have influence or be

affected by a given problem situation,” (Foster-

Fishman et al., 2007, p. 198). Systematic change

may be further defined as second-order change;

change that challenges the status quo and

transforms the fundamental pieces of a system

including its dynamics, relationships, structure,

resources, rules, and norms (Foster-Fishman &

Behrens, 2007; Peirson, Boydell, Ferguson, &

Ferris, 2011). Second-order change stands in

contrast with first-order change, which is the

“natural progression of a system as it adapts to

minor and mostly predictable challenges and

events overtime,” (Peirson et al., 2011, p. 308).

Because of its capacity for transformation and

liberation, community psychology prioritizes

second-order change and, as systems include

dynamic processes that themselves change

overtime, emphasizes the transitions and “turning

points” in which this second-order change is most

needed (Tseng et al., 2002).

Police Reform Vs. Abolition

Police reform reflects the position that the

policing system can work but is currently “broken”

or in disarray. The purpose of police reform is to

make the system function as it is believed to be

intended, to “protect and serve.” Similar to Mayor

Lightfoot’s proposed reforms, these can look like a

variety of policy-driven changes, such as the

popular “8can’twait” campaign, which calls for cities

across the country to implement eight specific

policies centered around reducing the use of police

14 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

force, (Campaign Zero, n.d.). Police abolition, in

contrast to reform, does not see the system as

“broken”; it believes that the system was by design

meant to brutalize Black, Brown, and Indigenous

bodies and carries out that task well. Indeed, the

system of policing primarily stems from the days of

Chattel slavery and fugitive slave-catching and

many critical scholars and historians have traced

the how the foundation of the American economy

relies historically and currently on slave and prison

labor (Alexander, 2010). Therefore, seeing the

system of policing as inherently violent, abolition

primarily relies on strategies of disarmament and

disempowerment as mechanisms to affect change

(McDowell & Fernandez, 2018). Disarmament

refers to taking away the tools and weapons that

enable police to be lethal in the first place. Often,

police abolitionist organizers and scholar-activists

pair this mechanism with approaches to

disempower the police, through organizing against

the laws and policies that perpetuate harm (e.g.,

stop and frisk), defunding and divestment

campaigns, direct action, and building community-

driven alternatives that de-legitimize the police

(McDowell & Fernandez, 2018).

The similarities and differences between

reformist and abolitionist mechanisms of change

can be difficult to distinguish at times. For example,

as of the time of this writing, the 8CantWait website

even has a bolded header of “abolition,” which

reflects a pattern in which abolitionist language is

co-opted by reforms to appeal to populist demand.

However, how we interrogate these different

strategies is by questioning their assumptions and

goals.

First- and Second-Order Change

From a community psychology perspective and

viewing policing as a system itself (McDowell &

Fernandez, 2018), we propose that abolitionist

mechanisms could be linked to systems-level

change, while reforms could accomplish first-order

change. Reforms target the system in ways that

indeed make “minor and mostly predictable

changes.” Reducing the use of police force does

not explicitly stop the use of police force and makes

the assumptions that police force is necessary and

that police officers and their legal protectors will

abide by the laws and policies put into place. The

second assumption is particularly concerning

because as police are granted qualified immunity,

they are essentially “above the law,” and act

accordingly. For example, as of June 2020,

Chicago has adopted seven of the “8can’twait”

policies, but that did not stop the shootings of 20-

year-old Latrell Allen or 26-year old Miguel Vega in

August. Thus, reforms rely on altering the

conditions that cause harm, while still allowing and

even expecting that harm is necessary and holding

the goal of legitimizing the prison industrial

complex.

Unlike the limitations associated with reform,

scholars like McDowell and Fernandez (2018)

position abolitionist theory and practice as having

the “radical potential” to advance racial and

economic justice, and the principles of second-

order change would concur. Disarmament

represents, both materially and symbolically, how

weapons of racial capitalist violence can be

removed from the system, quite literally causing

that system to function differently. This makes the

assumption that police can and will use force, and

thus, disabling the lethality of that force

subsequently ensures that less people will be

murdered. Disempowerment techniques, like BAN’s

demand to defund the police, would significantly

reduce the number of police officers, resulting in

less police-civilian interactions, and therefore less

violence and death. In this way, second-order

change is achieved by not just altering the

conditions related to police use of force and anti-

Black violence, but by removing them altogether.

Abolition as Presence

Abolitionists are commonly asked, what do you

replace police with, and how do you address harm

when it happens in neighborhoods, schools, or

families? Abolitionist scholar Ruth Wilson Gilmore

famously said, “Abolition is about presence, not

absence. It’s about building life-affirming

institutions,” (MPD150, n.d.). One possible way to

do so at the community-level is through practices

rooted in transformative justice, a political theory

and practice that seeks to restore harm without

15 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

prisons or police. For example, as theorized by

McDowell’s community-based research, insurgent

safety is a locally-driven transformative justice

practice that seeks to address harm without the use

of criminalization (2019). Instead of perpetuating

the harms of the carceral state, or reforming them

such that they are “less harmful,” insurgent safety

can be achieved through communication, mutual

aid and interdependency, and community joy

(McDowell, 2019). How we encourage such

community strength is through empowering people

and fostering mastery over one's circumstances.

The time is now to invest in insurgent safety and

nurture the conditions that allow for grassroots

organizing to replace carceral systems.

References

Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass

incarceration in the age of colorblindness. New

York: New Press.

Black Lives Matter Chicago, (2020). BAN Defund

CPD Demands.

https://www.blacklivesmatterchicago.com/ban-

defund-cpd-demands/

Campaign Zero, (n.d.). #8Can’tWait.

https://8cantwait.org/

Davis, A. Y. (2005). Abolition democracy: Beyond

empire, prisons, and torture. New York: Seven

Stories Press.

Foster-Fishman, P., & Behrens, T., (2007).

Systems change reborn: Rethinking our

theories, methods, and efforts in human

services reform and community-based change.

American Journal of Community Psychology,

39(3-4), 191-196, DOI 10.1007/s10464-007-

9104-5

Foster-Fishman, P., Nowell, B., & Yang, H., (2007).

Putting the system back into systems change: A

framework for understanding and changing

organizational and community systems.

American Journal of Community Psychology,

39, 197-215, DOI 10.1007/s10464-007-9109-0

McDowell, M. (2019). Insurgent safety: Theorizing

alternatives to state protection. Theoretical

Criminology, 23(1), 43-59,

https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1362480617713984

McDowell, M., & Fernandez, L., (2018) ‘Disband,

disempower, and disarm’: Amplifying the theory

and practice of police abolition. Critical

Criminology, 26, 373-391,

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-018-9400-4

MPD150, (n.d.). What are we talking about when

we talk about “a police-free future?”

https://www.mpd150.com/what-are-we-talking-

about-when-we-talk-about-a-police-free-future/

Pathieu, D. and Rivera, M. (2020). Lightfoot's CPD

reform strategy includes 'co-responder' model,

replacing officers in some situations. ABC, Inc.,

WLS-TV Chicago.

https://abc7chicago.com/chicago-police-lori-

lightfoot-cpd-reform/6368984/

Peirson, L., Boydell, K., Ferguson, H., & Ferris, L.,

(2011). An ecological process model of

systems change. American Journal of

Community Psychology, 47(3-4), 307-321. DOI

10.1007/s10464-010-9405-y

Schroedter, A. (2015). Fatal Shootings By Chicago

Police: Tops Among Biggest U.S. Cities. Better

Government Association.

https://www.bettergov.org/news/fatal-shootings-

by-chicago-police-tops-among-biggest-us-cities

Seidman, E., & Cappella, E., (2017). Social settings

as loci of intervention. In M.A. Bond, I. Serrano-

Garcia, & C.B. Keys (eds.), APA Handbook of

Community Psychology, Vol. 2 Methods for

Community Research and Action for Diverse

Groups and Issues. (p. 235-249). American

Psychological Association.

https://doi.org/10.1037/14954-014

Tseng, V., Chesir-Teran, D., Becker-Klein, R.,

Chan, M., Duran, V., Roberts, A., &

Bardoliwalla, N., (2002). Promotion of social

change: A conceptual framework. American

Journal of Community Psychology, 30(3), 401-

427.

16 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Rummaging Through Wounds During

the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Master

Class in the Collective Psyche

Written by Kristina Yarbrough, Pacifica

Graduate Institute

The disavowed pathology of the white master

class of the Antebellum South terrorizes the

collective psyche today, perhaps most intimately

felt within the United States. By white master class,

I am referring to the owning class of the Antebellum

South-white skinned, European immigrants to the

United States who were slave holders and

landowners in the Southern United States before

the Civil War. The pathology of the white master

class here indicates the pillars of race and class in

the societal architecture specific to the US. Today

in the US, as the COVID-19 pandemic softens the

material illusion of a structurally sound society, the

contours of collective wounds are illuminated. For

many, the unreconciled pathology of the white

master class that has been policing our collective

unconscious, our psychological renderings and our

engagements with the world is more apparent. By

policing I mean

1. today’s unconscious repression, described by

Frosh (2003) as the “work of policing, in which

there is a scrutinizing and a repressing body

capable of spying out subversive elements and

constraining their activities.” (p. 19). And

2. the policing technology of a pathologically-

devised patriarchal capitalism utilized by the

white master class to maintain their domination

and repression of their pathology.

Social psychoanalysis, depth psychology and

decoloniality animate this assemblage, offering a

new path towards liberating ourselves from the

effects of the white master class’s pathology.

Bringing forth history into our present perception is

a practice of insurgency, and a decolonial practice

of reclaiming the emergent nature of time and

space (Mignolo, 2018).

The Antebellum South was ferociously violent,

dominated by a master class of whites who owned

land and black slaves. The class of poor whites in

the Antebellum South highlight the intersection of

race and class in the pathological apparatus of the

white master class. The poor white class in the

Antebellum South were heavily policed by the

master class through violence, criminalization and

disenfranchisement (Merritt, 2017). Poor whites

were threatening to the slave system in several

ways. They built underground economies of

bartering with black slaves, and at times taught

literacy to the slaves (Merritt, 2017). Not only was

the master class engrossed in policing black slaves

through direct violence, they were often

preoccupied with controlling and dehumanizing the

poor white class to protect the slave system. Merritt

(2017) notes that poor whites were “removed from

the modern world”, “not involved or invested in the

marketplace” and “were not living by America’s

capitalist work principles.” (p. 108). There are many

crucial reproductions today from the triangulation of

the white master-black slave-poor white in the

Antebellum South. For our purposes, I will highlight

only two of them.

One, the fantasy of the white master class is

shaped by an illusion of ‘earned’ power, privileges

and freedom, which is distinguished to them from

the landless and dispossessed poor whites. And

two, poor whites are seen as threatening to a

capitalist society. Poor whites often live outside of

the modern, capitalist system and at times create

interracial bonds with the master class’s racialized

‘other’. These two elements in the psyche of the

white master class influence the master class’s

pathologized race and class ideologies, which

become weaponized through patriarchal capitalism

today. Patriarchal capitalism disenfranchises those

it deems threatening to modernism and to racist

ideologies that separate the poor and working-

class, while producing both raced and classed

direct and structural violence. Maintenance of the

white master class’s ideology and pathology today

occur through a policing apparatus of unconscious

defense mechanisms, and through the infectiously

commodified iconography and imagery of the white

master class themselves.

As a part of Parker’s (2019) investigation into

the role of slavery in the white imagination, she

17 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

encouraged white people to imagine themselves in

the time of slavery. Parker (2019) found that white

people could not imagine the enslaver, evidence of

disavowing the internal representations of the

enslaver. “The disappearance of the white master-

enslaver” Parker states, is a “structural and

defensive function of only seeing images of black

slaves in white minds”, which produces an “invisible

maintenance of white supremacy” by deidentifying

with the aggressor (p. 11, 12). Parker notes that

unconscious psychic splitting “both collapses

psychic space and hides what is disavowed.” (p.

15). Splitting is a split “between what is on the

surface and what is underneath, in which what is

‘underneath’, the repressed element, cannot be

spoken of and possibly is not even known.” (Frosh

2003, p. 20).

Parker’s discovery of white people’s disavowal

and splitting response to slavery is evidence of the

unreconciled pathology of the white master class.

Having never faced their pathology, the white

master class projects and introjects their pathology

into our collective lives and our collective psychic

structure. Projection is a “defense mechanism in

which disturbing unconscious material is kept

unconscious by experiencing it as if it belongs to

another.” (Frosh 2003, p. 33). The result is the

reconstitution of the pathology into a modern-day,

unconscious and material policing through

patriarchal capitalism. A technology of this

pathology-derived capitalist apparatus is to introject

the split off, or disavowed parts of the white master

class’s pathology into the poor and into the ‘slaves’

of this system today. The ‘marginalized’ today can

be understood as a psychic rendering of the

unreconciled pathology of the white master class.

Ejecting the unwanted parts of the self, the white

master class are left with a delusional sense of their

own innocence, and narcissism manifests.

In the United States today, this defensive

apparatus that implicates the collective psyche in

the unreconciled pathology of the white master

class is fatigued. The structurally violent effects of

the COVID-19 pandemic has further subjugated the

split off projections-the poor and the marginalized.

The unearned freedoms of the white master class

are being glorified in imagery on social media. The

completions of massive, unnecessary home

improvement projects are publicly celebrated and

God-like figures standing on mountain tops in

Aspen, Colorado during summer vacations are

adored. Meanwhile, unemployment rates increase,

an eviction crisis steadily gains momentum,

community non-profits serving marginalized

populations are losing funding and a racist-classist

ideology brings an overwhelming visceral tragedy

to people’s daily lives. The repression, disavowal

and unconsciously contrived apparatus of the white

master class has not only become more apparent

due to COVID-19, it is palpably pathological. The

symptoms of this pathology have become so

pervasive in our globalized, modern world that

discerning what perversion to focus on, where the

perversion lies and how to respond can be

overwhelming.

Karcher (1998) explains that everyday events

contain the psyche and collective unconscious, we

simply must know how to listen and how to pay

attention (p. 222). Unravelling the pathological

policing apparatus of unconscious defense

mechanisms and seeing through the iconography

and imagery that supports it can fracture the

fatigued assemblage. Anzaldúa (1987) explains

that la facultad “is the capacity to see in surface

phenomena and meaning of deeper realities, to see

the deep structure below the surface” (p. 60). La

facultad “is mediated by the part of the psyche that

does not speak, that communicates in images and

symbols which are the faces of feelings…behind

which feelings reside/hide.” (p. 60). It might be easy

today to notice the white master class’s unresolved

pathology in grand projections such as police

brutality on black bodies and the explicit violence of

self-proclaimed white supremacists. Though, depth

and decolonial psychologies encourage an

animation and insurgency from our deepest

capacities of perception, such as with Anzaldúa’s la

facultad.

Insurgency here is defined as “those

processes and possibilities of collective analysis,

collective theorization, and collective practice—all

intertwined—that help engender an otherwise or

18 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

relational being, thinking, feeling, doing, and living

in a place marked by the extremes of violence,

racism, and patriarchy in today’s global

capitalism/modernity/coloniality.” Mignolo 2018, p.

26). One narrative of capitalism/modernity/

coloniality is the colonization of time and space

through epistemology (p. 140). Mignolo (2018)

highlights two pillars of “the mythology of

modernity” narrative: the celebration of newness;

and the capturing of “the feelings and the imaginary

of the population” through “persuading an

audience”. (p. 140).

Engendering a relational otherwise, and what

Mignolo (2018) calls “epistemic disobedience” (p.

114) is one path towards our emancipation from the

unreconciled pathology of the white master class in

our collective psyche. In this case an otherwise is

an insurgent practice that brings history into focus,

where re-imagining our relationship with history

makes clear how the violent ideologies of the

Antebellum South are reproduced from the

unresolved pathology of the white master class.

Merritt (2017) reminds us, “Masters needed a

terroristic system of policing, surveilling, and

torturing the poor (both white and black) to

preserve their cherished institution.” (p. 253).

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought a painful

rummaging of our collective wounds, and there are

no quick remedies. To become untangled from our

wounded entanglements requires discipline,

diligence, patience and seeing through. Hillman

(1997) describes seeing through as a slow insight

that “moves through the apparent to the less

apparent” (p. 429). To know the prison we are in

will wake us from an anesthetized slumber (Hillman

1992, p. 66). Upon waking, we will be flooded with

rage, outrage and compassion; then our

sensitivities will be renewed, and we will effortlessly

see the interiority of things (p. 66).

References

Anzaldúa, G. (1987). Borderlands – la frontera: the

new mestiza. San Francisco: Spinsters/Aunt

Lute.

Frosh, S. (2003). Key concepts in psychoanalysis.

New York, NY: NYU Press.

Hillman, J. (1997). Re-visioning psychology.

William Morrow.

Hillman, J. (1992). The thought of the heart and the

soul of the world. Putnam, CT: Spring

Publications.

Karcher, S. (1998). Divination, synchronicity and

fate. Journal of Religion and Health, 37(3), 215-

227.

Merritt, K. (2017). Masterless men: Poor whites and

slavery in the antebellum south. New York, NY:

Cambridge University Press.

Mignolo, W. D., & Walsh, C. E. (2018). On

decoloniality: Concepts, analysis and praxis.

Duke University Press.

Parker, R.N. (2019). Slavery in the white psyche.

Psychoanalytic Social Work, 26(1), 84-103.

Dismantling Systemic Racism in the

Context of the COVID-19 Pandemic: A

Pilot Intervention for Mental Health

Professionals

Written by Megan Dunn, Andrea Cladek,

Humza Khan, Hannah VanLandingham,

Christopher Gonzalez, Rachael L. Ellison,

Illinois Institute of Technology (IIT); Erin

Matthews, Nima Novak, Living in Empathy,

LLC

At a foundational level, therapists, particularly

White therapists, are trained on the need to

examine and be aware of the privilege in their lives,

and the resulting potential oppression of many of

their clients (Black et al., 2007; Sue at al., 1992).

However, more recent literature in psychology

pushes for therapists to move beyond generalized

cultural competence, to help combat systemic

injustice and racism in their clinical practice (such

as addressing clients’ racism in individual therapy;

e.g., Bartoli & Pyati, 2009; MacLeod, 2013).

Likewise, the field increasingly pushes for

therapists to take responsibility for social justice

concerns within group therapy by addressing

oppression and marginalization between group

19 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

members (Chang-Caffaro & Caffaro, 2018), as well

as interrogating their own biases. In particular,

there is increased awareness that well-meaning

therapists and other healthcare providers can

perpetuate institutionalized racism and cause

unintentional harm to patients through racial

microaggressions (i.e., brief and/or commonplace

verbal, behavioral, and environmental slights

against people of color; Foster, 2014; Sue et al.,

2008; Thompson et al., 2004), or by removing race

from the conversation altogether (Gushue &

Constantine, 2007; Okosi, 2018). It becomes

crucial to adequately train therapists to be able to

attend to their patients’ experiences with racism

both within and outside of therapy, especially as

race-based stress impacts both psychological as

well as physical health outcomes (e.g., through

alterations in stress biology, including altered stress

hormone levels and less and lower quality sleep;

e.g., Berger & Sarnyal, 2015; Clark & Clark, 1999;

Zeiders, 2017; Zeiders et al., 2015).

The consequences of systematic racism within

the field of mental health have been observed for

decades and have devastating impacts on access

and quality of care for minority populations. For

instance, racial and ethnic minority populations are

less likely to utilize mental health services and

more likely to receive poorer quality of care (Alegria

et al., 2008; Chow et al., 2003; Cooper-Patrick et

al., 1999; Lê Cook et al., 2013). Provider bias and

stereotyping lead to inaccurate diagnoses for racial

and ethnic minorities (McGuire & Miranda, 2008),

which is well-documented in the overdiagnosis of

schizophrenia (Barnes, 2004; Hamptom, 2007;

Jones & Gray, 1986) and underdiagnosis of mood

disorders (Barnes, 2013) among people of color

persisting from the 1970s to the present day. When

effects are narrowed to specific races, Black

individuals are found to perceive greater bias from

health care providers (Greer et al., 2014), in

addition to reporting increased anxiety symptoms

(Greer, & Spalding, 2017) and internalization of

cultural stereotypes leading to a worthless and

powerless self-perception (i.e., internalized racism;

Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). Internalized

racism is associated with increased rates of anxiety

(Graham et al., 2016), depression, and serious

psychological distress (Mouzon & McLean, 2017)

among Black Americans.

While these challenges have lingered in the

field of mental health for decades, recent events

such as the COVID-19 pandemic increase the

urgency of providing better and more accessible

care for BIPOC (i.e., Black, Indigenous and People

of Color) individuals. COVID-19, a virus which

disproportionately affects BIPOC individuals (Kirby,

2020; Raisi-Estabragh et al., 2020; Tai et al., 2020),

has emerged as a unique and additional stressor

for mental health outcomes (Kola, 2020; Rajkumar,

2020; Rothman et al., 2020). Apart from contracting

the virus, living through the pandemic is associated

with increased anxiety, depression, and stress

(Rajkumar, 2020) as well as increased isolation and

decreased social support. While current social

restrictions have inspired a transition to telehealth

treatment (Smith et al., 2020), individuals of lower

socioeconomic status may have difficulties

accessing adequate technology, internet, and/or

private spaces for telehealth treatment. BIPOC

individuals are more likely to fall below the poverty

line; census statistics (Macartney et al., 2013)

indicate that Black Americans experience one of

the highest rates of poverty (25.8%) within the

United States. Additionally, COVID-19 has resulted

in increased unemployment rates (Montenovo et

al., 2020), especially among Black Americans

(Selden & Berdahl, 2020; Shah et al., 2020). At this

time, the BIPOC community is experiencing a surge

in mental health needs, heightening the importance

of therapists’ ability to sufficiently help and treat

BIPOC clients within the context of current,

overarching issues.

Therefore, it is crucial to examine and

dismantle the role of therapists and other mental

health professionals in upholding systematic

racism, and introduce a newly developed

intervention that aims to meet this need; namely,

“Living in Empathy,” a racial privilege and cultural

competence psychoeducation and process group

for self-identified White mental health professionals.

This profile fills a critical need in the lack of

effective “diversity/cultural competence” training

20 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

programs, especially for mental health

professionals. This comes at even a more crucial

time as the federal government aims to reduce

funding and “ban” cultural competence and

diversity training programs (BBC News, 2020; The

White House, Office of Management and Budget,

2020) aimed at addressing White privilege. Even

before the recent political events, many diversity

programs across industries (to which psychology

training programs are not immune), unfortunately

‘miss the mark,’ and may not result in creating real

change (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). For example, one

study found most psychology doctoral trainees,

even after they completed their programs and were

on clinical internship, still experienced difficulty

defining social justice (Singh et al., 2010). Even

with moderately adequate training, for White

psychologists, membership in a dominant racial

group may make it more difficult to be aware of and

understand the consequences and effects of non-

membership. When attempting to engage White

individuals in social justice work, individuals’ affect

(i.e., their general emotional reactions to privilege

and racism), may impact willingness to engage in

social justice work, as well as the ability to engage

in a culturally competent way (Spanierman et al.,

2008). Even well-meaning White psychologists may

experience significant guilt, shame, or fear that can

perpetuate inaction.

Within psychology, Sue and colleagues (2019)

call for future research to explore if arming anti-

racist allies with microinterventions actually

increases the likelihood of action (e.g., challenging

microaggressions). They put a call to action for

more effective education and training interventions,

to help learn, practice, and rehearse skills, as well

and overcome inhibitions and create inertia for

change. These issues have been necessary for

decades, but after the assassination of George

Floyd and widespread media coverage of the

#BlackLivesMatter movement, it became socially

normative to engage in racial justice, and many

white Americans were provided with surface-level

actionable items (e.g., donating, marching).

However, beyond these actions, there is a need to

develop such interventions for White therapists to

translate this antiracist practice into the therapy

room.

In response to this call for action is a novel,

online intervention, “Living in Empathy,” a four-

session manualized intervention designed for self-

identified White mental health providers to improve

cultural competence. The four sessions of the

intervention (Whiteness, unpacking colonization,

unpacking White privilege, and cultural

appropriation), are designed to examine important

aspects of systemic racism and privilege in addition

to the role the therapist’s race and privilege plays in

client interactions. Researchers at IIT aim to

empirically assess the effectiveness of this

intervention through a randomized control trial. In

this study, to comply with social distancing

recommendations, participants will safely meet on a

virtual platform for 60-75 minutes weekly, which

also allows for a nationally representative and

experientially diverse group composition. The study

will use a delayed waitlist control group design, in

which participants will be randomly assigned into

either the intervention group (i.e., “Living in

Empathy”), or a similarly structured four-session

control group (i.e., racial privilege/systemic injustice

journal club). Due to the expected benefits and

importance of participation in the intervention,

waitlist control group participants will be offered the

opportunity to participate in the intervention after

participation in the waitlist control group if they so

choose.

Piloting and utilizing a microintervention such

as “Living in Empathy” is a crucial step in improving

upon antiquated methods of cultural competence

training. In a climate of heightened racial tensions

exacerbated by a novel and deadly pandemic, the

mental health field must take responsibility and

work to dismantle the structural racism within the

therapy room.

Please contact Rachael Ellison at

[email protected] with any questions.

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21 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

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Community Psychology Practice

in Undergraduate Settings Edited by Ashlee Lien, State University of

New York Old Westbury and Rachel

Hershberg, University of Washington

Tacoma

A Look Toward this Upcoming Year

Written by Ashlee Lien, State University of

New York Old Westbury and Rachel

Hershberg, University of Washington

Tacoma

The Community Psychology Practice in

Undergraduate Settings Interest Group is a

relatively new interest group of SCRA for those who

focus on teaching and mentoring undergraduate

students. We are fortunate to have had excellent

leadership for the interest group and are especially

grateful to the most recent co-chairs, Elizabeth

Thomas and Sheree Bielecki. On September 1,

2020, we (Ashlee Lien and Rachel Hershberg)

transitioned into the role as new co-chairs for the

2020-2021 Academic Year.

With the COVID-19 pandemic, 2020 has

brought many challenges as many colleges and

universities have transitioned to virtual remote

learning instruction. This group has provided a

sense of support for those struggling to adapt

undergraduate instruction to these settings. We are

excited about the upcoming year and hope to

expand our efforts to include new members in

conversations about undergraduate teaching. As

we look to the future, we anticipate this group

continuing to be a supportive space where we work

together to think through and reflect on how we can

meaningfully confront challenges and opportunities

in the undergraduate CP classroom related to the

ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the pandemic of

ongoing systemic racism and violence against

communities of color in the U.S., an unstable

economy, and a very uncertain political future.

25 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Goals for the Year

This year, we hope to expand our membership

to include more individuals who focus on teaching

and mentoring undergraduate students throughout

the U.S. and the Globe (hopefully we can find a

time to meet that works with different time zones!).

We hope to extend more opportunities to connect

with one another, and will continue with previous

initiatives including a Webinar, updating our SCRA

teaching resource library, and having intentional

conversations about how systemic racism impacts

our teaching, mentoring, and institutional settings.

Mostly, we hope that this group can be an

important source of support and encouragement for

those working with undergraduate students in this

important sociohistorical moment.

How to Get Involved

If you are interested in learning more about the

Community Psychology Practice in Undergraduate

Settings Interest Group, have ideas for what you

would like to see us accomplish, or would like to

become involved, please contact Ashlee Lien at

[email protected] or Rachel Hershberg at

[email protected]. We welcome everyone who is

interested in building community around teaching

Community Psychology and related topics,

especially related to the current sociohistorical

moment. If you would like to join the Undergraduate

Settings Interest Group listserv, just email

[email protected] and request to be added to

the group. We look forward to hearing from you!

Contact information for co-chairs:

Ashlee Lien, SUNY Old Westbury,

[email protected], [email protected]

Rachel Hershberg, University of Washington

Tacoma, [email protected]

Early Career Edited by Vernita Perkins, Omnigi

Reflections on Multiple Pathways to

Community Psychology and A Call to

Action

Written by Michelle Abraczinskas,

University of Florida; Ijeoma Ezeofor, TCC

Group; Vernita Perkins, Omnigi Research;

and Mayah Williams, Center for Disease

Control and Prevention

This article is a collaboration between the

SCRA Early Career Interest Group (ECIG) and

the American Evaluation Association

Community Psychology Topical Interest Group

(CP TIG)

Every day the need for systems-level change

to improve equity, access, and well-being is

resounding. As community psychologists, we

possess the values and skills to create change.

Have we answered the call to action? Are we

“walking the talk?” To answer these questions, we

considered: 1) how could community psychology

26 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

(CP) articulate its value-add; 2) how might the field

grow its base by harnessing its appeal to both

diverse, established professionals and a generation

of new learners; and 3) how could the field take

action today to demonstrate its uniqueness from

other disciplines? The purpose of this article is to

evoke reflection on our field; highlight its value add

by comparing it to other fields; consider how we

inspire and invite people to CP; and demonstrate

how we must live our shared values.

Comparable Fields to Community

Psychology

CP has values of individual/family wellness,

sense of community, honoring human diversity,

social justice, citizen participation, collaboration,

community strengths, and empirical evidence, and

enacts them via research, scholarship, and

practice. CP focuses on prevention, promotion, and

improving quality of life of individuals, communities,

and societies. CP examines the interrelationships

of systems (e.g., neighborhoods) and individuals

(Dalton, et al., 2007).

Counseling psychology works with individuals

at all stages of their lives on a range of issues

relating to their emotional, social, work, school, and

physical health concerns (“Counseling Psychology,”

2008). Counseling psychologists also work with

organizations to help them increase effectiveness

by improving the work environment.

Public health is the science of protecting and

improving the health of people and communities by

promoting healthy lifestyles, researching disease

and injury prevention, and detecting, preventing

and responding to infectious diseases (“What is

Public Health?,” n.d.). For those working on social

determinants of health, there is the added

emphasis on social (e.g., education,

neighborhoods, economic stability), not just medical

or biological factors.

Prevention science is an interdisciplinary field.

It applies basic research on risk/protective factors

and problems affecting individuals, families, and

communities to the development, evaluation, and

dissemination of empirically based prevention and

health promotion programs. Prevention scientists

use research to influence policy and practice

(“Human Development,” n.d.).

These disciplines focus on the well-being of

people and communities through individual and/or

systems interventions. Prevention science, public

health, and CP share a focus on wellness via

prevention and promotion. Counseling psychology,

public health, and CP use participatory methods

and focus on social justice. CP is unique due to the

core tenet of social justice and the focus on the

psychological well-being of communities.

Finding Fit Within Community

Psychology

There are multiple paths to CP. For some, the

path is straightforward. For others, the path is a

series of random opportunities. The following

stories highlight our divergent journeys to CP. We

hope they inspire reflection on the various

pathways to CP and demonstrate how community

psychologists can actively increase interest in our

field.

Abraczinskas: My undergraduate institution

did not have a CP course, and I had never heard of

it. Post-graduation, I worked at a group home. On

paper, its programming looked great, but its

implementation and outcomes were not. I wanted to

hold the organization accountable to its mission.

Serendipitously, shortly thereafter, interested in

clinical, I interviewed for the clinical-community

psychology master’s program at UNC Charlotte. I

shared that story and got the response “that’s what

WE do as community psychologists.” That interview

changed my career trajectory to CP. I could have

easily gone a different route.

Ezeofor: My journey to CP was pretty indirect.

I am a counseling psychologist by training, but after

a series of twists and turns, I eventually found

myself working within evaluation and learning. I

joined the American Evaluation Association and

sought out a topical interest group that would be my

home within evaluation. I discovered the CP TIG,

which led me to learn more about CP. With its

focus on serving the community, and recognizing

that individuals, relationships, and systems were all

critical to the actualization of well-being, I realized

that I had found my fit.

27 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Perkins: My journey to CP launched with the

world’s oldest question, why we exist? After

witnessing social injustice in the private sector, I

explored consciousness studies on my way to

applied psychology degrees in organizational

management and organizational leadership.

Management scholars annoyed by my social justice

queries, gently nudged me to social and personality

psychology, and finally to CP. I strongly believe we

are better psychologists in our specialty fields when

we incorporate multiple fields. We socially support

people, people experience a little bit of everything,

and we should be prepared to address a lot of

everything.

Appealing to Future Community

Psychologists

As systems thinkers, we know there are

structures that prevent equity-focused fields like CP

from expanding. A new generation of learners is

emerging, and searching for socially conscious,

action-oriented careers to promote wellness for all.

The world needs them. We must be intentional

about inspiring, motivating, and welcoming these

students to our field.

SCRA and the AEA CP TIG can expose

students to and engage them in CP through

partnerships within and outside psychology

departments, such as: virtual panel discussions,

talks by community psychologists, drop-in hours,

mentorship programs, and college liaisons. These

organizations can also increase social media

presence with active and engaging accounts, and

host live Instagram/Facebook conversations with

community psychologists. These ideas are only a

sample; there is so much more that we, SCRA, and

the AEA CP TIG can do. When we invest in the

next generation, we ensure the longevity of our

field.

Call to Action

Community psychologists must accept the

call to increase the visibility of the field. This call to

action includes sharing information about CP in

daily conversations with the general public and

community collaborators, advocating for increased

visibility, writing op-eds, interviews with news

media, and communicating our unique impact to

draw others to the field. As well as creating social

change, our community partnerships may pique

collaborators’ interest in joining our field.

This is our moment, during the worst global

pandemic and racial crises in recent history, to

emerge from our scholarly insulation into

communities and collaborate with others who are

actively engaged in reducing health and economic

disparities. Community psychologists are most

impactful when they are in communities healing

historical trauma, ameliorating inequities, and

envisioning a new way forward.

If you are interested in the ECIG, the AEA CP

TIG, and/or increasing CP visibility, please contact:

Michelle Abraczinskas, [email protected];

Ijeoma Ezeofor, [email protected]; Dr. Perkins,

[email protected]; Mayah Williams,

[email protected].

References

Counseling Psychology. (2008). APA.org.

https://www.apa.org/ed/graduate/specialize/cou

nseling

Dalton, J., Elias, M., & Wandersman, A. (2007).

Community psychology: Linking individuals and

communities. (2nd edition). Belmont, CA:

Thomson Wadsworth

Human Development. (n.d.). Washington State

University.

https://hd.wsu.edu/preventionscience/

What is Public Health? (n.d.). CDCFoundation.org.

https://www.cdcfoundation.org/what-public-

health

International Committee Edited by Douglas D. Perkins, Vanderbilt

University and Olga Oliveira Cunha, NOVA

School of Social Sciences and Humanities.

This and the international column in the last

issue are intended to introduce readers to

representative work by the new editors of the

28 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

column. We invite those doing either collaborative

international work, such as the prior example, or

those based outside of the U.S. or Canada doing a

local community psychology project, such as the

following, to send a detailed paragraph proposal for

a future article for this column to

[email protected] and

[email protected].

Psychological Intervention in Higher

Education — From the Biomedical to

the Ecological Model: Contributions

from Community Psychology

Written by Olga Oliveira Cunha, NOVA

FCSH – NOVA School of Social Sciences

and Humanities, Lisbon, Portugal APPsyCI

– Applied Psychology Research Center

Capabilities & Inclusion (ISPA-IU)

Attending college is a milestone representing

major life changes for most undergraduate

students. Most of the questions that these young

adults bring to psychological counseling are mostly

related to feelings of low self-esteem, anxiety,

difficulties in adapting to a new routine and

regarding their future.

The demand for psychological support services

occurs with a meaningful event: unaccomplished

assignments, anxiety about evaluations,

concentration difficulties, doubts about the chosen

course and about personal skills, relationship

problems with parents, family and friends, difficulty

meeting expectations, or with behavioral

supervision and controls, whether due to the lack of

support and/or monitoring. On the other hand, they

also referred to experiencing difficulties in love

relationships, either ending a relationship or

difficulty initiating or establishing one. When

explored in counselling we find that the requests

made by these students are commonly linked to

their development as a young adult, particularly

considering their complex life histories, sometimes

dysfunctional or non-existent family environments

or intolerance towards their sexuality.

Many authors have devoted themselves to the

study of the development of young people. For

example Erikson (1972), one of the pioneers in the

field with his theory of psychosocial development,

highlighted the importance of a period of time in

late adolescence, called by the author

“psychosocial moratorium” (Dias, 2006), set aside

to solve identity-related tasks or issues. On the

other hand, Blos (1979) emphasized the

importance of intrapsychic development, focusing

on development throughout adolescence. Also,

Bowlby's (1988) attachment theory is important for

understanding the struggles of this age group when

building relationships (friendship and loving) with

the fear of rejection, dependency, but also in the

development of autonomy and independence from

parents or guardians (Dias, 2006).

When we dialogue about career development

and feelings towards changes in employment

opportunities, these are often felt as threatening.

Savickas (2001) argues that career should be

conceptualized as a continuing process of

individual discovery. In the core of career

development, vocational guidance emerges as a

psychological process of searching, exploring,

asking questions, and examining data for the

purpose of obtaining personal and professional

goals (Pinto et al., 2016). This process involves

carrying out activities that seek to relate the self-

knowledge of each individual to their perception

and knowledge of the world, constituting

themselves as interactive with that world and

involving the reproduction and transformation of

mental structures (Cohen, Duberley, & Mallon,

2004).

Despite the existing counseling and community

psychology literatures, the biomedical paradigm is

still one of the most used models for intervention in

higher education. However, there are some

circumstances for which this model is no longer

considered suitable, with special relevance in the

educational context. Thus, there is a need for new

paradigms that, in the educational (and community)

context, reside in decreasing reliance, or

expanding, on the medical model and adopting an

29 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

ecological understanding of human functioning

(Gutkin, 2012).

When attributing mental health and educational

difficulties to internal states of disease and

pathology as a principle, the medical model

inadvertently generates a system whose most

important factors are emphasized by Gutkin (2009,

2012). These factors are: a) promotion of services

for individuals at the expense of services for the

community in general, which discourages systemic

intervention and the comprehensive resolution of

problems; b) emphasis on remediation at the

expense of early prevention and intervention (the

exclusion of individual services is not advocated,

but their reduction and support of their

complementarity with other approaches that reduce

the impact of, and/or prevent, those same

problems); c) a shortage of service providers-- that

is, the medical model promotes, even if

unintentionally, the disempowerment of caregivers

more accessible to young adults, such as parents

and teachers, whose participation in students’

mental health is essential (Gutkin, 2009, 2012); d)

by giving little emphasis to prevention and early

intervention, it promotes treatments that are

specialized and professionalized, and so harder to

provide and obtain, approaches to mental health; e)

reliability and validity of the diagnoses and

consequent validity of the treatment; and f)

separation between the information collected for

diagnosis and the information needed for effective

treatment.

The medical model collects detailed

information on subjects' psychopathologies. When

we consider the procedures that are particularly

considered for students, we realize that most of

these are environmental manipulations (e.g.,

curriculum change, behavior management

strategies). Although they may help in the short-

term, they are often ineffective long-term as they

fail to recognize the essential role that

environments/contexts play in maintaining

psychological and psychoeducational dysfunction.

Thus, according to Gutkin (2009, 2012), when the

emphasis is almost exclusively on individual

psychopathology, the medical model discourages

systemic and community intervention and the

resolution of problems that are more contextual.

Although remediation and treatment services for

people should always be available when

necessary, relying almost exclusively on these

strategies can constitute a deficient approach,

especially when the main objective is to prevent

pathology and suffering and promote mental health

(Albee, 1999).

Where Are We Going? Changing to an

Ecological Paradigm

Recent investigations point clearly to a

reciprocal interaction between the biological

characteristics of people and the nature of the

environments/contexts that surround them

(Greenleaf & Williams, 2009; Schensul & Trickett,

2009). It can be argued that the ecological model

does not answer all the above issues, but it is a

significant step. Gutkin (2012) argues that

Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) concentric systems model

is particularly consistent with intervention

opportunities in educational institutions and

communities.

Micro-level intervention, for example, in a

classroom allows for the possibility of achieving a

more comprehensive impact (e.g., involving parents

of students). Changing the emphasis on individual

intervention to contexts, interventions can be

developed with “general” (e.g., all first-year

undergraduate) populations, “selective” (e.g.,

students in a transition period or a particular

program) and “referenced” (students who

developed adaptation problems). On the other

hand, prevention and early intervention assume a

very important role since human behavior is greatly

influenced by the meso, exo, and macro contexts,

so an intervention in these contexts can prevent the

emergence of many different problems. Once the

context is modified at any level, teachers, peers,

parents, and others can successfully intervene in

students’ lives, becoming empowered actors in

prevention, intervention, and remediation.

Regarding “effective” treatments, the

ecological model seeks to determine how to

optimize the fit between students' needs and

contextual characteristics, emphasizing context-

30 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

person interactions and the phenomenon’s

complexity. It also encourages professionals to

carry out evaluations and diagnoses in a contextual

manner. Ecologically focused services pay

attention to changes in college, home, and

community contexts to solve student problems and

prevent the dysfunction’s development.

Community psychology (and community

psychologists) can make an important contribution

to this field of primary, secondary, and higher

education intervention with an ecological

perspective, such as the principles of Kelly (2010).

These principles are as follows: interdependence,

which recognizes the multiple interactions and

influences between the various components of a

system; cycling of resources, which is based on

the first law of thermodynamics according to which

all energy is neither destroyed nor created, but is

transferred; adaptation refers to the adjustment

between individuals and social systems as well as

the adjustment of systems to changing conditions;

and succession reflects the evolutionary nature of

social environments with one group replacing

another over time. In fact, these are all dynamic

principles that must be understood in terms of

patterns of interaction and change.

The ecological perspective implies a holistic

view that goes beyond the individual, implying that

“communities are open systems, with several levels

of interdependent analysis and recognizing the

multiple transactions and mutual influence between

individuals and the environments with which they

interact” (Ornelas, 2008, p. 151). We found that the

“medical” approach is still very intrinsic in the

expectations of the various actors across many

different settings. Changing attitudes and

paradigms is something that takes time, but is

possible if we have a medium- and long-term

strategy and objectives, and try to be available and

involve all stakeholders-- students, non-teaching

staff, teachers, and administration-- in our

interventions.

The time spent on individual interventions still

exceeds what would be ideal in the higher

education context (70% on average of the time

available from our staff each month) but the

promotion of projects in which other members of

the educational community have been involved has

shown that we can have interventions early and

more contextualized. As examples, we can hold

group sessions dedicated to Ph.D. students (as

they struggle in “the last kilometer” of their

educational “marathon”) where it is intended to

promote and develop emotional management skills

during this stage of their journey (e.g., fighting

social isolation); information sessions with 3rd-year

undergraduates; running workshops for non-

teaching staff according to the needs presented by

them and in collaboration with the various

departments of the faculty (e.g., training sessions

for non-teaching staff who provide assistance to

students to raise awareness of warning signs);

sessions for students on several psycho-

pedagogical themes (e.g., Educational Special

Needs, Asperger’s syndrome, among others) in

collaboration with various student groups;

extension of training sessions/workshops with

colleagues who work in the various psychological

support offices in higher education institutions in

order to continue to develop skills, deepen

knowledge and debate the challenges that are

posed to professional practice.

References

Albee, G.W. (1999). Prevention, not treatment, is

the only hope. Counseling Psychology

Quarterly, 12, 133-146.

Blos, P. (1979). The adolescent passage:

Developmental issues. New York: International

Universities Press.

Bowlby, J. (1988). Developmental psychiatry

comes of age. The American Journal of

Psychiatry, 145, 1-10.

Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human

development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard

University Press.

Cohen, L., Duberley, J., & Mallon, M. (2004). Social

constructionism in the study of career:

Accessing the parts that other approaches

cannot reach. Journal of Vocational Behavior,

64, 407-422.

Dias, G.F. (2006). Desenvolvimento Psicológico

dos Jovens: Tarefas Desenvolvimentais. In

31 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Dias, G.F. (Org.), Apoio Psicológico a Jovens

do Ensino Superior: métodos, técnicas e

experiências (pp. 85-108). Lisboa: Ed. ASA.

Erikson, E. H. (1972). Adolescence et crise: La

quête de l'identité. Paris: Flammaion.

Greenleaf, A.T. & Williams, J.M. (2009). Supporting

social justice advocacy: A paradigm shift

towards an ecological perspective. Journal for

Social Action in Counseling and Psychology, 2,

1-14.

Gutkin, T.B. (2009). Ecological school psychology:

A personal opinion and a plea for change. In

T.B. Gutkin & C.R. Reynolds (Eds.), The

Handbook of School Psychology (pp. 463-496).

New York, NY: Wiley.

Gutkin, T.B. (2012). Ecological Psychology:

Replacing the Medical Model Paradigm for

School-Based Psychological and

Psychoeducational Services. Journal of

Educational and Psychological Consultation,

22(1-2), 1-20.

Kelly, J. (2010). Ecological thinking: Four qualities.

Análise Psicológica, 28(3), 389-393.

Ornelas, O. (2008). Psicologia Comunitária. Lisboa:

Fim de Século.

Pinto, J., Faria, L., Pinto, H. & Taveira, M. (2016).

Identificação de necessidades de intervenção

psicológica: um estudo-piloto no ensino

superior português. Psicologia USP, 3(27), 459-

472.

Savickas, M. L. (2001). Toward a comprehensive

theory of career development: Dispositions,

concerns and narratives. In F. T. L. Leong & A.

Barak (Eds.), Contemporary models of

vocational psychology: A volume in honor of

Samuel H. Osipow (pp.295-320). Mahwah, New

Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Schensul, J. & Trickett, E. (2009). Introduction to

Multi-Level Community Based Culturally

Situated Interventions. American Journal

Community Psychology, 43, 232-240.

Prevention and Promotion Edited by Susana Helm and Jackie Ng-

Osorio, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa

The Prevention & Promotion IG column of The

Community Psychologist highlights P&P resources

as well as the P&P work of community psychologist

and allied professionals. We invite submissions

from SCRA members, from people who present on

P&P topics during SCRA and other conferences;

and from leading and emergent scholars, including

students. Please refer your colleagues and friends

in academia and beyond to our interest group and

column. Please email me if you would like to submit

a brief report or if you have resources we may list

here.

Mahalo to my colleague Dr. Jackie Ng-Osorio

for guest co-editing our column this quarter to

highlight an indigenous approach to youth

substance use prevention and community-based

health promotion through the lens of emerging

indigenous scholars. Jackie and I both work on the

Puni Ke Ola (PiKO) project and serve as mentors

for the three emerging scholars whose reflections

are shared here, and with a brief introduction by

Jackie. PiKO is a youth drug prevention program

serving as a state model and is situated on the

island of Molokai where 60% of the total population

identifies as indigenous, and over 80% of school-

aged children identify as indigenous. This set of

submissions is written in Hawai`i’s two official

languages – English and Hawaiian (see Table 1 for

a glossary).

32 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Pūpūkāhi I Holomua. Unite in Order to

Progress

Written by Jackie Ng-Osorio, University of

Hawai’i at Mānoa, Department of Psychiatry

At the core of communities are their youth.

Statistics in rural areas show higher rates of

substance use and suicide. In Hawai`i this is no

different, especially on the rural islands which

largely excludes O`ahu. On the island of Molokai,

the community saw a problem they wanted to

change – youth substance use. To address the

problem, they created the Puni Ke Ola (PiKO)

program, which uses culture as an intervention.

Therefore, the program utilizes Native Hawaiian

culture and leads haumana through culturally

relevant huakaʻi and hoʻala to share their

experiences and learnings through the use of a

photovoice-inspired pedagogy. The sharing of the

haumana’s thoughts through the hoʻala discussions

and the culminating community event, referred to

as a hōʻike, allows growth to be shown. The

following brief articles share Native Hawaiian

emerging scholars’ perspectives (Adolpho, 2020;

Alden, 2020; Yamane, 2020) on how their personal

experiences as research associates on the PiKO

project have shaped their insights on indigenous

ways of knowing. Rebecka Adolpho earned a BA in

Psychology (2019) and is a current Master of Public

Health student, Nanea Alden earned a BS in

Psychobiology (2019); and Cherry Yamane earned

a BA in Public Health (2018) and will enroll in

graduate school in Fall 2020.

My Huaka`i to Finding Purpose

Written by Rebecka Adolpho, University of

Hawai’i at Mānoa, Department of Psychiatry

and Office of Public Health Studies

I naturally gravitated towards Puni Ke Ola

because it fits me and my idealism so perfectly. We

are taught in research to depersonalize studies to

33 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

avoid biases and control for various factors. But for

me, Puni Ke Ola is as far from impersonal as it

possibly could be. Being a Native Hawaiian,

growing up on Molokai, and being a graduate

student in public health, I have been subject to

many researchers and research projects on both

ends of the research continuum – first as the

researched and then now the researcher.

As a community member, I knew of many

studies that were situated on my island focusing on

diabetes, blood pressure, heart disease, and other

preventable diseases. Molokai has been a prime

place to conduct these studies because of its dense

population of Native Hawaiians (60% total, 80%

youth). As a community member now in western

academia, I have sat in university classrooms while

health professionals presented on studies detailing

all the health disparities and negative aspects of my

community. I knew what they were saying was true

because we were still dying from the very things

these researchers were studying. I also knew there

was more to the story, yet no researcher had taken

the time to find or understand our strengths. These

health inequities associated with Native Hawaiians

were a common part of my daily life, and

minimizing them is what drives my passion. I knew

each study was set with the best intentions, but I

left each class feeling that my community was

unseen or overlooked.

When I found PiKO I found the type of

research I knew I wanted to be a part of. PiKO asks

haumana and the community to build on strengths

that already exist in their daily lives that may be

leveraged to create positive change. It doesn’t ask

the community to change themselves, it simply

asks them to bring to light values and traditions that

are known. PiKO empowers us as indigenous

people. It places our cultural knowledge on the

same level as western academia.

For a long time, I struggled with my place as

an indigenous person in western academia

because I didn’t understand how my Hawaiian

heritage would be valued in a western system. I

honestly believed that to be a successful student

and to succeed in a health career there could be no

space for my Hawaiian identity. I thought I would

have to conform to the western model and

suppress the cultural aspects of my thinking for the

sake of success. PiKO changes that narrative. It

bridges the gap between the cultural knowledge my

community gave me and the western knowledge

the university continues to give me. PiKO didn’t ask

me to choose academia or culture like I feel these

two communities often demand. It allowed me to be

completely whole and in turn, I am able to give

back more of authentic self to my community. As I

move forward in my career, it is my hope that I will

be able to create space for the future kanaka to

thrive in my field - creating space for our indigenous

people to be unapologetically whole.

Huakaʻi through Native Hawaiian

Literature: Place as a Leader

Written by Nanea Alden, University of

Hawai’i at Mānoa, Department of Psychiatry

As a seventh grader, I discovered the

promising field of dentistry. For the next ten years, I

worked assiduously for my dental school

admission. But in the tenth year, as a recent

college graduate and novice dental assistant, I

realized my passions resided in something other

than dentistry. Reluctant to abandon what was

once my dream, I felt lost and uncertain. However,

an opportunity to work with Puni Ke Ola (PiKO) has

reconnected me to my Hawaiian culture and

allowed me to find my new path as an emerging

Hawaiian scholar. My experiences with Hawaiian

youth on Molokai have impelled me to determine

ways youth leadership can promote healthy well-

being. My role in the PiKO project has been to

investigate historical and contemporary Hawaiian

literature for insights into leadership through a

cultural lens.

Historically, chiefs maintained traditional

positions of power with the responsibility to uphold

order and prosperity. The story of ‘Umi describes a

chief who cared for all without discrimination. As he

gained respect for his kind deeds, “an aged kahuna

said, ‘He is wise in caring for a chief as he is doing.

His bones shall live.’” (p. 12, Kamakau, 1961).

34 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Thus, it was a cultural belief that chiefs could

enhance their mana through pono leadership, such

as sustainable resource management. Actions that

were not pono diminished mana. When a chief did

not lead with pono intentions, they often lost the

right to rule (Crabbe, et al. 2017; Kamakau, 1961).

While chiefs ruled due to their genealogy and

inherited mana, the ability to embody mana was not

exclusive to those of chiefly status. The moʻolelo of

Papa and Wākea named Hawaiian people as the

younger siblings of the kalo and ‘āina. The moʻolelo

instructed that kānaka of all ranks inherited the

responsibility to nurture and care for their elders.

Living in accordance with the cultural instructions of

mālama ‘āina and aloha ‘āina, one actualized their

inherent mana through their connection to land

(Crabbe, et al. 2017).

Today, communities who live by these cultural

precepts demonstrate resilience in the face of

colonization. Na Kuaʻāina by Davianna McGregor

imparts the value of cultural kipuka and the

kuaʻāina who preserve and perpetuate them.

Cultural kipuka are culturally sacred places that

have “withstood destructive forces of change” (p. 7,

2007) perpetuating traditional practices, beliefs,

and ways of life. Once a derogatory term that

regarded rural folk as unsophisticated, the kuaʻāina

of rural Hawaiian communities are now revered for

their intimate connection to land, subsistence

lifestyle, and practice of Hawaiian culture. Kuaʻāina

carry with them old moʻolelo and knowledge that

underline the historical significance and mana of a

place (McGregor, 2007), providing us with the right

tools to care for the land. In return, the land

nourishes us physically, mentally, and spiritually.

Given the deep importance of land to Hawaiian

identity, I cannot ignore the potential of a place as a

leader. Part of being a leader is to pass mana and

‘ike on to others. Moreover, it is a leader’s

responsibility to teach others to lead (Kaulukukui,

2016). The land and ocean have served and

continue to serve as primary sources of learning for

all Hawaiians. Puni Ke Ola, born out of the cultural

kipuka Molokai, immerses youth in culturally

significant places and grows their mana through

experience. Molokai Nui a Hina - Great Molokai,

Child of Hina – describes a land of abundant

resources with a need to be cultivated and

sustained (McGregor, 2007). If Hawaiian youth

have the opportunity to cultivate the land so

important to our culture, they will inevitably cultivate

their minds and values. Just as kalo takes two

years to grow, they will learn that personal growth

takes time and diligence. From the lasting walls of

loko iʻa made of rocks that had been passed over

mountains from person to person, they will

understand the value of hard work and collective

effort.

PiKO is a community-based program with an

influence that reaches beyond the youth who

participate. My experiences with Puni Ke Ola have

solidified my decision to pursue other passions and

anchored me in my Hawaiian ancestry. Equally

important, they confirm the promise of cultural

kipuka to build Hawaiian leaders. As the ‘ōlelo

noʻeau “Mōhala i ka wai ka maka o ka pua” (#2178,

Pukui, 1983) implies, when the land flourishes, the

people flourish.

References

Crabbe, K., et al. (2017). Mana Lāhui Kānaka: Mai

nā kūpuna kahiko mai a hiki i kēia wā.

Honolulu: Office of Hawaiian Affairs.

Kamakau, S.M. (1961). Ruling chiefs of Hawaii.

Honolulu: Kamehameha Schools Press

Kaulukukui, T. (2016). Hulili, Vol. 10. Honolulu:

Kamehameha Publishing

McGregor, D. (2007). Nā Kuaʻāina: living Hawaiian

culture. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Pukui, M. K. (1983). ʻŌlelo Noʻeau. Honolulu:

Bishop Musuem Press.

ʻIke pono i ka huakaʻi: Our Path is

Clear

Written by Cherry Yolanda Ekelakela Wright

Yamane, (formerly) University of Hawai’i at

Mānoa, Department of Psychiatry

The Hawaiian archipelago includes more than

130 islands spread across 1,500 miles, and

comprises a rich culture that has developed over

hundreds of generations (US Department of

35 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Commerce, & National Oceanic and Atmospheric

Administration, 2010). Hawaiʻi was a kingdom until

the illegal overthrow in 1893, and became a

republic in 1894. The overthrow remained despite

the Kūʻē Petition of 1897 through which a majority

of Hawaiians opposed the illegal annexation of our

Kingdom to the US (Kameʻeleihiwa, 1992; Silva,

2004; Beamer, 2014). It wasn’t until 1959 that

Hawaiʻi became a US state - decided by majority

votes cast by the non-Native populace.

Colonization did not end with annexation and

statehood. Rather, these events symbolize the

continued, contemporary trauma endured by Native

Hawaiians on all levels of the socioecological

model.

I share our history to highlight the disruption of

our Indigenous ways of being in our homeland to

contextualize what I understood as a Native

Hawaiian growing up in one of the most densely

populated Native Hawaiian communities. Waiʻanae

is recognized as a rural community on Oʻahu, which

prioritizes things differently from the tourist areas of

the island: community over commercialization,

understanding over talking. Like others in my

millennial generation, I have overcome a childhood

which included various forms of abuse -

substances, physical, sexual. My personal

experiences underscore some of the disadvantages

Native Hawaiians endure, and about which we are

subjected to the duress of being labelled under a

statistic or studied through a microscope; colonizing

practices that have become an industry in the

academic world which profits (Anyupa, 2020) from

the disparities of our people. The repercussions of

colonization and cultural trauma is a settler

inheritance (Tallbear, 2016) we did not ask for.

From personal experience, I am here to increase

visibility across generations that we are strong,

passionate, and resilient because we are the

product of our ancestors and of the land.

Being a part of the Puni Ke Ola (PiKO) project

when I was an undergraduate research assistant

helped me build research skills in data

management, data analysis, and systematic

literature reviews (Yamane, et al. 2018). I

developed a profound qualitative research

background that gave me a better understanding of

problems facing my community. I have immersed

myself in the loko iʻa that the haumāna participated

in for their huaka`i, and learned from our respected

cultural practitioners. The connectedness to one

another, to the land, our indigeneity, and cultural

pride was as beneficial to the haumāna as it was

for me. Being alongside my people was invaluable

because it gave me the grounding to hoʻi hou i ka

piko of harnessing my own mana and recognizing

the collective mana we share. Decolonization is not

a metaphor (Tuck and Yang, 2012) and sovereignty

must be centered in all work with Indigenous

communities.

I realized that my skills would be useful in

developing an ‘āina-based program for abuse

survivors to become thrivers, to borrow from Maya

Angelou. I intend to develop a program that would

build on my field experience, and would have a

culture-as-intervention, community-based,

integrated health care approach for survivors of

sexual assault and domestic violence. It will be

centered around the sovereignty of Native

Hawaiians. I intend to start in my community since

my connections here are strong, with the hopes of

expanding these services throughout Hawaiʻi. My

community’s voice and ancestral consciousness

will be privileged. We will advocate for our own

health, even when other practitioners have not

taken the time to listen. Culture-as-intervention

deviates from adapted interventions that utilize a

Hawaiian word and say it’s a Hawaiian intervention.

Instead, look to the source - our kūpuna, to the

kumu in our community whose guidance we seek,

to those who have spent their lifetime helping our

beloved home.

To my sources and foundational supports, I

have shared my story to see if this proposal would

be feasible and necessary for our community. I

expressed my intention that there needs to be

access to our cultural practices, community

unification, as well as trauma-informed psychiatric,

and integrated care since these are not widely

accessible. I have been diligently establishing new

connections to cultural practitioners and kupuna

who maintain our sacred sites to see if they were

36 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

interested in helping to facilitate “talk story”

sessions grounded in the translation of our

indigenous ways of knowing and cultural practices

in connection with the land and our spirituality.

While I have a lot of support, my community

members are aware that academic credentials are

required to lend legitimacy to this work. They have

encouraged me to seek higher education, so I am

enrolling in a graduate program in the fall 2020 so

that I may further develop the necessary academic

skills to help marginalized communities and

ultimately help my Native Hawaiian people survive,

thrive, and invoke our mana.

References

Anyupa. 2020. “Aboriginal disadvantage has

become an industry for many people &

organisations to profit off of the oppression mob

in remote communities. Created jobs for

outsiders to “fix” the problem but no real

community empowerment or emerging

leadership programs. Where’s the change?

Nothing.” Twitter, 20 May 2020. 2:35PM.

https://twitter.com/napangarti/status/126326718

5486516225?s=11

Beamer, K. 2014. No mākou ka mana: Liberating

the nation. Kamehameha Publishing.

Kameʻeleihiwa, L. 1992. Native Land and Foreign

Desires. Bishop Museum Press.

Silva, NK. 2004. Aloha Betrayed: Native Hawaiian

resistance to American colonialism. Duke

University Press.

Tallbear, K. 2016. “ʻVirginity” is a settler inheritance.

Stop shaming our girls with virginity. Make a

world in which they have the power to consent.”

Twitter, 25 July 2016. 5:49PM.

https://twitter.com/kimtallbear/status/757784786

819698688?s=11

Tuck, E. and Yang, K.W. 2012. Decolonization is

not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity,

Education, and Society. Vol 1, No 1, p 1-40.

US Department of Commerce, & National Oceanic

and Atmospheric Administration. 2010. How did

the Hawaiian Islands form?

https://oceanservice.noaa.gov/facts/hawaii.html

Yamane CYEW, Helm S, Tanqueco R. (2018).

Culture-As-Intervention Approaches to Reduce

Health Disparities Amongst Indigenous

Populations: A Systematized Literature Review.

Poster presented at the Office of Public Health

Studies (OPHS) Undergraduate Summit,

Honolulu, HI. 11/2018.

Public Policy Edited by Amber Kelly, Community

Engagement Collective

The Coronavirus Pandemic: Policy

Implications for Community

Psychologists and Training

Written by Christopher Corbett, Albany, NY

Given the coronavirus pandemic, there could

hardly be a more compelling reminder, or stronger

demonstration, of the profound role of public policy.

It is increasingly clear: public policy decisions made

at all levels, whether international, national,

regional, state, county, city, village or local

neighborhoods, have profound implications for the

public health and welfare.

The tragic consequences of the coronavirus

have gravely impacted the globe, from least

resourced and developing countries, to richest and

most developed. No countries are risk free; all

remain at risk for continued or further outbreaks.

Any disregard for sound public health practices

even at the local street level, endangers fragile

health systems and communities, and threatens the

public welfare. Clearly, current public policies, or

lack thereof, at all levels, expose the public to grave

risks given the connectedness of nations and

communities.

The purpose here is to identify certain

implications for community psychologists (CPs) and

benefits of new CP competencies with a specific

policy focus. It is proposed that expanding CP

competencies at master’s and doctoral levels, with

37 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

specializations in policy, will increase CPs’ capacity

to positively impact health and well-being of all

citizens, a foundational goal of the field (Heller et al.

1984, p. 4). Not only will public policy

specializations increase usefulness and utility of CP

graduate training, but policy specialized

competencies will increase the value proposition of

CP training, and in turn, expand the marketability

and employability of CPs, especially relevant to

government and nonprofit sectors. Both sectors

require public policy expertise. Coupled with

advocacy and intervention skills and related core

competencies, CPs can tailor their interests and

skill sets most compelling to their sector and

employer of choice.

This article proposes that new CP degree

specializations, namely public policy tracks and

certificates, will increase the value proposition of

the field and training in CP. Such offerings stand to

expand the “social action” emphasis of CP theory

and training, as called for by Price and Cherniss

(1977) and Corbett (2012). Secondly, this should

increase employability of master’s and doctoral

degrees by better serving government and

nonprofits who require multi-skilled trained

professionals well suited to successfully navigate

complex and varied public policy related roles.

Expanding CP’s Value Proposition

Through Public Policy and Related

Competencies

Given the foundations of CP, coupled with

training in the core competencies, CPs are well

suited to play critical roles helping communities

both during, as well as post, the coronavirus

pandemic. The evolution of training to identify

specific core competencies (Dalton & Wolfe, 2012),

includes many that prepare CPs to be multi-skilled

professionals critically needed now, and will be

needed in the foreseeable future, even in a post-

pandemic world.

While eighteen core competencies are

identified, several are highly relevant to addressing

current and future community needs beyond the

fundamental Public Policy Analysis, Development

and Advocacy. Other highly relevant competencies

include: Empowerment; Sociocultural and Cross-

Cultural Competence; Ethical Reflective Practice;

Prevention and Health Promotion; Resource

Development; Collaboration and Coalition

Development; Community Education, Information

Dissemination, and Building Public Awareness, and

Program Evaluation (Dalton & Wolfe, 2012; p. 10-

13). These skills in tandem illustrate the potential

power of the value proposition of the graduate

degreed CP, where Public Policy is fundamental

and justifiable as its own dedicated track or

freestanding certificate supplemental to a master’s

or doctoral degree. As noted previously, public

policy intervention fits a community psychology

agenda and an increased emphasis on public

policy and practical skills will substantially expand

and improve the future trajectory and state of the

field (Julian 2009, p. 34). The time is ripe to bolster

CP graduate training with new policy specific

credentials in both track and certificate forms.

Tracks, Certificates or Both?

For CP programs considering policy tracks or

certificates or both, there are advantages of each.

One advantage of a public policy track for master’s

or doctorial programs is the ability for students to

identify interests and core competencies that align

with personal, professional and employment goals

based on electives in their foundational

coursework. A disadvantage of the track approach:

it is limited to existing and future matriculated CP

students.

This illustrates one certificate advantage; it can

be an added competency not only available to

current and future students but as a credential

upgrade, open to all graduates in CP, or related

bachelor’s, master’s or doctoral programs, from any

institution, from any prior years.

Another advantage of a supplemental

certificate: it is highly suited to online offering,

providing flexibility to reach candidates currently

employed, those with day or evening schedule

restrictions, or transportation limitations. Finally,

due to efficiencies for institutions, costs may be

lower, attracting more candidates to support a

certificate program.

38 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

An Illustration

The addition of new policy focused training

opportunities, such as through certificates in public

policy, or through policy tracks, could well meet the

training needs and expectations of policy-oriented

students and also align with employer needs. One

illustration of a policy specialization that would

provide a powerful supplement to basic CP training

would be: Public Policy Advocacy and Intervention

which could be, by certificate, or as an additional

track in new or existing master’s and doctoral level

trainings in CP.

Such a specialization would likely appeal to

government sector organizations as public policy is

integral to government operations at all levels. It

would also likely appeal to nonprofit organizations

where it is well recognized that the sector, at least

in the United States, has neglected its advocacy

role essential for its health and survival (Corbett

2011a). Different combinations of core

competencies could be tailored to meet either, or

both, sectors’ needs.

Potential Policy Roles

There are many Policy roles needed by

government and nonprofit sector employers. One

example is policy research and formulation. This

would include the ability to research various local,

state or national legislation to identify current model

legislation and how it may be adapted or improved.

These skills and abilities serve both government

and nonprofit employers. Another example is the

ability to perform advocacy roles, especially the

ability to lobby in compliance with state and federal

requirements that are often complex. This is often

neglected by nonprofits (Corbett 2011a) and would

satisfy a keen and growing need for increased

advocacy at the federal level, as has become

increasingly apparent from failures by nonprofits to

access the recent multi-trillion dollar stimulus funds,

approved by the federal government in the

aftermath of the coronavirus. Programs could be

tailored to meet students’ specific training and

professional employment goals to obtain the

necessary experience and competence in the

strategies and roles they seek. Such strategies are

many and include: research, media advocacy,

direct lobbying, grassroots lobbying; public events,

judicial advocacy; public education; coalition

building, administrative lobbying, voter registration

and education and expert testimony (Gao & Saxton

2010). Training in these strategies has high

potential value in either, or both, government and

nonprofit organizations, though this will, however,

vary by nonprofit depending upon by-law

requirements and congruence with mission (Corbett

2011a, p. 10).

These strategies enable and empower CPs to

act in a wide variety of roles such as including

policy and legislative research, lobbying, policy

development and policy implementation of federal

or state legislation. Another powerful CP policy role:

all nonprofits should have at least one CP on the

board, with others in management and/or staff

(Fromm Reed 2012, p. 10).

Policy implementation also creates book

publication opportunities due to the broad impact

on the public interest. One example of policy

implementation of federal legislation is described by

Cleveland & Wineburg (2011). Their book details a

case example of a successful university-community

partnership, implementing the American Recovery

and Investment Act of 2009. The book also

demonstrates the successful application of many

related core competencies including: Public Policy

and Advocacy; Empowerment; Community

Inclusion & Partnership; Consultation and

Organizational Development skills; Community

Education; Small and Large Group process skills;

and Resource Development (Dalton & Wolfe, 2012;

Corbett 2011b).

Another example: the implementation of the

Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, which legislatively

imposed certain ethical and governance

requirements on all nonprofit organizations in the

U.S. (Jackson & Fogarty, 2005). As detailed by

Corbett (2011c), the implementation of this federal

legislation at the nonprofit level illustrates the

application of various core competencies such as

including: Public Policy; Empowerment; Prevention;

Resource Development; Consultation and

Organizational Development; and Community

Education.

39 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Another factor supporting book publication: the

policy implementation of legislation, due to its

complexity and with serious implications of force of

law and enforcement, creates grave risks of non-

compliance. This is of great interest to government

officials and regulators, who are responsible to

enforce legislation, as well as nonprofit leaders and

board members legally culpable and exposed to the

consequences of violation, or malfeasance, as

executives of Enron, United Way and American

Red Cross found (Jackson & Fogarty, 2005, p. 2).

This also opens the door to prevention oriented

CPs with policy related solutions by applying CP

principles, and “behavior setting” theory, to prevent

organizational failures (Fromm Reed 2012; Corbett

2011c).

Potential Track and Certificate Content

While further potential course content is

beyond the scope here, there is much policy related

scholarship already created by many SCRA

scholars and fellows, waiting to be tapped. Policy

tracks and certificates could readily be constructed

from many published texts, journal and TCP

articles, workbooks, SCRA session and workshop

materials, including various texts that address

employability of CPs in government and nonprofit

sectors. While not all inclusive, various CP authors

of much policy and employment relevant

scholarship include: Balcazar, F., Campbell, R.,

Cherniss, C., Dalton, J., Ferrari, J., Glantsman, O.,

Howe, S., Jason, L., Langhout, R., Maton, K.,

McMahon, S., O’Donnell, C., Shinn, M., Toro, P.,

Viola, J. and Wolfe, S. to name a few.

Conclusion

Institutions willing to consider adding policy

specific tracks and/or certificates, either on campus

or online, could use these authors and scholars as

a starting point to develop new policy related

credentials, thereby increasing the value

proposition of CP training and the employability of

CPs, especially to meet the urgent needs of both

the government and nonprofit sectors.

References

Cleveland, O. & Wineburg, R. (2011). Pracademics

and community change: A true story of

nonprofit development and social

entrepreneurship during welfare reform.

Chicago: Lyceum.

Corbett, C. (2011a). Increasing public policy

advocacy and influence: A priority whose time

has come. Paper presented at the Annual

Conference of the Association for Research on

Nonprofit

Organizations and Voluntary Action held

November 17-19, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

Corbett, C. (2011b). Book Review of Pracademics

and Community Change: A True Story of

Nonprofit Development and Social

Entrepreneurship during Welfare Reform.

Global Journal

of Community Psychology Practice Vol. 1(3), 1-5.

Corbett, C. (2011c). Advancing nonprofit

stewardship through self-regulation: Translating

principles into practice. Sterling, VA.: Kumarian

Press.

Corbett, C. (2012). SCRA’s Golden Opportunity:

Modifying MOOC and Certificate of Mastery

Concepts to evolve CP into a Profession. The

Community Psychologist 45(4), 14-17.

Dalton, J. & Wolfe, S. (2012). Joint Column Core

Competencies. The Community Psychologist.

45(4), 8.

Fromm Reed, S. (Ed.) (2012). Applying community

psychology knowledge in nonprofit settings,

by C. Corbett. The Community Psychologist

45(3), 8-12.

Guo, C. & Saxton, G. (2010). Voice-In, Voice-Out:

Constituent participation and nonprofit

advocacy, Nonprofit Policy Forum, Vol. 1: Iss. I,

Article 5. Available at:

http://www.bepress.com/npf/vol1/iss1/5.

Heller, K., Price, R., Reinharz, S., Riger, S., &

Wandersman, A. (1984). Psychology and

Community Change. Homewood, Illinois: Dorsey

Press.

Jackson, P. M. & Fogarty, T. E. (2005). Sarbanes-

Oxley for Nonprofits. Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley.

Julian, D. (Ed.) (2009). The Community

Practitioner. Advocating for Federal Stimulus

Funds to Advance Social Justice: Pursuing

Funding from the American Recovery &

40 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Investment Act of 2009 by Christopher Corbett.

The Community Psychologist 42(3), 31-34.

Price, R. & Cherniss, C. (1977, May). Training for a

New Profession: Research as Social Action.

Professional Psychology, 222-231.

Regional News Submitted by Regional Coordinators

News from the Midwest Region U.S.

MIDWEST REGIONAL COORDINATOR

Tonya Hall, Chicago State University

Maintaining A Sense of Community in

the Age of a Pandemic

Tonya Hall, Chicago State University

Community psychologists are adept at

facilitating strong collaborations among various

groups within the community with a common goal

of resolving social problems that ail and concern

society. Several months ago, COVID-19 ushered in

an era of social distancing, increased feelings of

isolation, wearing face masks, and quarantining

within our homes often away from our offices,

extended family members, friends, colleagues, and

those receiving assistance. All of which may serve

to hamper not only our sense of community but our

sense of belonging, which could serve to put a

damper on our overall well-being. In-person

conferences where community psychology

academicians, researchers, students, and

community members regularly gather to share and

hone novel ideas, network and socialize almost

seem antiquated as the pandemic barrels into the

future. How are community psychologists to

effectuate change in the current environment

particularly with marginalized groups when

restrictions due to the coronavirus pandemic

abound and persist with seemingly no end in sight?

For now, the answer is to utilize, maximize, and

master the tools of online platforms and application

such as GoToMeeting and Zoom to have meetings,

host virtual conferences, and simply stay connected

with one another.

The good news is that whether you reside in

the Midwest or if you live in a different region you

currently have the opportunity to connect with other

SCRA Midwest members in several upcoming

virtual events that you do not want to miss including

the Midwest Eco Community Psychology

conference and the Midwestern Psychological

Association/SCRA conference.

The 44th Midwest Ecological Community

Psychology Conference 2020

The SCRA Midwest U. S. region includes the

following States: Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,

Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, Ohio, and South

Dakota. For the past several years, Midwest ECO

conferences have primarily been located within the

beautiful Metropolitan area of Chicago, Illinois.

Students from schools such as DePaul University,

University of Illinois, and National Louis University

have often spearheaded the Midwest Eco

conferences and spurred us into action to present

our work often informally, up close and personal,

and followed by supper together. Faculty advisors

have supported students’ efforts by serving as

conference hosts who handled all fiscal matters

and secured conference sites. Well, this year,

SCRA Midwest, we are leaving Chicago in a sense

and heading far north to the Twin Cities! Autumn

Kirkendall, a community psychology graduate

student at the University of Cincinnati and a team of

her peers are working arduously and doing an

excellent job of preparing to host the “Midwest Eco

Conference: Promoting Environmental & Social

Justice through Community Research and Action”

This Midwest Eco Conference will be held

virtually via Zoom on Saturday, October 24, 2020

from 8:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. CST. Although the

conference proposal submission deadline has

passed, stay tuned for conference registration

information on the Midwest Eco conference website

(https://midwesteco2020.wixsite.com/midwesteco2

020) or contact the conference sponsors and

faculty advisors, Dr. August Hoffman at

Metropolitan State University

41 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

([email protected] ) or Dr. Stephen

Stelzner at the College of Saint Benedict St. John’s

University ([email protected]).

The 93rd Annual Midwestern

Psychological Association/SCRA-

Affiliated Conference

The MPA/SCRA annual conference is typically

held for one day at the Palmer House Hilton

Chicago followed by dinner at Exchequer

Restaurant, which received the “Best Chicago Style

Pizza” USA Today award in 2019. This conference

is also scheduled to be held virtually next year on

Friday, April 23, 2021. The conference paper

submission deadline is Wednesday, November 4,

2020. For more information, visit the MPA website

(http://midwesternpsych.org/) or contact Dr.

Michael Bernstein at ([email protected]). If you are

interested in serving as a conference proposal

reviewer, contact Dr. Tonya Hall at

([email protected]) by Friday, October 2, 2020 to

obtain additional details.

SCRA Midwest Regional Coordinator &

Student Coordinator Applications

SCRA Midwest is currently accepting

applications to fill the vacancies for SCRA Midwest

Regional Coordinators (RCS) and SCRA Midwest

Student Regional Coordinators (SRCS). If you are

interested in supporting SCRA, seeing that it

continues to thrive in the Midwest, serving in one of

these roles, and obtaining a job description, contact

Dr. Tonya Hall at ([email protected]) for more

information.

News from the Southeast Region U.S.

SOUTHEAST REGIONAL COODINATORS

Wing Yi Chan, RAND Corporation and Elan Hope,

North Carolina State University

2020 Southeast ECO Conference

Changing Tides: Empowering Communities

& Challenging Systemic Injustice

Georgia State University & Morehouse

College – Online

October 16-17, 2020

This conference is organized by graduate

students. The goal is to share knowledge relative to

community psychology and related fields by

connecting students, researchers, community

members, and scientists to share experiences in an

effort to reduce social inequalities and empower

marginalized communities. These goals are more

salient than ever as public health and social justice

waves awash our communities.

Changing Tides aims to focus first and

foremost on:

1. Individual and Community Wellness

2. Fighting Oppression

3. Reducing Social Inequalities

4. Empowerment.

We believe this is possible by sticking to the values

of Community Psychology (CP):

A. Action-Oriented Research

B. Empirical Grounding

C. Community Collaborations

D. Capacity Building

E. Setting Analysis

Presentations will be mixed recorded and live.

Formats will include presentations (posters, oral,

symposia), discussions (roundtable, mentorship

chats), and additional innovative sessions.

News from the Western Region U.S.

WESTERN REGIONAL COODINATORS

Rachel Hershberg, University of Washington

Tacoma; Erin Rose Ellison, California State

University-Sacramento

Hello from your West Region Coordinators for

the Society for Community Research and Action!

This year, Erin Rose Ellison, California State

University- Sacramento, has joined me, Rachel M.

Hershberg, University of Washington Tacoma, as a

co-coordinator for the region. We want to give a big

thank you to Greg Townley-Portland State

University, for his leadership for several years.

Greg was instrumental in organizing the last two

regional conferences and in bringing folks from our

region together at the last biennial.

42 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

This year, there is no regional SCRA

conference for the West region, but we did want to

alert folks to the conference that will be held by the

Western Psychological Association. Details are

below. Please contact us here

http://www.scra27.org/who-we-are/regional-

activities/western-region/

If there are any events of conferences you

would like folks in our region to be made aware of

or to learn more about our regional work in SCRA.

Thank you!

Rachel M. Hershberg & Erin Rose Ellison

2021 WPA Convention: Submission

Information

The 2021 submission window will open on

October 1, 2020. Submissions will be due by

December 1, 2020.

Thank you for supporting opportunities for

psychology students, and faculty and practitioners,

throughout the West through WPA!

Kris Leppien-Christensen, Ph.D.

Executive Officer

Western Psychological Association

Phone: (855) WPA-INFO (972-4636)

Email [email protected]

News from the International Regions The international Regions include Asia,

Australia/New Zealand/South Pacific, Canada,

Europe/Middle East/Africa, and Latin America

Europe/Middle East/Africa

Regional Coordinators: Serdar

Degirmencioglu, FernUniversitat; José Ornelas,

Instituto Universitário; Catarina Arcidiacono,

Federico II University; Julia Halamova,

Comenius University

We are happy to invite you to the

following joint events:

7th Conference and Workshop in

Community Psychology in Slovakia

2020

The goal of the conference and workshop is to

provide time and space for both researchers and

practitioners from various areas of community

psychology in Europe so they can meet, present

their work and research, inspire each other, and

enjoy socializing together.

Organisation: Institute of Applied Psychology

at Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences at

Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia,

European Community Psychology Association

(ECPA), and The Society for Community and

Action Research (SCRA) Division 27 American

Psychological Association.

Conference and workshop dates: 30th

November - 1st December, 2020 (9.00-16.00)

Conference and workshop language: English

and Slovak (please, prepare your presentation in

English in both cases)

Conference and workshop fees: No fee (free

access)

The proceedings from the conference will be

published in electronic form with ISBN. The

deadline for the submission of the conference

papers is November 8th, 2020

([email protected]) in

order to be reviewed and published online prior the

conference.

The scientific presentations from the

conference are encouraged to be submitted in form

of the articles into Human Affairs journal

https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/humaff

More information:

https://fses.uniba.sk/pracoviska/ustavy/uap/ko

munitna-psychologia-na-slovensku/

http://www.scra27.org/ http://www.ecpa-online.com/

Place: online (please, check your emails prior

the conference)

Contact person: Martina Baránková,

00421911278474,

[email protected]

43 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Research Council Edited by Chris Keys, DePaul University

Research Scholars: Success and

Selection

Written by Chris Keys, DePaul University

Quick background: The Research Council

was founded in 2017 and decided a good way to

begin supporting community research would be to

help untenured community psychology faculty

enhance their research programs and become

tenured. Such scholars may become tenured

faculty, contribute to community research literature

and mentor future scholars, scholar-practitioners

and practitioners for decades to come.

Success! The SCRA Research

Council is delighted to

congratulate Elan Hope from North

Carolina State University on

achieving promotion to associate

professor with tenure! Elan is a

Research Scholar in the initial

cohort of Scholars selected in

2018.

Selection: The Research Council is happy to

announce the outcome of the 2020-2022 cycle of

recruitment, review, and selection of Research

Scholar applicants. In winter 2020, the SCRA

Executive Committee (EC) committed a total of

$5,000 to support two Scholars. In addition to

financial support for two Scholars, all Scholars

receive mentoring assistance from one or more

accomplished senior researchers in community

psychology or related field. Scholars also provide

mutual support and engage in professional

development sessions on regular basis. After

carefully reviewing the number of diverse, talented

applicants, the Council members selected the

following five very promising assistant professors in

community psychology doctoral programs or

doctoral programs including community psychology

for this the third cohort of SCRA Research

Scholars.

To introduce the readers of The Community

Psychologist to this cohort of Research Scholars,

here are brief biographies of each Scholar and a

short account of their plans as a Research Scholar.

We wish each scholar great success in her

research in particular and academic career in

general!

Meeta Banerjee

Dr. Meeta Banerjee is an

Assistant Professor in the

Clinical-Community program at

the University of South Carolina.

During her postdoctoral program,

she was an International Jacobs

Pathways fellow and a NIH

minority postdoctoral fellow at

the University of Michigan in the

Institute for Social Research. She received her

Ph.D. in Ecological Community Psychology with a

specialization in Applied Developmental Science

from Michigan State University. Dr. Banerjee’s

research examines the interaction between

ecological contexts (e.g., schools, families,

neighborhoods, communities, racial discrimination)

and parenting practices. She is interested in how

these processes directly and indirectly influence

psychosocial and educational outcomes in African

American/Black and Latinx communities. Dr.

Banerjee uses mixed methods to examine explicitly

how race-related processes in the family (e.g.,

parental ethnic-racial socialization, youth’s ethnic-

racial socialization practices, parents’ racial

identities) influence ethnic minority youth.

Dr. Banerjee hopes to accomplish three goals

as a Research Scholar. First, begin to develop and

procure research partnerships with community-

based partners. Relocating to South Carolina, Dr.

Banerjee finds it important to begin developing

partnerships with community stakeholders and

leaders as well as foster research collaborations

with community psychology faculty in the

surrounding areas. Second, Dr Banerjee hopes to

Meeta Banerjee

Elan Hope

44 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

establish multi-year funding from both national

institutions and foundations such as, National

Institutes of Health, National Science Foundation,

W. T. Grant, and Spencer Foundation. Finally, Dr.

Banerjee hopes to learn qualitative methodologies

such as PhotoVoice to begin to develop a deeper

understanding of race-related factors in African

American/Black and Latinx children and youth. Dr.

Banerjee’s underlying goal is to move the field

forward in reducing health and mental health-

related disparities for both African American/Black

and Latinx communities. Dr. Banerjee is currently

receiving mentorship for the SCRA Research

Scholar program from Dr. Bret Kloos of the

University of South Carolina and Dr. Emilie P.

Smith of Michigan State University. She is excited

to be a SCRA Research Scholar and looks forward

to receiving guidance from her mentors within the

field of Community Psychology.

Natalie Kivell

Natalie’s research program is

participatory, action-oriented,

and community-based. She

employs critical methodologies

to advance the theoretical and

empirical foundations of the

phenomena and process of

social transformation. Natalie’s

interests include: building and

applying critical social theory and

participatory and critical methodologies; challenging

epistemic authority and violence through the de(re)-

centering of knowledge(s); and engaging in and

studying intersectional social movements. Her

research is grounded in an anti-racist and anti-

oppressive praxis, actively building a culture of

inclusion for students – opening space for students

from historically marginalized communities to see

(and create) a space for themselves in her lab, at

WLU, and in CP more generally. In her position at

WLU, she is co-director of the Access and Equity

Lab with Dr. Ciann Wilson.

Natalie will be working with two mentors

during her SCRA Scholar appointment – Dr.

Urmitapa Dutta of the University of Massachusetts

Lowell and Dr. Regina Langhout of the University of

California, Santa Cruz. These two critical scholars,

each inspiring so much of Natalie’s work, will

support Natalie’s development of accessible and

actionable publications from a critical perspective.

They will help her to navigate translating critical

methodologies into publications and grant

applications.

Mariah Kornbluh

Mariah Kornbluh is an

Assistant Professor in

Clinical-Community

Psychology at the

University of South

Carolina. She earned a

Ph.D. in Ecological-

Community Psychology from Michigan State

University and held a postdoctoral position at the

University of Wisconsin-Madison in the School of

Human Ecology. Dr. Kornbluh is committed to

elevating the voices of young people by

democratizing research through youth-led

participatory action research methods (YPAR) and

efforts to bolster social capital. She explores how

young people develop critical consciousness (i.e.,

understandings of social inequalities, agency to

work towards social change, and participation in

social change efforts). In particular, she is

interested in how perceptions of inequality and civic

identity impact young peoples’ health, well-being,

and learning. Her research has been funded by the

State of California, Spencer Foundation, the SCRA

Policy Council, and the SCRA Council on

Educational Programs. During this year as a

Research Scholar, Dr. Kornbluh plans to enrich and

build upon emerging community partnerships, as

well as secure multi-year grant funding. Dr.

Kornbluh will continue to work towards connecting

with stakeholders and young people that serve

children and adolescents to form long-term

partnerships in South Carolina. Specifically, she

hopes to employ mixed methods to explore the role

of social capital networks, civic participation, and

critical consciousness in informing intervention

design and development. Dr. Gabriel Kuperminc of

Georgia State University will serve as her primary

mentor. For more information on her recent

Mariah Kornbluh

Natalie Kivell

45 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

research, and the Youth Empowerment in School

and Systems Lab see: https://yesslab.com/ or

follow @KornbluhMariah.

Delphine Labbé

Delphine Labbé (twitter:

@labbedel) is an assistant

professor in the Disability and

Human Development

Department at the University

of Illinois at Chicago (UIC).

Originally from Montreal

(Canada), she completed her

PhD in community

psychology at the Université

du Québec à Montreal. Her postdoctoral fellowship

was at the University of British Columbia in

Vancouver in the Department of Occupational

Science and Occupational Therapy. Given her

interdisciplinary background, Dr. Labbé’s research

focuses on promoting full participation and health of

people living with disabilities by better

understanding the person-environment interaction

and developing interventions to create inclusive

communities. Her main areas of interests are

developing accessible cities and creating health-

promoting interventions through adaptive leisure

and recreational physical activity. Using

community-based research, she is deeply

committed to creating knowledge and interventions

with people with disabilities and relevant

stakeholders from different sectors (e.g. municipal,

health care) in all aspects of her research

(https://ahs.uic.edu/disability-human-

development/directory/labbe-delphine/).

Delphine Labbé’s Research Scholar main goal

is developing her research program in health

promotion for people with disabilities, including

honing her grant-writing skills for the US context.

She also wishes to develop her network in

community psychology. Her mentor is Dr. Yolanda

Suarez-Balcazar, the head of the Occupational

Therapy Department at UIC as well as an affiliated

professor in the Disability and Health Department.

Dr. Suarez-Balcazar has expertise in health

promotion of Latino families with children with

disabilities as well as a double lens of expertise in

disability studies and community psychology. Her

talents will help Dr. Labbé to better understand the

American context of disability, grant writing and

building community collaborations. Dr Labbé’s also

seeks to extend her research program to conduct

intersectionality studies on health promotion needs

of people with disabilities that experience other

discrimination or limitations because of their ethnic

background, their gender or their immigration

status. Dr. Labbé also hopes that she will be able to

exchange with the other SCRA Research Scholars

for their perspectives to develop her research

program.

Vanessa Volpe

Dr. Vanessa Volpe is an

Assistant Professor in the

Applied Social and

Community Psychology

program in the Department

of Psychology at North

Carolina State University

and director of the Black

Health Lab

(@Blackhealthlab). She earned her PhD at the

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. As an

applied community health psychologist, her

program of research centers on systems of

oppression as social determinants of racial health

disparities in the United States. It explores the ways

in which Black and Latinx communities actively

resist and protect themselves against these

systems. She aims to use critical strengths- and

community-based contextual approaches to use the

knowledge gleaned from research as the

springboard for healing programming and policy.

Over the course of the Research Scholar

appointment, Dr. Volpe will develop and investigate

a local Black community-centered, strengths-based

coalition to address the health impacts of online

structural racism. The end-goal of this research is

the collaborative development of a systems-level

intervention and/or policy recommendations. She

also hopes to use this investigation as a

springboard for large-scale grant funding

applications in collaboration with communities. Dr.

Volpe will work with her mentor, Dr. Branda Nowell,

Vanessa Volpe

Delphone Labbé

46 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

organizational-community psychologist and

Professor in the School of Public and International

Affairs at North Carolina State University, to solidify

her training in coalition-building, systems-level, and

CBPR approaches and engage in career trajectory

and funding planning.

You can contact Dr. Volpe at

[email protected] and follow her on Twitter

@DrVanessaVolpe. Learn more about her and the

Black Health Lab at

https://sites.google.com/view/black-health-lab

Rural Interests Edited by Susana Helm, University of

Hawai’i at Mānoa

The Rural IG column of The Community

Psychologist highlights rural resources as well as

the work of community psychologist and allied

professionals in their rural environments. We invite

submissions from Rural IG members, from people

who present on rural topics during SCRA and other

conferences, and from leading and emergent rural

scholars.

In this TCP issue we are featuring Kenneth

Polishchuk from the APA Advocacy office where he

serves as Senior Director for Congressional &

Federal Relations. We asked Kenneth to elaborate

on his May 2020 brief entitled Advocating for Equity

in Internet Access for Students Learning from

Home, circulated by our APA colleague, Javier

Aquino at the Rural Health Network. Kenneth’s

article builds on our column in the last issue

featuring rural demographic trends and

socioeconomic impacts of the pandemic in Rural

America (Carson, TCP 53-2). Below Kenneth refers

to rural population statistics. For an in-depth

discussion of how rural populations are defined and

counted, please see TCP Rural IG column 53-2

(Rizzo, et al 2019). Kenneth focuses on access, a

long-standing issue in rural health (see TCP 47-3,

Rural column).

Closing the Digital Education Divide

in Response to COVID-19

Written by Kenneth Polishchuk, Senior

Director for Congressional and Federal

Relations Advocacy, American

Psychological Association

For a variety of

reasons, distance

education has not risen

to the challenges of

meeting current

educational needs

(Hobbs & Hawkins,

2020). New data show

that about 15 to 16

million students, and as

many as 400,000 teachers, lack adequate access

to the internet and/or devices (Chandra, Chang,

Day, Fazlullah, Liu, McBride, Mudalige, & Weiss,

2020). Furthermore, in many areas, teachers lack

experience with remote learning; parents do not

have the additional time to devote towards their

children’s studies; or students simply have not

logged on (Educators for Excellence, 2020).

Significant disparities exist in access to technology

and broadband connectivity, which is particularly

pernicious for the most vulnerable students, many

of whom require accommodations in ordinary times,

including those with disabilities, in foster-care, or

living in poverty. This is further exacerbated across

the urban-rural divide.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau,

approximately 13 percent of U.S. households with

children live in rural areas. Among them, 1.7 million

households, or two out of every five families, do not

have high-speed internet service at home. This

equates to 37 percent of rural students without a

home broadband connection compared to 25

percent in suburban households and 21 percent in

urban areas, with the greatest disparities existing in

rural southern and southwestern states (Perrin,

2019). At the same time, just 27 percent of rural

Kenneth Polishchuk

47 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

school districts set expectations on how to provide

remote instruction during COVID-19, as compared

to 51 percent of urban districts (Gross & Opalka,

2020).

These are all factors contributing to learning

loss and further increasing the risk that millions of

students will have large gaps in educational

attainment, impacting their preparation for a lifetime

of learning and employment. Preliminary research

already is bearing this out. The average student

could begin the next academic year having fallen

behind academically by as much as seven months

(Dorn, Hancock, Sarakatsannis, & Viruleg, 2020;

Kuhfeld, Soland, Tarasawa, Johnson, Ruzek, & Liu,

2020). These losses are expected to be greater for

minority and low-income children (Chetty,

Friedman, Hendren, Stepner, et al., 2020), further

widening racial and socioeconomic achievement

gaps. Black and Latinx students could experience

learning losses up to an equivalent of 10 months.

As state budgets shrink and school districts

struggle to address a range of challenges

associated with both returning students to the

classroom and maintaining effective remote

learning options, the federal government will need

to step in to provide further support. The Federal

Communications Commission’s (FCC) E-Rate

Program is a longstanding, bipartisan, universal

service program that provides annual discounts for

broadband and Wi-Fi to K-12 public and private

schools and public libraries. The FCC E-Rate

Program may be the most expeditious, efficient way

to close connectivity gaps and meet currently

growing needs.

The American Psychological Association

(APA) has called on Congress to provide at least

an additional $4 billion for E-Rate in a forthcoming

COVID-19 relief package. This would increase

connectivity for students in rural, urban, and tribal

communities. Additionally, to address broadband

disparities among low-income college students,

APA is advocating for the inclusion of the

Supporting Connectivity for Higher Education

Students in Need Act (H.R. 6814/S. 3701) in any

coronavirus-related legislation. This bill authorizes

a $1 billion higher education emergency relief fund

to support Historically Black Colleges and

Universities (HBCU), Hispanic-serving institutions,

tribal colleges, and other institutions of higher

education serving large numbers of Pell Grant

recipients.

Although these actions will not fully address

the scope of the challenges before us, they are

critical to ensuring equitable learning opportunities

to all students—irrespective of racial or

socioeconomic status—and helping to mitigate

increasing achievement gaps among traditionally

underserved populations, including students in rural

communities.

Reducing education disparities and promoting

health equity are among APA’s advocacy priorities

developed by the APA Advocacy Coordinating

Committee with input from the APA membership.

To keep informed about APA’s federal and state

advocacy activities, sign up to receive APA’s

Washington Update or join the Psychology

Advocacy Network to receive calls to action.

References

American Enterprise Institute. (2020). How parents

are navigating the pandemic: A comprehensive

analysis of survey data. Retrieved from:

https://www.aei.org/multimedia/how-parents-

are-navigating-the-pandemic-a-comprehensive-

analysis-of-survey-data/.

Chandra S, Chang A, Day L, Fazlullah A, Liu J,

McBride L, Mudalige T, Weiss, D, (2020).

Closing the K–12 digital divide in the age of

distance learning. San Francisco, CA: Common

Sense Media. Boston, Massachusetts, Boston

Consulting Group.

Chetty R, Friedman JN, Hendren N, Stepner M, et

al. (2020). Real-time economics: A new

platform to track the impacts of COVID-19 on

people, businesses, and communities using

private sector data. Harvard Kennedy School.

Retrieved from:

https://opportunityinsights.org/wp-

content/uploads/2020/05/tracker_paper.pdf.

Dorn E, Hancock B, Sarakatsannis J, & Viruleg J.

(2020). COVID-19 and student learning in the

United States: The hurt could last a lifetime.

McKinsey & Company, June 1, 2020. Retrieved

48 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

from:

https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/public-

sector/our-insights/covid-19-and-student-

learning-in-the-united-states-the-hurt-could-last-

a-lifetime.

Educators for Excellence. (2020). Voices from the

virtual classroom 2020: A survey of America’s

teachers on COVID-19-related education

issues. Retrieved from:

https://e4e.org/sites/default/files/voices_from_th

e_virtual_classroom_2020.pdf.

Gross, B. & Opalka, A. Too Many Schools Leave

Learning to Chance During the Pandemic. June

2020. Center on Reinventing Public Education.

Retrieved from:

https://www.crpe.org/sites/default/files/final_nati

onal_sample_brief_2020.pdf.

Hobbs TD & Hawkins, L. (2020). The results are in

for remote learning: It didn’t work. The Wall

Street Journal, June 5, 2020. Retrieved from:

https://www.wsj.com/articles/schools-

coronavirus-remote-learning-lockdown-tech-

11591375078.

Kuhfeld M, Soland J, Tarasawa B, Johnson A,

Ruzek E, & Liu J. (2020). Projecting the

potential impacts of COVID-19 school closures

on academic achievement.

(EdWorkingPaper: 20-226). Retrieved from

Annenberg Institute at Brown University:

https://doi.org/10.26300/cdrv-yw05.

Perrin, A. Digital Gap between Rural and Nonrural

America Persists. Pew Research Center. May

31, 2019. Retrieved from

www.pewresearch.org/fact-

tank/2019/05/31/digital-gap-between-rural-and-

nonrural-america-persists/.

Self Help and Mutual Support

Interest Group Edited by Thomasina Borkman, George

Mason University and Ronald Harvey,

American University in Bulgaria

New Beginnings: The 40-Year

Journey of a Self-Help Support Group

Written by Carol Randolph, New Beginnings

[The founder Carol Randolph of New

Beginnings (NB) will tell her narrative (story) of how

the group evolved over the last 41 years in two

parts. This first part describes the origin and early

years when major activities and procedures were

developed. NB began in the late 1970s when

divorce in the United States was relatively rare,

stigmatized, and often unsupported by family and

friends. The second part will deal with formal

organizing and the impact of the internet on NB]

I had been separated 15 months after a two-

year marriage with no children when I started New

Beginnings (NB) in 1979. All the existing support

groups at that time were for single parents. People

without kids supposedly didn’t need support:

“You’re lucky,” people would say to me. But I didn’t

feel lucky. At 27, my dreams of a family had fallen

into a black hole, my map of the world was in

pieces, and I needed to know that someone

understood.

I went to a discussion of a book about learning

to be single again. I could barely focus on what

anyone was saying because I was fascinated by

the other people there–men too! How did their

marriage end? Why did it end? How long were they

married? If I knew what happened to them, I could

somehow make sense of what happened to me.

The community of others felt so good.

A co-worker, also separated about a year, after

a 22-year marriage, with two children, began

answering personal ads in the Washingtonian

Magazine. This was before the Internet, cell phones

or widespread use of computers. I noticed that

49 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

many of the authors were separated or divorced.

What if instead of looking for one person, they

could all get together and talk? So, on a lark, I

drafted an ad and threw it on my friend’s desk. She

said, “Let’s do it,” and NB was born.

Our 3-line ad appeared in the Sept 1979 issue

of the Washingtonian: “Separated? Informal group

forming for discussion, outings, mutual support.”

Nine people attended the first meeting on October

3. Five more attended the second meeting on

October 17. From diverse backgrounds and a

range of ages but united in the shared experience

of a marital separation, they talked about what they

wanted in a support group–how often to meet,

where to meet, how to structure the meeting, what

was the purpose.

At first, we had two discussion meetings a

month, always held in someone’s home: one in

Northern Virginia (also a suburb of Washington, D.

C.) and one in Maryland/DC. Many people drove to

wherever the meeting was. One person drove 74

miles one way and back, an hour and 20 minutes

each way. Meetings had topics–a list that has now

grown to over 80–and agendas with suggested

questions. Having an outline for a meeting became

more important as we increased the number of

meetings per topic. It guaranteed a modicum of

consistency among meetings of the same topic,

even allowing for variations in group make-up.

Topics were also a way of limiting group size as the

organization grew. Each month had at least one

topic for people in the first year of separation

(Anger, Aloneness, Emotional Craziness) and one

for people farther down the road who were starting

to date and establish new relationships (Trust &

Risk, Beginning to Begin to Date). We also had a

number of topics dealing with personal growth

issues (What I’ve Learned From My Divorce,

Communicating with the Opposite Sex).

Early on, we added expert speakers–people

from the professional community who could talk in

more depth or add special insight to a topic:

financial planners, attorneys, counselors, or a travel

agent knowledgeable about vacationing as a single.

At our peak in the mid-1990’s, we were running

42 discussion meetings/month on six different

topics and two speakers/month, one in Virginia and

one in Maryland/DC. We often had a Maryland and

Virginia meeting on the same night. If response to

one was especially large, and the host could

accommodate two separate meetings, we pulled in

another facilitator and ran an “upstairs/downstairs”

meeting.

A big part of adjusting to a new life as a single

person is learning how to make friends and interact

as just YOU, not half of a couple. Social events like

parties, potluck dinners and picnics helped

members do that while also building a support

network.

We had our first weekend retreat, a camping

trip, in July 1982. For the next 22 years, we had five

weekend retreats a year—one for each season plus

a Ski Weekend. We had two trips to Cancun (1984,

1991) and one cruise (1993). Monthly Dinner &

Movie Nights began in September 2002.

NB has always been a coed group although

probably 60% of participants are female. Same-

sex groups—especially for divorce—can be

valuable to build confidence and strengthen

resolve, but they can also foster a climate where—

implicitly or explicitly—the opposite sex becomes

the target for blame. If even one member of the

opposite sex is present, the inclination to bash the

other is tempered. It is a powerful lesson in

humanity to see that both genders are capable of

wanting the marriage to work and that both

experience the same disappointments and

betrayals. This goes a long way in helping people

move past the anger and pain to a place of healing.

I facilitated all the meetings, but once we hit

seven meetings/month, even I knew I needed help.

A small group of us took the facilitator training

offered by the Washington Ethical Society for their

discussion groups. We soon realized that we

needed training specific to NB, so in 1983 we hired

a consultant to help us design such a program.

That same model is used today. It includes a

written application, 16-hour weekend training

running mock discussions, co-facilitating actual

meetings and quarterly refreshers on specific skills.

All our discussion meetings have ground

rules, and they are repeated at the beginning of

50 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

every meeting. I believe very strongly in ground

rules. They establish boundaries, and that

reassures participants by creating a safe space.

When participants know what is allowed and what

isn’t, it is easier to intervene if someone strays from

personal experience or tends to talk too long. Our

ground rules are: (1) Speak from personal

experience, using *I* statements; (2) Speak briefly,

so everyone has a chance to talk; (3) One person

talks at a time; (4) No side conversations; (5)

Silence is okay—we are glad you are here.

The one about *I* statements is the most

important. It keeps people from giving advice–

statements that always begin with “You should.”

Even though motivated by a desire to help, *you*

statements will not be heard by someone who isn’t

ready to hear them. What we can hear is how

someone else approached the same problem; then

we can make our own decisions about possible

solutions. *I* statements also prevent personal

attacks and generalizations.

From time to time, someone asks about a

ground rule of confidentiality. We have no way to

enforce such a rule, and it might even be counter to

our goal as a support group. Someone could talk at

a meeting about something they are struggling with,

and another person at that meeting might want to

tell another member who shares that same

struggle. Everyone in the group has always

understood and honored the purpose of the group.

In the beginning, there were no fees or

membership dues. The host provided refreshments

as an out-of-pocket donation. I prepared a monthly

newsletter that was mailed to anyone who wanted

it. I used the copier at work to print it. We asked

people to donate stamps; some people gave a lot,

some gave none; it was impossible to keep track.

We didn’t know we were starting an

organization. A lot of things along the way would’ve

been easier if we had. The group kept growing, as

did the work (and costs) to support it. Our table at a

Self-Help Fair in the fall of 1980 produced a list of

150 names to add to our mailing list. It was clear to

me that we needed a formal structure—

nonprofit/corporate status, membership dues and

meeting fees—so we could focus our energies on

the active participants. My friend preferred to keep

the group small, serving only our needs. I didn’t see

how we could do that. Perhaps at that point, I had a

glimpse of the possibilities. On this issue, we parted

company. [Part 2 will describe the process of

developing a nonprofit organization, mission

statement, and how the internet affected NB].

I use the terms “self-help group” and “support

group” interchangeably. NB is a self-help group in

that we give people the TOOLS to cope, but people

have to pick them up and USE them. It is a support

group in that it offers a community of others who

understand. There is so much that People Who

Haven’t Been Through It don’t get. This is true of

any support group. The first time someone enters

a room full of others coping with the same life crisis

can be a heady experience akin to coming home. It

is as if you have left the foreign country of strangers

outside and have finally found people who speak

your language. Not only do they understand what

you are talking about, they share some of the same

experiences: “Oh, yes, that happened to me!” “I did

that too.”

I am continually in awe of this simple process

that enables total strangers to share intimate details

of their lives. I firmly believe that talking to others,

face-to-face, with a trained facilitator to encourage

the expression of deep feelings, is one of the best

resources for coping with any life crisis.

51 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Student Issues Edited by Camilla Cummings, DePaul

University

SCRA Transitions

Written by Jessica S. Saucedo, Michigan

State University

Hello to all SCRA members!

Before I introduce myself and

my goals as a student

representative, I would like to

acknowledge the land that I

currently occupy, which is now

known as East Lansing, Michigan.

The following statement was

written and approved to be

published in printed material by the American

Indian and Indigenous Studies program at Michigan

State University (MSU).

I acknowledge that MSU occupies the

ancestral, traditional, and contemporary Lands

of the Anishinaabeg – Three Fires Confederacy

of Ojibwe, Odawa, and Potawatomi peoples. In

particular, the University resides on Land ceded

in the 1819 Treaty of Saginaw. I recognize,

support, and advocate for the sovereignty of

Michigan’s twelve federally recognized

American Indian nations, for historic Indigenous

communities in Michigan, for Indigenous

individuals and communities who live here now,

and for those who were forcibly removed from

their Homelands. By offering this Land

Acknowledgement, I affirm Indigenous

sovereignty and will work to hold MSU [and

SCRA] more accountable to the needs of

American Indian and Indigenous peoples.

It is important that we be mindful of the past

and present history of colonialism, reflect upon the

land we occupy, and be intentional in our actions to

be supportive of Indigenous and all people.

I am delighted to have been voted into the

student representative position, as this opportunity

allows me to amplify student voices on the SCRA

Executive Committee (EC), work towards

reparations and justice in my role on the EC, and

opportunities to develop professionally. I am

currently pursuing my PhD in Ecological

/Community Psychology at MSU and completed my

undergraduate studies in Psychology at California

State Polytechnic University, Pomona. I am

#CSUmade! My research interests broadly include

addressing community-identified health disparities

among Native American, Indigenous, and Latinx

communities through prevention, intervention, and

evaluation. My current work explores Native culture

and language as buffers against obesity among 2-

to 4-year old children enrolled in Tribal Head Start

programs across the United States.

In the process of writing my letter of intent of

running for the position, it was a priority for me to

think critically about how I can meet the needs of

national and international undergraduate and

graduate students. Since submitting my letter of

intent, many events—internal and external to

SCRA—have occurred that have impacted how I

view my role as a student representative on the

SCRA EC. With that being said, my goals since

writing my letter of intent have become more

specific. As a first-generation, Chicana student who

comes from a low-income family, I find it extremely

important to intentionally uplift the lives of Black,

Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC), as well

as those with additional identities, into all spaces

and conversations. While having the lives of BIPOC

colleagues across the United States and

internationally in mind, my goals for the next two

years:

• Work closely with SCRA members and the EC

to establish a sustainable, positive racial

climate within the organization. A top priority of

mine is to assist in working towards

organizational racial healing to foster

sustainable positive racial relations.

• Amplify undergraduate and graduate student

priorities while working with the EC. I hope to

organize virtual meetings for students to share

their challenges in and out of SCRA with

Camilla and me. The information shared will

help inform Camilla and I advocate for solutions

students seek. It is important for students to be

Jessica Saucedo

52 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

included and feel that their involvement in

SCRA is acknowledged, valued, and taken into

account by the organization and its members.

• Increase the visibility of community psychology

among undergraduate students by connecting

and collaborating with undergraduate student

organizations at various universities, with and

without community psychology programs.

Before applying to graduate school, I had not

heard of community psychology if it wasn’t for

my mentor. Thank you, Dr. Morales! With that

said, it is important that undergraduate students

be presented the opportunity to learn more

about our field sooner rather than later. As

Camilla, the second-year student

representative, once told me, “Just because

there isn’t a community psychology program at

a school does not mean there aren’t students

doing community work.” Thanks, Camilla!

• Facilitate creating a stronger SCRA student

community. In addition to hosting events where

students can share their challenges, I hope to

organize virtual community-building events

where students have an opportunity to extend

their networks, get to know each other, receive

communal support, and celebrate professional

and personal wins.

• Advocate for transparency of all actions and

processes that occur at all levels. SCRA is an

organization that remains active and prospers

through the support of its members, all

members should have accessibility to actions

and decisions conducted by the organization.

• Continue the work of my predecessors and

promote initiatives to support student travel

grants and thesis and dissertation awards. It is

immensely important that students are

supported to develop professionally through

attending conferences, and SRs can have a

role in reducing barriers for students.

My outlined goals align well with the work Joy

and Camilla have focused on achieving during their

tenure. I plan to continue the good work Joy and

Camilla have done, while emphasizing the

importance of elevating the needs of BIPOC

students and colleagues.

I am immensely thankful for Camilla for being

wonderful to work with from the start. I think we will

work well together to support students throughout

the year. I am also thankful for my colleague and

friend, Tatiana Elisa Bustos, for her continuous

encouragement to step out of my comfort zone

since my first day in graduate school. Lastly, I am

thankful for the opportunity to serve SCRA student

members through collaboration with the EC.

SCRA is a great organization with a great

vision: “[It] will have a strong, global impact on

enhancing well-being and promoting social justice

for all people by fostering collaboration where there

is division and empowerment where there is

oppression.” I look forward to supporting the vision

of SCRA and advocating for all student members,

especially BIPOC students. It is of utmost

importance for both Camilla and I to hear from

students, so please feel free to connect with one of

us. As student representatives, we want to listen to

students’ ideas, concerns, comments, and

questions!

SCRA Transitions: Aligning with our

Values

Written by Joy Agner, University of Hawai‛i

at Mānoa

Dear SCRA Community,

For the past two years

I have served as one of the

SCRA Student

Representatives (SR)

alongside two impressive,

compassionate,

hardworking, justice-oriented students: Erin Godly-

Reynolds and Camilla Cummings. As I transition

out of this role I would like to share a bit about what

Iʻve come to appreciate about SCRA, my

accomplishments as a SR, and my hopes for our

organization in the future, specifically in terms of

addressing student wellness and ableism.

One of the highlights of this postion has been

getting to know SCRA students from around the

country and around the world. I am consistently

impressed by the academic and social justice work

that students complete despite the multiple

Joy Agner

53 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

constraints of being a graduate student. When I

began, my main goal was to increase resources for

SCRA students in the form of research and travel

funding. In collaboration with fellow SRs, I

successfully advocated to raise the award amount

for student research and travel grants, increase the

number of grants, and amended the reimbursement

process to make it less onerous for students who

receive the awards to collect the funds. In total, we

oversaw the allocation and disbursment of $13,000

to 26 SCRA students for research or conference

travel. Other SR duties included serving as The

Community Psychologist editor for the student

column, advocating for students on the executive

committee (EC), hosting student-focused events,

and soliciting student feedback and sharing it with

SCRA. Communicating with students, and meeting

with many of them at the Biennial, engergized me

and filled me with hope and optimism for the future

of our field. As an SR I learned that funding for

student grants has consistently been one of the

largest budget items for SCRA. This indicates a

commitment to contribute to student growth.

While acknowledging that commitment, I would

like to encourage greater attention within SCRA to

structural factors that impact student health and

wellness. It’s no secret that graduate students

suffer poor psychological and physical health

outcomes. Students are in relatively low power

positions with chronic stress. Many juggle mutiple

responsibilities as a parent or caregiver and

student, or work multiple jobs outside their

department in order to survive. Some have no

health insurance or sick leave. Some have harmful

or abusive mentors and little or no options for safe

grievance processes. Nearly all experience fiancial

insecurity based on meager student wages, and for

some, this leads to housing and food insecurity.

Students are responding to these inequities

around the country and around the world by

attempting to unionize, striking, and truly putting

themselves at risk for retribution. The potential

impacts of backlash are higher for students of color,

those with chronic conditions or who are living in

poverty, women, first-generation students, and low-

income students. Therefore, SCRA leaders,

particularly senior scholars and practitioners who

have higher power and security, should be at the

forefront of movements to support student on a

meaningful scale. If we make structural changes

within our own professional organization,

departments and universities (e.g. opportunities for

collective bargaining, meaningful grievance policies

for abusive situations, etc.) and promote cultures

that enhance wellness within academic

departments, we will have been successful as a

field. Otherwise, we will tout a set of values that we

are not actualizing in the places where we have the

most power and influence – our own departments

and professional organization.

Through my position as an SR I have also

become aware of ableism within our organization,

and I hope to see a serious attempt to address it in

the future. In the last Biennial feedback survey,

several students raised concerns about

accessibility. Navigation between buildings, visual

accessibility of slides, auditory acessibility during

presentations and mobility during lunch and poster

sessions were all raised as issues by students.

When I shared these findings with the disability

listserv I received responses from members who

had stopped attending Biennials due to the lack of

accessibility. Despite our stated attention to

diversity and value for inclusion, there are people

within our organization who still cannot physically

access our conferences. This is a major issue that

is solveable and inexcusable in 2020.

I raise these issues because I see SCRA as an

intellectual and professional community that I want

to be a part of, and I think we can do better. My

time on the EC has made me believe in the

potential of this organization, but serving in this role

was emotionally challenging and stressful at times.

While serving as an advocate, I also occupied the

lower power position as a student. However, I am

inspired by several SCRA members and leaders, at

mulitple career levels and from multiple

backgrounds, who are working for meaningful

change within our organization. I am heartened by

those working for racial justice and bravely pointing

out internal work we need to do. As I step out of

this role, I welcome Jessica Saucedo as the new

54 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

SR, and I hope to continue working alongside her

and others who are ready for our organization to

become more just, more equitable, more uplifting,

and more aligned with our stated values. Thank you

to every student and SCRA member who is and

has been doing this work.

SCRA Member Spotlight Edited by Dominique Thomas, University of

Michigan

The SCRA Member Spotlight lets us engage

our members and highlight great work! Each issue

we solicit submissions of accomplishments. We

especially would like students, early career

scholars, and practitioners to submit their

accomplishments and work. Submissions can

include but are certainly not limited to:

● New jobs ● Post-docs

● Promotions ● Thesis/Dissertation Defenses

● Newly published journal articles, books, chapters

● Podcasts, blogs, news items that are by or about you

● Certifications or other credentials ● Retirement

● Grants

● Awards ● Successful/ongoing projects

● New projects or community initiatives

If you are interested in submitting for the next

issue, please click this link and fill out the form. We

hope to hear from you!

Tiffeny R. Jimenez, National Louis

University in Chicago, is the evaluator on a 5-year

$2.3 million dollar Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI)

grant from the U.S. Department of Education titled

CLAVE, which stands for Colaborando con las

Comunidades Latinas para AVanzar en Educación

(Collaborating with Latino Communities to AdVance

Education). The CLAVE grant’s major goal is to

collaborate with local communities to increase

Hispanic/Latinx and other underrepresented

individuals’ enrollment in and graduation from

doctoral programs.

In service of our goal, we value students’

multilingualism, and experiences in social-justice

work with Latinx and other marginalized

communities. We engage with an understanding of

how systemic oppression and inequities have

shaped students’ experiences and representation in

higher education. Universities have been perceived

as a source of expertise within community spaces,

however, in working to de-center historically and

potentially oppressive dominant narratives and

power dynamics, we work in partnership with

communities to redistribute this power and

participate with us in co-creating innovative

university programming.

We believe that a long history of colonialism,

coloniality, and systemic oppression have created

inequitable opportunities for people of color, second

language and dialect speakers of English,

individuals from working class backgrounds,

women, and LGBTQ+ people. We believe these

communities must be centered in the work we do.

This work inevitably involves long-term institutional

change working as ‘ghosts in the machine’ to

decolonize the minds and practices of those we

collaborate with, including ourselves. CLAVE hosts

opportunities for doctoral fellowships and post-

docs. Please email Tiffeny with any questions:

[email protected]

55 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

From Our Members Edited by Susan M. Wolfe, Susan Wolfe and

Associates and The University of

Washington

The Influence of School Factors on

Bullying in the U.S. and China

Written by Jie Ni, Amy Kerr, Paul

Flaspohler, & Jaiwei Sun, Miami University

School bullying is a worldwide phenomenon

associated with negative outcomes for victims and

perpetrators. Recent studies indicate that 20% of

students in the United States (Yanez & Seldin,

2019) and 26% of students in China (Han et al.,

2017) have been victims of school bullying. While

prevalence rates vary widely among studies, it is

clear that school bullying remains a significant

problem in both countries despite anti-bullying

efforts.

Though school bullying has been well-

researched in many contexts, few studies have

examined bullying across cultures. Those that exist

focus largely on similarities and differences in

prevalence rates and demographics of children

involved in bullying. Research that extends this

work to include comparisons of other factors

influencing bullying and attempts to explain

differences that may exist can further inform efforts

to reduce bullying. We aimed to conduct an

exploratory review comparing research on school

factors related to bullying in the U.S. and China.

Our review included research published in English

and Mandarin Chinese.

Bullying within a Socioecological

Framework

Researchers in both the United States and

China have examined bullying within a

socioecological framework (e.g., Lee, 2011; Zhang

& Shi, 2014). Conceptualizing bullying within an

ecological systems model can help us understand

the variety of ways in which individual child, family,

school, and cultural factors may influence bullying.

In both countries, research has examined

individual child factors related to school bullying

and found them to be some of the strongest

predictors of a child’s involvement in bullying (Lee,

2011; Zhang & Shi, 2014). Additionally, studies

frequently examined factors in the microsystem,

such as family dynamics, student relationships with

peers and teachers, and other school factors (Lee,

2011). However, there has been less focus on

examining influences on school bullying at other

systems levels. Of particular interest to us are the

broader cultural values and norms contained in the

macrosystem (e.g., individualist/collectivist

orientation) and how they may influence school

bullying either directly or indirectly, via their impact

on peer and teacher relationships and school

climate (Lee, 2011). As cultural norms and values

also help shape educational systems, this may

represent an additional pathway through which

cultural values may influence school bullying.

School Factors Related to Bullying

We found that while specific school factors that

were examined in the U.S. and China exerted

similar influences on bullying across the two

contexts, the bodies of research had different areas

of emphasis. Recent research on school bullying in

the United States has largely focused on the

influence of school climate and found that a more

positive school climate, where students experience

high levels of support and respect from peers and

teachers, is associated with lower instances of

bullying victimization (Gage et al., 2014; Aldridge et

al., 2018). Additionally, school climate can interact

with other factors to influence bullying. For

example, students with high self-esteem may be

more likely to bully others, but only if they have a

negative perception of their school climate

(Gendron et al., 2011).

While research on bullying in China explores

some factors related to school climate, we did not

find any studies published in Chinese that directly

or fully examined this construct. Instead, research

focused mainly on the influence of teachers and

school structures and found that teachers in China

may not receive sufficient training to effectively

address school bullying (Xu, 2018) and may fail to

56 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

recognize and address verbal or relational bullying

(Zhang et al., 2015). Similar results have also been

found in the U.S. (Veenstra et al., 2014).

Research in China has also examined how the

structure and culture of the educational system may

be related to bullying. Traditionally there has been

a lack of attention to social skills and “people-

oriented” (人文教育) education in China’s

educational system (Xu, 2018), due to a focus on

exam-oriented education. This may lead bullies to

be indifferent to the feelings of others and

contribute to difficulties in addressing school

bullying. Additionally, Song (2009) states that

typical Chinese methods of school management

may promote a culture of bullying. The typical

school management style in China, which can be

translated as “high-pressure management and

digestive treatment” (高压管理, 消化处理), refers to

a strict management system where students’

freedom is somewhat restricted. One example of

this can be seen in a practice of many schools in

China, in which they try to persuade students

involved in bullying (whether a bully or a victim) to

transfer to another school after bullying has

occurred. Unfortunately, these types of practices do

not help students who are experiencing bullying

victimization and may contribute to high stress

levels for students and increase the prevalence of

school bullying in China.

In addition to research in traditional Chinese

schools, some studies examined bullying in China’s

New Education Experiment schools (新教育实验学

校), which focus on teacher professional

development and creating an enjoyable learning

experience (WISE, 2019). These schools may be

more similar to schools in the U.S. In the New

Education Experiment schools, it was found that

higher levels of school belonging were related to

lower involvement in school bullying (Yang et al.,

2017), similar to findings in the U.S. (Nansel et al.,

2001).

Discussion

Considering the varied focuses of research on

school bullying published in the United States and

China, it is difficult to make direct comparisons

between the two countries. However, the emphasis

of different factors in research may be one example

of how cultural norms and values shape

educational priorities and school structures, which

can influence school bullying. The strong emphasis

on achievement, exam performance, and respect

for teachers in Chinese schools (Hu, 2019) may

stem from a desire to have a high achieving student

body with minimal disturbances. However, this can

come at the cost of failing to attend to students

social and emotional development or provide

support to victims of bullying.

In the U.S., schools aim to attend to students’

social-emotional development as well as their

academic achievement. However, bullying

prevention efforts are typically delivered at a

universal level and students are then expected to

take responsibility for their own behavior. This

approach may neglect to address the needs of

some students who may be more at-risk for bullying

others or being victimized, who may benefit from

additional support or intervention.

These different areas of emphasis between

the two educational systems are reflected in the

research on school bullying, and each country

stands to learn from the other in order to reduce

school bullying. Research on bullying in China

focuses mostly on individual students and

situations, while neglecting prevention at a more

universal level. On the other hand, research on

bullying in the U.S. has largely focused on universal

prevention efforts and there appears to be much

less information about how teachers can provide

more targeted intervention or support for individual

students or small groups at risk for involvement in

bullying. Researchers and educators in China may

benefit from exploring how universal bullying

prevention, which has been well-studied in the U.S.

and other Western contexts, can be effectively

implemented in Chinese schools. Likewise,

researchers and educators in the U.S. may benefit

from greater exploration of how teachers can

address the needs of individual or small groups of

students who are at-risk for involvement in bullying.

Additionally, both countries may benefit from further

57 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

research on how to effectively address bullying

once it has occurred.

Challenges and Future Study

We encountered multiple challenges during

this review. In addition to differences in the focus of

research on school factors and bullying in the two

countries, differences in specificity and

classification of groups made comparisons between

the two bodies of research difficult. Many studies in

China do not differentiate between school bullying (

校园欺凌) and the broader concept of school

violence (校园暴力), while research in the U.S.

tends to focus specifically on school bullying (with

school violence being a separate line of research).

Additionally, research in the U.S. typically classifies

students as victims of bullying, perpetrators, or both

(bully/victims). However, research in China tends to

simplify the classification of students as “not

involved” or “involved”, without differentiating

between the various roles students might play.

Examining the problem of school bullying from

a systems perspective and exploring the less-

studied influences of culture may help inform efforts

to address school bullying at the universal,

targeted, and individual levels (Bradshaw, 2013).

We plan to extend this work by conducting a

systematic review of how school climate and

related factors influence bullying in the U.S. and

China and hope to explore how similarities and

differences found may relate to cultural differences.

In these cross-cultural comparisons of influences

on bullying, both cultures stand to learn from the

other in how they may best address school bullying

and promote healthy school environments.

If you would like more information or to

comment on this work, please contact Jie Ni

([email protected]) or Amy Kerr

([email protected]).

References

Aldridge, J. M., McChesney, K., & Afari, E. (2018).

Relationships between school climate, bullying,

and delinquent behaviours. Learning

Environment Research, 21, 153-172.

Bradshaw, C. P. (2013). Preventing bullying

through Positive Behavioral Interventions and

Supports (PBIS): A multitiered approach to

prevention and integration. Theory into

Practice, 52, 288-295.

Gendron, B. P., Williams, K. R., & Guerra, N. G.

(2011). An analysis of bullying among students

within schools: estimating the effects of

individual normative beliefs, self-esteem, and

school climate. Journal of School Violence,

10(2), 150–164.

Han, Z., Zhang, G., & Zhang, H. (2017). School

bullying in urban China: Prevalence and

correlation with school climate. International

journal of environmental research and public

health, 14(10), 1116.

Hu, T. (2019). “重典”还是“重教”:中美校园欺

凌治理方式比较. ["Emphasis on Code" or

"Emphasis on Education": A Comparison of

School Bullying Management in China and the

United States.] Journal of Nanyang Institute of

Technology, 1, 23-28.

Lee, C-H. (2011). An ecological systems approach

to bullying behaviors among middle school

students in the United States. Journal of

Interpersonal Violence, 26(8), 1664-1693.

Nansel, T. R., Overpeck, M., Pilla, R. S., Ruan, W.

J., Simons-Morton, B., & Scheidt, P. (2001).

Bullying behaviors among US youth:

Prevalence and association with psychosocial

adjustment. JAMA, 285(16), 2094–2100.

Song, Y. (2009). 关注学校因素:校园暴力丛生带来

的视角转换. [Focus on school factors: The

perspective change brought by the proliferation

of school violence]. China Educational Law

Review, 0, 249-260.

Veenstra, R., Lindenberg, S., Huitsing, G., Sainio,

M., & Salmivalli, C. (2014). The role of teachers

in bullying: The relation between antibullying

attitudes, efficacy, and efforts to reduce

bullying. Journal of Educational

Psychology, 106(4), 1135.

WISE. (2019, September 11). New Education

Experiment. WISE Qatar Foundation.

https://www.wise-qatar.org/project/new-

education-experiment-china/

58 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Xu, Y. (2018). 从家庭教育与学校教育浅谈新时期中

校园暴力的成因与解决措施. [Discussion on the

causes and solutions of school violence in the

new era from family education and school

education]. Legal System and Society, 16, 183-

184.

Yanez, C., & Seldin, M. (2019). Student

Victimization in US Schools: Results from the

2017 School Crime Supplement to the National

Crime Victimization Survey. NCES 2019-

064. National Center for Education Statistics.

Yang, F., Yu, B., Zhu, Y., & Xu, Q. (2017). 校园欺凌

与学校归属感的相关效应:来自新教育实验的证

据. [The correlation effect of campus bullying

and school belonging: Evidence from the New

Education Experiment]. Curriculum, Teaching

Material and Method, 5, 113-120.

Zhang, Z. & Shi, H. (2014). 基于社会生态学观的校

园欺负行为研究进展. [Research progress on

school bullying based on social

ecology]. Chinese Journal of School Health, 5,

794-797.

Zhang, Z., Shi, H., Wang, Q., Li, M., & Wang, Y.

(2015). 中文语境下城市中小学生校园欺负行为

的定性研究. [A qualitative study of urban

primary and secondary school students ’

bullying behavior in the Chinese

context]. Chinese Journal of School Health, 2,

182-185.

Evaluation of the SCRA Year-Long

Mentoring Program and Reflections

from the First Cohort

Written by Katricia Stewart, Portland State

University and Erin Godly-Reynolds,

University of North Carolina-Charlotte

Overview of SCRA Year-Long Mentoring

Program

The SCRA Year-Long Mentoring Program

seeks to connect community psychologists at all

stages of their careers and provides an opportunity

for mentor-mentee pairs to expand their

professional development. Successful mentoring

relationships often have a foundation of shared

interest, open communication, mutually agreed

upon expectations, and a commitment to the

relationship. The Year-Long Mentoring Sub-

Committee of the Mentoring Task Force matches

mentor and mentee pairs based on: (a)

professional area of focus, (b) personal and

professional experiences and roles, (c) goals for

receiving mentoring, and (d) the style of mentorship

participants are seeking. Once matched, mentor-

mentee pairs meet (on average) once per month

over the course of the year. These meetings

revolve around the mentor providing guidance,

feedback, and support to the mentee in reaching

their goals for the year.

Evaluation of the 2019-2020 Program

A total of 18 mentors were matched with 31

mentees (some mentors had two mentees). At the

end of the program, all mentors and mentees were

emailed a link to an evaluation survey so the sub-

committee could learn about their experience and

improve this mentoring program for future

participants. A total of nine mentors and 11

mentees completed this evaluation survey.

The most popular topic that the mentor-

mentee(s) pairs chose to focus on was the

academic job search process and options (n = 7;

64%), while 36% chose to focus on career path

options. Additional topics included: adjusting to new

life as first-year doctoral student; applying for

funding; SCRA involvement / conference

presentations; building competencies in community

/ social change; building community through

collaborations; graduate school applications and

admissions; networking; proposing and defending

thesis or dissertation; and publications.

These reported topics and related goals at

least partially reflect the expertise of the

participating mentors. Across all of the professional

experience categories that were listed as options

(professor, researcher, adjunct professor,

practitioner, consultant, evaluator), mentees were

interested in a greater variety of professional

experiences than mentors indicated having.

59 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

In terms of their overall experience, 100% of

mentors would recommend this program to a

colleague or friend. When asked if they would

consider serving as a mentor again in the future,

78% responded “yes” and the other 22%

responded “maybe”.

Among mentees, 82% indicated that they

would recommend the program to a colleague or

friend. Further, 64% of respondents either agreed

or strongly agreed that the mentoring program

supported their professional growth, while 18% of

respondents disagreed. Ten of the 11 mentees

strongly agreed that the mentoring program

connected them with a community psychologist

who is at a more advanced stage of their career

and professional development.

Testimonials from Mentee and Mentor

Participants

We asked mentors and mentees to share their

overall thoughts on the year-long mentoring

program and how it impacted them. Their

testimonials are below!

Rodrigo Quiroz-Saavedra (mentor: Tom

Wolff):

Tom has been my mentor for about a year as

part of my postdoctoral research on early childhood

support systems… During this time, he actively

listened to me and provided me with valuable

advice to resolve difficulties that I have faced in the

research process… Tom’s support has been of

great help in progressively and coherently building

an ecological analysis of the collaboration between

the actors involved [in my research]. Mentoring with

Tom has been a very enriching experience both as

a researcher and as a person. I feel very fortunate

and grateful to Tom and the SCRA mentoring

program for this great opportunity.

Julia Dancis (mentor: Erin Ellison):

I gained a LOT from participating in this

mentoring program. The program coordinators

matched me with Dr. Erin Ellison and I could not

have been a better match! Our monthly check-ins

ranged from teaching wisdom and dissertation

theory to career strategy and life advice. I really

admire the work that Dr. Ellison does and I believe

this year-long program has given me a mentor for

life.

Erin Ellison (mentees: Julia Dancis and

Sherry Bell):

I recently had the pleasure of working with two

emerging scholars in Community Psychology

through the mentor program… I initially thought of it

as a service opportunity to give back and pass

along resources that had been shared with me. Yet,

I also gained a lot myself -- Sherry and Julia

supported me through the process, too. As an early

career Community Psychologist, I truly appreciate

it! The connections we built, and the opportunities

to check-in (especially once COVID-19 shelter

orders were in place) were invaluable to me. I

enjoyed discussing their work, my work, and

opportunities for collaboration and collective

growth. I know our relationships will continue

beyond this year, and I’m thankful for that. I hope

others will participate in this important mentoring

program in the future. Thank you for the

opportunity!

Elizabeth Benninger (mentor: Fabricio

Balcazar):

I found the mentoring program to be extremely

helpful. My mentor was supportive as I navigated

my career as a recent PhD graduate. He was

always encouraging and pushed me to apply for

faculty positions and research grants which I

otherwise would have been too intimidated to apply

for. He helped me to believe in my own potential as

a community psychologist and since the start of the

mentoring program I have received a T32

postdoctoral fellowship, my first pilot award for my

research through the NIH, and have interviewed for

faculty positions. I highly recommend this program.

Noe Chavez (mentees: Munazza

Abraham and Stephanie Lam):

I had the honor to serve as the official mentor

to two graduate students… The idea of a formal

hierarchical mentoring relationship did not appeal to

us… The mentoring was more of a collaboration

among the three of us, sharing of experiences and

resources. I shared my challenging experiences as

a former graduate student of color and offered to

60 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

listen to and share insights regarding their current

graduate school challenges. They supported me

with resources I had not seen, connected me with

others who also offered additional resources and

advice, and both graciously accepted my invitation

to share their educational journey, passion, and

community psychology perspective [with my

students]… They described our mentoring

relationship as ‘a family model, offering moral

support but also tangible and meaningful support’

and a ‘very organic and community style feel… It

feels like we are each other’s fans.’

Michelle Abraczinskas (mentor: Ryan

Kilmer):

This past year, my main goal was to obtain a

faculty job for August 2020… I was paired with Dr.

Ryan Kilmer to mentor me through this process…

Before we [worked together], I felt immobilized with

writer’s block. His mentorship was crucial in helping

me through that period. It was great to get his

perspective regarding what goes on on the faculty

side of making decisions… For anyone going

through the academic job application process, I

highly recommend being paired with a mentor,

especially a faculty member who has been on

hiring committees and has an inside perspective. I

am grateful to him and the rest of my team of

faculty mentors who have helped me get to this

point as an Assistant Professor on the tenure track

at an R1 university.

Goals for the 2020-2021 Mentoring

Program

Based on feedback from this first year’s mentor

and mentee participants, a major goal for the

upcoming cohort is to recruit a larger number of

mentors with a greater variety of professional

experiences. This will hopefully enable more

learning opportunities for mentees with interests in

those professional realms.

The evaluation also pointed to areas where the

mentoring committee can guide a more

individualized structure for each mentor-mentee

pair, such as by facilitating dialogue between

mentees and their mentors to set up a frequency of

meetings that works best for them, or providing

question prompts that could help the mentees

determine how their mentors can best support them

in their goals for the program.

To learn more about the program and/or if you

are interested in participating as a mentor, mentee,

or Mentoring Committee member, please email

Katricia ([email protected]) or Erin

([email protected]). Thank you to the mentees

and mentors who shared their stories with us!

Being “Out-Here” 2.0: Public

Relationships in the Digital Age

Written by Pesach Chananiah, Community

Alchemist

For a millennial, I’ve been a relative luddite,

taking smug pleasure in my disdain for technology.

Due to the last 15 years of training as a community

organizer, I’ve taken particularly “mature” stances

in favor of good-old-fashioned in-person meetings,

joining my more seasoned colleagues in their

suspicions of “digital organizing” strategies. My

critique is echoed in the literature that has maligned

these strategies as “clicktivism” (Shulman, 2009;

White, 2010) or “slacktivism” (Morozov, 2009) –

what might be seen as the seeming

inconsequentiality of the online petitions that we

sometimes take a minute on and sometimes slough

off.

Yet the virtual wave of the last 6 months,

resulting from our collective quarantine, has

demanded that I reconfigure some of my

assumptions and reconsider the potential value of

digital modes. By mid-May, I had launched two

experimental social change projects using Zoom.

This article is a sort of addendum to my dissertation

– A Psychological Theory of Being “Out-Here” –

and an attempt to rethink that prior research in the

context of our virtual age.

A primary area of interest of mine for quite

some time is the broad-based organizing model of

the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF). After learning

about the organization in college, I spent four years

helping to build an IAF affiliate in Las Vegas, NV

61 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

which was tasked with building political capacity

among a coalition of religious congregations. I then

participated in the Los Angeles affiliate as a

dissertation case study in order to better

understand processes of empowerment. I have

been particularly interested in the claim of

Southwest IAF Director Ernesto Cortés that the

organizational practice of the one-to-one meeting is

“the most radical thing we teach” (Rogers, 1990, p.

64).

Though often seen by outsiders as simply a

method to recruit potential leaders, “one-on-one

interviews,” wrote Schutz and Sandy, are a “central

strategy that community organizers use to foster

community in our new world of weaker

communities[,] a tool for rebuilding webs of

relationships and trust” (2011, p. 192). As a result

of the necessary pragmatic task of meeting with

community members, the IAF culture has evolved

to become primarily characterized as “relational

organizing.” According to IAF organizer Mike

Gecan in his book Going Public (2002), a relational

culture is “created by leaders who initiate and

deepen and multiply effective public relationships . .

. Their ability to act depends on the number and

quality of relationships that they and their

colleagues can muster and sustain” (p. 162). As

opposed to the private relationships of a friendship

or a romance, a public relationship is based on

shared accountability and commitment to collective

self-interest.

In the community psychology literature on this

topic, Christens et al. studied a similar organizing

model, the Gamaliel network, describing “networks

of public relationships [as] key conduits between

components of organizational empowerment (i.e.,

social support, group-based belief system) and

cognitive and relational components of

psychological empowerment (i.e., critical

awareness and bridging social divisions to exercise

social power)” (2014, p. 427). My interest in the

one-to-one, from a community psychology

standpoint, is its tendency mutually-influencing

empowerment – its potential to be therapeutic, if

not transformative.

The distinction in these organizing contexts of

“public life” - versus the private realm - can be

traced, at least in part, to Hannah Arendt, who

wrote in The Human Condition (1959) about the

distinction between a private and public sphere, or

the realm of the household and that of the political.

Arendt lamented in this seminal text that the

emergence of the social realm in the modern age

has banished speech and action—formerly a

product of the Greek polis—to the sphere of the

intimate and private. Returning speech and action

to the public realm is one of the goals of the IAF,

particularly the practice of conducting relational

meetings.

Yet the one-to-ones that are conducive of

developing “public” relationships are ultimately

private conversations. Although these

conversations often connect personal experience to

common concerns, they are not seen by anyone

else. While Arendt’s “public realm” can be

interpreted as the power of gathering together and

relating, it can also be understood quite literally as

that which “can be seen and heard by everybody

and has the widest possible publicity” (1959, p. 45).

The inquiry I made in my dissertation research was:

how can one person impact another through their

conversation; it has now become: what is the

potential for conversations between two people to

also impact a third, fourth, or fifth (or infinite

number) of people unknown to the original

interlocutors?

I began to make this inquiry through

participatory action research in two different

projects. As we were relegated to our homes in

March, I watched a wide range of actors adopt

Zoom. I had recently made a commitment – as a

Jewish person living in the United States – to have

conversations with people in my community about

Palestinian liberation in Israeli occupied territories.

Although the format wasn’t initially clear to me,

when Zoom became an option, I decided to

experiment by inviting my mother to a Zoom

conversation; I shared my screen with her and was

able to do some media literacy and political

education with her in a way I never could have over

the phone – or maybe even in person. With her

62 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

consent, albeit video off, I recorded our

conversation – and was able to share it with over a

dozen people, along with an invitation that they do

the same with people in their lives. The goal was to

encourage more progressive Jews to have

conversations about Israel-Palestine and shift our

community’s stance.

This video can be seen here:

https://youtu.be/K6cQiJ-69jo

The other project started when I saw that a

friend and colleague had posted a conversation he

had with someone else on Facebook Live, also

through Zoom. Although for them it was simply a

low-input method for creating content, I saw the

sharing of this conversation as a unique method for

social change. My friend and I started a project that

we dubbed #COVIsionaries – in which two people

have a conversation about the post-COVID world

they would like to see. We posted a conversation

between the two of us on a #COVIsionaries

Facebook group and on our individual pages – and

invited others to follow, with directions on how to do

so. This project can be found here:

https://www.facebook.com/groups/covisionaries/

My newfound interest in using digital tools for

social justice not only began to erode my disdain

for “digital organizing”; it resulted in a small

literature review, as well. Karpf, who for quite some

time has been studying the digital organizing

pioneers MoveOn.org, defends digital organizing as

such. He argued incisively that the e-mail comment

drives and online petitions that critics of

“slacktivism” and “clicktivism” are referring to are

only one tactic, “an individual element of a broader

campaign to convert organizational resources into

political power” (2010, p. 9). They are just a new

version of a traditional letter-writing campaign.

Karpf also accurately described this type of action

as the first rung in a “ladder-of-engagement” (p.

10), one which ostensibly leads to actions with

increasing risk and, hopefully, increasing impact as

well.

Bennett and Segerberg (2012) differentiated

more traditional forms of “collective action” – which

often require “individuals to overcome resistance to

joining actions where personal participation costs

may outweigh marginal gains” – from what they

saw as the lower barriers of individualized

“connective action” (p. 749-750). Clearly, sharing a

meme does not require as much commitment or

willingness to risk as civil disobedience. But

perhaps the distinctions between online and offline

are not quite so clear cut. Mora (2014) placed

digital activism on a continuum, classifying efforts

by “the relative participation threshold based on

risk, commitment, effort, or intensity of the digital

activism practice” (p. 6).

It turns out that, just because something is

online, does not mean that the barriers to entry are

low enough to cause momentum – as I learned

when I failed to generate the number of Zoom

conversations I had hoped for. Many of the people

who expressed interest were ultimately intimidated

by speaking vulnerably on social media. Being

recorded and potentially seen by whoever poses a

greater risk than agreeing to meet for a “private

conversation”. Clearly, online content does not

reproduce itself automatically, but rather requires a

good deal of effort. My #COVIsionaries friend and I

spent a number of weeks recording, editing, and

posting conversations – before we moved on to

other projects. No one else picked up the torch.

According to Bennett and Segerberg, “there is

nothing preordained about the results of digitally

mediated networking processes. More often than

not, they fail badly” (2012, p. 754). I do not have a

sufficient understanding of social media algorithms

to make my project stand out – since I don’t post

often, it’s possible that few people see the things I

do post. I might think I’m posting something

incredibly profound, but how quickly will it get lost in

the social media morass? While Karpf’s emphasis

on “analytic activism” (2018) is worth noting, his

illumination of the resources required for data

analytics also demonstrates one of its key

limitations.

Despite my newfound curiosity about the

value of social media for social change, my

increased attempt to utilize Facebook has only

solidified my disgust at its echo chambers and its

vitriol. It is worlds away from Arendt’s return to the

Greek polis. Zoom is still too new to know its full

63 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

potential, but perhaps there is some hope in how

we might use it to be more “public,” more fully “out-

here” with others than we ever could be one-on-one

over coffee.

References

Arendt, H. (1959). The human condition: A study of

the central dilemmas facing modern

man. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books.

Bennett, W.L. & Segerberg, A. (2012). The logic of

connective action. Information,

Communication & Society, 15 (5), 739-768.

Christens, B. D., Inzeo, P. T., & Faust, V. (2014).

Channeling power across ecological

systems: Social regularities in community

organizing. American Journal of

Community Psychology, 53, 410–431.

Gecan, M. (2002). Going public: An organizer’s

guide to citizen action. Boston, MA:

Beacon.

Karpf, D. (2010). Online political mobilization from

the advocacy group’s perspective: Looking

beyond clicktivism. Policy & Internet, 2 (4), 1-35.

Karpf, D. (2018). Analytic activism and its

limitations. Social Media + Society, January-

March,

1-10.

Mora, F.A. (2014). Emergent digital activism: The

generational/technological connection.

Journal of Community Informatics, 10 (1), 1-13.

Morozov, E. (2009). The brave new world of

slacktivism. Foreign Policy, May 19, 2009.

http://neteffect.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2009/05/19/t

he_brave_new_ world_of_slacktivism.

Rogers, M. B. (1990). Cold anger: A story of faith

and power politics. Denton, TX: University of

North Texas.

Schutz, A., & Sandy, M.G. (2011). Collective action

for social change: An introduction to

community organizing. New York, NY: Palgrave

Macmillan.

Shulman, S. (2009). The case against mass e-

mails: Perverse incentives and low quality

public

participation in U.S. federal rulemaking. Policy &

Internet, 1 (1), 23–53.

White, M. (2010). Clicktivism is ruining leftist

activism. The Guardian Online, August 12,

2010.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/aug

/12/clicktivismruining-leftist-

The 4 S’s in Creating Communities of

Care: A Trauma-Informed Response

to COVID-19 in School and

University-Based Settings

Written by Heather Lewis Quagliana, Bryan

D. Poole, David P. Quagliana, Jeffrey L.

Sargent, Lee University

With our communities facing the current

challenges of COVID-19, there is a great demand

for trauma-informed responses in most contexts.

Apart from the current crisis, 61% of adults have

already faced one adverse childhood experience

(Felitti et al, 1998), thus compounding the need for

trauma-informed schools, colleges, and

universities. While Institutions of Higher Education

(IHE) administrators, as well as primary and

secondary administrators, have been working hard

to mitigate risk of physical illness from the virus in

their school communities, the psychological impact

could be unintentionally overlooked. Community

psychologists have unique skills sets to assist

school and university administrators in considering

contextual and community-based models of

addressing crises on school and college campuses.

We propose 4 S’s in psychological reentry

that adhere to a community based, trauma-

informed approach throughout school and campus

life: 1) Supporting self-care of administrators,

faculty, staff, and students; 2) Campus-wide

socioemotional focus; 3) Springing back from

adversity (resilience programming); and 4) Shared

investment in student mental health. These 4 S’s

are based out of our service to our local schools

and university to promote the values and

interventions congruent with a community based,

64 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

trauma-informed response to COVID-19 and

psychological reentry into a system.

Supporting Self Care

Burnt out teachers do not teach well. A

foundational element in a trauma-informed

approach is self-care and healthy coping skills. A

community psychology informed approach

recognizes that burnout “trickles” down through a

system. For example, a faculty member who is

anxious, burnt out, and not coping well due to the

current crisis will likely be less able to emotionally

support their students. The same is true for

overextended administrators, who may be too

overwhelmed to then best support faculty and staff.

Educational systems need to embrace and value

self-care particularly during COVID-19 as the

emotional health of an institution depends upon it.

Self-care is supported in many tangible

ways: needs assessments, psychoeducation,

routine emotional “check ins”, and gauging burnout.

These can be easily implemented into COVID-19

response plans. Taking the “emotional

temperature” in an institution will help

administrators make informed decisions on

campus-wide supports, as well as broader

community partnerships. Routine emotional check-

ins should occur at multiple levels ranging from

administrative meetings to classroom teaching. For

example, opening class with a quick emotional

“check-in” (i.e. What are some concerns? What

resources do you have to address these

concerns?) communicates to students that their

entire well-being is important in the reentry process.

Burnout, particularly emotional exhaustion,

(Maslach et al., 1997) is a reality facing everyone in

today’s world, but it is vital to encourage the entire

school or campus toward better coping. Effective

coping ranges from informal community supports,

hobbies and social support to formal mental health

services.

Socioemotional Focus

Much of the literature on trauma-informed

schools is written for primary and secondary

educators but can be easily adapted to the

college context. For example, The National Child

Traumatic Stress Network offers guiding principles

in navigating COVID-19 ranging from labeling and

identifying emotions to trauma-informed institutional

policies to promote psychological well-being

(Halladay Goldman et al., 2020). Additionally,

Brymer and colleagues’ (2006) Psychological First

Aid can be adapted to COVID-19 and psychological

reentry in educational settings that when trained

appropriately, any teacher, faculty, or staff can

deliver this intervention in their context. It provides

schools and universities with a standardized

protocol to respond to crisis events while drawing

upon the school or campus community’s strengths

and resources.

Another way teachers and faculty can

accomplish this is by creating programs or courses

that equip students with coping skills and

resources. For example, faculty at our university

have developed a course modeled after Yale

University’s most popular course (Shimer, 2018),

“Psychology and the Good Life.” In addition to

learning about science-supported research on

improving well-being and happiness, our students

complete several activities throughout the semester

(e.g., keeping a gratitude journal, exercising

regularly) to aid in the healthy pursuit of positive

affect, healthy relationships, physical health, and

emotion regulation. Because past research

consistently demonstrates how these courses can

improve students’ mental health, hope, agency, and

purpose (Goodman, Middleditch, Childs, &

Pietrasiuk, 2016; Maybury, 2012), we recommend

primary and secondary teachers, as well as

university faculty consider how similar courses can

be developed (or activities be incorporated) in the

near future.

Spring Back (Resilience Programming)

The current generation of both school-aged

and college students have an unprecedented

opportunity to develop resilience. Community

resilience has long been at the heart of community

psychology, and as community psychologists, we

also have an unprecedented opportunity to

empower our schools and campuses to focus on

resilience. One of the best tools for promoting

resilience is engaging our students in meaningful

relationships in the following ways: 1) Enter the

65 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

student’s reality. Understand the world from a

student’s perspective. This fosters empathy and

promotes attachment thus laying a foundation for

resilience in the face of adversity. 2) Notice the way

students communicate. Young children

communicate through their behavior. Middle and

high schoolers often feel overwhelmed with

complex emotions. College students often feel

stuck in the middle of adolescence and adulthood

making it difficult to label complex emotions and

employ coping skills. 3) Get playful. Creativity is

key in bolstering resilience for everyone! Everyone

should “play” a little more these days.4) Affectively

attune. Pick up on and notice student’s emotions

and model effective coping. 5) Grow through

adversity. Reframe adversity as an opportunity to

learn and grow. 6) Eliminate shame. Help students

dismiss the “shoulds” and “oughts” of how things

might be different and help them move toward

acceptance of difficult emotions with the hope that

“we are in this together.”

Creating an equipped culture of care is also

necessary in promoting resilience. General

encouragement and concern may not be sufficient

to meet our students’ needs. We can support and

encourage resilience by promoting academic,

social, and emotional competency. This can be

accomplished by intentionally integrating self-

regulatory and learning skills broadly into our

curricula. At the broader level, institutions should

consider introducing resilience education early into

the curriculum. An integration of self-regulatory

and learning skills into the first-year curricula can

equip students in the transition and provide for a

foundation of success. We should intentionally

incorporate resilience education into our

classrooms by explicitly labeling and describing the

necessary self-regulatory processes needed to

complete specific academic tasks under difficult

circumstances while also directing to both campus

and community resources that aid in more effective

coping.

Shared Investment

A community based, trauma-informed

approach to COVID-19 recognizes that student

mental health is a shared responsibility and not

the sole responsibility of the school counselor

or University Counseling Center (UCC). Both

school counselors and UCC staff should be seen

as consultants and educators toward a broader

campus mental health initiative for awareness,

prevention, and intervention. Schools and

campuses might benefit from considering three

different types or gradations of mental health needs

this fall, parallel to social science literature on types

of prevention: general psychological need,

identified risk or need not requiring professional

intervention (i.e., psychotherapy), and mental

health concerns requiring professional intervention

(e.g., therapy, medication, crisis assessment and

intervention). School and campus wide

engagement in identifying and responding to needs

at each of these levels is essential for the large

percentage of students and employees with mental

health needs who will not need or seek therapy

(also decreasing likelihood of overwhelming school

counselors or campus’s professional mental health

service providers).

School counselors and UCC staff should serve

to support the campus in the gap between

experience and expectations. First, we must all be

informed about the difference between normal and

abnormal psychological impact. Over-pathologizing

“typical trauma reactions” will cause us to fail to

seek healthy independent or interpersonal

processing of such impacts. Second, it is important

to reexamine our expectations of ourselves and our

institutions as we all need to proceed with humility

and flexibility during unprecedented times. (For

inquiries or questions, please contact Heather

Lewis Quagliana @

[email protected].)

References

Brymer, M., Jacobs, A., Layne, C., Pynoos, R.,

Ruzek, J., Steinberg, A., Vemberg, E., &

Watson, P. (National Child Traumatic Stress

Network and National Center for PTSD).

Psychological First Aid: Field Operations Guide,

2nd Edition, July 2006. Available on:

www.nctsn.org and www.ncptsd.va.gov.

Felitte, V.J., Anda, R.F., Edwards, V., Marks, J.S.

(1998). Relationships of childhood abuse and

66 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

household dysfunction to many of the leading

causes of death in adults: The adverse

childhood expereinces (ACE) study. American

Journal of Preventative Medicine, 14 (4), 245-

258.

Goodman, L. B., Middleditch, A. M., Childs, B., &

Pietrasiuk, S. E. (2016). Positive psychology

course and its relationship to well-being,

depression, and stress. Teaching of

Psychology, 43(3), 232-237.

Halladay Goldman, J., Danna, L., Maze, J.W.,

Pickens, I.B., & Ake III, G.S. (2020). Trauma

Informed School Strategies during COVID-19.

Los Angeles, CA, and Durham, NC: National

Center for Child Traumatic Stress. Retrieved

from

(https://www.nctsn.org/resources/trauma-

informed-school-strategies-during-covid-19)

Maslach, C., Jackson, S. E., & Leiter, M. P. (1996).

Maslach Burnout Inventory manual (3rd ed.).

Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press.

Maybury, K. K. (2013). The influence of a positive

psychology course on student well-being.

Teaching of Psychology, 40(1), 62-65.

Shimer, D. (2018). Yale’s most popular class ever:

Happiness. Retrieved from

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/26/nyregion/

at-yale-class-on-happiness-draws-huge-crowd-

laurie-santos.html.

Advancing Social Justice with Model

Legislation: Criminalizing Police

Chokehold Practices at State Level

Written by Christopher Corbett, Albany, NY

Model legislation is a powerful way to further

community psychology (CP) values and principles.

This article describes the value of Model legislation

analysis and proposes it as a highly worthwhile

method for community psychologists (CPs) to apply

to advance social justice issues important to them.

While Model legislation, like beauty, lies in the eye

of the beholder, this article identifies eight criteria

based on CP core values for use in assessing

legislation to determine if it meets a “Model”

standard. To illustrate, the article applies the Model

standard to recently passed legislation in New York

State that criminalizes chokehold practices by

police for possible application in other state

jurisdictions. The article also concludes there is

urgent need for more public policy training in CP

graduate programs which is necessary to further

social justice given the critical role of the public

policy CP competency and the clear neglect of

policy training.

What is Model Legislation?

Model legislation means different things to

different people. Various groups use “Model”

legislation such as: National Association of

Attorneys General, American Bar Association,

National Consumer Law Center and American

Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC). For

example, ALEC identifies legislation it deems

“model” for use in different states. While ALEC is

“non-partisan”, it has its own core values including:

limited government, free markets and federalism,

creating a conservative bias in what it deems

“model”.

Clearly, legislation that would be “model” to a

CP would be quite different and would logically be

based on core values of the field. As previously

proposed, some eight values have been proposed

as Hallmark Values of CP (Corbett 2015) including:

prevention; second order change; social justice;

empowerment; citizen participation; diversity;

respect for all cultures and community members,

and empirical grounding. These values are

supported by various community psychologists and

texts as foundational to the field (Heller et al. 1984;

Duffy & Wong 1996; Dalton, Elias & Wandersman

2001 and Tolan et al. 1990).

Various “model” cases of legislation have

previously been examined and assessed, which

include some social justice issues: toxic chemical

exposure of children; gun violence; exploitation of

low wage workers; cyberbullying of children and

race based harassment (Corbett 2015). In each

case, the legislation was examined and compared

to the identified CP values to make a determination

of whether they met a “model” standard.

67 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

More recently, the concept of Model legislation

was applied to the Parkland Florida tragedy by

examining Connecticut’s law that allows seizure of

firearms (Corbett 2018). The next step is to apply

those standards to recently passed legislation in

New York State.

New York State: “Eric Garner Anti-

Chokehold Act” (A6144-B)

On June 12, 2020, Governor Cuomo signed

into law a package of police accountability

measures (Tarinelli 2020), including a new law

criminalizing the use of chokeholds or similar

restraint that results in obstruction of breathing or

blood circulation (NY Assembly Memorandum in

Support 2020). The law, A6144-B is shown in the

figure below. The law provides for felony level

penalties of up to 15 years in prison for use of a

chokehold or similar restraint that causes serious

physical injury or death (Chokehold Law too late,

2020).

Applying Model Legislation Criteria

While subjectivity exists to judge against

specified values, and at times the indicated value or

criteria will not apply, or only in limited way, this

method provides a systematic way to assess

legislation. Also, multiple CP reviewers can help

confirm, or challenge, a finding of Model. As shown

in the table below, the legislation was assessed

across various values. Judgement was made as to

whether the legislation furthered or was in

alignment with the value (+), or undermined the

value (-), or whether the value did not apply (dna).

Regarding prevention, New York’s anti-

chokehold law promotes primary prevention; if the

law is complied with, serious injuries or deaths will

be prevented. Also, generally any legislation will

constitute second order or system level change,

unless and until it is repealed. The legislation New York Chokehold Law

68 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

should further social justice by reducing use of such

police tactics, likely applied disproportionately

across race. The law furthers both empowerment of

the public and promotes citizen participation. Any

citizen can support enforcement, file complaints for

non-compliance and pursue litigation in absence of

compliance. Regarding promoting diversity, the law

neither furthers, nor undermines, that value and

therefore does not apply (dna). The legislation

promotes respect for all cultures and community

members as it prohibits such practices across all

citizens.

The last criteria or value, empirical grounding,

clearly applies as the legislation was based, in

significant measure, on data documenting number

of chokeholds performed by year, by police.

Moreover, those chokeholds were applied in

violation of the New York Police Department’s

administrative ban on chokeholds instituted in

2014, the year of Eric Garner’s death. Specifically,

the number of complaints received by the NYC

Civilian Complaint Review Board, by year was: 276

(2014); 172 (2015); 139 (2016); 132 (2017); 129

(2018); 116 (2019) and 32 thus far (2020), or 996

total reports (NY Assembly Memorandum of

Support, 2020, p. 2).

There are valuable lessons here for CPs.

While policies can be progress, when they are

unenforceable, they can be worse than no policy at

all. That is, they create the thin veneer of a

solution-- when they are merely window dressing

that perpetuates the status-quo, creating false

appearances of a problem solved that goes on for

years, unsolved. Here, the policy did help create

the empirical data that the legislators’ cited as

justification for the law. Any cause to celebrate

victory at law’s passage, however, is tainted by

empirical data showing grave harm to the public

over many years of unenforceable NYPD Policy

prohibiting chokeholds (Chokehold law too late,

2020).

Is NY’s “Eric Garner Anti-Chokehold

Act” Model?

Based on the criteria applied to the legislation,

a strong case can be made that N.Y.’s Act meets a

Model standard, with nearly all values furthered or

supported by the law.

Methodology

The application of Model legislation as

proposed here, constitutes a powerful method to

influence public policy. That is, content analysis,

has been identified as a highly effective research

methodology to advance public policy (Prewitt et al.

2012, p. 97). This methodology, along with case

study analysis (p. 97), are noteworthy as they are

both highly amenable for use by interventionists at

all levels including bachelor, master and doctoral

level CPs.

Model legislation: A Strategy for

Engagement

Model legislation is one method of pursuing

social justice and it falls within the CP competency

for Public Policy Analysis, Development &

Advocacy (Dalton & Wolfe 2012). Specifically, this

competency is: the ability to build and sustain

effective communication and working relationships

with policy makers, elected officials and community

leaders, including to write briefs, present testimony,

draft policies and consult with elected officials at

federal, state, province and local levels (p. 12).

Because legislation deemed Model has been

passed and signed into law, it typically reflects

political consensus in that state or jurisdiction.

The power of Model legislation should not be

underestimated as it provides a basis to engage

individually with elected officials and fashion

working relationships required by the public policy

competency. Moreover, Model legislation facilitates

CPs ability to work across both sides of the aisle,

an essential quality, to rise above partisanship and

craft bi-partisan solutions. Model legislation

typically requires cooperation of both Democrats

and Republicans, as well as the Governor of the

state who is needed to sign the bill into law. Finally,

Model legislation proves that difficult social

problems can be effectively addressed and solved

in one jurisdiction-- and legislators, who are often

lawyers, are extremely vulnerable to influence by

legal precedent. Problems well solved in one

jurisdiction-- can provide a strong basis for solution

in others.

69 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Further, Model legislation provides a highly

effective entry point and basis for relationship

building. It also conveys CPs’ seriousness to

genuinely help legislators solve difficult or

intractable problems, particularly matters of social

justice where most intervenors engage legislators

based solely upon bald self-interest. That is, CPs

are trained to seek influence for social justice sake-

- which stands in stark contrast to the vast majority

of constituents who seek legislative influence to

advance partisan or economic self-interests. This

strongly distinguishes CPs and places them in

partnership with elected officials, on both sides of

the aisle, to cooperatively address intractable

issues. This is a unique power of the “insider”

approach and illustrates how the policy competency

requirements can be accomplished: to build and

sustain effective working relationships with policy

makers and elected officials at federal,

state/province and local levels (Dalton & Wolfe

2012, p. 12).

This is the essence of the policy competency,

to establish effective and ongoing working

relationships with policy makers. Model legislation

is a powerful method to employ, providing a sound

basis for bi-partisan outcomes essential to the

successful passage of legislation that advances

social justice and public interests-- which hinges on

it being politically viable.

Where to From Here?

The path of social justice requires various skills

in public policy. Prior articles have identified a

notable neglect of public policy in CP training

(Brown et al. 2014; Johnson-Hakim et al. 2014).

More recently, an examination of graduate degrees

found that among 20 U.S. universities offering

graduate degrees in community psychology, only

three required policy courses in their curriculum

(Dancis, Godsay, Hosler & Maton 2016). The data

reviewed included MA/MS and Ph.D. CP degrees

(p. 13). The authors conclude that this does not

bode well for future CPs getting involved in policy

work (p. 13). Effective social justice advocates

require policy training, legislative influence and

intervention to advance their cause.

The preceding provides a strong and urgent

basis for more public policy training to achieve the

public policy competency. Several options include:

more policy training requirements, offering of policy

tracks at all levels of CP training and certificates in

public policy that could be offered to CPs, as well

as any past graduates in CP, or other allied social

justice related fields.

Conclusion

The purpose here is to demonstrate the

potential power of Model legislation analysis by

CPs to advance social justice and CP values and

encourage its use. The table provided can be used

as a template and may prove useful to CPs who

wish to assess any legislation of choice and to

facilitate analysis.

Beyond the eight values identified here, the

template provides for additional values to be added,

depending upon the CP’s priorities. That is, CPs

can tailor values most important to them, that justify

the use of their limited resources, to intervene in

communities to advance the public good. It also

furthers “best practice” analysis and the potential to

apply “Model” legislation to advance system level

change thinking and solutions in multiple

jurisdictions across local, regional, state and

national bounds.

Model legislation can be particularly effective

for advancing social justice progress through state

level legislation and intervention, as illustrated by

this case of criminalizing chokeholds-- where such

relief, potentially mandated through national

legislation, appears unlikely, if not implausible,

based on the state of partisan politics currently at

the federal level. Moreover, policing is, first,

primarily a responsibility of state and local

governments—requiring intervention at those

levels, rather than federal level. Second, Model

legislation provides a prime entry point with

legislators and fosters cooperative working bi-

partisan relationships essential for actually

achieving policy and advocacy training objectives

and skills. This allows CPs to apply their research

skills in service of social justice-based legislation

that helps solve often intractable social and political

problems. Model legislation analysis can be applied

70 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

to whatever issue justifies your precious yet limited

research resources such as discrimination based

on race, gender, sexual identity, disability, or any

other social justice issue that arouses your passion.

Finally, this paper raises a larger question:

How can the field empower CPs to be more

effective social justice advocates and

interventionists? To achieve the aspirational goals

of the policy and advocacy competency, there is

strong basis and urgent need for increased public

policy training at all CP levels: bachelor’s, master’s,

and doctoral. More policy training is well supported

by Brown et al. (2014) and Johnson-Hakim et al.

(2014), and, more recently, based on a survey of

20 graduate CP programs (Dancis et al. 2016). The

preceding supports the urgent need for more public

policy training for practitioners and academics alike.

Various options include: more policy training

requirements; policy specific tracks in master and

doctorial level programs that train current and

future CPs, as well as the potential use of

certificates in public policy, including online

opportunities, to reach past CP graduates as well to

reach students and prior graduates of other allied

fields. In sum, progress needed to advance social

justice through application of public policy skills and

competencies will require, first, specific methods of

engagement with legislators, such as Model

legislation. Second, a systematic expansion of

public policy training in graduate programs is

urgently needed to achieve the competency’s goals

which includes the ability to write briefs, present

testimony, draft policies and consult with elected

officials at federal, state and local levels, as well as

develop ongoing relationships (Dalton & Wolfe

2012, p. 12).

With such progress, the policy and advocacy

competency goals can evolve beyond being merely

aspirational-- to at least enable proficiency, if not

expertise, empowering CPs to successfully pursue

the social justice issues most important to them,

while advancing the state of the field.

Note: This paper is based, in part, on “Model

Legislation: Public Policy 501”, a Core Competency

#15 Workshop presented at SCRA’s 2015 Biennial

held June 25-28, Lowell, Mass. It is available on

SCRA’s website under “Policy Workshops”, along

with Public Policy 101-601 Core Competency

Workshops presented at SCRA biennials since

2005.

Christopher Corbett, MA Community

Psychology, is a nonprofit researcher and author of

Advancing Nonprofit Stewardship Through Self-

Regulation: Translating Principles into Practice

(Kumarian Press). Any questions may be directed

to: [email protected].

References

Brown, K., Cardazone, G., Glantsman, O.,

Johnson-Hakim, S. & Lemke, M. (2014).

Special Report: Examining the Guiding

Competencies in Community Psychology

Practice from Students’ Perspectives. The

Community Psychologist,47(1). 3-9.

Chokehold law too late (2020, June 10). Chokehold

law comes too late for many. Daily Gazette

Editorial. C-6.

Corbett, C. (2015). Model Legislation: Public Policy

501. Workshop presented at Biennial

Conference of the Society for Community

Research and Action, June 25-28, Lowell,

Mass. Accessed from

http://scra27.org/files/8914/4820/9070/Public_P

olicy_501_-

_Model_Legislation_by_Chris_Corbett_SCRA_

Biennial_2015.pdf.

Corbett, C. (2018). Action or Inaction in the Wake

of the Parkland Florida Tragedy? Preventing

Gun Violence Through Model Legislation. The

Community Psychologist 51(2). 21-23.

Dalton, J., Elias, M., & Wandersman, A. (2001).

Community Psychology: Linking Individuals and

Communities. Stamford, CT:

Wadsworth/Thomson.

Dalton, J. & Wolfe, S. (2012). Education

Connection and The Community Practitioner:

Competencies for Community Psychology

Practice. The Community Psychologist 45(4). 7-

14.

Dancis, J., Godsay, S., Hosler, J. & Maton, K.

(2016). Getting Started in Policy Work:

Strategies for Community Psychologists. The

Community Psychologist 49(1). 11-13.

71 THE COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGIST FALL 2020

Duffy, K. & Wong, F. (1996). Community

Psychology. Needham Heights, Mass: Allyn &

Bacon.

Heller, K., Price, R., Reinharz, S., Riger, S., &

Wandersman, A., (1984). Psychology and

Community Change: Challenges of the Future.

Homewood, Illinois: Dorsey Press.

Johnson-Hakim, S., Connell, C., Anglin, A., &

Brown, K. (2014). Competencies for Practice:

Perspectives on Training and Education. The

Community Psychologist, 47(3). 11-12.

NY Assembly Memorandum in Support (2020).

New York State Assembly Memorandum in

Support of Legislation. Bill Number: A6144-B.

1-2. https://nyassembly.gov.

Prewitt, K., Schwandt, T., Straf, M. (eds) (2012).

Using Science as Evidence in Public Policy.

National Research Council, National

Academies Press: Washington.

Tarinelli, E. (2020, June 12). Cuomo signs bills

banning chokeholds, repealing policy secrecy

laws. New York Law Journal, 1-6.

https://www.law.com.

Tolan, P., Keys, C., Chertok, F. & Jason, L. (eds.)

(1990). Researching Community Psychology:

Issues of Theory and Methods. Washington,

DC: American Psychological Association.

SCRA News Edited by Susan M. Wolfe, Susan Wolfe and

Associates and The University of

Washington

Congratulations to CERA Mini-Grant

Recipients!

Written by Mini-Grant Committee, Council

for Ethnic, Racial, and Cultural Affairs

We would like to announce the awardees for

the 2020-21 CERA Racial and Social Justice Mini-

Grants! We had 19 submissions this year and they

were all wonderful and high-quality applications.

Thank you to everyone else who submitted an

application! The difference came down to 1/2 point

and does not reflect a lack of quality in any way as

we only are able to fund 5 mini-grants.

Congratulations to the awardees!

1. The Development of a Research Advisory Board for Latinx Youth in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania by Dr. Josefina Bañales & Dr. Maya Ragavan

2. Enhancing the Racial Identities of Youth Through Culturally Relevant Curriculum by Dr. Rome Meeks

3. Hope, resilience, and action: A qualitative exploration of critical consciousness and sociopolitical development among Black and Latinx adolescent girls by Taina Quiles & Dr. Seanna Leath

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Intimate Partner Violence during Covid-19

n engl j med 383;24 nejm.org December 10, 2020

Intimate Partner Violence during Covid-19

A Pandemic within a Pandemic — Intimate Partner Violence during Covid-19 Megan L. Evans, M.D., M.P.H., Margo Lindauer, J.D., and Maureen E. Farrell, M.D.

As Covid-19 cases surged in the United States in March 2020, stay-at-home orders were put in place. Schools closed, and many workers were furloughed, laid off, or told to work from home. With personal movement limited and people confined to their homes, advocates expressed concern about a potential increase in intimate partner violence (IPV). Stay-at-home orders, intended to protect the public and prevent widespread infection, left many IPV victims trapped with their abusers. Domestic-violence hot- lines prepared for an increase in demand for services as states en- forced these mandates, but many organizations experienced the op- posite. In some regions, the num- ber of calls dropped by more than 50%.1 Experts in the field knew that rates of IPV had not decreased, but rather that victims were unable to safely connect with services. Though restrictions on movement have been lifted in most regions, the pandemic and its effects rage on, and there is widespread agreement that areas that have seen a drop in caseloads are likely to experience a second surge. This pandemic has rein- forced important truths: inequi- ties related to social determi- nants of health are magnified during a crisis, and sheltering in place does not inflict equivalent hardship on all people.

One in 4 women and one in 10 men experience IPV, and vio- lence can take various forms: it can be physical, emotional, sexual, or psychological.2 People of all

races, cultures, genders, sexual orientations, socioeconomic class- es, and religions experience IPV. However, such violence has a dis- proportionate effect on communi- ties of color and other marginal- ized groups. Economic instability, unsafe housing, neighborhood vi- olence, and lack of safe and stable child care and social support can worsen already tenuous situations. IPV cannot be addressed without also addressing social factors, es- pecially in the context of a pan- demic that is causing substantial isolation.

Economic independence is a critical factor in violence preven- tion. For many people who expe- rience IPV, the financial entan- glement with an abusive partner is too convoluted to sever with- out an alternative source of eco- nomic support. The pandemic has exacerbated financial entangle- ment by causing increased job loss and unemployment, particu- larly among women of color, im- migrants, and workers without a college education.3 The public health restrictions put in place to combat the spread of the virus have also reduced access to alter- native sources of housing: shel- ters and hotels have reduced their capacity or shut down, and travel restrictions have limited people’s access to safe havens. Shelters have made valiant efforts to ease crowding and to help resi- dents move into hotels, extended- stay apartments, or the homes of family members and friends. Though some restrictions have been lifted, many shelters remain

closed or are operating at reduced capacity, which creates challeng- es for people who need alterna- tive housing arrangements.

Closures of schools and child care facilities have added to the stress at home. Virtual learning often requires the involvement and supervision of parents and guard- ians. Some families don’t have access to a reliable Internet con- nection, and child care obliga- tions may fall to friends, neigh- bors, or family members while parents work or attempt to find work. Some parents are consid- ered essential workers and can- not work from home, and others are required to work virtually. The added stress of balancing work, child care, and children’s education has led to a rise in child abuse.4 Mandated report- ers, such as teachers, child care providers, and clinicians, also have fewer interactions with chil- dren and families and fewer op- portunities to assess, recognize, and report signs of abuse than they did before the pandemic.

There may also be barriers to reporting IPV during the pandem- ic. The way in which police reports can be filed varies among pre- cincts, with some offering online options and others requiring in- person visits. Similarly, individual trial courts have discretion to de- termine filing procedures for re- straining orders. The lack of a coherent and consistent process for reporting abuse can be dis- couraging for people seeking help through the legal system. Black and Brown people, who have long

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n engl j med 383;24 nejm.org December 10, 2020

faced oppression and brutality by police, may also be less likely than White people to involve the police when IPV escalates.

Most people who experience IPV don’t seek help. Medical pro- fessionals have an opportunity to identify these patients in health care settings and to provide coun- seling and connect people with social services. Medical offices can be safe places for patients to disclose abuse. Physical examina- tion findings; a patient’s behav- ior during or while discussing physically intimate components of a breast, pelvic, or rectal ex- amination; or an aggressive part- ner can be warnings signs of possible IPV. In settings such as emergency departments and labor and delivery suites, policies man- date screening for IPV when pa- tients are alone. Evaluation in a clinic or hospital setting permits immediate intervention, including involvement of social workers, safety planning, and a review of services available to victims and their dependents. Even this op- portunity has often been absent in the Covid-19 era. As offices canceled and rescheduled nonur- gent clinic visits and moved to telemedicine platforms, safely screening patients for IPV be- came more difficult. Not only might patients live in areas with unreliable Internet or cellular ser- vice, but abusers might be listen- ing in on conversations, leaving

patients unable to disclose esca- lating abuse at home.

Certain steps could promote more equitable access to services as a second wave of Covid-19 in- fections looms. First, communi- ties could ensure equal access to broadband Internet service in peo- ple’s homes. Access could be ex- panded by means of a subsidy program mirroring the Federal Communications Commission Lifeline program or the installa- tion of wireless access points in public spaces.5 Such approaches would not only enable wider ac- cess to telehealth, but would also permit people who have experi- enced IPV to search for resources and maintain their critical social connections.

Providers can continue to screen for IPV and discuss safety planning with their patients dur- ing telemedicine appointments. Clinicians can normalize screen- ing using standardized questions and can offer information to all patients, regardless of whether they disclose IPV. Available re- sources are shown in the box. Clinicians can also educate them- selves about available community resources. If abuse is disclosed, the clinician and patient can es- tablish signals to identify the presence of an abusive partner during telemedicine appointments. Such signals could include a raised fist on a video call or set phrases during an audio call.

When it is safe to have a discus- sion about IPV, clinicians can re- view safety practices, such as de- leting Internet browsing history or text messages; saving hotline information under other listings, such as a grocery store or phar- macy listing; and creating a new, confidential email account for receiving information about re- sources or communicating with clinicians.

Finally, governing bodies should consider social determi- nants of health when developing crisis standards of care. Privi- lege, finances, and access to re- sources all affect the impact of IPV on patients.

The Covid-19 pandemic has put a spotlight on numerous on- going public health crises, includ- ing violence within the home. As state mandates relax and people begin to live a new version of normal, clinicians, public health officials, and policymakers can- not stop addressing the layers of social inequities in our commu- nities and the ways in which they affect people’s access to care. The pandemic has highlighted how much work needs to be done to ensure that people who experi- ence abuse can continue to ob- tain access to support, refuge, and medical care when another public health disaster hits.

Disclosure forms provided by the authors are available at NEJM.org.

From the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Tufts Medical Center (M.L.E.), the Domestic Violence Institute, North- eastern University School of Law and Bouvé College of Health Sciences (M.L.), and the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, and the Department of Obstetrics, Gynecology and Reproductive Biology, Harvard Medical School (M.E.F.) — all in Boston.

This article was published on September 16, 2020, at NEJM.org.

IPV Resources for Patients.

Crisis Text Line (text HOME to 741741) National Parent Hotline (call 1-855-427-2736) Childhelp National Child Abuse Hotline (visit https://www . childhelp . org/ childhelp

- hotline/ or call 1-800-422-4453) National Domestic Violence Hotline (visit http://thehotline . org, text LOVEIS to

22522, or call 1-800-799-7233) Futures Without Violence (visit https://www . futureswithoutviolence . org/ resources

- events/ get - help/ )

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n engl j med 383;24 nejm.org December 10, 2020

1. Fielding S. In quarantine with an abuser: surge in domestic violence reports linked to coronavirus. The Guardian. April 3, 2020 (https://www . theguardian . com/ us - news/ 2020/ apr/ 03/ coronavirus - quarantine - abuse - domestic - violence). 2. Smith SG, Zhang X, Basile KC, et al. The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Vio- lence Survey (NISVS): 2015 data brief — updated release. Atlanta: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018

(https://www . cdc . gov/ violenceprevention/ pdf/ 2015data - brief508 . pdf ). 3. Kochhar R. Unemployment rate is higher than officially recorded, more so for women and certain other groups. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, June 30, 2020 (https:// www . pewresearch . org/ fact - tank/ 2020/ 06/ 30/ unemployment - rate - is - higher - than - officially - recorded - more - so - for - women - and - certain - other - groups/ ). 4. Pefley A. Experts see rise in child abuse cases tied to Covid-19. West Palm Beach, FL:

CBS 12 News, May 22, 2020 (https://cbs12 . com/ news/ local/ experts - see - rise - in - child - abuse - cases - tied - to - covid - 19). 5. Tomer A, Fishbane L, Siefer A, Callahan B. Digital prosperity: how broadband can de- liver health and equity to all communities. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, Feb- ruary 27, 2020 (https://www . brookings . edu/ research/ digital - prosperity - how - broadband - can - deliver - health - and - equity - to - all - communities/ ). DOI: 10.1056/NEJMp2024046 Copyright © 2020 Massachusetts Medical Society.Intimate Partner Violence during Covid-19

Telephone

Telephone Mark B. Leick, M.D.

As a child, you probably played the game “Telephone”: you whispered a message into the ear of the person next to you, who whispered it to the next person, and so forth down the line. When revealed at the end of the chain, the message was inevitably garbled, illustrating how fragile human communication can be. For children, these mistransla- tions were hilarious. But for doc- tors, such a breakdown in com- munication can be heart-rending, and we do everything we can to ensure that they never happen.

A version of Telephone played out when I was a medical stu- dent. A young, deaf Peruvian woman was in the oncology clinic, and her scans showed progres- sion of her cancer. To communi- cate with her, we coordinated a high-stakes game of Telephone using an American Sign Language (ASL) interpreter to translate spo- ken English to ASL, and then a Peruvian Sign Language (PRL) interpreter to translate ASL into PRL. My attending physician slow- ly delivered the news, ensuring understanding at each step of the way. The patient was tearful, yet somehow resolute in the face of the news. She thanked us as we said good-bye. Despite our barri-

ers of language and understand- ing, her emotion was something we could all recognize. I walked away knowing that sharing our voices with our patients — no matter how we do it — is a crit- ical part of patient care. But I couldn’t have imagined the communication challenges that Covid-19 would bring.

To prepare for a surge in criti- cally ill patients, our oncology ward was converted into a fully functioning intensive care unit (ICU) in 48 hours. Our floor had originally been designed to meet the needs of patients with leuke- mia and those receiving bone marrow transplants, who often have extended inpatient stays. Rooms are secluded and lack the central alarm infrastructure for ventilators and medication pumps, so the unit can be eerily quiet as compared with a standard ICU. After research labs had been locked down, a student, who would otherwise have been in a lab, was drafted into a new role of “listener” to substitute for hard-wired sirens. He paced the corridors of the nascent ICU, noti- fying the nurses when pump and ventilator alarms sounded. This procedure proved vital. A trans- port ventilator, intended for only

short-term use, spontaneously failed. The listener shouted for the nurse, who rallied the rest of the team while manually venti- lating the patient until the ma- chine could be rebooted.

Even something as simple as talking to a patient’s loved ones, who could no longer sit at the bedside, required entirely new pro- cedures. After rounds on my first day on the team, an intern swift- ly doffed her respirator, face shield, and gown and began phoning families. She confessed that in a unit containing largely sedated patients, this human interaction was the best part of her day — despite the fact that she often had bad news to share.

Oncologists like me, tragically, must be adept at delivering bad news. This skill is so essential that in my first year of fellow- ship we had a seminar with sim- ulated patients to practice the nu- ances of these encounters. “Take the time to find chairs so you can sit down face to face,” we were taught. “Build rapport by touch- ing the arm, making eye con- tact, or holding hands.”1 In the Covid-19 era, when families are often not in the same city, let alone the same room, how could we build a connection? While our

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KimmelMahler2003.pdf

ARTICLE

Adolescent Masculinity, Homophobia, and Violence

Random School Shootings, 1982-2001

MICHAEL S. KIMMEL MATTHEW MAHLER State University of New York at Stony Brook

Since 1982, there have been 28 cases of random school shootings in American high schools and middle schools. The authors find (a) that the shootings were not a national problem but a series of local problems that occurred in “red states” or counties (places that voted Republi- can in the 2000 election); (b) that most of the boys who opened fire were mercilessly and rou- tinely teased and bullied and that their violence was retaliatory against the threats to man- hood; (c) that White boys in particular might be more likely than African American boys to randomly open fire; and (d) that the specific content of the teasing and bullying is homopho- bia. A link between adolescent masculinity, homophobia, and violence is proposed. Finally, the authors offer a few possible explanations as to how most boys who are teased and bullied achieve the psychological resilience that enables them to weather adolescence without recourse to random school violence.

Keywords: masculinity; homophobia; violence; school shootings; adolescence

Generally speaking, violence always arises out of impotence. It is the hope of those who have no power.

—Hannah Arendt

Violence is one of the most urgent issues facing our nation’s schools. All over the country, Americans are asking why some young people open fire, apparently randomly, killing or wounding other students and their teachers. Are these teen- agers emotionally disturbed? Are they held in the thrall of media-generated vio- lence—in video games, the Internet, rock or rap music? Are their parents to blame?

Indeed, school violence is an issue that weighs heavily on our nation’s con- sciousness. Students report being increasingly afraid to go to school; among

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AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST, Vol. 46 No. 10, June 2003 1439-1458 DOI: 10.1177/0002764203251484 © 2003 Sage Publications

young people aged 12 to 24, 3 in 10 say violence has increased in their schools in the past year and nearly two-fifths have worried that a classmate was potentially violent (“Fear of Classmates,” 1999). More than half of all teens know some- body who has brought a weapon to school (although more than three-fifths of them did nothing about it), according to a PAX study (“Half of Teens,” 2001). And nearly two thirds (63%) of parents believe a school shooting is somewhat or very likely to occur in their communities (Carlson & Simmons, 2001). The shock, concern, and wrenching anguish shared by both children and parents who fear that our nation’s schools may not be safe demands serious policy discus- sions. And such discussions demand serious inquiry into the causes of school violence.1

We begin our inquiry with an analysis of the extant commentary and litera- ture on school violence. We argue that, unfortunately, there are significant lacu- nae in all of these accounts—the most significant of which is the fact that they all ignore the one factor that cuts across all cases of random school shootings— masculinity. Thus, we argue that any approach to understanding school shoot- ings must take gender seriously—specifically the constellation of adolescent masculinity, homophobia, and violence.

We go on to argue that in addition to taking gender seriously, a reasoned approach to understanding school shootings must focus not on the form of the shootings—not on questions of family history, psychological pathologies, or broad-based cultural explanations (violence in the media, proliferation of guns) but on the content of the shootings—the stories and narratives that accompany the violence, the relationships and interactions among students, and local school and gender cultures. Using such an approach to interpret the various events that led up to each of the shootings, we find that a striking similarity emerges between the various cases. All or most of the shooters had tales of being harassed—specifically, gay-baited—for inadequate gender performance; their tales are the tales of boys who did not measure up to the norms of hegemonic masculinity. Thus, in our view, these boys are not psychopathological deviants but rather overconformists to a particular normative construction of masculinity, a construction that defines violence as a legitimate response to a perceived humiliation.

MISSING THE MARK

The concern over school shootings has prompted intense national debate, in recent years, over who or what is to blame. One need not look hard to find any number of “experts” who are willing to weigh in on the issue. Yet despite the legion of political and scientific commentaries on school shootings, these voices have all singularly and spectacularly missed the point.

At the vanguard of the debates have been politicians. Some have argued that Goth music, Marilyn Manson, and violent video games are the causes of school

1440 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

shootings. Then-President Clinton argued that it might be the Internet; Newt Gingrich credited the 1960s; and Tom DeLay blamed daycare, the teaching of evolution, and “working mothers who take birth control pills” (“The News of the Week,” 1999, p. 5). Political pundits and media commentators also have offered a host of possible explanations, of which one of the more popular answers has been violence in the media. “Parents don’t realize that taking four year-olds to True Lies—a fun movie for adults but excessively violent—is poison to their brain,” notes Michael Gurian (Lacayo, 1998, p. 39). Alvin Poussaint, a psychia- trist at Harvard Medical School, wrote that

in America, violence is considered fun to kids. They play video games where they chop people’s heads off and blood gushes and it’s fun, it’s entertainment. It’s like a game. And I think this is the psychology of these kids—this “Let’s go out there and kill like on television.” (Klein & Chancer, 2000, p. 132)

And Sissela Bok, in her erudite warning on violence, Mayhem (1999), suggests that the Internet and violent video games, which “bring into homes depictions of graphic violence . . . never available to children and young people in the past,” undermine kids’ resilience and self-control (p. 78).

For others, the staggering statistics linking youth violence and the availabil- ity of guns point to a possible cause. Firearms are the second leading cause of death to children between age 10 and 14 and the eighth leading cause of death to those age 1 to 4 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2001). In 1994, 80% of juvenile murders used a firearm; in 1984, only 50% did (Kelleher, 1998). Barry Krisberg, president of the National Council on Crime and Delinquency, argues that both the media and guns are at fault. He says, “The violence in the media and the easy availability of guns are what is driving the slaughter of inno- cents” (Lacayo, 1998, p. 39). Or perhaps, if we are to believe National Rifle Association (NRA) president Charlton Heston, the problem is not that there are too many guns but that there are not enough guns. He argues that had there been armed guards in the schools, the shooting would have ended instantly (Lacayo, 1998). These accounts, however, that blame a media purportedly overly satu- rated by violence and a society infatuated with guns are undercut by two impor- tant facts, which are often conveniently forgotten amid the fracas. The first is that whereas the amount of violent media content has ostensibly been increas- ing, both youth violence, in general, and school violence, in particular, have actually been decreasing since 1980. And second, juvenile violence involving guns has been in decline since 1994 (largely as a result of the decline of the crack epidemic).2 As Michael Carneal, the boy who shot his classmates in Paducah, Kentucky, said, “I don’t know why it happened, but I know it wasn’t a movie” (Blank, 1998, p. 95).

Finally, some have proposed psychological variables, including a history of childhood abuse, absent fathers, dominant mothers, violence in childhood, unstable family environment, or the mothers’ fear of their children, as possible

Kimmel, Mahler / MASCULINITY, HOMOPHOBIA, AND VIOLENCE 1441

explanations (see, e.g., Elliot, Hamburg, & Williams, 1998; Garbarino, 1998). Although these explanations are all theoretically possible, empirically, it appears as though none of them holds up. Almost all the shooters came from intact and relatively stable families, with no history of child abuse. If they had psychological problems at all, they were relatively minor, and the boys flew under the radar of any school official or family member who might have noticed something seriously wrong. In a term paper, Eric Harris, of Columbine infamy, quoted Shakespeare’s The Tempest, “Good wombs hath borne bad sons.”

This search for causal variables is also misguided because it ignores a crucial component of all the shootings. These childhood variables would apply equally to boys and to girls.3 Thus, they offer little purchase with which to answer the question of why it is that only boys open fire on their classmates.

Government-supported investigations, such as the Federal Bureau of Investi- gation’s (FBI) report (O’Toole, 2000), the Surgeon General’s report on youth violence (Youth Violence: A Report of the Surgeon General, 2001), the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ Indicators of School Crime and Safety, 2000 (U.S. Depart- ment of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000), as well as the latest study of bullying (Nansel et al., 2001) all concentrate on identifying potential psycholog- ical or cultural antecedents of school violence, for example, media influence, drugs and alcohol behavior, Internet usage, father absence, and parental neglect. That is to say, they focus on “form”—who the perpetrators were—not the “con- tent.” None examine local cultures, local school cultures, or on gender as an antecedent or risk factor.

Most important for our argument is the fact that these studies have all missed gender. They use such broad terminology as “teen violence,” “youth violence,” “gang violence,” “suburban violence,” and “violence in the schools” as though girls are equal participants in this violence. Conspicuously absent is any men- tion of just who these youth or teens are who have committed the violence. They pay little or no attention to the obvious fact that all the school shootings were committed by boys—masculinity is the single greatest risk factor in school vio- lence. This uniformity cuts across all other differences among the shooters: Some came from intact families, others from single-parent homes; some boys had acted violently in the past, others were quiet and unsuspecting; and some boys also expressed rage at their parents (two killed their parents the same morn- ing), whereas others seemed to live in happy families. And yet, if the killers in the schools in Littleton, Pearl, Paducah, Springfield, and Jonesboro had all been girls, gender would undoubtedly be the only story (Kimmel, 2001; see also Klein & Chancer, 2000). Someone might even blame feminism for causing girls to become violent in vain imitation of boys.

But the analytic blindness of these studies runs deeper than gender. We can identify two different waves of school violence since 1980. In the first, from 1982 to 1991, the majority of all the school shootings were nonrandom (i.e., the victims were specifically targeted by the perpetrators). Most were in urban, inner-city schools and involved students of color. Virtually all involved

1442 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

handguns, all were sparked by disputes over girlfriends or drugs, and all were committed by boys.

These cases have not entirely disappeared, but they have declined dramati- cally. Since 1992, only 1 of the random school shootings occurred in inner-city schools (it was committed by a Black student), whereas the remaining 22 have been committed by White students in suburban schools. Virtually all involved rifles, not handguns—a symbolic shift from urban to rural weaponry. However, once again, all shootings were committed by boys.

As the race and class of the perpetrators have shifted, so too has the public perception of school violence. No longer do we hear claims about the “inherent” violence of the inner city or, what is even more pernicious, the “inherently” vio- lent tendencies of certain racial or ethnic groups. As the shooters have become White and suburban middle-class boys, the public has shifted the blame away from group characteristics to individual psychological problems, assuming that these boys were deviants who broke away from an otherwise genteel suburban culture—that their aberrant behavior was explainable by some psychopatho- logical factor. Although it is no doubt true that many of the boys who committed these terrible acts did have serious psychological problems, such a framing masks the significant role that race and class, in addition to gender, play in school violence. If all the school shooters had been poor African American boys in inner-city schools, it is much less likely that their acts would have been seen as deviant or pathological. Instead, discussions would have centered on the effects of the culture of poverty or the “normality” of violence among inner-city youth.

WHO SHOOTS AND WHY?

Still, most students—White or non-White, male or female—are not violent, schools are predominantly safe, and school shootings are aberrations. As a pub- lic, we seem concerned with school shootings because its story is not “when children kill” but specifically when suburban White boys kill. To illustrate the distribution of shootings across the country, we have mapped all cases of ran- dom school shootings since 1982 (see Figure 1). There were five cases docu- mented between 1982 and 1991; there have been 23 cases since 1992 (see the appendix for a list of the shootings).

Figure 1 reveals that school shootings do not occur uniformly or evenly in the United States, which makes one skeptical of uniform cultural explanations such as violent video games, musical tastes, Internet, television, and movies. School shootings are decidedly not a national trend. Of 28 school shootings between 1982 and 2001, all but 1 were in rural or suburban schools (1 in Chicago). All but 2 (Chicago again and Virginia Beach) were committed by a White boy or boys. The Los Angeles school district has had no school shootings since 1984; in 1999, San Francisco, which has several programs to identify potentially violent students, had only two kids bring guns to school.

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School shootings can be divided even further, along the lines of a deep and familiar division in American society (see Figure 2).

Contrary to Alan Wolfe’s assertion that we are “one nation, after all,” it appears that we are actually two nations: “red states” (states that voted for George W. Bush in the 2000 presidential election) and “blue states” (states that voted for Al Gore in the 2000 election). Of the 28 school shootings, 20 took place in red states (marked with light gray in Figure 2). Of those in the blue states (marked with dark gray in Figure 2), 1 was in suburban Oregon, 1 was in rural (Eastern) Wash- ington, 2 were in Southern California, 1 was in rural and another in suburban Pennsylvania, 1 was in rural New Mexico, and 1 was in Chicago. Of those 8 from blue states, half of the counties in those blue states (Santee, CA; Red Hill, PA; Moses Lake, WA; and Deming, NM) voted Republican in the last election.

What this suggests is that school violence is unevenly distributed and that to understand its causes, we must look locally—both at “gun culture” (percentage of homes owning firearms, gun registrations, NRA memberships), local gender culture, and local school cultures—attitudes about gender nonconformity, toler- ance of bullying, and teacher attitudes. We need to focus less on the form of school violence—documenting its prevalence and presenting a demographic profile of the shooters—and more on the content of the shootings; instead of ask- ing psychological questions about family dynamics and composition, psycho- logical problems, and pathologies, we need to focus our attention on local school cultures and hierarchies, peer interactions, normative gender ideologies, and the interactions among academics, adolescence, and gender identity.

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Figure 1: Map of the United States, Showing All Cases of Random School Shoot- ings, 1982-2001

With this as our guiding theoretical framework, we undertook an analysis of secondary media reports on random school shootings from 1982 to 2001. Using the shooters’ names as our search terms, we gathered articles from six major media sources—the three major weekly news magazines: Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report (in order from greatest circulation to least); and three major daily newspapers: USA Today, The New York Times, and the Los Angeles Times.4 In conducting our analysis, we found a striking pattern from the stories about the boys who committed the violence: Nearly all had stories of being constantly bullied, beat up, and, most significantly for this analysis, “gay- baited.” Nearly all had stories of being mercilessly and constantly teased, picked on, and threatened. And most strikingly, it was not because they were gay (at least there is no evidence to suggest that any of them were gay) but because they were different from the other boys—shy, bookish, honor students, artistic, musi- cal, theatrical, nonathletic, “geekish,” or weird. Theirs are stories of “cultural marginalization” based on criteria for adequate gender performance, specifi- cally the enactment of codes of masculinity.

In a recent interview, the eminent gender theorist Eminem poignantly illus- trated the role of “gay-baiting” in peer interactions. In his view, calling someone a “faggot” is not a slur on his sexuality but on his gender. He says,

The lowest degrading thing that you can say to a man . . . is to call him a faggot and try to take away his manhood. Call him a sissy. Call him a punk. “Faggot” to me

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Figure 2: Map of the United States, Showing All Cases of Random School Shoot- ings, 1982-2001, Superimposed on Map of State-by-State Voting for President, 2000

doesn’t necessarily mean gay people.“Faggot” to me just means taking away your manhood. (Kim, 2001, p. 5)

In this rationalization, Eminem, perhaps unwittingly, speaks to the central connection between gender and sexuality and particularly to the association of gender nonconformity with homosexuality. Here, homophobia is far less about the irrational fears of gay people, or the fears that one might actually be gay or have gay tendencies, and more the fears that heterosexuals have that others might (mis)perceive them as gay (Kimmel, 1994). Research has indicated that homophobia is one of the organizing principles of heterosexual masculinity, a constitutive element in its construction (see, e.g., Epstein, 1995, 1998; Herek, 1998, 2000; Herek & Capitano, 1999). And as an organizing principle of mascu- linity, homophobia—the terror that others will see one as gay, as a failed man— underlies a significant amount of men’s behavior, including their relationships with other men, women, and violence. One could say that homophobia is the hate that makes men straight.

There is much at stake for boys and, as a result, they engage in a variety of evasive strategies to make sure that no one gets the wrong idea about them (and their manhood). These range from the seemingly comic (although telling), such as two young boys occupying three movie seats by placing their coats on the seat between them, to the truly tragic, such as engaging in homophobic violence, bullying, menacing other boys, masochistic or sadistic games and rituals, exces- sive risk taking (drunk or aggressive driving), and even sexual predation and assault. The impact of homophobia is felt not only by gay and lesbian students but also by heterosexuals who are targeted by their peers for constant harass- ment, bullying, and gay-baiting. In many cases, gay-baiting is “misdirected” at heterosexual youth who may be somewhat gender nonconforming. This fact is clearly evidenced in many of the accounts we have gathered of the shootings.

For example, young Andy Williams, recently sentenced to 50 years to life in prison for shooting and killing two classmates in Santee, California, and wound- ing several others was described as “shy” and was “constantly picked on” by others in school. Like many of the others, bullies stole his clothes, his money, and his food, beat him up regularly, and locked him in his locker, among other daily taunts and humiliations (Green & Lieberman, 2001). One boy’s father baited him and called him a “queer” because he was overweight. Classmates described Gary Scott Pennington, who killed his teacher and a custodian in Grayson, Kentucky, in 1993 as a “nerd” and a “loner” who was constantly teased for being smart and wearing glasses (Buckley, 1993). Barry Loukaitas, who killed his algebra teacher and two other students in Moses Lake, Washington, in 1996 was an honor student who especially loved math; he was also constantly teased and bullied and described as a “shy nerd” (“Did Taunts Lead to Killing?” 1996). And Evan Ramsay, who killed one student and the high school principal in Bethel, Alaska, in 1997 was also an honor student who was teased for wearing glasses and having acne (Fainaru, 1998).

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Luke Woodham was a bookish and overweight 16-year-old in Pearl, Missis- sippi. An honor student, he was part of a little group that studied Latin and read Nietzsche. Students teased him constantly for being overweight and a nerd and taunted him as “gay” or “fag.” Even his mother called him fat, stupid, and lazy. Other boys bullied him routinely and, according to one fellow student, he “never fought back when other boys called him names” (Holland, 1997, p. 1). On Octo- ber 1, 1997, Woodham stabbed his mother to death in her bed before he left for school. He then drove her car to school, carrying a rifle under his coat. He opened fire in the school’s common area, killing two students and wounding seven others. After being subdued, he told the assistant principal, “The world has wronged me” (Lacayo, 1998, p. 38). Later, in a psychiatric interview, he said,

I am not insane. I am angry. . . . I am not spoiled or lazy; for murder is not weak and slow-witted; murder is gutsy and daring. I killed because people like me are mis- treated every day. I am malicious because I am miserable. (Chua-Eoan, 1997, p. 54)

Fourteen-year-old Michael Carneal was a shy and frail freshman at Heath High School in Paducah, Kentucky, barely 5 feet tall, weighing 110 pounds. He wore thick glasses and played in the high school band. He felt alienated, pushed around, and picked on. Boys stole his lunch and constantly teased him. In middle school, someone pulled down his pants in front of his classmates (Adams & Malone, 1999). He was so hypersensitive and afraid that others would see him naked that he covered the air vents in the bathroom. He was devastated when stu- dents called him a “faggot” and almost cried when the school gossip sheet labeled him “gay.” On Thanksgiving, 1997, he stole two shotguns, two semiau- tomatic rifles, a pistol, and 700 rounds of ammunition and after a weekend of showing them off to his classmates, brought them to school hoping that they would bring him some instant recognition. “I just wanted the guys to think I was cool,” he said. When the cool guys ignored him, he opened fire on a morning prayer circle, killing three classmates and wounding five others. Now serving a life sentence in prison, Carneal told psychiatrists weighing his sanity, “People respect me now” (Blank, 1998, p. 94).

At Columbine High School, the site of the nation’s most infamous school shooting, this connection was not lost on Evan Todd, a 255-pound defensive lineman on the Columbine football team, an exemplar of the jock culture that Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris found to be such an interminable torment. “Col- umbine is a clean, good place, except for those rejects,” Todd said.

Sure we teased them. But what do you expect with kids who come to school with weird hairdos and horns on their hats? It’s not just jocks; the whole school’s dis- gusted with them. They’re a bunch of homos. . . . If you want to get rid of someone, usually you tease ’em. So the whole school would call them homos. (Gibbs & Roche, 1999, p. 48)

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Ben Oakley, a soccer player, agreed. “Nobody liked them,” he said, “The majority of them were gay. So everyone would make fun of them” (Cullen, 1999). Athletes taunted them: “Nice dress,” they’d say. They would throw rocks and bottles at them from moving cars. The school newspaper had recently pub- lished a rumor that Harris and Klebold were lovers.

Both were reasonably well-adjusted kids. Harris’s parents were a retired Army officer and a caterer—decent, well-intentioned people. Klebold’s father was a geophysicist who had recently moved into the mortgage services business and his mother worked in job placement for the disabled. Harris had been rejected by several colleges; Klebold was due to enroll at Arizona in the fall. But the jock culture was relentless. Said one friend,

Every time someone slammed them against a locker and threw a bottle at them, I think they’d go back to Eric or Dylan’s house and plot a little more—at first as a goof, but more and more seriously over time. (Pooley, 1999, p. 30)

The rest is all too familiar. Harris and Klebold brought a variety of weapons to their high school and proceeded to walk through the school, shooting whom- ever they could find. Students were terrified and tried to hide. Many students who could not hide begged for their lives. The entire school was held under siege until the police secured the building. In all, 23 students and faculty were injured and 15 died, including one teacher and the perpetrators.

In the videotape made the night before the shootings, Harris says, “People constantly make fun of my face, my hair, my shirts.” Klebold adds, “I’m going to kill you all. You’ve been giving us shit for years.” What Klebold said he had been receiving for years apparently included constant gay-baiting, being called “queer,” “faggot,” “homo,” being pushed into lockers, grabbed in hallways, and mimicked and ridiculed with homophobic slurs. For some boys, high school is a constant homophobic gauntlet and they may respond by becoming withdrawn and sullen, using drugs or alcohol, becoming depressed or suicidal, or acting out in a blaze of overcompensating violent “glory” (see Egan, 1998).

The prevalence of this homophobic bullying, teasing, and violence is stag- gering. According to the Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network, 97% of stu- dents in public high school in Massachusetts reported regularly hearing homo- phobic remarks from their peers in 1993; 53% reported hearing anti-gay remarks by school staff (Youth Risk Behavior Surveys, Massachusetts and Ver- mont; cited in Bronski, 1999). The recent report Hatred in the Hallways paints a bleak picture of anti-gay harassment but pays significant attention to the ways in which gender performance—acting masculine—is perceived as a code for het- erosexuality (Human Rights Watch, 2001).

And if we are to believe recent research, the effects of such hectoring should not be underestimated. In a national survey of teenagers’ attitudes, students sug- gested that peer harassment was the most significant cause of school shootings (Gaughan, Cerio, & Myers, 2001). Nearly 9 of 10 teenagers said that they

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believed that the school shootings were motivated by a desire “to get back at those who have hurt them” (87%) and that “other kids picking on them, making fun of them, or bullying them” (86%) were the immediate causes. Other poten- tial causes such as violence on television, movies, computer games, or videos (37%); boredom (18%); mental problems (56%); access to guns (56%); and prior physical victimization at home (61%) were significantly lower on the ado- lescents’ ratings. “If it’s anyone it’ll be the kids that are ostracized, picked on, and constantly made fun of,” commented one boy (36).

Also interesting is the fact that in all four geographic regions of the country— East, South, Midwest, and West—students in rural high schools rated their schools as most dangerous; in the South and West, students in suburban high schools thought their schools more dangerous than urban schools (Gaughan et al., 2001). Equally interesting is that perceptions of issues related to school shooting varied by race, because Blacks are less likely than other racial groups to believe that getting back at others could be a reason for violence, less likely to see bully- ing as a significant problem than Whites, and less likely to believe that lack of friends could be blamed for school violence.

Before we continue, let us be completely clear: Our hypotheses are decidedly not that gay and lesbian youth are more likely to open fire on their fellow stu- dents. In fact, from all available evidence, none of the school shooters was gay. But that is our organizing hypothesis: Homophobia—being constantly threat- ened and bullied as if you are gay as well as the homophobic desire to make sure that others know that you are a “real man”—plays a pivotal and understudied role in these school shootings. But more than just taking gender performance and its connections to homosexuality seriously, we argue that we must also care- fully investigate the dynamics of gender within these local cultures, especially local school cultures and the typically hegemonic position of jock culture and its influence on normative assumptions of masculinity, to begin to understand what pushes some boys toward such horrific events, what sorts of pressures keep most boys cowed in silence, and what resources enable some boys to resist.

Obviously, some boys—many boys—are picked on, bullied, and gay-baited in schools across the country on a daily, routine basis. How do they cope? What strategies do they use to maintain their composure, their self-esteem, and their sense of themselves as men? Unfortunately, there are few answers to these ques- tions in the existing work that has been done on bullying. When researchers have examined bullying, they have tended to focus on the prevalence of bullying and occasionally the social characteristics of bullies and victims (Ma, 2001; Olweus, 1978, 1991; Salmon, James, & Smith, 1998; see especially Smith & Brain, 2000, and the remainder of that special issue of the journal). But these research- ers have yet to address the crucial component of the content of bullying. As a result, the important questions have yet to be asked. What do bullies say about their victims? Why are certain students targeted? How do students who are tar- geted respond? And what are the structural elements to bullying? What kinds of social supports do bullies get from peers? From teachers and administrators? Of

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the limited research that does ask these questions, there seems to be initial sup- port for our hypothesis. Ma (2001), for example, suggests that bullies are likely to have at one point been victims and that boys bully more for “indirect compen- sation,” seeking “revenge on innocent others rather than bullies,” than for “social power.”

To understand the specificity of these events and the continuing power of gender as an analytic category through which to view them and the dynamics they represent, we conclude here with three important questions and suggest some tentative answers.

WHY BOYS AND NOT GIRLS?

Despite the remarkable similarities between the sexes on most statistical measures, the single most obdurate and intractable gender difference remains violence, both the willingness to see it as a legitimate way to resolve conflict and its actual use. Four times more teenage boys than teenage girls think fighting is appropriate when someone cuts to the front of a line. Half of all teenage boys get into a physical fight each year (Kimmel, 2000). Psychological inventories that measure attitudes and ideologies of masculinity invariably score propensity to violence and legitimacy of violence as “masculine.” Undoubtedly, violence is normative for most boys (see also Lefkowitz, 1997).

This association of violence and virility starts early for boys and takes on par- ticular resonance at around age 7 or 8, according to developmental research con- ducted by Judy Chu (2000). Unlike girls, boys do not lose their voice, they “gain” a voice, but it is an inauthentic voice of constant posturing, of false bra- vado, of foolish risk-taking and gratuitous violence—what some have called the “boy code,” the “mask of masculinity.” The once-warm, empathic, communica- tive boy becomes, very early, a stoic, uncommunicative, armor-plated man. They “ruffle in a manly pose,” as William Butler Yeats once put it, “for all their timid heart.”

Historically, no industrial society other than the United States has developed such a violent “boy culture,” as historian E. Anthony Rotundo (1993) calls it in his book American Manhood. It is here where young boys, as late as the 1940s, actually carried little chips of wood on their shoulders daring others to knock it off so that they might have a fight. It is astonishing to think that “carrying a chip on your shoulder” is literally true—a test of manhood for adolescent boys. And it is here in the United States where experts actually prescribed fighting for young boys’ healthy masculine development. The celebrated psychologist G. Stanley Hall, who invented the term “adolescence,” believed that a nonfighting boy was a “nonentity” and that it was “better even an occasional nose dented by a fist . . . than stagnation, general cynicism and censoriousness, bodily and psy- chic cowardice” (cited in Stearns, 1994, p. 31). His disciple, J. Adams Puffer,

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was even bold enough to suggest in his successful parental advice book The Boy and His Gang (1912) that it is not unreasonable for a boy to fight up to six times a week and maybe even more depending on the circumstances:

There are times when every boy must defend his own rights if he is not to become a coward, and lose the road to independence and true manhood. . . . The strong willed boy needs no inspiration to combat, but often a good deal of guidance and restraint. If he fights more than, let us say, a half-dozen times a week—except of course, during his first week at a new school—he is probably over-quarrelsome and needs to curb. (cited in Kimmel, 1996, p. 161)

It is interesting to note that in a recently thwarted school shooting in New Bedford, Massachusetts, it was a young woman, Amylee Bowman, 17, who could not go through with the plot and decided to reveal the details to the authori- ties. Eric McKeehan, 17, one of the coconspirators, was described in media accounts as constantly angry, especially at being slighted by other students. The mother of a second boy accused in the plot said, “Eric has a temper. He says what’s on his mind. He’s been known to hit walls and lockers, but what teenage boy hasn’t?” (Heslam & Richardson, 2001, p. 6).

Indeed, what teenage boy hasn’t? Eminem had that part right. Calling some- one a “faggot” means questioning his manhood. And in this culture, when some- one questions your manhood, we do not just get mad, we get even.

WHY WHITE BOYS?

There may be a single “boy code” but there are also a variety of ways in which different boys and men relate to it, embrace it, and enact it—in short, there are a variety of young masculinities. The deft interplay between generalized norma- tive constructions and local iterations are vital to explore and something that is rarely done by the myriad books that have counseled parents to attend to the needs of their boys. Making gender visible ought not to make other elements of identity—age, sexuality, race, ethnicity, class—invisible. It is for this reason that we have come to use the term “masculinities” to denote these differences. What it means to be a 71-year-old Black, gay man in Cleveland is probably radically different from what it means to be a 19-year-old White, heterosexual farm boy in Iowa.

At the same time, we must also remember that all masculinities are not cre- ated equal. All American men also contend with a singular hegemonic vision of masculinity, a particular definition that is held up as the model against which we all measure ourselves. We thus come to know what it means to be a man in our culture by setting our definitions in opposition to a set of subordinated “oth- ers”—racial minorities, sexual minorities, and above all, women. As the sociol- ogist Erving Goffman (1963) once wrote,

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In an important sense there is only one complete unblushing male in America: a young, married, white, urban, northern, heterosexual, Protestant, father, of college education, fully employed, of good complexion, weight, and height, and a recent record in sports. . . . Any male who fails to qualify in any one of these ways is likely to view himself—during moments at least—as unworthy, incomplete, and infe- rior. (p. 128)

It is crucial to listen to those last few words. When we feel that we do not mea- sure up we are likely to feel unworthy, incomplete, and inferior. It is here, from this place of unworthiness, incompleteness, and inferiority, that boys begin their efforts to prove themselves as men. And it is here where violence has its connec- tions to masculinity. As James Gilligan says in his book Violence (1996), vio- lence has its origins in “the fear of shame and ridicule, and the overbearing need to prevent others from laughing at oneself by making them weep instead” (p. 77). Shame, inadequacy, vulnerability—all threaten the self; violence, mean- while, is restorative, compensatory.

By pluralizing the term masculinity, we also make it possible to see places where gender appears to be the salient variable but may, in fact, be what sociolo- gist Cynthia Fuchs Epstein calls a “deceptive distinction,” something that looks like gender difference but is in fact a difference based on some other criterion. Thus, for example, we read of how male cadets at Virginia Military Institute (VMI) or the Citadel would be distressed by and uncomfortable with women’s presence on campus. Of course, in reality, there were plenty of women on cam- pus—they cleaned the rooms, made and served the food, taught the classes, and were readily available as counselors and medical personnel. What bothered the men was not gender but class, that is, women’s institutional equality. (Similar analyses can be made about male doctors or corporate executives who are not at all uncomfortable with female nurses or secretaries or male athletes who are not at all uncomfortable about female cheerleaders but seem threatened by female athletes.)

Most important for our current discussion, though, is the fact that failure to see race while looking at gender will cause us to miss the real story. We know that African American boys face a multitude of challenges in schools—racial stereotypes, formal and informal tracking systems, low expectations, and underachievement. But the one thing they do not do is plan and execute random and arbitrary mass shootings. And this is particularly interesting because the dynamics of the classroom and academic achievement have different valences for African American girls and African American boys. In their fascinating ethnographies of two inner-city public high schools, both Signithia Fordham (1996) and Ann Ferguson (2000) discuss these differences. When African American girls do well in school, their friends accuse them of “acting White.” But when African American boys do well in school, their friends accuse them of “acting like girls.”

We might posit that cultural marginalization works itself out differently for subordinates and superordinates. Even if they are silenced or lose their voice,

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subordinates—women, gays and lesbians, and students of color—can tap into a collective narrative repertoire of resistance. They can collectivize their anguish so that the personally painful may be subsumed into readily available political rhetorics. White boys who are bullied are supposed to be real men, supposed to be able to embody independence, invulnerability, and manly stoicism. In fact, the very search for such collective rhetorics can be seen as an indication of weak- ness. Thus, we might hypothesize that the cultural marginalization of the boys who did commit school shootings extended to feelings that they had no other recourse: They felt they had no other friends to validate their fragile and threat- ened identities, they felt that school authorities and parents would be unrespon- sive to their plight, and they had no access to other methods of self-affirmation.

WHY THESE PARTICULAR BOYS AND NOT OTHERS WHO HAVE HAD SIMILAR EXPERIENCES?

Walk down any hallway in any middle school or high school in America and the single most common put-down that is heard is “That’s so gay.” It is deployed constantly, casually, unconsciously. Boys hear it if they try out for the school band or orchestra, if they are shy or small, physically weak and unathletic, if they are smart, wear glasses, or work hard in school. They hear it if they are seen to like girls too much or if they are too much “like” girls. They hear it if their body language, their clothing, or their musical preferences do not conform to the norms of their peers. And they hear it not as an assessment of their present or future sexual orientation but as a commentary on their masculinity.

But not all boys who are targeted like that open fire on their classmates and teachers. In fact, very few do. So how is it that some boys—many boys, in fact— resist? As Pedro Noguera writes in “The Trouble With Black Boys” (2001), “We know much less about resilience, perseverance, and the coping strategies employed by individuals whose lives are surrounded by hardships, than we do about those who succumb and become victims of their environment” (p. 25). What is the constellation of factors—the trajectories and relations, individual, social, and institutional—that facilitate resistance?

Perhaps there is what Robert Brooks, of Harvard Medical School, calls the “charismatic adult” who makes a substantial difference in the life of the child. Most often this is one or the other parent, but it can also be a teacher or some other influential figure in the life of the boy. Perhaps the boy develops an alterna- tive substantive pole around which to organize competence. Gay-baiting sug- gests that he is a failure at the one thing he knows he wants to be and is expected to be—a man. If there is something else that he does well—a private passion, music, art—someplace where he feels valued—he can develop a pocket of resistance.

Similarly, the structures of his interactions also can make a decisive differ- ence. A male friend, particularly one who is not also a target but one who seems

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to be successful at masculinity, can validate the boy’s sense of himself as a man. But equally important may be the role of a female friend, a potential if not actual “girlfriend.” Five of the school shooters had what they felt was serious girl trou- ble, especially rejection. Luke Woodham was crushed when his girlfriend broke up with him. “I didn’t eat, I didn’t sleep. It destroyed me,” he testified at trial. She was apparently his primary target and was killed. Michael Carneal may have had a crush on one of his victims. Mitchell Johnson was upset that his girlfriend had broken up with him.

Although all the shooters have been boys, that does not mean that girls are inconsequential in boys’ cognitive mapping of their social worlds. It may be that the boys who are able to best resist the torments of incessant gay-baiting and bullying are those who have some girls among their friends, and perhaps even a girlfriend, that is, girls who can also validate their sense of masculinity (which other boys do as well) as well as their heterosexuality (which boys alone cannot do). If masculinity is largely a homosocial performance, then at least one male peer, who is himself successful, must approve of the performance. The success- ful demonstration of heterosexual masculinity, which is the foundation, after all, of gay-baiting, requires not only the successful performance for other men but also some forms of “sexual” success with women.5

These sorts of questions—the dynamics of local culture, the responsiveness of adults and institutions, and the dynamics of same-sex and cross-sex friend- ships—will enable us to both understand what led some boys to commit these terrible acts and what enable other boys to develop the resources of resistance to daily homophobic bullying.

CONCLUSION

In a brilliant passage in Asylums, Erving Goffman (1961) touched on the interplay between structure and agency, between repression and resistance:

Without something to belong to, we have no stable self, and yet total commitment and attachment to any social unit implies a kind of selflessness. Our sense of being a person can come from being drawn into a wider social unit; our sense of selfhood can arise through the little ways in which we resist the pull. Our status is backed by the solid buildings of the world, while our sense of personal identity often resides in the cracks. (p. 320)

It is our task, as researchers concerned with gender and education, to under- stand how those structural forces shape and mold young men’s identities and to explore the seams of resistance, where they might carve out for themselves a masculinity that is authentic, grounded, and confident.

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APPENDIX All Cases of Random School Shootings, 1982-2001

March 19, 1982, Las Vegas, Nevada. Patrick Lizotte, age 18. March 2, 1987, DeKalb County, Missouri. Nathan Faris, age 12. February 11, 1988, Pinellas Park, Florida. Jason Harless, age 16. December 16, 1988, Virginia Beach, Virginia. Nicholas Elliott, age 15. September 27, 1990, Las Vegas, Nevada. Curtis Collins, age 15. November 20, 1992, Edward Tilden High School, Chicago, Illinois. Joseph White, age

15. January 18, 1993, East Carter High School, Grayson, Kentucky. Gary Scott Pennington,

age 17. February 22, 1993, Reseda High School, Reseda, California. Robert Heard, age 15. March 18, 1993, Harlem High School, Harlem, Georgia. Edward Gillom. May 24, 1993, Upper Perkiomen High School, Red Hill, Pennsylvania. Jason Michael

Smith, age 15. November 1, 1993, Sullivan High School, Chicago, Illinois. Troy Jones, age 15. April 12, 1994, Margaret Leary Elementary School, Butte, Montana. James Osmanson,

age 10. September 30, 1995, Tavares Middle School, Tavares, Florida. Keith Johnson, age 14. November 15, 1995, Richland High School, Lynnville, Tennessee. Jamie Rouse, age 18. February 2, 1996, Frontier High School, Moses Lake, Washington. Barry Loukaitas, age

14. September 25, 1996, DeKalb Alternative School, Stone Mountain, Georgia. David

Debose Jr., age 16. January 27, 1997, Conniston Middle School, West Palm Beach, Florida. Tonneal

Mangum, age 14. February 19, 1997, Bethel Regional High School, Bethel, Alaska. Evan Ramsey, age 16. October 1, 1997, Pearl High School, Pearl, Mississippi. Luke Woodham, age 16. December 1, 1997, Heath High School, West Paducah, Kentucky. Michael Carneal, age

14. March 24, 1998, Westside Middle School, Jonesboro, Arkansas. Andrew Golden, age 11,

and Mitchell Johnson, age 13. April 24, 1998, Parker Middle School, Edinboro, Pennsylvania. Andrew Wurst, age 14. May 19, 1998, Lincoln County High School, Fyatteville, Tennessee. Jacob Davis, age 18. May 21, 1998, Thurston High School, Springfield, Oregon. Kipland Philip Kinkel, age

15. June 15, 1998, Armstrong High School, Richmond, Virginia. Quinshawn Booker, age 14. April 20, 1999, Columbine High School, Littleton, Colorado. Eric Harris, age 18, and

Dylan Klebold, age 17. May 20, 1999, Heritage High School, Conyers, Georgia. Anthony Solomon, age 15. November 19, 1999, Deming Middle School, Deming, New Mexico. Victor Cordova,

age 12. March 5, 2001, Santana High School, Santee, California. Charles Andrew Williams, age

15.

Kimmel, Mahler / MASCULINITY, HOMOPHOBIA, AND VIOLENCE 1455

NOTES

1. This despite the fact that school shootings—where a young student opens fire on school grounds, apparently randomly, and shoots teachers and students—are the only type of school vio- lence that has increased since 1980 (Glassner, 1999a, 1999b; see also Anderson et al., 2001). More than 99% of public high schools have never had a homicide. In the 1992-1993 school year, there were 54 violent deaths on high school campuses; in 2000, there were 16 (Cloud, 2001). Less than 1% of all school-associated violent deaths are the result of homicide (Anderson et al., 2001).

2. This is not to entirely dismiss the potential links between school shootings and the availability of guns. Although many boys are frustrated, harassed, and saturated with media violence, not all of them have equal access to guns.

3. This same critique also could be directed at the aforementioned arguments blaming the media and/or the prevalence of guns.

4. These articles were selected because they comprise three of the top four daily newspapers in circulation. The Wall Street Journal, which has the highest circulation of any daily newspaper in the United States, was not included in our analysis because its substantive focus is on business-related issues. To extend our analysis to local media outlets, we also selectively sampled from smaller regional newspapers. We recognize that using secondary media reports as indicators of “what really happened” leading up to and during these shootings is a questionable tactic. To further tease out the causes of these shootings, one would have to conduct firsthand interviews with those directly involved in the shootings—the shooters themselves, classmates, teachers, administrators, parents, and so forth. However, we feel that an analysis of media reports is nevertheless a valuable approach in this instance because one of our major points is that although virtually all of these accounts con- tained some evidence indicating the connections between masculinity, homophobia, and violence, they all somehow overlooked this fact.

5. The word sexual is in quotations because this does not necessarily mean actual sexual contact but rather a sexualized affirmation of one’s masculinity by girls and women.

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and Human Services.

MICHAEL S. KIMMEL is professor of sociology at State University of New York at Stony Brook. His books include Changing Men (1987), Men Confront Pornography (1990), Men’s Lives (5th ed., 2000), Against the Tide: Profeminist Men in the United States, 1776-1990 (1992), The Politics of Manhood (1996), Manhood: A Cultural History (1996), and The Gendered Society (2000). He edits Men and Masculinities, an interdisciplinary scholarly journal, a book series on men and masculinity at the University of California Press, and the Sage Series on Men and Masculinities. He is the spokesperson for the National Organization for Men Against Sexism (NOMAS) and lectures extensively on campuses in the United States and abroad.

MATTHEW MAHLER is a graduate student at State University of New York at Stony Brook. He is currently the managing editor for Men and Masculinities. His research interests include gender, masculinity, culture, and bodily practice and its connections to violence.

1458 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST

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Langhout 2016.pdf

© Society for Community Research and Action 2016

Abstract Agitation, as deployed by the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), occurs when imaginations and curiosities are piqued, and self-interest is made visible. In this framework, agitation is a step in creating change. In this paper, I outline two agitations within US-based community psychology. I then describe a third agitation that is underway; I add my voice and call for a methodology of diffraction as a contribution to critical reflexivity practices within US-based community psychology. Consistent with the IAF framework, I do not provide solutions. I write this paper as a provocation to help us think imaginatively and creatively about our actions and future, so that we can consider the paradigm shifts needed to move into critical ways of understanding connection, responsibility, accountability, and creating change—of interest during Swampscott and today.

Keywords Community psychology � Training � Reflexivity � Diffraction � Competencies

This is not a history lesson; it is agitation, in the Industrial Areas Foundation1 (IAF) tradition. Agitation piques imag-

inations and curiosities, and make self-interest visible (Toton, 1993). Community psychology has a healthy dose of agitation, including at the Swampscott conference (Anderson et al., 1966). I briefly review two agitations, aimed at training, and provide fodder for further agitation. Consistent with the IAF, I will not present solutions. Instead, I provide agitation, in the form of a call to move toward a methodology of diffraction as a way to practice critical reflexivity. I aim this agitation at US community psychologists. This is a too brief overview, given from my perspective: a cis-woman mostly able bodied, mostly straight working class-raised white academic who has only lived in the United States, and who was born 5 years after the Swampscott conference.

Agitation 1—1960s and US-Based Community Psychology’s Beginnings: Calls for Change

Viet Nam War. Jim Crow. Red lining. Women dying from abortions. Sodomy laws. Moynihan Report.

Anti-War Movement. Civil Rights Movement. Black Power. Chicano Movement. Women’s Liberation Movement. Combahee River Collective. Queer Liberation Movement. American Indian Movement. Poor People’s Campaign. De- institutionalization of those with mental health diagnoses. My father is a first generation high school graduate.

Some US-based clinical psychologists were aware that the field was not organized in ways that were consistent with socially just movements, and for those working toward these ends, available paradigmatic perspectives were somewhat challenging, hence Swampscott.

The time had come to expand psychology’s area of inquiry and action. . . psychologists [should participate

This is Not a History Lesson; This is Agitation: A Call for a Methodology of Diffraction in US-Based Community Psychology

Regina Day Langhout

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2015 opening plenary session, entitled “Reflections on the Swampscott Confer- ence,” at the biennial conference for the Society for Community Research & Action in Lowell, MA.

✉ Regina Day Langhout [email protected]

University of California, Santa Cruz, CA, USA

1 The IAF is an organization founded in 1940 in Chicago. It is a community organizing model that organizes institutions, such as faith-based groups, unions, and schools. Each IAF affiliate creates a multi-issue campaign and organizes to achieve wins related to those issues. There are IAF affiliates across the United States and Canada, and in some European countries.

Am J Community Psychol (2016) 58:322–328 DOI 10.1002/ajcp.12039

COMMENTARY

in]. . .the anti-poverty effort. . .the field of educa- tion. . .social change activities. . .and move toward a new field. . . “Community Psychology. . .” This [implies] major realignments. . .[because a clinical] men- tal health [paradigm has]. . .decreasing strategic leverage and validity for helping to answer some of the growing problems of our complex society.

(Anderson et al., 1966, p. 4)

There was vigorous debate regarding inquiry, action, and paradigms for this newly named in the US field.2

For example, should the community psychologist be a consultant, an activist, or a participant-conceptualizer? Should the framework be prevention, public health, or something else? Based on these unresolved debates, Swampscott attendees decided to leave these issues as open questions.

Once the goal of social change research is accepted. . . [universities and communities will need] theory, research skill, and community action skills. . .Training requirements . . .cannot be formulated at the present time. . .Novel and more appropriate research models and techniques will evolve to meet emergent needs.

(Anderson et al., 1966, p. 8, 25)

Graduate programs set out to develop new theoretical frameworks, research modalities, scientific paradigms, and field-based competencies useful to the scholar-activist.

Agitation 2: The 1980s/Early 90s: The Reagan Years; Calls for Shifts in Training Programs by Women and People of Color

Reagan. Materialism. Neoliberalism. Regeanomics. The Cold War. US covert operations in progressive Latin American countries. Co-optation of prevention. Nancy Reagan’s “Just say no” campaign invades the airways and billboards of my Modesto hometown. Modesto: the 5th least formally educated place in the United States (Bernardo, 2015).

Massive anti-nuclear protests. National Coalition on Racism in Sports and Media organizes against Indian mascots. Federal air traffic controllers strike for better working conditions. Organizing against the School of the Americas. Protests against backing dictatorships in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Chile, Argentina, and the list goes on.

Community psychologists agitated to point out short- falls in our practice and training. Based on a content anal- ysis of American Journal of Community Psychology and Journal of Community Psychology articles from 1973 to 1978, Lounsbury, Leader, Meares and Cook (1980) argued that research methods had not undergone the shifts needed for social intervention. They argued: The most vital contributions of community psychology will not be served by observation or preservation of the status quo; they will come from innovative interven- tions into social systems where the objective is improved functioning and enhanced quality of life for system participants.

(p. 433–434)

The authors argued for different methods to ensure that social systems better serve system participants. It was not only research methods that were targeted, however. Com- munity psychologists of color were agitating for shifts to facilitate cultural competencies. For example, Suarez-Bal- cazar, Durlack and Smith (1994) surveyed graduate pro- grams and reported that fewer than half of the 56 responding programs required a course in multicultural issues. Perhaps partly because of this state of affairs, Watts (1994) encouraged the field to:

Give all graduate students the knowledge and skills they need to understand their own population member- ships as well as those who identify with other socially meaningful populations. . .European Americans are part of the racial-cultural mix, and they need to locate them- selves in it. . .self examination helps us understand our position and role in social systems. . .If students can think critically of the sociopolitical implications of their professional work, they reduce the likelihood that their activities maintain or increase social injustice.

(p. 807–808)

Watts points out that community psychologists can increase social injustice if we (especially those of us who are white) do not have an understanding and practice of studying our social locations and positioning. In this way, Watts called for the transformation of the role of research- ers and with it, the field.

Around this time, some community psychologists were working to address some of these concerns. In Puerto Rico, the social-community psychology graduate program at the University of Puerto Rico was founded from a social constructivist paradigm designed to address liberation in a colonial context (Serrano-Garc�ıa & L�opez- S�anchez, 1991). Because of this paradigmatic and ideolog- ical orientation, the program is interdisciplinary and includes popular knowledge as worthy of inclusion into

2 Community psychology has many beginnings in many countries. There is no single origin story for community psychology as a field.

Am J Community Psychol (2016) 58:322–328 323

academic discourse. These decisions were made beyond mainland US borders and were discerned through Latina/o organizing and theory informed by Latin American con- texts and scholars (Montero, 2007). These commitments and orientations resulted in a training program that seeks to make values transparent, relationships more horizontal, community assets more visible, and primary commitments to community members rather than academic disciplines (when conflict arises; Serrano-Garc�ıa, 1988; Serrano- Garc�ıa & L�opez-S�anchez, 1991). The goal is social change by working alongside community members.

In the States, Lykes and Hellstedt (1987), as well as Mulvey and Silka (1987) describe the training model for social-community psychologists at the University of Low- ell, now the University of Massachusetts at Lowell. The program was designed to serve the students and communi- ties of Lowell and was informed by mental health and human rights work in Central America (Lykes, personal communication, 11/4/15). Students were primarily work- ing class and middle class women. The program used Freire’s dialogic model, incorporating the experiences and desires of students into the learning process. Program innovations included emphasizing systems change, and supporting students to become change agents, which included skill development in collaboration, understanding the role of social class and ethnicity in shaping experi- ence, and diagnosing their own strengths and weaknesses. In this context, Lykes and Hellstedt (1987) called for more participatory methodologies.

Agitation 3: 50 Years in. Now What?

Ferguson. Fruitvale. Baltimore. New York. Charleston, South Carolina. Islamaphobia. Arizona’s Eloy Detention Center. Modesto: a city with some of the highest air and water contamination levels in the United States (American Lung Association, 2015; Helman, 2012).

#BlackLivesMatter. Trans* movement gains main- stream visibility. Occupy. Undocuqueer. Maine Wabanaki- State Child Welfare Truth and Reconciliation Commis- sion.

Many community psychologists recognize the need for social change and liberation. Yet, we should not think solely about what community psychology offers. We should think deeply about the liberation of community psychology. To do this, we will have to be better partners with the communities most affected by state-sanctioned violence and more critical of our and our field’s position- ing, as has been codified in the 2012 community psychol- ogy core competencies. Considering training, the competencies describe community inclusion and partner- ship, as well as ethical, reflective practice (Competencies,

2012). Specifically, community psychologists should “make positions of power and privilege (including one’s own) transparent. . . [and] develop avenues for respectful dialogue” (pp. 10–11). We should also “articulate how one’s own values, assumptions, and life experiences influ- ence one’s work, and articulate strengths and limitations of one’s own perspective” (p. 11).

We are in the midst of another agitation. The codifica- tion of competencies come, in part, due to years of agita- tion, as well as the field’s turn toward liberation psychology with an emphasis on participatory epistemo- logical stances brought more centrally into community psychology primarily by women and/or people of color across the Americas, including Brinton Lykes, Maritza Montero, Irma Serrano-Garc�ıa, and Rod Watts, to name a few. I add my voice to the current agitation, by calling for the development of a methodology of diffraction to help us with transformation.

Diffraction as a Methodology

For me, participatory methodologies make visible gaps between my ontology and methodology, which has led me to read within critical race and feminist studies. These perspectives can help us with the fashioning of a method- ology of diffraction as a form of critical reflexivity, which can help us move toward more liberatory practices and processes. Diffraction is the study of entanglements cre- ated by differences (Barad, 2006). In this section, I outline issues with reflection as a metaphor, and argue for diffrac- tion as an alternative metaphor for practicing critical reflexivity.

Swampscott critiqued the neutrality of post-positivism and consequently, created an opening for critical theory. Specifically, the ideology of post-positivism maintains that the research should be value free, and that care must be taken so that the values of the researcher are separate from what is researched (Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010). The ideology of critical theory, on the other hand, maintains that values are integral to the research process and that subsequently, the researcher is morally obligated to transgress the status quo and engage in research that transforms social situations (Guba & Lin- coln, 1994; Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010). During Swampscott, a move to critical theory was partial due in part to the absence of methodologies within psychology that were aligned with critical theory, and a desire to stay within psychology.

In the intervening years, some theoretical lenses from critical theory have become visible in community psychol- ogy (e.g., Dutta, 2016; Sonn, 2016). A basic tenet of criti- cal theory is that that the researcher matters and should be

324 Am J Community Psychol (2016) 58:322–328

visible (Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010; Reyes Cruz & Sonn, 2011). This tenet takes seriously the question of what it means for researchers to be implicated in the lives of everyone with whom we are in contact, including par- ticipants (Torre, 2009). Within critical theory, reflexivity is often used as a tool for self-positioning (Fine, 1994). This is an important methodological shift because it helps us consider our processes and positionalities, or our subjectivities, which is essential for critical theorists, com- munity-based interventionists, and community psycholo- gists (Competencies for community psychology practice, 2012).

Examining this turn through examining the visual metaphors implicit in this conceptualization contributes a missing dimension in reflexivity. Visual metaphors are often a representation of our practices. Indeed, Western thought has intertwined vision and knowledge as a meta- phor since the Greeks started constructing this form of science (Keller & Grontkowski, 1983). Two feminist science studies scholars at UC Santa Cruz, Donna Har- away and Karen Barad, focus on this construction of science. “The methodology of reflexivity mirrors the geo- metrical optics of reflection,” which makes it a methodol- ogy of seeking out sameness, even if the reflection is an imperfect replica (Barad, 2006, p. 72; but also Anzald�ua, 1987/1999 and Haraway, 1992). This makes sense given conventional social science invokes representation as a major form of meaning making, which often includes romanticizing, essentializing, and distancing (Anzald�ua, 1987/1999; Haraway, 1992; Reyes Cruz & Sonn, 2011; Tuck, 2006). Specifically, to be represented, people are transformed from subjects into objects, or objectified, and therefore the receiver of action rather than a co-actor with others, including the community psychologist.

Reflection and replication present a problem for the community psychologist who is working to create some- thing different that transforms society and is rooted in people’s realities and their complex personhoods. Creating something different should be done via a transformed science. Science must be transformed because of issues with objectification, but also because conventional frame- works for social science have used difference as a syn- onym for deficit due to dualistic thinking (Haraway, 1992; Reyes Cruz & Sonn, 2011; Tuck, 2006; van der Tuin, 2014). Reflexivity has not transformed the role of the uni- versity-based researcher (Lykes & Crosby, 2014); perhaps the reason is because of this foundation in reflection and replication. Therefore, we must ask, which kind of social science or ontological framework invokes solidarity and connection as a major form of meaning making and does not mark different as pejorative?

It is time we move toward a methodology of diffraction to embody solidarity via the study of subjectivity, process,

change, connectivity, desire, and difference. We can make this shift by building on the work of feminist science scholars (Karen Barad, Donna Haraway), critical feminist social psychologists (Michelle Fine, Mar�ıa Elena Torre, Lois Weis), and critical feminist social-community psy- chologists (Urmitapa Dutta, Brinton Lykes, Maritza Mon- tero, Irma Serrano-Garc�ıa). Specifically, Barad (2006), who has a PhD in theoretical particle physics, considers diffraction as a way to “study the entangled effects differ- ences make” (p. 73). She builds this approach by drawing together the work of Neils Bohr and breakthroughs in quantum physics with the work of Donna Haraway, Gloria Anzald�ua, and Trinh Minh-ha on the paradigm shifts needed to move into more decolonized ways of understanding connection, responsibility, accountability, and creating change—of interest during Swampscott and today.

Diffraction is about the entanglements of responsibility to one another. It is attuned to difference and the effects those differences have within the world. (Community) psychologists should not misunderstand diffraction as assessing for individual and/or group differences, often via path analytic models. Indeed, these models are often rooted in a metaphysics of individualism, which is con- trary to diffraction (Barad, 2006).

Diffraction patterns, such as the resulting ripples that occur when a stone is dropped into a body of water, do not show the difference that was made by dropping the stone, but rather the effects of the dropping of the stone (Haraway, 1992). Diffraction was the major breakthrough in physics that transformed classical metaphysics. We need a similar paradigm shift in US-based community psychology, which is an issue we have been grappling with since Swampscott. Specifically, in classical meta- physics, the framework of particles was first used to understand light, sound, and water, but particles are often about displacement,3 which is a bit like assimilation and colonization for community psychologists. But light, sound, and water are about relationship, differential effects, and change, or entanglements. Instead, waves were a more useful organizing framework. Waves do not displace one another to take the place of each other. Moreover, they bend around obstruction. Diffraction allows for a reconfiguring of patterns and draws attention to movement and patterns rather than stagnation. It allows us to examine how entanglements can create change, and how waves can constructively or destructively interfere with each other. It is a way to “explore entanglements

3 Under certain circumstances, particles can behave like waves, and waves can behave like particles, which was part of the breakthrough of quantum physics, but this is beyond the scope of this paper.

Am J Community Psychol (2016) 58:322–328 325

and the differences they make” (Barad, 2006, p. 74). It encourages us to think as waves.

Thinking through this metaphor in terms of implica- tions for community psychology is important because until we engage methodologies that enable us to under- stand this field’s positioning, and ourselves within it, it will be difficult for us to disrupt the structures of white- ness, patriarchy, class privilege, heteronormativity, cissex- ism, and other dominant US cultural norms that are foundational building blocks of our social science. A methodology of diffraction can help us as we continue to refine the vision that US-based Community Psychology began to lay out in the 1960s. It can help us consider how to go about looking more critically, and in this way, widens our scope regarding what to look at.

Big steps in these directions are apparent in the meta- phor of critical bifocality (Weis & Fine, 2012). With the metaphor, the researcher is encouraged to make theoretical and methodological commitments to examine links and tensions between structures and experience. Indeed, a focus on only one aspect or the other can distort social problems because entanglement and therefore diffraction is erased from view. In this way, diffraction helps us to concretize the call for divergent problem solving (Rappa- port, 1987).

I would like for us to develop a praxis of resistance and communality via diffraction. Mar�ıa Lugones (2015) argues for communality rather than community. Commu- nity is about being together. According to Lugones, com- munality is about community, but also about resisting oppression. Communality goes inward, outward, and weaves between us. It is a praxis of entanglement and resistance, or, according to Anzald�ua (1987/1999), Lugones (2008, 2015), and Montero (2007) a praxis of liberation. These ideas are rooted within an episteme of relatedness, which means that the ontological underpin- ning of knowledge is that it is constructed within and through relationships (Montero, 2007; who drew from Dussel and Levinas). Taking a relational episteme as an ontological foundation, Mar�ıa Elena Torre encourages us to consider Anzald�ua’s nos-otras as a framework for understanding our mutual implication (2009). Specifically, when differing social identities come together, we are able to make connections that might otherwise remain invisi- ble, meaning we can make visible our entanglements, overlaps, contradictions, complications, oppositions, and web of relations, and act upon them (Torre, 2009; Torrre & Ayala, 2009; but also Montero, 2007). In other words, multiplicity and movement are made visible, due to the focus on in-between spaces, as well as a shared action- reflection process often found in feminist action research (Lykes & Crosby, 2014; Torrre & Ayala, 2009). This move can re-position the university-based researcher as

someone who accompanies or travels with rather than directs (Lykes & Crosby, 2014; Montero, 2007).

We must situate and root our field as practice from the margins, hyphens, borderlands, and in-between spaces, and from critically engaged subjectivities, if we are to col- laborate in ways that are liberatory because this will allow us to be in conversation and communion with the parts of ourselves and the parts of other people who are at the margins, hyphens, and borders. These shifts not only apply to how we consider positionality and subjectivity, but also to philosophies of science, theories of change, and community-based processes. A methodology of diffraction might help us, for example, better embody the dialectic within our practice (Rappaport, 1987) as we are better able to tolerate ambiguity, divergence within our- selves, and a stance of inclusion rather than exclusion (Anzald�ua, 1987/1999; Dutta, 2016; Lykes & Crosby, 2014; Torre, 2009). Furthermore, we might move away from theories of change that are grounded in “damage narratives,” which conceptualize disenfranchised groups as only damaged, and instead move toward theories of change grounded in “desire narratives,” which conceptual- ize disenfranchised groups as being comprised of complex people who have hopes, desires, and dreams for a differ- ent social world that is based in the wisdom of their mate- rial circumstances (Tuck, 2006). Moreover, just as we might think about divergent solutions (Rappaport, 1987), and a multi-stranded community psychology (Dutta, 2016), we should also think about how divergent scientific paradigms can be put into the service of social change. Just as some particles can behave as waves in certain cir- cumstances, perhaps divergent paradigms can behave as vehicles for solidarity and social justice in specific cases. A methodology of diffraction can encourage us to seek divergence, amplification, and convergence.

I hope this methodology of diffraction is our next shift because some are challenging us to take steps to decolo- nize our field as a form of public restitution (Dutta, 2016; Reyes Cruz & Sonn, 2011; Sonn, 2016; Tuck, 2006). I am hopeful that we can make these strides because this work is already being done across the Americas4 and beyond (e.g., India, Africa). We must commit ourselves to studying the work of Gloria Anzald�ua, Karen Barad, the

4 It is not my intention to ignore important work that is happening and has happened on other continents, but rather to call for those in the United States to study deeply across the Americas. We may be more likely to see the ripples of diffraction across the Americas given the historic migration patterns and relationships across these two continents. Moreover, looking across the Americas is a way to take up Gloria Anzald�ua’s call for all people in the Americas, including whites to “root ourselves in the. . .soil and soul of this con- tinent. . .to be nurtured in it. . .to share. . .and learn. . .in a respectful way” (p. 90).

326 Am J Community Psychol (2016) 58:322–328

Bolivian Union of Child and Adolescent Workers (Unatsbo), Orlando Fals-Borda, Maria Lugones, Ignacio Mart�ın-Bar�o, Chela Sandoval, Eve Tuck, and the Zapatis- tas, to name a few.

One all too brief example is from the work of Gloria Anzald�ua (1987/1999). With respect to subjectivity, she encouraged people to understand that borderlands and bor- der studies were present any time two people from differ- ent social groups (e.g., gender, sex, ethnicity) met. These borders are designed to separate us from them, but the border is often artificial, and almost always in a state of transition. Furthermore, borders are also within us, which is further sign of their artificiality. Indeed, Anzald�ua desired a culture that is accountable to and accounts for three of her cultural groups: Mexican, white, and Indian. Through a methodology of diffraction, where she chooses strands, traditions, and fragments from each, she invokes her own “feminist architecture” to create a more account- able culture, or “una cultura mestiza” that moved away from dualism and with it, objectivity (p. 44). With this new framework, Anzald�ua is able to dissolve dualisms of “us” versus “them” and recognize entanglements. This enables her to re-interpret and re-shape dominant narra- tives of difference and deficit. For example, she takes on conclusions about language and argues that she speaks at least eight languages rather than Spanish and English poorly/incorrectly/deficiently/in non-standard ways. To recognize working class English, Chicano Spanish, and Tex-Mex alongside standard English and standard Spanish is to understand language from a methodology of diffrac- tion rather than reflection. With this insight comes the ability to see fragments, strands, and waves that move together as well as apart, which enables us to see the sur- vival and resistance of peoples otherwise considered “defi- cient.” We can see more rather than less because we are not looking only for that which mirrors dominant expecta- tions.

In psychology, Torre (2009) uses the nos-otras frame- work to show how students from different social class and racial identities researched AP classes, and eventually decided to organize to have them removed from their schools because of the increased tracking and exclusionary practices they created. Indeed, AP courses were not viewed as fair or neutral. This desire to decrease the “opportunity gap” became important to all of the students because they saw how they were mutually implicated in one another’s lives.

With the growing number of social-community psychology and interdisciplinary programs in the United States, we are better positioned to learn what other fields and movements can offer to us as we create a bricolage of diffraction for community psychology. I am hopeful we will be able to see waves, including how they bend, amplify, and connect. We must do this for ourselves so

that we can keep ourselves accountable, for places like my hometown of Modesto, and for all those—including those who met at Swampscott in 1965—who are demand- ing that we provide theories, skills, resources, opportuni- ties, and spaces to assist in the work of liberation and social transformation.

Acknowledgments A heartfelt thank you to Cindy Cruz, Wanda Alarcon, and Brinton Lykes, who assisted me with thinking through different aspects of this paper. Also, thank you to the Community Psychology Research & Action Team, Meg Bond, Jim Dalton, Urmi Dutta, Mo Elias, and Chris Sonn for their feedback on various drafts of this paper.

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Laster Pirtle 2020.pdf

https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198120922942

Health Education & Behavior 2020, Vol. 47(4) 504 –508 © 2020 Society for Public Health Education

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Perspective

Racial capitalism is a fundamental cause of disease in the world and will be a root cause of the racial and socioeco- nomic inequities in COVID-19 that we will be left to sort out when the dust settles. What is a fundamental cause? In Link and Phelan’s widely cited (1995) theoretical article, they argued that a social condition is a basic, fundamental cause of disease disparities if it (a) influences multiple disease out- comes, (b) affects disease outcomes through multiple risk factors, (c) involves access to flexible resources that can be used to minimize both risks and the consequences of disease, and (d) is reproduced overtime through the continual replace- ment of intervening mechanisms.

Sociological health research has since proven that both socioeconomic and racial social inequities are social condi- tions that fit the formula and contribute to socioeconomic and racial health inequities (i.e., Gee & Ford, 2011; Lutfey & Freese, 2005; Phelan & Link, 2015; Phelan et al., 2010; Sewell, 2016; Williams & Collins, 2001). I extend this conver- sation by arguing that the research is actually capturing how racial capitalism works to have a fundamental impact on health inequities, as Black radical thought traditions suggested as much decades ago. As introduced by Robinson (1983), racial capitalism is the idea that racialized exploitation and capital accumulation are mutually constitutive. Racial capital- ism created the modern world system, through slavery, colo- nialism, and genocide because “the development, organization,

and expansion of capitalist society pursued essentially racial directions, so too did social ideology” (Robinson, 1983, p. 2). Racially minoritized and economically deprived groups face capitalist and racist systems that continue to devalue and harm their lives, even within newer, supposedly deracialized neolib- eral agendas (Clarno, 2017; Johnson, 2017).

We have ample evidence of racial capitalism as a cause of health inequities in the United States though, collec- tively, scholarship has not always connected all the pieces. For instance, Pulido (2016) argues that racial cap- italism is at the very core of the Flint, Michigan lead water crisis:

The people of Flint are so devalued that their lives are subordinated to the goals of municipal fiscal solvency . . . this devaluation is based on both their blackness and their surplus status, with the two being mutually constituted. (p. 1)

Additional research has found that exposure to the Flint water crisis has been linked to both physical (Sadler et al.,

922942HEBXXX10.1177/1090198120922942Health Education & BehaviorLaster Pirtle research-article2020

1University of California Merced, Merced, CA, USA

Corresponding Author: Whitney N. Laster Pirtle, Department of Sociology, University of California Merced, 5200 North Lake Road, Merced, CA 95340, USA. Email: [email protected]

Racial Capitalism: A Fundamental Cause of Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic Inequities in the United States

Whitney N. Laster Pirtle, PhD1

Abstract Racial capitalism is a fundamental cause of the racial and socioeconomic inequities within the novel coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19) in the United States. The overrepresentation of Black death reported in Detroit, Michigan is a case study for this argument. Racism and capitalism mutually construct harmful social conditions that fundamentally shape COVID-19 disease inequities because they (a) shape multiple diseases that interact with COVID-19 to influence poor health outcomes; (b) affect disease outcomes through increasing multiple risk factors for poor, people of color, including racial residential segregation, homelessness, and medical bias; (c) shape access to flexible resources, such as medical knowledge and freedom, which can be used to minimize both risks and the consequences of disease; and (d) replicate historical patterns of inequities within pandemics, despite newer intervening mechanisms thought to ameliorate health consequences. Interventions should address social inequality to achieve health equity across pandemics.

Keywords capitalism, coronavirus, COVID-19, fundamental causes, health inequities, racism

Laster Pirtle 505

2017) and mental (Cuthbertson et al., 2016) health problems for poor and people of color and can be explained through multiple mechanisms, such as disinvested, racially segre- gated neighborhoods (Michigan Civil Rights Commission 2017).

Travel just 70 miles down I-75 from Flint to Detroit, Michigan, and we are able to witness in real time the way racial capitalism is shaping COVID-19 health inequities. In a report by Michigan’s Health Department, as of April 3, 2020, Detroit City and surrounding counties have the largest num- ber of cases in the state; as Nichols (2020) wrote for the New York Times, Detroit is already mourning. Detroit and its sur- rounding areas have large populations of people of color, most of whom are Black Americans and populations that are poor and working class (Nichols, 2020; Schulz et al., 2002). Even more striking than the incidence rates, however, is sta- tistics that reveal that out of the direct deaths related to COVID-19, 40% of them are of Black residents in a state that has only 14% Black population. The clock is already ticking in Detroit on the racial time bomb in the coronavirus crisis (Blow, 2020), and data replicate these trends in major metros across the United States including Chicago, New Orleans, and New York (McCarthy, 2020). The overrepresentation in mortality among Black Americans, or death gap, is a result of structural violence (Ansell, 2017) as created through a racial capitalist system. In the sections that follow, I detail how racial capitalism acts as a fundamental cause of health ineq- uities and COVID-19.

A. Racial Capitalism Influences Multiple Disease Outcomes

First, the people of Detroit already endure multiple health problems, such as high rates of diabetes (National Medical Association, 2015). An early report from Italy found that a large majority of COVID-19 fatalities occurred in those who had comorbidities, or additional illnesses like diabetes and asthma, that amplified COVID-19’s wear on the body (Ebhardt et al., 2020). To be clear, these racial differences in illnesses are not the result of biological or even behavioral differences in race but a result of racist, capitalist systems that structure people’s lives.

B. Racial Capitalism Increases Multiple Disease Risk Factors

Racism and capitalism have, for example, mutually con- structed racial residential segregation, which refers to the physical separation of groups into residential contexts that are patterned by race (Rothstein, 2017). Racial residential segregation has been

imposed by legislation, supported by major economic institutions, enshrined in the housing policies of the federal government, enforced by the judicial system, and legitimized by the ideology

of white supremacy that was advocated by the church and other cultural institutions. (Williams & Collins, 2001, p. 405)

Residents in deprived neighborhoods have less access to green spaces and healthy, affordable foods; thus, restricting healthy behaviors. Racial residential segregation means poor people of color are also forced to live near manufacturing and other harmful toxins and wastes. People restricted to these areas endure multiple exposures to harmful physical and social environments and increased stressful events, all of which demonstrate how multiple risk factors shape health, including COVID-19.

A 2002 study by health researchers argued that racial and spatial relations were fundamental determinants of health in Detroit (Schulz et al., 2002). Not only is Detroit one of most segregated cities in America, as mapping data shows (Cable, 2013), but Detroit also ranks in the top 20 major cities in the United States with highest rates of homelessness (Frohlich, 2019), and the majority of those persons are Black. Homelessness is another way that racial capitalism puts the poor, older, and families of color at increased risk for conse- quences of COVID-19 (Torres, 2020). How can a person even shelter in place with no shelter?

Given our capitalist, privatized insurance system in the United States, most homeless and unemployed have inade- quate access to quality health care (Ansell, 2017). Though, to be clear, America’s exceptionally unequal, extreme neoliberal health care system puts the entire country at risk (Gaffney, 2020). Health care inequities are another risk factor; the coro- navirus does not have to discriminate across race and class, our health care system does that work on its own. Racial and economic differences in testing and treatment rates (Farmer, 2020) is one mechanism that shapes disparities. In a recent interview on PBS News Hour, Dr. Uché Blackstock shared the implications of racial bias in medical encounters:

when black and brown people interface with the health care system, they often encounter provider bias. So, we know, and it’s well-documented, that their pain is undertreated or their complaints are minimized. So, my concern is that, when these patients present to emergency departments and hospitals in their areas with COVID-19 symptoms, that their symptoms may be downplayed or they may not be taken seriously. And we do already have the data to support that trend continuing to happen. (Blackstock, 2020)

C. Racial Capitalism Restricts Access to Flexible Resources That Buffer Negative Disease Outcomes

Additionally, racial capitalism is a fundamental cause because it shapes access to flexible resources. For example, those with high socioeconomic status secure a superior set of knowledge, power, money, power, prestige, and beneficial social connec- tions, all of which can alleviate the consequences of the disease

506 Health Education & Behavior 47(4)

(Link & Phelan, 1995). Think about who has access to up-to- date reports of COVID-19 that communicate important health education facts on protection. The wealthy can also afford to pay others to do their grocery shopping or order online, mean- while part-time Amazon workers forced to be on the front line write pleas about having no paid time off (Guendelsberger, 2020). And, why don’t employers value and protect the workers doing the essential jobs? Jason Hargrove, a Black bus driver in Detroit, who was exposed to COVID-19 and lacked access to proper safety equipment wondered this himself shortly before passing away from the disease (Witsil, 2020).

Racism also restricts those same crucial flexible resources, in addition to others even more racialized such as freedom. For instance, unfreedoms, or the lack of control Black Americans have over their lives in the United States, whether it be attributed to historical systems of slavery or mass incar- ceration today, puts them at heighted risks for mental and physical health problems (e.g., Alexander, 2020; Phelan & Link, 2018). The vulnerability and unfreedoms of detained populations at the border and in prisons, who are overwhelm- ingly Black and Brown and poor, increases their risk for harsh consequences of COVID-19 (Morse, 2020). Through- out Michigan’s prison system, as reported on April 3 by WXYZ Detroit, 184 incarcerated persons have already tested positive for COVID-19 (R. Jones, 2020).

D. Racial Capitalism Shapes Disease Outcomes Overtime Despite Implementation of Intervening Mechanisms

Finally, intervening mechanisms found to mitigate some health inequities, like increased public sanitation or health education interventions, cannot fully eradicate the relationship between racism, poverty, and health because they are replaced by other mechanisms, like gentrification and rent surges that leads to housing instability and homelessness. In fact, mecha- nisms that sustain racial capitalism present a “fundamental resilience in the face of changing proximate causes” (Seamster & Ray, 2018, p. 330). The resilience can be evidenced in the revert back to previously mitigated mechanisms that are once again contributing to disease disparities, such as poor water sanitization (look again no further than the Flint water crisis).

Undeniably, racism and socioeconomic disadvantage have persistent, significant, multifaceted associations with poor health. Indeed, historical research on smallpox reveals that if access to flexible basic resources, like food, medicine, shelter, and treatment, excluded any subset of the population, the disease will continue to spread and continue to kill (Mitchell, 2020). During the 1918 flu epidemic in Chicago, racist tropes were used to blame the spread of the disease on Black residents, impeding a quality public health response (McDonald, 2020). History tells us that pandemics exacer- bate race and class inequalities.

COVID-19 Is Showing America Who We Are, Again—But What Can We Do?

An interview on Democracy Now with Dr. Abdul El-Sayed, former director of the Detroit Health Department, perfectly summarizes the impact of racial capitalism on COVID-19 inequities in the area, specifically highlighting political and economic decisions about water:

when you look at communities that are suffering the most, they’re communities on which environmental injustice, structural racism, and their implications on poverty, have already softened the space for the incoming of this virus to devastate people [emphasis added]. You know, you think about something like water . . . Detroiters were literally having to pay back the debt that the entire region incurred because Detroit was the single utility purifying water for everybody. And then they just raised rates . . . and then you fast-forward, and you think about the incoming pandemic, and we’re telling people to wash their hands with warm, soapy water for 20 seconds. Well, if you don’t have water in your house, you can’t do that. All of those— all of that is seeded by decisions that have been made, that have been patterned around race and patterned around wealth for a very long time [emphasis added]. (El-Sayed, 2020)

Racialized capitalist pursuits have left behind the poor, people of color in Detroit, devaluing life so much that it is being easily snatched up by the novel coronavirus pandemic.

Speaking even more broadly, capitalist gain has threat- ened the health of millions of Americans within the pan- demic. Volunteer innovators printing important medical technologies report being threatened with litigation from large corporations (Peters, 2020). Individual racketeers have wiped out entire city’s stock of hand sanitizer in seek of profit. Wisconsin Republicans in power reject extensions for returning absentee ballots exploiting the pandemic and increasing voter disenfranchisement of poor, people of color (Bearman, 2020). Xenophobic racism has already affected health outcomes, as governmental officials lacked to enact policies by othering the problem, or later enacting targeted border policies (Goh, 2020). Anti-Asian interpersonal dis- crimination has increased and social distancing may spike rates of White Nationalism (Dickson, 2020). “Each public health issue is a snapshot where we can see the unfolding of the collective processes that define who we are, what we believe, and what we value as a society” (Wallack, 2019, p. 901). COVID-19 is showing us who we are . . . again.

The racist, capitalist frameworks that sustain the modern world is a fundamental cause of COVID-19 within and across countries, but what can we do? As a collective, we must first ask, what would it take to create the change we need to solve this problem (Wallack, 2019)? Public health and health education research, in particular, must look beyond interventions focused to individual and interpersonal characteristics and more to institutions, environments, and

Laster Pirtle 507

ideologies (Golden & Earp, 2012). As Link and Phelan (1995) instruct, “If one wishes to address fundamental social causes, the intervention must address inequality in the resources that fundamental causes entail” (p. 89). C. P. Jones (2014) offers three tangible way to address health equity that combats racial capitalism: “valuing all individuals and popu- lations equally; recognizing and rectifying historical injus- tices; providing resources according to need.” (p. S75).

Acknowledgments

I appreciate early suggestions from Victor Ray and helpful feed- back from the editor, Jesus Ramirez-Valles. Thoughtful conversa- tions with my Graduate Sociology of Health Spring 2020 seminar students inspired this piece.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, author- ship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Whitney N. Laster Pirtle https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5357-8629

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De-growth and critical community psychology: Contributions towards individual and social well-being

Alfredo Natale, Salvatore Di Martino, Fortuna Procentese, Caterina Arcidiacono* Department of Humanities, University of Naples Federico II, Italy

A R T I C L E I N F O

Article history: Received 6 September 2015 Received in revised form 22 March 2016 Accepted 22 March 2016 Available online 1 April 2016

Keywords: Degrowth Critical community psychology Well-being Decolonisation of the imaginary Reciprocity Social justice

A B S T R A C T

This contribution sets out to combine the perspective of the degrowth paradigm with that of Critical Community psychology. Following the degrowth argument, the advancement of human well-being calls for a shift from growth-based societies to ones grounded in the ethos of degrowth. In this regard, we acknowledge the necessity for both theoretical principles and examples of good practice, which can lead to this transition. To this end, the article combines some of the underlying principles of the degrowth paradigm (i.e. decolonisation of the imaginary, reciprocity and conviviality, and environmental sustainability) with those of Critical Community Psychology, as well as, in one case, of Liberation Psychology (i.e. conscientisation and de-ideologisation, responsible together- ness, and environmental justice). This integration intends to equip academic scholars, practitioners, and social activists with visions and practices for the implementation of strategic actions aimed at individual and social well-being. The article concludes with a thorough reflection on social justice and how to better promote it through the combined contributions of both degrowth and Critical Community psychology. ã 2016 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC

BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

1. Introduction

The recent increases in environmental degradation and inequality of access to resources and knowledge, as well as the negative effects of the global financial crisis, all raise increasing concerns about the extent to which the current growth- based and market-driven economic system is able to bring about individual and social well-being (Matthey, 2010; Stiglitz, 2010). This state of affairs is urging scholars from different disciplines, policy-makers, and citizens of various nationalities to provide a radical revision of our current way of life.1

In line with this vision, the degrowth paradigm presents itself as an alternative to the current social apparatus and the problems that it is causing (Latouche, 2009). Degrowth has been defined as an alternative society based on “an equitable down-scaling of production and consumption that increases human well-being and enhances ecological conditions at the local and global level, in the short and long term” (Schneider, Kallis, & Martínez-Alier, 2010, p. 512). It is also both an expanding philosophy and a social movement that envisages a society that rejects the hegemony of Western neoliberal and capitalistic market models. Drawing on Flipo’s (2007) work, Demaria, Schneider, Sekulova, and Marti’nez-Alier (2013) identified a

* Corresponding author at: Department of Humanities, University of Naples Federico II, Via Porta di Massa 1, 80133 Naples, Italy. E-mail address: [email protected] (C. Arcidiacono).

1 See, by way of example, the recently released ‘Paris climate change agreement’ drafted by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC, 2015) between November and December 2015.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2016.03.020

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Futures

journal homepa ge: www.elsevier.com/locate/futures

0016-3287/ã 2016 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

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minimum of six ‘degrowth streams’: ecology, critiques of development and praise for anti-utilitarianism, the meaning of life and well-being, bioeconomics, democracy, and justice.

In spite of its overtly revolutionary nature (Ott, 2012, p. 571), degrowth is open to contributions from other scholarship provided that they are not simply false alternatives that would only ameliorate the status quo without undermining the framework upon which it is built (Martínez-Alier, 2009; Martínez-Alier, Pascual, Vivien, & Zaccai, 2010; Trainer, 2012).

In light of this, in this contribution we propose to integrate the approach of degrowth with that of Critical Community psychology (CCP). Community Psychology in its critical variant2 is an emerging approach particularly committed to promoting individual and social well-being through the adoption of an ecological, justice-oriented, and value-based perspective (Arcidiacono & Di Martino, 2016; Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010). According to Burton, Boyle, Harris, and Kagan (2007, p. 219) Community Psychology “emphasises a level of analysis and intervention other than the individual and their immediate interpersonal context” as well as being “ . . . concerned with how people feel, think, experience, and act as they work together, resisting oppression and struggling to create a better world”.

This approach also holds that well-being is strongly dependent on the resources of the environment as well as opportunities to access them. In this view, Critical Community psychologists work on promoting quality of life through the advancement of justice, democracy, environmental preservation, development of capabilities, and freedom of choice (Fox et al., 2009). Moreover, CCP adopts an ecological perspective to interpret social phenomena (Kelly, 1966). In terms of interventions geared to the furtherance of well-being and life satisfaction, this entails CCP overcoming individual levels of analysis to encompass groups, communities, organisations, and ultimately society at large (Prilleltensky, 2012). Furthermore, this approach maintains a strong focus on primary prevention as well as competence, empowerment, and heightened resilience (Cowen, 2000).

Based on the above arguments, we believe that there are a number of reasons for combining the approaches of degrowth and CCP. First, a critical perspective combining the vision of Community psychology can be considered a valuable ally for the degrowth movement, in that it assumes that the promotion of better societies entails challenging the status quo and providing an antidote to co-optation. At the same time, it requires sustaining a perpetual critique of professional and theoretical assumptions inherent in academic practices, and promoting interdisciplinarity (Davidson et al., 2006). It follows that this approach, like degrowth, often brings into question cultural, economic, and political principles as well as those assumptions underpinning our societal system, including the belief in growth for the sake of growth (Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010, pp. 336–339).

Second, both degrowth and CCP strive to understand individual and social phenomena from a multilevel and ecological perspective. In that regard, CCP has developed a strong focus on the micro- and meso-levels (Burton, 2015a), as well as a number of techniques and good practices for community building, together with empowerment, care, and support for activists (Kloos et al., 2012). On the other hand, CCP may benefit from degrowth’s vision, which adds to its small-scale practical interventions a general social and economic theory that analyses the societal and global aspects of unsustainable social and economic systems (Demaria et al., 2013).

Third, the degrowth paradigm has advocated on more than one occasion the need to shift towards more cooperative, community-based, and participatory ways of living (Garcia, 2012; Trainer, 2012). Importantly, these are among the principles that CP and its critical variant have championed since their origin in an attempt to improve life conditions for individuals and communities (Fox et al., 2009; Kloos et al., 2012; Orford, 2008).

Lastly, degrowth has often expressed its strong commitment to promoting well-being and quality of life by revisiting the foundations of our current societal system (Andreoni & Galmarini, 2013; Bilancini & D’Alessandro, 2012). In the same vein, CCP has repeatedly upheld the need for more transformative – rather than just ameliorative – strategic interventions for the promotion of human well-being. In this regard, it has developed tools and practices aimed at generating real change (Kagan, Burton, Duckett, Lawthom, & Siddiquee, 2011; Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010).

Based on the above arguments, in the following pages we shall attempt to identify the linkage between these two approaches as well as the benefits that their alliance can yield in terms of advancement in human quality of life.

2. Does more growth lead to increased well-being and life satisfaction?3

The modern economic system has so far largely referred to gross domestic product (GDP) as an indicator of national well- being (Hamilton et al., 2006). It follows that the greater the year-on-year increase in the GDP of a country – or in other words the higher its financial growth – the greater the presumed national level of well-being. Nevertheless, this criterion has shown signs of ineffectiveness since its inception, and the global financial crisis – which has been unfolding since 2008 – has brought all the limits of market self-regulation to the fore (Stiglitz, 2010). However, degrowth also offers a more fundamental

2 The field of Community and Critical Psychology is highly variegated. For a review of both approaches, along with their common ground and differences, e refer the reader to Kagan et al. (2011), as well as Fox et al. (2009). 3 In this paper, when referring to well-being, we intend “a positive state of affairs, brought about by the simultaneous and balanced satisfaction of diverse bjective and subjective needs of individuals, relationships, organisations, and communities” (Prilleltensky, 2012, p. 2). Regarding life satisfaction and quality of fe we draw on Ruut Veenhoven’s seminal work on the ‘Four Qualities of Life’ (Veenhoven, 2013). The latter is, in fact, in line with the vision of happiness

dopted by de-growth (Sekulova, 2015).

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critique of a society dominated by economic rationality. As Demaria et al. (2013, p. 193) have pointed out “degrowth is not just an economic concept . . . it is a frame constituted by a large array of concerns, goals, strategies and actions”. In this paper, in accord with Abdallah and Thompson (2008), we assume degrowth to be also an antidote to the detrimental effect of increased consumption on well-being and life satisfaction.

In this regard, the literature has demonstrated that a high materialistic value orientation � that is, an array of values and life goals aimed at achieving financial success and higher status, gathering material possessions, and having an appropriate image � is likely to negatively affect both individual life domains (i.e. low self esteem, increased narcissism, and decreased happiness and well-being) and engagement in the social area (i.e. reduced involvement in community life, parenting and family, social relationships, and concern for the environment) (Burroughs & Rindfleisch, 2002; Kasser, 2002; Kasser, Ryan, Couchman, & Sheldon, 2004).

The degrowth paradigm offers a possible solution to the negative effects of capitalistic and consumeristic culture. This lies in curbing the unbridled production and consumption of commodities – along with the values attached to them – and downshift towards what Latouche (2011) has named ‘frugal abundance’, that is, a relational and economic system freed from the myth of endless growth.

If this is our intention, we then must face the difficult task of applying the degrowth principle to real life and everyday situations. We acknowledge, in this sense, the need for instruments and good practices to better achieve this goal. Indeed, as Koch reminds us “no-growth” approaches have remained at fairly abstract levels to date, mostly failing to discuss concrete policy proposals, let alone their synergy potentials in a coherent transition strategy” (Koch, 2013, p. 13). With the exception of the recent special issue: ‘De-growth: from theory to practice’ in which new applications, methodologies, and policies were discussed (Sekulova, Kallis, Rodríguez-Labajos, & Schneider, 2013), the degrowth literature could benefit from more concrete examples of good practices that would bring to bear its novel theoretical proposals.4

In particular, as Burton (2015b) has pointed out, there are at least two major challenges that the degrowth paradigm must face in order to make the transition to ‘an economy of the right size’. First, it must answer the question of how the movement intends to deal with unemployment, poverty, social dislocation, and conflict, all of which are problems generated by the economic system it claims to oppose. The second, which directly follows, is to address the ways of achieving a degrowth society and economy through political means.

In this regard, CCP can offer degrowth scholarship a set of methodologies and good practices that have been specifically designed to promote critical consciousness, grassroots participation, sociability, and a just and equitable distribution of power and resources (Kagan et al., 2011; Kloos et al., 2012; Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010; Prilleltensky, 2008). In regard to this issue, Francisco et al. (2001) have developed an internet-based support service known as ‘Community Toolbox’, which provides a detailed list of good practices. The online journals the Global Journal of Community Psychology practice and Community Psychology in Global Perspective are also committed to disseminating CCP vision, tools, practices and goals, all of which can be of great use to academics, scholars, and practitioners.

Based on these premises, in this article we propose to re-examine three fundamental principles of the degrowth agenda, namely decolonisation of the imaginary, reciprocity and conviviality, and environmental sustainability. These will be analysed in the light of the CCP ethos and practice and, in one specific case, of Liberation Psychology. More specifically, we will make a case for conscientisation, de-ideologisation, responsible togetherness, and care for the environment as well as social justice. We believe that these value-based domains will provide the degrowth movement with valuable instruments to further its aims and broaden its scope. In particular, we believe the de-growth discourse will be strengthened by these three aspects. The first is that it will inform de-growth practitioners and scholars on how to increase awareness of people’s dependence on the capitalistic and market-driven system. It will also equip them with instruments and visions to create more cooperative, collaborative, and cohesive societies. Lastly, it will help them to better deal with issues related to environmental justice as well as to build a more harmonious relationship with nature.

3. Decolonisation of the imaginary, de-ideologisation, and conscientisation

The degrowth paradigm holds that the current cultural homogeneity, which is a direct consequence of economic globalisation, has colonised the whole world both physically and psychologically. The quest for growth and capitalism has, in fact, been indoctrinating society, with a plethora of materialistic and consumerist values, beliefs, and needs, generated by a dominant social system that purports to be the best and only available option (Fisher & Ponniah, 2003; Latouche, 2009, 2010). As Welzer (2011, p. 23) has pointed out “the principle of infinity [which underpins the quest for endless growth] exists not only externally, but within one’s self”. As a consequence, we must be mindful that “the idea of growth is therefore not only enshrined in business and politics, but also in the psychological structure of the people who grow up in such societies” (p. 15). In line with this vision, Natale (2014, p. 60) holds that “a novel worldview as well as an alternative lifestyle . . . call for reshaping the beliefs, motivations, and feelings that have hitherto underpinned our vision of the world”.

In this light, CCP is able to offer theoretical and empirical tools, which will make this goal more attainable. For instance, the process of decolonisation of the imaginary, originally proposed by Habermas (1981/1984 and then championed by the

4 Some interesting examples can already be found in Dietz and O’Neill’s (2013) work ‘Enough is Enough’, the programme for the Spanish economy

released by Podemos (Navarro & Torres Lo’pez, 2014) and the Indignados movement in Barcelona, Spain (see Asara, 2015).

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degrowth scholarship (Latouche, 2010) overlaps, in terms of both meaning and principle with that of ‘conscientisation’,5

which is a concept largely advocated by Liberation Psychology (Martín-Baró,1994; Vaughan, 2011), a companion approach to CCP (Montero & Sonn, 2009; Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010). Liberation Psychology is, more specifically, part of a broad movement that began in Latin America in the 1960s, aimed at promoting social and economic justice for the poor, excluded, marginalised, and oppressed (Burton & Kagan, 2005; Quijano, 2000). Although it would be beyond the scope of this article to address all the facets of Liberation Psychology, we would particularly like to highlight here the power of conscientisation – and of de-ideologisation as a related tool – to operationalize the degrowth goal of ‘decolonising the imaginary’.

According to Liberation and CCP, this goal is to be reached by equipping the oppressed, illiterate, and disenfranchised with empowering instruments for the development of critical consciousness, whereby they can understand the reason for their subjugation to the dominant power. To this end, a relevant tool is Participatory Action Research (PAR), which is an approach to research that emphasises both participation and action by working ‘with’ people – not ‘on’ people – to promote social change (Bradbury, 2015). In fact, PAR invites us, as researchers, first to “decolonize ourselves, that is, to discover the reactionary traits and ideas implanted in our minds and behaviours mostly by the learning process” (Fals Borda, 2001, p. 29). If we are able to do that, we can then move on to promote decolonisation both for and with others.

CCP also makes use of several other PAR-oriented and liberationist principles such as reflexivity, critical thought, and awareness, all aimed at the promotion of individual and social well-being (Esposito & Freda, 2015; Minkler, 2000). Furthermore, this approach has redefined a number of instruments such as research think-tanks, focus groups, teaching laboratories, and bibliographical methods in line with conscientisation and de-ideologisation principles (Arcidiacono, Natale, & Carbone, 2012; Montero,1994). These tools can be used, in many cases, to foster critical reasoning, thereby enabling people to make informed choices with regard to the production and consumption of goods. These degrowth-oriented practices have also proved effective in raising consciousness and self-responsibility, thereby allowing local groups and communities to demystify and de-colonise implicit mechanisms of ideology and take action towards social change (De Luca Picione & Freda, 2016; Montero, 1994).

Based on these premises, it is worth describing here an Italian example of applied conscientisation and decolonisation of the imaginary. The ‘La Res’ project is a civil economy-orientated enterprise, which repurpose assets confiscated from organised crime in cooperative production, to promote community liberation and well-being (Natale, Arcidiacono, & Di Martino, 2013). The alternative community system this project created started from a process of collective and symbolic redefinition of the territories under study, from which the ‘Gomorrah Domain’ (Saviano, 2007/[Saviano, 2007]2006) was eventually renamed the ‘Don Peppe Diana Lands’.6 This action of conscientisation is strongly intertwined with practices of decolonisation of the imaginary of an oppressed context.7

In this case, CCP played a determining role in analysing and monitoring social interactions, promoting social awareness of the criminal power ruling the area, and generating a potential alternative economic system to capitalism. It also supported social change by fostering enterprises based on solidarity, collaboration, and mutual trust (Natale et al., 2013).

4. Reciprocity, conviviality, and responsible togetherness

An underlying cause for the current crisis is the extent to which the market-driven system erodes social fabric and the ties that keep people together, resulting in a diminished level of social capital as a consequence (Bartolini & Bonatti, 2008). With regard to that, the degrowth paradigm makes the case for an alternative social system, in which the yearning for material commodities is to be quenched by the presence of more relational goods (Kerschner, 2010; Trainer, 2012).

In this respect, some novel proposals for more communal and cooperative societies advocate a shift towards social networking cultures, which are social systems built on “a paradigm centred less on self-interest and more on the ability to adopt common interests and belong to a group that shares objectives within a given network” (Cardoso & Jacobetty, 2012, p.197). In the same vein, Conill, Castells, Cardenas, and Servon (2012) have outlined the framework for a new economic system that places less emphasis on the growth imperative and focuses more on trust, altruism, and mutual exchange. In this context, we would like to focus in particular on two means of achieving this goal, namely reciprocity and conviviality (Latouche, 2010; Illich, 1973), given their beneficial effect on life satisfaction and well-being (Sekulova, 2015). Reciprocity is considered, in the light of the degrowth paradigm, as “time devoted to society in the form of self-production, voluntary work or mutual exchange of goods and services”. Conviviality, on the other hand, is understood as “a system of social relationships based on community support, social unpaid work, reciprocity, voluntary work, favour and community exchange, household and informal care work” (Andreoni & Galmarini, 2014, pp. 79–80).

When reciprocity and conviviality are seen through the lens of Community Psychology they acquire new meanings in terms of how people live together and interact within communities (Kloos et al., 2012; Procentese, Scotto Di Luzio, & Natale,

5 Originally developed by Pinto (1960), critical consciousness or conscientisation, is the process of learning how to perceive and be aware of oppressive cial, political, and economic contradictions (Freire, 1970). 6 Don Peppe Diana was a priest killed for standing against mafia power. Today he is considered a symbol of civil resistance. 7 This involved combined strategies of intervention such as the inclusion of marginalised people in the social and economic fabric, the development of ssociations and social enterprises producing, distributing, and consuming at the local level, and the regeneration of a highly polluted area through

arnessing solar and bio-fuel energy (La Res manifesto, available at http://www.esperienzeconilsud.it/res/scheda-del-progetto/).

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2011) as well as the bearing that this has on their well-being. One of the main objectives of Community Psychology is to shift from individualist to more collectivist societies (Orford, 2008) in order to increase relational empowerment, sense of community, inclusivity, self-determination, and self-efficacy, all of which have a fundamental effect on human quality of life (Boffi, Riva, & Rainisio, 2015). This goal is in line with the scientific literature, which has highlighted on several occasions the positive effect of social cohesion (Delhey & Dragolov, 2015), as well as social capital, as an additional solution to the current crisis (Helliwell, Huang, & Wang, 2014). A critical perspective adds to this at least three further aspects. The first pertains to the role of social responsibility, whereas the second concerns an understanding of how globalisation impacts on our ways of being with others. Lastly, CCP also considers the role that power plays in determining community life (Kagan et al., 2011).

Starting with the first point, CCP views reciprocity and conviviality as not only the result of sharing the same spaces and being in close proximity to others, but also as a means of taking on responsibility and providing useful resources for the whole community. This calls for what Procentese et al. (2011) have defined ‘responsible togetherness’, which implies an active involvement of individuals and social groups in the life of the local community, in which members are expected to promote responsible actions as well as take part in a variety of social and community enterprises such as cultural, political, and sporting events. Overall, responsible togetherness depends on the collaboration, shared norms, and collective identity of individuals, groups, organisations, and institutions. Its objective is making social actors aware that they are capable of producing real change while assuming responsibility for themselves and others. In that regard, CCP is committed to fostering responsible togetherness through the promotion of social trust, a shared social agenda, community building, and social actions, all of which must be directed towards the care and maintenance of social contexts (Procentese, 2011).

Secondly, if our intention is to promote reciprocity and conviviality, we must also be mindful of the forces operating in an increasingly globalised planet, which constantly threaten the stability of social ties. Sloan (2010), for example, has highlighted the extent to which globalisation is undermining community life through increased social disaggregation. Thus, we must remember to link the global with the local, and invite international and national organisations, communities, and citizens to address the negative consequences of globalisation. Both degrowth and CCP agree on the necessity of using global responses to global challenges. As such, efficient interventions cannot be confined to localism (Burton, 2015a; Kagan et al., 2011; Romano, 2012).

One final important contribution of CCP is to inform our practices about the hidden risk of promoting sociability while at the same time overlooking the role and distribution of power in community life. While it is true, that reciprocity cannot be imposed by policies nor societies (Andreoni & Galmarini, 2013) there are several other communal principles that can be distorted in order to reinstate and preserve the power of those at the top of the social ladder. A good example of this, as reported by Kagan et al. (2011), is the concept of ‘community as ghetto’, that is a state of affairs where the idea of community is hampered, with the intention of confining people within either physical or social barriers. In this case, even a flourishing community that is based on reciprocity and conviviality, yet is confined within boundaries by coercion, is likely to support a state of oppression and those who gain by it. In that regard, Perkins, Hughey, and, Speer (2002, pp. 34–35) warn against the risk of focusing solely on social cohesion and social capital while overlooking other important aspects determining community life. In their words “interpersonal bonding is useful as a catalyst for participation and commitment, but network bridging opportunities that increase power, access, and learning deserve greater emphasis”.

Examples of how CCP works to promote sociability include the Italian projects ‘I love Porta Capuana’ and ‘Urban Laboratories’. The first of these brought together local people, associations, social enterprises, and local institutions to create grass-roots events and social opportunities. These were aimed at raising social awareness of problems, resources, and possible solutions in a deprived urban area central to the city of Naples (Arcidiacono, Grimaldi, Di Martino, & Procentese, 2016). The second promoted youth entrepreneurship through collaborative art-based laboratories, which were aimed at promoting social capital, solidarity, and social responsibility as an antidote to the economic and social crisis (Serino, Morciano, Scardigno, & Manuti, 2012). In addition to these examples, the seminal volume ‘The Power of Collaborative Solutions’ by Wolff (2010) offers a large array of case studies and good practices on how to build community coalition from the perspective of CCP.

5. Human being and nature: promoting environmental justice

From a degrowth perspective, the current economic system is not only responsible for financial and social inequality, but also for environmental degradation as well as environmental injustice (Anguelovski, 2015). The term environmental justice is generally used to describe grassroots movements around the world, which are fighting against unequal allocation of environmental hazards and environmental racism (Martínez-Alier, 2002; Newton, 2009; Schlosberg, 2007).

In line with the CCP vision, Schlosberg (2007) has pointed out that “theories of justice must expand to encompass groups: because groups and communities are demanding justice for groups and communities—not only for individuals” (pp. 37–38). In fact, within the context of an increasingly globalised world, the communal quest for environmental justice also assumes global meaning. Indeed, “globalisation has created new patterns of exposures and opportunities for environmental justice movement building” (Mohai, Pellow, & Timmons Roberts, 2009, p. 425). This is the reason why, as Martínez-Alier (2012, p. 64) reminds us, we should combine the campaigns of EJOs (environmental justice organisations) in the global south “against ecologically unequal exchange and the ecological debt” and the social movements for sustainable economic degrowth of the rich Northern countries.

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In this context, the capacity of CCP to achieve the objectives of degrowth lies first and foremost in promoting the intrinsic relatedness between human beings and the environment and then implementing the necessary changes. Furthermore, CCP bears the potential to act as a catalyst for pro-environmental behaviours by removing perceived barriers such as money, low efficacy, and hopelessness (Quimby & Angelique, 2011). In fact, as Riemer and Reich (2011) remind us, CCP can, among other things, “provide expertise in the practical application of ecological and system thinking (e.g., Foster-Fishman, Nowell, & Yang, 2007; Kelly, Ryan, Altman, & Stelzner, 2000, p. 350)) and could become a major voice in finding solutions to the climate crisis that move beyond surface solutions”.

Examples of how CCP works in the context of sustainability and environmental justice can be found at the individual, community, and macro level. At the micro level, Dittmer and Riemer (2013) ran a series of workshops to educate young people in Ontario. The aim of these sessions was to address the issue of climate change by going beyond adjustments in individual behaviour and focusing on higher-level factors such as social norms, family rituals, and the influence of economics. These sessions also invited participants to reflect on how higher levels in society (i.e. the media) affect the individual level (e.g., a sense of social status).

At the community level, Culley and Angelique (2011) have shown the political stance of CCP in analysing how social power can foster public participation in the environmental disputes associated with global climate change. In this context, the authors assume a three-dimensional view of social power. This consists firstly of control over superior bargaining resources, which are used to influence others, and secondly of the ability to control participation in, and the nature of, debate over key issues. The third dimension is the ability to control and disseminate truths, myths, and ideologies which are used to shape thoughts, desires, and interests (Culley & Angelique, 2011, p. 412).

Lastly, with regard to the macro-level, Castro and Mouro (2011) have analysed the ‘European Natura 2000 Network of Protected Sites’ to shed light on the psycho-social processes involved in how individuals, groups, and communities respond to multilevel governance of environmental protection.

Turning to a more analytical and theoretical level, Harré (2011), in her book ‘Psychology for a Better World’, reports that a higher identification with their local community leads people to assume more environmentally sustainable practices (Van Vugt, 2002). This is in line with degrowth’s aim of emphasising social relations in order for people to better deal with the downscaling of consumption, which in turn is a prerequisite for a more environmentally sustainable social system (Matthey, 2010).

Nelson and Prilleltensky (2010), offer a final contribution towards environmental preservation from the perspective of CCP. The authors remind us that there are at least four points on which CCP can contribute in this regard. The first, the concern for individual, relational, and collective well-being, has been considered above. The second, the fight for social justice, and the third, addressing issues of power and oppression, will be discussed in the next paragraph. Here we would first like to focus our attention on the fourth point, the prevention of conflict and use of violence, which relates to the often- overlooked negative impact of environmental injustice on social fabric. Given that one of the main concerns of the environmental justice movement is to ensure that the burden of natural depletion is fairly distributed among all people, regardless of class, race, and ethnicity, (Schlosberg, 2007; Shrader-Frechette, 2002), conditions of blatant environmental inequity may lead to increased social conflict over land, water, and other resources (Moss, 2009, p. 177).

This appears to be strongly evident in the recent wave of migrants and asylum seekers to Europe from the Middle East and Africa, which is in many respects a consequence of the economic and environmental exploitation of the global south (Martínez-Alier, 2012). As shown in this paragraph, CCP and degrowth are well positioned to tackle this issue, and many others related to environmental matters, by redefining the relationship between humans and nature as well as promoting conditions of environmental justice worldwide.

6. Social justice as the ground for promoting degrowth and well-being

The themes outlined above highlight some epistemic and value-based aspects that, albeit extremely relevant, could still not be sufficient to promote well-being in a context of degrowth. If we really wish to fully advance individual and community quality of life we need to prioritise the promotion of social justice, as well as equality of access to resources and opportunities.

There is wide evidence in support of viewing social justice as a core value for both degrowth – especially with regard to inter-generational, environmental, and distributive justice (Muraca, 2012) – and CCP—particularly for inclusivity, cultural, and procedural justice (Prilleltensky, 2012). Nonetheless, we must be conscious that the bearing that this has on life satisfaction and well-being may vary according to different social climates. From a liberationist perspective, this means that what many might consider a right is, in fact, very often a privilege and vice versa (Montero, 1994).

On these grounds, the degrowth paradigm invites us to call into question the very idea of social justice, and what it truly means to promote related concepts such as freedom, health, happiness and well-being. To this end, degrowth advocates an epistemic transformation of the concept of ‘good life’ from ‘well-having’ to ‘well-being’ (Matthey, 2010) and eventually becoming ‘well-living’ (see the Quechuan ideal of ‘sumak kausai’).

In this regard, the degrowth framework can benefit from the seminal work ‘Wellness as Fairness’ by Isaac Prilleltensky (2012) whereby the author makes explicit, at least at a theoretical level, the effect that the promotion of social justice has on people’s life satisfaction and well-being. According to Prilleltensky, this linkage runs along a continuum that goes from

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persistent conditions of injustice – which generate oppression, internalisation, helplessness, upward comparison and suffering – to optimal conditions of justice—which conversely generate responsive conditions, prevention, individual pursuit, and avoidance of comparisons and hence a thriving context.

Based on this premise, Ledwith (2012) recommends considering at least three aspects when setting out to promote social justice, environmental justice, and collective well-being from a CCP perspective. Firstly, we must remember that we need an understanding of ‘power’ and its role in shaping an individual’s psyche and behaviours. Framing human well-being in terms of how it is affected by a power differential, rather than the more abstract promotion of human rights, requires considering where power resides, as well as dealing with power imbalances, In other words, this means identifying which groups or individuals hold more power than others (Partridge, 2008; Prilleltensky, 2008). In this light, interventions aimed at promoting well-being and life satisfaction from a CCP perspective need to be assessed, among other criteria, on the basis of their psycho-political validity (Prilleltensky, 2003), which pertains to “the role of power in wellness, oppression, and liberation at the personal, relational, and collective domains” (Prilleltensky, 2008, p. 129). This invites us to delve into the mechanisms through which power is exerted to generate oppression. Is power used to control resources, create barriers to participation, set agendas, shape conceptions through the creation of ideologies that perpetuate the status quo, or a combination of all these (Culley & Hughey, 2008)? In this regard, as Prilleltensky (2008, p.116) argues “power is never political or psychological; it is always both”.

Secondly, our critical approach to social justice should always be grounded in a dynamic and dialectical alternation between theory and practice. Again, the integration of Critical and Community psychology offers a good solution to this task in that, as mentioned above, the former is highly action-oriented whereas the latter places a great deal of emphasis on challenging the status quo (Davidson et al., 2006).

As a third point, practice, also understood as ‘taking action’, cannot only be a matter of individual interest. Viewed from a broader perspective, the purpose of liberation must be, in Montero’s words, “collectively and individually built, obtained, and won” (Montero,1994, p. 76). Collectivism also applies to assuring environmental justice for everyone, an aim that is endorsed by increasing demand for public participation in environmental decision-making (Spyke, 1999).

As we have shown in this paragraph, social justice plays a fundamental role in determining how to address the crisis and its consequences. CCP assumes that the degrowth movement can overcome the current crisis, provided that it incorporates a social justice compass into its vision thereby assuring that the construction of a less materialistic world will also entail a fairer distribution of available resources and opportunities. In this sense, we are mindful of Caraça’s (2012, p. 58) warning about the often quoted Chinese saying ‘crisis also means opportunity’, which is today becoming “crisis for most and opportunity for a few”.

7. Final remarks

This article has presented some good practices and visions for attaining novel social and individual goals for the future of humankind. These will support scholars, practitioners, and social activists in paving the way for building fairer, more sustainable, collaborative, and responsible societies free from the myth of endless growth (Morin, 2011).

Our argument rests on the assumption that decolonisation of the imaginary, reciprocity and conviviality, and the relationship with nature are three tenets of the degrowth rationale. In relation to this, scholars from a variety of disciplines are facing the challenge of operationalising degrowth principles in order to unlock all of their transformative and revolutionary potential (Haberl, Marina, Krausmann, Martínez-Alier, & Winiwarter, 2011).

This work, therefore, has set out to integrate the vision of degrowth with the ethos and approach of CCP. In particular, we have shown how this approach fosters social interaction, thereby raising awareness and generating support for social change and social enterprises based on solidarity, collaboration, mutual trust, and respect for the environment.

In doing so, we have offered examples of how citizens can be empowered and made aware of the practices used by the dominant system to enforce its power (conscientisation and de-ideologisation). We have also shown examples of practices that place value on sharing and being responsible for each other in community life (togetherness), and maintain a harmonious relationship with nature and the earth (environmental justice).

In addition to this, we have framed these principles with reference to the promotion of social justice. This requires addressing the issue of what it means to assure conditions of social justice in a globalised society that considers fairness and equal opportunity in terms of having more rather than less (van Griethuysen, 2010).

In conclusion, this work has attempted to shed light on the interrelatedness of degrowth and CCP. Our ultimate goal is to raise awareness of the challenges of our era in a way that is in keeping with what degrowth thinkers and Critical Community psychologists advocate. In particular, this paper has stressed the importance of finding alternatives to the current economic system, which is strongly shaped by imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, and globalisation. Moreover, it has highlighted the need for novel models of interaction among individuals at the local and social levels. Lastly, it has offered an additional space in which to rethink the relationship between human beings and nature.

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  • De-growth and critical community psychology: Contributions towards individual and social well-being
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2 Does more growth lead to increased well-being and life satisfaction?33In this paper, when referring to well-being, we in...
    • 3 Decolonisation of the imaginary, de-ideologisation, and conscientisation
    • 4 Reciprocity, conviviality, and responsible togetherness
    • 5 Human being and nature: promoting environmental justice
    • 6 Social justice as the ground for promoting degrowth and well-being
    • 7 Final remarks
    • References

S. J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2020.pdf

366 Journal of Developing Societies 27, 1 (2011): 1–10

Copyright © 2020 SAGE Publications www.sagepublications.com (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC and Melbourne) Vol 36(4): 366–389. DOI: 10.1177/0169796X20963252

Geopolitics of Power and Knowledge in the COVID- 19 Pandemic: Decolonial Reflections on a Global

Crisis

Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni Department of Leadership and Transformation, University of South

Africa, Pretoria

AbstRACt

This article offers a provisional decolonial reading of the crisis created by corona- virus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. The article performs five interrelated tasks. The first task addresses the question of knowledge and theorizing during exceptional moments. A decolonial case is made for seeking mitigations and solu- tions to COVID-19 based on the African knowledge and epistemologies from the Global South. Africa in particular and the Global South in general have the richest histories and experiences of epidemics and pandemics. This moment of the COVID- 19 pandemic raises questions about the geopolitics of knowledge (which historical archive do we run to, who should learn from whom, and which epistemology is privileged?). The second task is to outline how the triple concepts of paradox, cri- sis, and crossroads (PCC) can help us to gain a better understanding of the issues cascading in this moment of the COVID-19 pandemic. The third task is a critique of lockdowns as knee-jerk reactions in Africa, since they are not sustainable, and they impinge on life, security, freedom, and economy in fragile African environments. The fourth task is to introduce 10 Ds of the decolonial turn —Deimperialization, De-Westernization, Depatriachization, Deracialization, Debourgeoisement, Decorporatization, Democratization, Deborderization, Decanonization, and Desecularization—which help in envisioning a post-COVID-19 decolonial world order. The final task is to propose decolonial love as the soul of the post-COVID-19 world order based on a new ethics for living together, economies of care, a politics of conviviality, and hospitality as opposed to enmity. Africa in particular and the Global South in general constitute the author’s locus of enunciation.

Keywords: COVID-19, conviviality, crisis, crossroads, decolonial turn, decolonial love, economies of care

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I am also trying to think the world beyond Europe, after Europe, not against Europe, but despite Europe. (Dabashi, 2018, p. 3)

The end of conceit is upon us. Western rationality must be rethought. (Chabal, 2012, p. 335)

What if we posit that, in the present moment, it is the Global South that affords privileged insight into the working of the world at large? (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2012, p. 1)

The three epigraphs above speak to the question of what the shifting geopolitics of power and knowledge are related to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). The advent of COVID-19 has escalated the contesta- tions over power and knowledge across the Global North–Global South power spectrum. Within a matter of months, COVID-19 has become the most written about subject across the world. The media is captivated by the subject of COVID-19. The advent of COVID-19 has also introduced a new vocabulary about such things as “national lockdowns” and “social distancing.”

One can say that COVID-19 has hit at the very center of planetary human entanglements, affecting both private and public lives. The modern world as we know it has been turned upside down. Closed borders and lockdowns have become part of the most immediate global response to curbing the spread of human infections by the virus, and within months, COVID-19 travelled along the global air and sea lanes between China and Europe, and the USA and to the rest of the world. More than any other recent occurrence, the outbreak of COVID-19 has proved the point about the extent of global human entanglements and pushed home the necessity of finding humane ways of coexisting and sharing space on this earth between humans and other beings.

Leaders like Donald Trump have engaged in politicking about the virus, which first hit Wuhan in China. He calls it a “Chinese virus,” but COVID-19 has wreaked far more havoc in the USA than China, has proved beyond doubt that it does not respect borders and such national identities. Trump’s decision to cut US funding for the World Health Organization (WHO) reveals the contestations in the political economy over multilateral institutions and questions about whether the WHO is capable of resisting imperialist and capitalist political practices, and the politics that impinge negatively on the international political economy of health. Can global health care be decoupled from neoliberal

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capitalist politics and the profit making from natural disasters, which led Klein (2007) to introduce the concept of “disaster capitalism” and the “shock doctrine”?

The crisis is beyond being a pandemic, that is, an epidemic that has engulfed the whole world—it has grown to be the kind of civilizational crisis long predicted by Césaire (2000[1955]). It is also a crisis of moder- nity—indeed, it has exposed the limits of a modernity, which has been creating numerous modern problems without generating modern solu- tions (see Escobar, 2004). To name the present crisis as a capitalist crisis is to reduce it to one aspect of modernist civilization and results in the dangerous idea of weighing chances of human life against chances of the modern capitalist economy. The crisis is multifaceted, with ecological, existential, and epistemic dimensions.

This is why this article is predicated on a decolonial reading and inter- pretation of the COVID-19 pandemic—a perspective which foregrounds the issues of power that involve the asymmetrical and pyramidal con- stitution of global politics and the world order. It provides a critique of the notion that there is a singular system of modern knowledge, which pervades the mental universe and supposedly provides answers for every human problem across the globe. Eurocentric conceptions of what it means to be human are predicated on racist and sexist social classifica- tions, racial hierarchization, and capitalist approaches to ecology and the natural environment, particularly their reduction to natural resources that are causing worldwide ecological problems, as well as the condem- nation of all other spiritualities, while universalizing Christianity, and modern heteronormativity, where gender is deployed to inferiorize and superiorize certain people for purposes of domination and exploitation (see Ake, 1979; Chinweizu, 1975; Grosfoguel, 2007; Maldonado-Torres, 2007; Mignolo, 2000; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013a, 2013b, 2018; Ngugi wa Thiong’o, 1986; Quijano, 2000).

This article deploys decolonial critical thought not only to make sense of this moment of COVID-19 but also to envision a post-COVID-19 world order. This short article is organized into five sections. The first section addresses the question of knowledge and theorizing on COVID-19, par- ticularly the inadequacy of normal-times thinking and theorizing when applied to exceptional moments. It is in this section that a decolonial case is put forward for African knowledge, epistemologies of the Global South, and, indeed, lessons from Africa in the search for mitigation and solutions to COVID-19 . This proposition is given credence by the

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fact that Africa in particular and the Global South in general have the richest histories and experiences of epidemics than the Global North. Is this not then the moment to rely on African endogenous knowledge and epistemologies of the South?

The second section continues the experimentation with theorizing the moment of the COVID-19 pandemic through introduction of the paradox, crisis, and crossroads (PCC) concepts (), which help to make sense of the diverse challenges cascading from the current moment of the pandemic. The third section reflects on lockdowns as knee-jerk responses and cut and paste versions from the Global North reactions to the pandemic with quite different implications for life, security, freedom, and economy in Africa. The fourth section lays out the “10 Ds” of the decolonial turn, which enable a decolonial envisioning of the post-COVID-19 world order. The 10 Ds are Deimperialization, De-Westernization, Depatriachization, Deracialization, Debourgeoisement, Decorporatization, Democratization, Deborderization, Decanonization, and Desecularization. The final section is the conclusion, and it calls for decolonial love underpinned by a new ethics of living together, economies of care, and politics of conviviality as opposed to society of enmity.

the Poverty of Normal times thinking and theorizing in the Age of COVID-19

Vazquez (2020), a Mexican decolonial thinker, has posited that the way COVID-19 is travelling along the superhighways of the modern world and causing havoc in the Global North has signaled the dawn of de-Westernization. He has highlighted the possibilities of shifting the geopolitics of power and knowledge in a decolonial manner. However, the complacency of Europe and North America in the face of news concerning the outbreak of COVID-19 in China has resulted, according to Vazquez, in “the impossibility of learning from and listening to other regions of the world and even to the south of Europe” (Vazquez, 2020 quoted in Rutazibwa, 2020, p. 3). This colonial mentality is explained by Santos (2014, p. 19) who has argued:

The truth of the matter is that, after five centuries of “teaching” the world, the global North seems to have lost the capacity to learn from the experiences of the world. in other words, it looks as if colonialism has disabled the global North from learning in noncolonial terms, that is, in terms that allow for the existence of histories other than the universal history of the West.

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The ironic part is that even among Africans—who have a long history and experience of grappling with epidemics and pandemics, largely because of the negative impact of modern global power dynamics, which invented and reproduced the Global South as the geography of poverty—there is reluctance to tap into this history, experience, and knowledge about responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. This is probably due to the historical fact that colonialism distablized the colonized people’s self- confidence and agency (Fanon, 1968; Memmi, 1974). Looking to Europe and North America would not help Africa at this time, as there is bigger trouble in Europe and North America than in Africa. This pandemic provides an opportunity for Africa in particular and the Global South in general not to look up to the Global North for salvation but to shift the geopolitics of knowledge by using African endogenous knowledge and the epistemologies of the Global South. What is gratifying is that countries such as Ghana, Madagascar and others have put their scientists to work on endogenous mitigation strategies. The endogenous African initiatives to deal with COVID-19 are detailed at the end of this section.

A poignant point is emerging which is that the knowledge that carried us over the past 500 years and has plunged us into the current civilizational crisis cannot be the same knowledges that is used to take us out of the present crisis and into the future. The way COVID-19, just like the global financial crisis before it, successfully took the world by surprise might be a sign of epistemic crisis—a crisis of knowledge which is no longer able to predict challenges and problems, as they come and let alone being able to successfully protect people. Perhaps Wallerstein (2004, p. 58) had noticed this epistemic crisis when he introduced the concept of “uncertainties of knowledge” and postulated that “we live in a very exciting era in the world of knowledge, precisely because we are living in a systemic crisis that is forcing us to reopen the basic epistemological questions and look to structural reorganizations of the world of knowledge.”

Before the crisis, in 1999, Wallerstein had also made a call for escala- tion of “rethinking” issues, which he deemed to be normal to the higher level of “unthinking” issues mainly because he had noticed that the nineteenth-century social science was no longer relevant in enabling an understanding of the social world (Wallerstein, 1999). These interven- tions by Wallerstein dovetail with the long-standing decolonial critique of Eurocentric knowledge and its inapplicability and irrelevance to the people of the Global South in particular and for the modern world gen- erally that is expected to have transcended racism and colonialism. The

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fact that the modern world is “waiting for a vaccine” (just like waiting for the rains) might be partly a sign that there is a problem in our knowledge domain and partly the evidence of weak health systems across the world.

Leading African scholars and political freedom fighters such as Ake (1979), Cabral (1979), and Ngugi wa Thiong’o (2012) have been push- ing for new knowledge and theorizing as they critiqued “social science as imperialism” (Ake, 1979), abstraction without realism (“to start out from the reality of our land and with our feet on the ground”) (Cabral, 1979), as well as avoiding kite kind of theorizing, which flies above reali- ties on the ground (“riches of poor theory”) (Ngugi wa Thiong’o, 2012). According to Ngugi wa Thiong’o (2012, p. 3), the “poor means being extremely creative and experimental in order to survive.” The moment of COVID-19 has somehow made every human being “poor” across the North–South divides in the sense that every person is currently trying to survive the possibilities of infectious COVID-19. Has the COVID-19 pandemic not succeeded to a minor extent to “Southernize” the Global North and making the people in the industrialized societies to at least experience how it is to live precarious lives of trying to survive premature death? At the same time, this question does not succumb to a myth that pandemics like COVID-19 do not discriminate on class and other forms of social stratifications (see Harvey, 2020). Racial capitalism created a gendered, racialized, classified, and even ethnicized workforce (Robinson, 1983). Consequently, the lower ranks of workforce in the health systems across the globe remain racialized and gendered. This is why it is the largely female workforce that is in the forefront of fighting and risking contracting the virus in the old people’s homes, clinics and hospitals.

But still such calls and initiatives to take “endogenous knowledge” (Hountondji, 1997), the “southern theory” (Connell, 2007,), “theory from the South” (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2012), “epistemologies from the South” (Santos, 2014, 2018), and “epistemic freedom” (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2018) seriously become very important now when the rest of the world is experiencing part of what the people of the Global South have been experiencing for over 500 years. Comaroff and Comaroff (2012, p. 1) made a call for inverting the order of things in the knowledge domain through subversion of “the epistemic scaffolding on which it is erected” so as to take the knowledge from the Global South seriously because “it is the global south that affords privileged insight into the workings of the world at large.”

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This call makes a lot of sense now that COVID-19 has exposed the fact that the Global North is also vulnerable to epidemics and pandem- ics. That Africa and the Global South, in particular, have been facing major issues like the epidemics and pandemics. Epistemologies of the Global South embody knowledges emerging from these struggles; hence, they become very relevant in confronting epidemics and pandemics (see Santos, 2014, 2018; Santos & Meneses, 2020). The power and relevance of epistemologies of the Global South is that they are largely experiential and experimental knowledges.

With specific reference to the challenges posed by COVID-19 the Liberian scholar Pailey (2020) posited that Africans do not need “sav- ing” from the Global North during the COVID-19 pandemic. Instead, she proposed that Africa and the Global North have a lot of knowledge and experience on these issues to teach Europeans. She made reference to her own home country Liberia, which experienced and survived two tragedies—14 years civil war and the three-year (2014–2016) outbreak of Ebola, which killed 11,000 people in the West African region. Pailey (2020) gave the examples of how the Liberian people had to improvise the protective equipment because of its necessity—which is always the basis of all inventions.

The Mozambican scholar Macamo (2020, p. 1) also weighed in to criticize the tendency of African leaders to ‘copy and paste’ European responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, noting that for Europe, it came as an “extraordinary event coming to disrupt their normal lives.” He mobilized the concept of “risk society” to argue that “normality” has not been Africa’s reality and concluded that “We face the same enemy, but not the same risk.” Arguing along the same lines, leading African Intellectuals (2020) in their open letter to the African leaders dated April 17, 2020 also underscored that “Yet, as a continent that is familiar with pandemic outbreaks, Africa has a head start in the management of large scale crises.” The clear message is that Africa has a rich history and experience of dealing with and surviving epidemics and pandemics, and to draw knowledge and lessons from this knowledge to deal and respond to COVID-19 than just copying responses from elsewhere.

In the wake of the Ebola epidemic in West and Central Africa, the African Union (AU) reacted by creating the Africa Centres for Diseases Control (CDC), and this institution has made efforts to provide Pan-African guidelines to African states so as to enable them to deal with epidemics and pandemics in a systematic way in accordance with

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WHO’s global protocols. The other positive endogenous initiative comes from Ghana where the academy and industries came together in the form of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), the Incas Diagnostics and Kumasi Centre for Collaborative Research (KCCR) to develop rapid diagnostic test (RDT) kit (Nyavor, 2020). The RDT uses a finger-prick blood just like blood glucose or home pregnancy test to detect different types of antibodies produced by the body when it is fighting against COVID-19 (Nyavor, 2020). This is, indeed, a major breakthrough as it detects COVID-19 after 7 days of infection, and the results are declared at least 48 hours from the testing time (Nyavor, 2020).

The other promising example of African endogenous initiatives comes from Madagascar. A Congolese medical doctor, Dr. Jerome Munyayi, based in Madagascar collaborated with the Malagasy Institute of Applied Research (MIAR), producing an herbal remedy called “Covid Organics” (Africa.Com, 2020). The President of Madagascar, Andry Rajoelina, has already officially launched the herbal remedy “breakthrough,” which contains a plant cultivated in Madagascar to fight against malaria. Many African leaders including those of Tanzania and Congo-Brazzaville have indicated their interest in importing the herbal remedy from Madagascar. Expectedly, the WHO has jumped in to warn the world that there is no cure yet to COVID-19 arguing that there were no shortcuts in finding effective medication to fight COVID-19.

While the point of caution is well taken, the problem is that the geopolitics of power and knowledge are still titled toward the Global North as the only site of credible science and only space to look to as the world waits for the vaccine. The initiatives being taken at the University of Oxford on the making of a vaccine are not subjected to the same dismissal as those being carried out by the African scientists. The point which emerges clearly is how the efforts and initiatives to deal with COVID-19 have remained stuck within complex global knowledge economy with creativity of Southern intellectuals and scientists silenced, marginalized, and exposed to what Maldonado-Torres (2007) termed the “racist/imperial Manichean Misanthropic Skepticism.” It is skepti- cism about the very humanity of a people. Decolonization has fought against these resilient skepticisms and continues to produce concepts that enable a better understanding of such moments as the current one—COVID-19.

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Paradox, Crisis and Crossroads: Making sense of the Matters Arising from COVID-19

The concepts of PCC help in thinking through the present moment of COVID-19. Paradox is a mode of analysis, which the Marxists call dialectics. It is a useful mode of analysis, which enables the capturing of contradictory manifestations of phenomena so as to make sense of them. COVID-19 has plunged the world into an unfamiliar territory though it is not so unfamiliar to the Global South, where a majority of people live in what Fanon (1968) termed the “zone of nonbeing” where hellish conditions and premature death is the order of existence (see also Santos, 2007b; Grosfoguel, 2019). In the zone of nonbeing, curable diseases still kill people in large numbers. COVID-19 has revealed that these kinds of paradoxes of the modern world are born out of the colonialism of Euromodernity and its key pillars of will to power, the paradigm of dif- ference, and the paradigm of war (see Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2020).

The first paradox has been that of increased planetary human entangle- ments enabled by globalization and migrations, which are countered by the forces of re-territorialization, the upsurge in narrow nationalisms, exclusionary xenophobia, and a rising number of what Brown (2010) has termed “walled states” on a global scale. Brown (2010, p. 20) has captured these paradoxes this way: “So, three paradoxes: one featur- ing simultaneous opening and blocking, one featuring universalization combined with exclusion and stratification, and one featuring networked and virtual power met by physical barricades.” COVID-19 has hit the center of a modern world harboring “fundamental tensions between opening and barricading, fusion and partition, erasure and reinscription” (Brown, 2010, p. 7). This reality partly explains why national lockdowns (re-bordering) were the familiar response across the world and partly why politics and practices of racism and xenophobia are even attempting to assign COVID-19 to a particular subjectivity and particular bodies—the attempts to “other” the Chinese as carriers of COVID-19 is a case in point.

There is a second sub-paradox of the first one, which is that of responding to a pandemic through territorial/national solutions with re-bordering being the key methodology. Closing borders to a virus that does not respect any border is, indeed, paradoxical. For the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was it not going to make sense to develop a regional response to the COVID-19 bearing in mind that the virus’s migration from places such as China, Europe and the

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USA to the region is agreed? Locking down the region rather than individual small states even before the virus invaded it would have made sense as internal regional life and economy would have been allowed to continue functioning since the virus did not originate in the SADC region. It was only in April that an SADC Regional Response To COVID-19 Pandemic emerged and does not go much beyond endorse- ment of WHO’s guidelines and national-level interventions, ending with the statement that “SADC Secretariat remains committed to regional responses to COVID-19 pandemic, and appeals for continued regional co-operation and solidarity in the efforts to contain and address the COVID-19 pandemic” (SADC, 2020).

Fundamentally, the SADC response is tantamount to attempts to close the kraal after the bull has already bolted out. The COVID-19 is already inside individual nation-states within the SADC, which makes it hard to mount a Pan-Southern African response. With specific reference to the rest of Africa’s response to COVID-19 one is reminded of Mwalimu Julius Kabarage Nyerere’s warning: “African nationalism is meaningless, dangerous, anachronistic, if it not, at the same time, pan-Africanism” (Nyerere quoted in Emerson, 1962, p. 275). Logically, a pandemic might be better tackled from a Pan-African methodology rather than the usual methodological nationalism.

The national re-bordering methodology has led the South African government to invest R37 million in constructing a 40-km fence on the Zimbabwe–South Africa border as though there is any evidence that COVID-19 comes or will come from Zimbabwe. Perhaps South Africa is taking Melinda Bill Gates’ idea seriously that Africa is yet to witness millions of dead bodies of Africans on the African streets, and Zimbabwe with its collapsed economy is identified as part of that vortex of conta- gion! The dire situation of Zimbabwe in the context of COVID-19 is well captured by Mandaza and Reeler (2020, p. 1):

COVID-19 may be a unique problem being faced by the country, but it is superimposed on all the problems that existed prior to the epidemic. It is a moot point whether Zimbabwe was fragile or failed prior to COVID-19: what is unarguable is that the state was broken already, reeling from, an absence of visionary leadership, incoherent policies (even admitted by the Finance minister), a broken economy, broken services, and the spectre of mass hunger and starvation. Zimbabwe was in the deepest trouble it could be, even before COVID-19.

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Taking into account this situation in which Zimbabwe finds itself, per- haps South Africa is right in thinking that the worst problem for it will come from its northern neighbor if COVID-19 infections escalated on the African continent. While there is some satisfaction in Africa’s civil society circles that the African political elites in charge of states in Africa are currently locked down together with their citizens, making it impos- sible for them to fly off to overseas for medical treatment, and that this reality has forced them to take the question of health care in Africa seriously, there is not yet discernible domestic increase in public health funding, in general, and medical health research. These micro-political economies of health challenges in Africa have to provoke a mindset shift among the African leaders as there is no Europe or North America to run to for medical attention.

The third paradox is that of a modernity that has promised to overcome all obstacles facing humanity through rational thinking and deployment of science, which created so many modern problems with no modern solu- tions (see Escobar, 2004). There is an emerging ecological discourse that blames capitalist invasion of the natural environment for the outbreak of COVID-19 and highlights the increasing appetite of the people to kill and eat wild animals. There is also an emerging argument that deadly viral diseases, which are new to human beings, were coming from “biodiversity hotspots such as tropical rainforests and bushmeat markets in African and Asian cities” (Vidal, 2020, p. 4). While singling out Africans and Asians as the environmental terrorists who subsist on eating “bushmeat” sounds racist, there is no denial that there is a worldwide ecological crisis caused by capitalist mode of production.

The fourth paradox is the long-standing one of opulence versus poverty, emerging from racial capitalism’s operative logics of creating geographies of wealth and geographies of scarcity, maldevelopment, and underdevelopment (see Amin, 1990, 2011). At the center of this paradox are realities of huge investments in accrual of sophisticated weapons of mass destruction within a world where investment on human health is dwindling; hence, COVID-19 found no country with a health system that was able to deal effectively with it. National lockdowns were partly a methodology of enabling weak health systems to be reconstructed. It would seem that the “will to power” and the “paradigm of war” preoc- cupied human minds to the extent of forgetting human security of which health systems are a part (see Maldonado-Torres, 2008). For Africans, the weak public health systems are due partly to two-decade-long havoc

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wreaked on them by imposed structural adjustment programmes with their conditionalities, which recommended budget cuts on subsidies to education and health (Mkandawire & Soludo, 1998). Deregulation and privatization of economies had far-reaching political and socioeconomic negative effects on Africans.

The second important concept is that of crisis. The leading South African intellectual Mafeje (1976, p. 307) posited that “In times of cri- sis there is an inevitable return to fundamentals. Questions such as the relation of knowledge to the world of experience are revived, often in a disharmonious way.” Earlier on, Kuhn (1962), in his widely read book, also emphasized how “anomaly” and “crisis” lay behind “the emergence of scientific discoveries” and “the emergence of scientific theories.” He put it this way: “Let us then assume that crises are a necessary precondition for emergence of novel theories and ask next how scientists respond to their existence” (Kuhn, 1962, p. 77). Therefore, the African Intellectuals’ (2020, p. 2) call: “African continent must take its destiny back into its own hands. For it is in the most trying moments that new/innovative orientations must be explored and lasting solutions adopted” is timely.

However, with specific reference to COVID-19, the question that comes to mind is that of naming the present moment correctly. Yes, it is a crisis, but what is in crisis? The concept of crisis has been with us for a long time with European philosophers like Slavoj Zizek producing works like Living in the End Times (2011), where eschatological terminology of “ends of times,” “apocalypse,” and “Armageddon” were deployed in an attempt to name the age in which we live. Worldwide ecological crisis, imbalances within the economic system, biogenetic revolution, and exploding social divisions and ruptures are named as the four horsemen of the coming apocalypse (Zizek, 2011, p. 5). Here, one can see a combined deployment of secular and religious terminology in an attempt to name a moment in human history.

The leading African theorist Mbembe (2019a) has also been concerned with the question of correctly naming the present moment. He introduced the concept of “necropolitics” to name a moment characterized by the “repopulation of the earth,” “exit from democracy,” “society of enmity,” “relation without desire,” “voice of blood,” and “terror and counterterror as our time’s medication and poison” (Mbembe, 2019a, p. 1). This is the state of the modern world within which COVID-19 emerged at the end of 2019. It was already a troubled world. Mbembe (2019b, p. 2) posited that “We must name our times in a way that leaves us with a small window of hope, the hope that not all is lost.” It would seem Césaire’s (2000[1955])

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concept of “civilizational crisis” is a better name for what the modern world is experiencing and his triple-judgments are very enlightening: “A civilization that proves incapable of solving the problems it creates is a decadent civilization. A civilization that chooses to close its eyes to its most crucial problems is a sick civilization. A civilization that plays fast and loose with its principles is a dying civilization” (Césaire, 2000[1955], p. 31).

But naming of the crisis which gives hope comes from scholars of epistemologies of the Global South and decolonial thought. Works by Santos (2007a) and Fischer and Ponniah (2004) provide hope about a post-capitalist, post-colonial, and post-patriarchal world. Such a world is depicted by Ngugi wa Thiong’o (2012) as underpinned by “globalec- tics” and by Escobar (2018) as a “pluriversity”—a world in which many worlds coexist (see also Reiter, 2018). This possible world and possible knowledge are necessitated by a civilizational crisis haunting the present world and present knowledge.

A crisis always takes the world to a crossroads where crucial and difficult decisions have to be taken so as to find a way out of the crisis. In a way, the moment of COVID-19 has to be embraced as that of rethinking and even unthinking conceptions of being human, which are antagonistic to and predatory on nature and conceptions of power shot through by race, gender, class, and other forms of exclusion, domination, and exploitation. Standing at and thinking from the crossroads as a site of making decisions, the African Intellectuals (2020, p. 2) posited that “The global order is disintegrating before our very eyes, giving way to vicious geopolitical tussle” and proposed a “new political idea of Africa’ constructed from ideas adapted to realities across the continent.” But before grappling with the pertinent question of the new political idea of Africa and pontificate on the architecture and character of the possible post-COVID-19 decolonized world order, it is important to briefly engage with the issue of lockdowns specifically.

Lockdowns: Life, security, Freedom, and Economy

In The Politics of Borders: Sovereignty, Security, and the Citizen after 9/11, Mathew Longo has highlighted the paradox of how to sustain a liberal world democratic order and the freedoms and rights it provides to the citizens versus the imperatives of security. This is how Longo (2018, p. 1) puts it:

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In the years since 9/11, two issues—terrorism and immigration—have domi- nated the global political imaginary. At the centre of each, an institution: the border. Worldwide, states have responded to these challenges via the tighten- ing of population controls within and without the territorial limit of the polity. The centrality of borders to these challenges is immediately manifest. What problem does immigration raise? It is the threat of them overwhelming us. And terrorism? Of them attacking us. Both problematics centre on fantasies of exclusion and binary logics of interiority/exteriority, us/them, identity/dif- ference. In short: borders.

The advent of COVID-19 has exacerbated this paradox by adding the dimensions of saving lives versus the fate of the economy. Lockdowns are part of re-bordering of an extreme type whereby a home/house becomes the boundary/border. Social distancing is even trying to draw a border between individuals. Mbembe (2018, p. 5) introduced the concept of a “security society,” which is “fundamentally fearful of the truth; fearful of the unknown and ultimately fearful of itself. It is this deep-seated fear of itself that is then projected to whoever stands as its opposite.” COVID- 19 is the big “unknown” that is feared today. But what is feared more is its host—the human body—the body of the migrant to be specific. This is why scholars like Mezzadra (2013) noted that borders were no longer exclusively and primarily met “at the border,” that is, at the limits of the states’ territory but have extended to the interior creating “borderscapes” that interfere with both private and public life. This reality fundamentally means that when COVID-19 hit the world and necessitated lockdowns, the world was already gravitating toward walling-in for other reasons such as security and obsession with migrants (see also Celikates, 2020). But the African Intellectuals (2020, p. 2) criticized the lockdowns in these words:

Adopting the all-securitarian model of “containment” of northern countries— often without much care to specific contexts—many African countries have imposed a brutal crackdown upon their populations; here and there, violations of curfew measures has been met with police violence. If such containment measures have met the agreement of middle classes shielded from crowded living conditions with some having the possibility to work from home, they have proven punitive and disruptive from those whose survival depends on informal activities.

What is emerging poignantly is the political economy of COVID-19 and, indeed, a political economy of lockdowns and the possibilities of

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working from home. What is at risk is what Adebanwi (2017) has termed “the political economy of everyday life in Africa,” which is the domain of the poor Africans, where they seek survival and life itself. This “politi- cal economy of everyday life in Africa” is characterized by “day-to-day” inventions, innovations, and experimentations (see Guyer, 1996; Ngugi wa Thiong’o, 2012). The “securitarian model” of lockdowns has hit hard on this “political economy of everyday life,” which cannot survive even one day of disruption and has continued through resisting state interventions.

At least for countries like South Africa with a functional economy, the idea of “food parcels” though meager is an attempt to mitigate disaster among those poor people who were actively involved in the “political economy of everyday life.” But even in South Africa, there is a lot of talk about how “food parcels” are not given to those without national identity cards, the majority of whom are undocumented foreign nationals. If it is true, then a disaster of a different kind is approaching. For countries like Zimbabwe where the economy collapsed two decades ago and the securocratic state has abandoned any attempts to deliver any service, a looming humanitarian disaster is on the horizon. Unemployment in Zimbabwe is over 90 percent, and the idea of working from home is just impossible. It is within this context that the questions and arguments posed by Shani (2020, p. 2) make sense:

What are the subjects which states are seeking to protect? [...]. But what of those who have no home? Or hand sanitizer or face mask? Or access to run- ning water? The referent object of Coronavirus discourse is a homeowner with economic means to take time off work and stockpile food. For the majority of mankind, this isn’t an option. [...]. The subject that states protect is a racialized, bourgeois and gendered subject.

Bare lives that were defined by the Italian philosopher Agamben (1998) are becoming even more “bare” under what he termed the “state of exception” (see Agamben, 2005). Lockdowns have literally destroyed the “political economy of everyday life,” where a majority of African people are found. The concept of the “political economy of everyday life” is better than that of “informal economy,” which does not make sense in many parts of Africa, where the “formal economy” collapsed long ago. What also arises from this analysis of the political economy of COVID-19 and, indeed, that of lockdowns based on the ideas of capable states and formally employed people is to map out a possible decolonized post-COVID-19 world order.

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the Decolonial turn and the Post-COVID-19 Decolonized World Order

Rutazibwa (2020) highlighted two key issues. The first was that the COVID-19 pandemic “show us more than the inequalities that we already know but fail to address meaningfully” (Rutazibwa, 2020, p. 2). The second is that “The Corona pandemic blows the lid off the idea of Western superiority” (Rutazibwa, 2020, p. 7). These two interventions amplify the resurgent and insurgent demands for decolonization of the twenty-first century as a planetary liberatory project confronting global coloniality in its multiple faces. At the center, this drive for decoloniza- tion are the pertinent questions of life chances, rehumanization, and life futures (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2020). The main concerns are about those human beings who have been exposed to “bare life” and who are relegated to the zones of nonbeing. Fanon (1968, p. 252) is a major inspiration for decolonization because he was systematically and consistently critical of the “European game” and openly mobilized against it: “Let us decide not to imitate Europe and let us tense our muscles and our brains in a new direction. Let us endeavour to invent man in full, something which Europe has been incapable of achieving.” Fanon (1968, p. 252) contin- ued to push for a decolonial turn: “For Europe, for ourselves, and for humanity, comrades we must turn over a new leaf, we must work out new concepts, and try to set afoot the new man.”

At the core of the decolonial turn is what West (2014) termed the “Black prophetic fire” founded on what Robinson (1983) depicted as the “Black radical tradition.” The Black prophetic fire and Black radical tradi- tion “put a premium on serving the community, lifting others, and finding joy in empowering others” (West, 2014, p. 1). The politics and practice were informed by an emerging but very strong “We-consciousness” as opposed to the present day “I-consciousness” (West, 2014, p. 1). West elaborated on the key contours of the Black prophetic tradition:

The Black prophetic tradition accents the fightback of poor and working people, be it in the United States against big money, be it in the Middle East against Arab autocratic rule or Israel occupation, be it against African authoritarian governments abetted by US forces or Chinese money, be it in Latin America against oligarchic regimes in collaboration with big banks and corporations, or be it in Europe against austerity measures that benefit big creditors and punish everyday people. In short, the Black prophetic tradition is local in content and international in character. (West, 2014, pp. 4–5)

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Perhaps it was because of the Black prophetic tradition’s powerful fire for justice, freedom, and liberation that Andrews (2019, p. 298) called for what he termed “back to black” and concluding that “It is only by rejecting the system of Western imperialism that we can ever be free. But as we leave the house we must bring it crashing down in order to truly liberate not only the Black nation, but all oppressed peoples.” Following is a summary of a vision of a post-COVID-19 decolonized world

the “10 Ds” of the Decolonial turn and their Relation to COVID-19

Table 1 directly and radically departs from what Blaut (1993) depicted as “the colonizer’s model of the world.” It introduces the key elements of

table 1. the ten-Ds of the Decolonial turn

Change Elaboration

Deimperialization The dismantling of the centuries-long subsistence of the Global North from the exploitation of the resources of the Global South through such strategies as colonialization, debt slavery, imposition of neoliberal structural adjustment programs, transfer by multinational corporations of their profits (financial externalization) from the Global South, and military interventions that prolong the underdevelopment of the Global South

De-Westernization COVID-19 has revealed the internal fragility of Europe and North America thus eroding their claims to superiority and leadership of the modern world. There is emerging shift of control over the global matrix of power from Europe and North America to China (Asia). This is an opportunity for the new political ideals of Africa to emerge

Depatriachization Gender as a modern organizing principle that inferiorizes women and reduce them to the most exploited people in the world must come to an end. This became apparent as women became the majority in the frontline of care sector during the COVID-19 pandemic and the most exposed to the virus

Deracialization The COVID-19 pandemic has easily crossed the color-line, exposing all of us to danger. This means that racial discrimination along the line of the human must come to an end

Debourgeoisement The urgent need to shift from making bourgeois way of life a template of all lives. The rule by a minority of men in charge of the modern nation-states and opening access to wealth to this minority impoverish the rest of us.

Decorporatization The logic of the rule of market coloniality leading to the commodification and commercialization of everything including life has weakened investment in our health systems and human security. We call for a shift from economies of profit to economies of care.

(Table 1 continued)

(Table 1 continued)

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Change Elaboration

Democratization The present asymmetrical and pyramidal structure of global power with a sole superpower supported by accumulation of weapons of mass destruction is inimical to democracy.

Decanonization The Eurocentric knowledge, which was universalized and canonized, is suffering its deepest epistemic crisis, and this justifies the use of African knowledge and epistemologies of the Global South and, indeed, the opening up to ecologies of knowledges

Deborderization Lockdowns and re-borderization are temporary and unsustainable securocratic measures that run roughshod against the reality of planetary human entanglements and freedom of movement

Desecularization The condemnation and, indeed, displacement of rich spiritualities of the world—spiritualities which enabled humans and nature to coexist harmoniously left the world exposed to worldwide ecological crises.

source: The table was drawn by the author.

a decolonized model of the world. For over 500 years, the world making from Europe and North America has delivered slavery, colonialism, capi- talism, and patriarchy. A decolonized model of the world is not informed by the same logics that drove the colonizer’s model of the world. A word of caution is necessary with regard to de-Westernization as a lever of the decolonial turn because what is happening is a noticeable shift of geopo- litical power from Europe and North America to China in particular and Asia in general (Eurocentrism to Sinocentrism), based on elite struggles are over the control of the global matrix of power without decolonizing it. De-Westernization is included under the decolonial turn because evidence indicates that China and Asia’s management of the COVID-19 pandemic better than Europe and North America pocked holes in Global North’s hegemony. That possible shift of power geopolitically cannot be simply ignored, though decolonial struggles have to continue until a pluriversal decolonial world is constructed.

De-Westernization is heralding “a multipolar world order” rather than “a pluriversality” (Mignolo, 2018, p. 92). For Mignolo (2018, p. 94): “De-Westernization is enacted economically under capitalist econom- ics and culturally under the revival of memories that Westernization disavowed.” On the other hand, according to Mignolo (2018, p. 94), “Pluriversality is the name and the horizon of all decolonial trajectories, on the planet, arising from the awareness of repressive forces of colonial- ity.” This is why pluriversality is predicated on a decolonial turn, which is radically different from the colonial turn. This analysis takes us to the last section of this article—the conclusion.

(Table 1 continued)

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Conclusion: the Case for Decolonial Love in a Post-COVID-19 World Order

What if we make ourselves ready to emerge from the COVID-19 pandemic as survivors? Will that not instill a “We-consciousnesses” predicated on humility? As far back as 1955, Aimé Césaire confidently predicted that a decolonial world civilization would replace the colonizer’s model of the world. Césaire (2000[1995], p. 31), which has been based on slavery, colonialism, racism, sexism, patriarchy, and capitalism. When a calamity such as COVID-19 strikes, poverty and social inequalities are acutely exposed. It has also revealed how the operative extractivist capitalist logic of the modern Westernized world civilization, which has provoked nature and plunged humanity into a worldwide ecological crisis.

These brief and, indeed, provisional decolonial reflections on COVID- 19 underscore the need for unthinking the logics of slavery, colonialism, imperialism, racism, sexism, patriarchy, feminization, and extractive capitalism as an important part of pushing forward the incomplete decolonization project begun in the last century. At the center of this unthinking of the logics of a civilization of death are four core calls. The first is a call to restore a balanced human–nature relationship with sus- tainable ecosystems here on earth. The second call is for rehumanization through recognition of the humanity of all people, which is required by the decolonial ethics of liberation. The third call is for new post-COVID-19 moral order predicated on decolonial love and its ethics of all humans living together harmoniously. The last is a call for post-COVID-19 life of conviviality underpinned by moral economies of care as opposed to the present society of enmity and economies of profit.

Acknowledgments

The provisional ideas constitutive of this article were first tested as a Webinar presentation entitled “Planetary Human Entanglements and the Crisis of Living Together; Provisional Reflections on COVID-19” hosted by the Institute for Social and Health Sciences, University of South Africa, April 22, 2020. I like, therefore, to thank the hosts Professor Mohamed Seedat, Professor Kopano Ratele and their colleagues as well as over 101 participants from across the world. The second version of the article was presented at a second Webinar event entitled “COVID-19 and Its Impact on the Geopolitics of Knowledge Production” organized by Yonphula

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Centenary College in Bhutan, May 3, 2020. I wish to express my thanks to Dr Sayan Dey who invited me and the participants who posed help- ful questions. In South Africa, I wish to express my thanks to my wife Pinky Ndlovu-Gatsheni who helped with gathering data. Let me also thank Dr Eric Nyembezi Makoni, Dr William Jethro Mpofu, Professor Tendayi Sithole, and Professor Morgan Ndlovu with whom I constantly shared ideas on this subject. Finally, Professors Stephen Chan, Walter D. Mignolo, and Francis Nyamnjoh provided feedback on the draft article.

DECLARAtION OF CONFLICtING INtEREsts

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

FuNDING

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni is Full Professor and Chair of Epistemologies of the Global South at the University of Bayreuth in Germany. Before joining the University of Bayreuth Prof Ndlovu-Gatsheni worked at the University of South Africa for nine years as Professor in the Department of Development Studies, Founding Head of the Archie Mafeje Research Institute for Applied Social Policy (AMRI), and Director in the Department of Leadership and Transformation in the Principal and Vice- Chancellor`s office. He is currently also Professor Extraordinaire in the Department of Leadership and Transformation at the University of South Africa, Professor Extraordinaire in the Centre for Gender and African Studies at the University of the Free State in South Africa, Honorary Professor in the School of Education at the University of KwaZulu- Natal in South Africa, Visiting Research Fellow at the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa, Research Associate in the Department of Political Science at the University of Pretoria in South Africa, and Research Associate in The Ferguson Centre for African and Asian Studies at the Open University in the United Kingdom. Professor Ndlovu-Gatsheni is a leading scholars in the areas of empire, colonialism and decolonization. He is extensively published in leading journal and presses. His most recent books are Epistemic Freedom in Africa: Deprovincialization and Decolonization (Routledge 2018) and Decolonization, Development and Knowledge in Africa: Turning Over a New Leaf (Routledge 2020). [E-mail: [email protected]].

Singh et al 2018.pdf

The Praxis of Decoloniality in Researcher Training and Community-Based Data Collection

Sukhmani Singh,1 Megan Granski,1 Maria del Pilar Victoria,1 and Shabnam Javdani1,2

Highlights

• We present a model of researcher training focused on decolonial praxis. • Researchers are trained to implement a randomized controlled trial for legal system-involved girls. • Researcher training focuses on conducting research as a site of resistance to hegemony. • Researcher training focuses on practicing critical compassion to and remembering complex personhoods.

© 2018 Society for Community Research and Action

Abstract In this paper, we detail our praxis of decoloniality in the context of a community-based study that employs a quantitative experimental methodology to evaluate an intervention for girls involved in the juvenile legal system. We resist the essentializing of methodology that positions quantitative paradigms as impermeable to reflexivity and decoloniality, and describe a model for training and supervising researchers engaged in an experimental randomized controlled trial of an advocacy program for girls, most of whom are girls of color and about half of whom identify as LGBT. In this way, we consider researcher training as a critical teaching context and describe the ways in which our training, community- based data collection, and supervision structure are anchored in de/anti/post colonial and indigenous scholarships. Specifically, our praxis is centered on conducting research as a site of resistance to hegemony, and practicing a critical compassion rooted in remembering complex personhoods. We further discuss the boundaries and limitations of our own epistemic power in relation to two central questions: how can researchers influence how knowledge is produced? How can researchers influence how knowledge producers are themselves produced?

Keywords Decoloniality � Praxis � Critical compassion � Transformative change � Juvenile justice system � Researcher training � Randomized control trial

Introduction

Coloniality refers to “long-standing patterns of power that emerged as a result of colonialism, but that define culture, labor, intersubjective relations, and knowledge production well beyond the strict limits of colonial administrations” (Maldonado-Torres, 2007, p. 244). Decoloniality is an ongoing and unsettling process positioned to disrupt the logic of coloniality. It locates Eurocentric research as a hegemonic, powerful, historical, political, and embodied practice (Said, 1985). Decoloniality scholars have linked the relationship of the researcher-researched to those of the colonizer colonized, and the success of the researcher to the dehumanization and pathologization of the researched (Fanon, 1963/2004; Tuck & Guishard, 2013). This process depends on obscuring the complex ways in which the production of scientific knowledge continues to reify systems of social classification (Bhatia, 2002; Bul- han, 2015; Dudgeon & Walker, 2015; Shahjahan, 2011). Though the decoloniality literature aligns with a multitude of community psychology values, scholarship on the praxis of decoloniality remains within qualitative and par- ticipatory research studies.

This paper articulates a model of researcher training with the aim of disrupting processes of coloniality within the academy. By training future producers of knowledge in the commitment toward decoloniality we create a pause in the hegemonic structure. Grounded in the de/anti/post

✉ Shabnam Javdani [email protected]

1 Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Develop- ment, New York University, New York, NY, USA

2 Department of Applied Psychology, New York University, New York, NY, USA

Am J Community Psychol (2018) 62:385–395 DOI 10.1002/ajcp.12294

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

colonial and indigenous scholarships, we describe the everyday research activities (Said, 1985) of community- based data collection for a randomized control trial that evaluates an advocacy intervention for girls aged 11–17, half of whom are randomized to work with an advocate and half are not. We share the outlines of our training cur- riculum, the practice of community-based data collection, and the supervisory structure that make our daily research praxis transparent. Writing from the peripheries of main- stream academia, de/anti/post colonial and indigenous scholarships harken to actively resist and name the epis- temic, structural, and cultural violence inflicted by Euro- centric epistemologies, ontologies, and methodologies. These include indigenous scholarships (Tuck & Yang, 2012), writings from the diaspora (Bhatia & Ram, 2001), black scholarships (Du Bois & Huggins, 1986; Mirza, 2009), and writings from the Global South (Segalo, Man- off, & Fine, 2015)—all of whom articulate resisting and dismantling structures of oppression that retain the colo- nial matrix of power.

Although it is outside the scope of this paper to detail the diverging and emerging contributions of these scholar- ships, their shared contours guide our praxis. Some com- mensurable lines between these scholarships are: (a) understanding the historical and continued role research plays in representing people who have been deliberately othered; (b) dismantling the neutral, hegemonic view pro- moted by an ahistorical, apolitical, allegedly objective and neutral, Eurocentric science (Fanon, 1963/2004; Gros- foguel, 2007; Patel, 2014); (c) centralizing and engaging with the canon of insights and discourses from the subal- tern (Grosfoguel, 2002; Smith, 2013); (d) linking colonial- ity with the development of today’s “at-risk” and “asterisk” (Tuck & Yang, 2012) populations (Adams, Dobles, G�omez, Kurtis�, & Molina, 2015); (e) engaging in decolonial knowledge construction answerable to marginalized communities; and (f) constant reflection and engagement in the unsettling work of creating decolonized imaginations, institutions and structures (Fanon, 1963/ 2004; Roy, 2016).

Importantly, we argue that decoloniality praxis has been relegated to the margins of qualitative and partici- patory methods. As such, experimental and quantitative designs seem to have eschewed the requirements of positionality and critical reflexivity. We resist this essen- tializing of methodology that positions quantitative para- digms as impermeable to reflexivity and decoloniality (Cokley & Awad, 2013), and are guided instead by an onto-espistemology anchored in the commitment to dis- rupting hegemony. Across the shared contours of the de/anti/postcolonial and indigenous scholarships, there are two meta-themes we identify as critical to the praxis of decoloniality for researcher training. These include

making the power differential inherent within researcher-researched practices visible (Berm�udez, Mur- uthi, & Jordan, 2016), and humanizing the researched other. We aim to employ a praxis that addresses each, in part, through (a) framing research as a site of resis- tance and not justification of oppression, and (b) humanizing through critical compassion and complex personhoods.

Our Praxis

Our praxis is guided by the framework of response and ability (Daza & Tuck, 2014), which we define as the everyday actions (responses) we are able to take within our spheres of influence (ability) toward decoloniality. As legitimized insiders and research supervisors within the academy, we can exercise our epistemic power to train future scholars committed to dismantling structures that benefit from the oppression of marginalized communities. It is important that we undo a logic suggesting that only a few have the right to knowledge production and that the legitimate way to practice knowledge production is through Eurocentric epistemologies. We follow in the intellectual footsteps of Leigh Patel (2014), and consider our relationship with the data being collected, metaphori- cally represented here as land. For the academy, data is land and the experts are those who own the land and have the right not only to its ownership and the capital it pro- duces, but also the right to author narratives about those from whom the data is taken. We are guided by decolo- niality to respect and view data as belonging to the girls whom we serve, and are clear that our answerability in its gathering, analysis, and interpretation must be a process that aims to dismantle, and not serve, coloniality.

The ROSES Project

The ROSES study is a 2.5 year community-university partnership that simultaneously seeks to implement and evaluate the ROSES intervention—a 12 week, free, rights-based, gender responsive, community-based advo- cacy program for 11–17 year old girls pushed into the juvenile crime processing system (see Javdani & Allen, 2016 for program description). As a randomized control trial, longitudinal study, ROSES aims to enroll 300 legal system-involved girls and one caretaker onto the project. Of all families who choose to participate, 50% are ran- domly assigned to receive the ROSES intervention and 50% receive legal system services as usual. All families are followed up with over four different time points over the course of 6 months. Over 80% of our girls are girls of color with lives intersecting across the axes of

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immigration, poverty, welfare system involvement, school push out, and institutionalized racism and sexism.

In keeping with community-based models of data col- lection, which we detail below, we offer families several choices for where any given data collection session can occur. Families most often opt to meet in their home com- munities, followed by public community spaces, and rarely, research rooms housed at the University. During each data collection session, two trained data collectors visit families at times and days suitable to families’ sched- ules. Research assistants who volunteer to be community- based data collectors are undergraduate, graduate, and doctoral students who accept these positions for a mini- mum commitment of 1 year. In addition to 10 hours per week of community-based data collection, they are also required to attend a weekly, 1.5 hour long data collection supervision session.

A few important details about the broader context of the University in which the ROSES study is being con- ducted help contextualize the sections to follow. The ROSES study is housed in one of the nations largest pri- vate universities, enrolling over 40,000 students annually. Its school of education consists of about a dozen aca- demic departments ranging in focus from psychology to arts education. Across departments, students enroll in a variety of undergraduate, master’s and doctoral training programs. About 40% of students and 57% of faculty at this institution are White. Only 5% and 8% of the overall student body reflects the most common racial/ethnic demographics of ROSES participants: Black and Latinx, respectively.

In the sections that follow, we detail the doing of decoloniality in everyday research practices of training, data collection, and supervision (Said, 1985). We outline our training, community-based data collection, and super- vision structures, as well as our ongoing reflection as a team of supervisors. We resist the dominant ideas of researcher objectivity, practicing decoloniality even in the context of positivist methodology—the randomized con- trolled trial—seeking to be blind to condition and not to oppression (Javdani, Singh, & Sichel, 2017).

Training Structure and Units

In creating the training for the research assistants who become community-based data collectors, we chart a cur- riculum that breaks the myths of apolitical and neutral research. Prior to data collection visits, research assistants engage in five core units of training. Training is manda- tory and involves the completion of these units over the course of 3 weeks; each training session is about 4 hours long. Although interconnected, each unit is guided by two

touchstones: practicing “Research as a site of resistance, not justification for oppression” and “Research as Human- izing through restoring critical compassion and complex personhoods.” Across training, the units are anchored in examining historical, macro-societal level structures that perpetuate and justify systems of oppression in general and as specifically related to crime processing systems.

In our first unit, Overview of the Crime Processing Sys- tem, we interrogate the history of pro-arrest policies that disproportionately and deliberately confine girls of color (Javdani, Sadeh, & Verona, 2011b). Unit two, Experimen- tal Design and Consent, teaches about the logical fallacies of experimental designs and details the power dynamics inherent in consent processes. In unit three, Measures Overview and Administration, we provide an overview of the constructs we examine and discuss how such con- structs can promote or resist hegemonic narratives con- structed about girls of color. Units four and five, Safety Planning and Risk Assessment, cover protocols that data collectors must adhere to in case of risk to self or others, and yet are clear that systems of care (educational, wel- fare) have functioned as systems of neglect and coloniza- tion for girls pushed into the juvenile legal system (Beyer, Blair, Katz, Simkins, & Steinberg, 2003; Carolissen, 2012). Throughout these units, we excavate the single sto- ries told about girls and aim to humanize through resisting them, grounding ourselves in complex personhoods (Dutta, 2016; Gordon, 2008) and critical compassion (Zembylas, 2013).

Research as a Site of Resistance, Not Justification of Oppression

Researcher Training

Our first unit of training, Overview of the Crime Process- ing System, begins by asking team members to articulate why they joined a study that evaluates a rights-based advocacy intervention for girls pushed in the juvenile legal system. Many, but not all, of our data collectors come from privileged backgrounds in which “giving back” to the suffering other is lauded, never questioned, and is perceived as necessary for entry in institutions of higher education (Macdonald, 2013; Patel, 2014). Research assistants are often surprised and confused by our curiosity about their motivation for joining our research team. We engage such moments to unpack the power of “care as colonizing” research (M. Fine, 2016, personal communication) and link how the logic of caring for and helping the “Othered” created conditions that justified global colonization, and is rooted in Western, Christian theology (Mignolo, 2009; Said, 1978). We reverse the notion of help and explicate that our

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participation in a citywide randomized control trial ulti- mately helps our professional development, and deliber- ately name how we stand to benefit from the oppression of girls of color pushed into the legal system (Fanon, 1963/2004; Patel, 2014). Indeed, the pathologizing focus of applied social sciences thrives on asking questions about why the deliberately dispossessed are not achieving or thriving at the levels of systematically privileged White populations (Patel, 2014), or why they are not adjusting well (i.e., Psychology’s gaze on mental health and well- being) to the oppressive structures created for them (Fanon, 1963/2004; Bulhan 2015).

Thereby, the work of decoloniality becomes the inter- ruption of the faulty, racist, oppressive logic of colonial- ity. Thus, we teach decoloniality by questioning and dismantling the exploitative relationships within research structures and through shifting the gaze from the suffering other to our own complicities in and benefits from sys- tems that create suffering. At the very beginning of train- ing, we set a touchstone that requires us to name hegemony and remain uncomfortable with our complicity. We find this discomfort to be an important, continuous, and necessary experience. It forces the question: how do we remain deliberate about being answerable to girls?

The first unit draws explicit continuations between the 13th amendment, the manifestation of slavery as mass incarceration (Alexander, 2012; Davis, 2011), the pro- arrest and zero-tolerance policies of the 1980s and 1990s, and historicizes the ongoing dehumanization of young girls and women of color. We underscore the ways girl- hoods “at-risk” for juvenile delinquency are created at the intersection of multiple oppressions, including patriarchy, racism, poverty, and public divestment (Javdani, Sadeh, & Verona, 2011a; Morris, 2016). Throughout this process, the colonizing nature of everyday language and portrayals of youth pushed into the system become more visible to our research assistants, and the word “justice” in juvenile justice is rendered empty. During a group activity—re- flecting on a cartoon guide designed to provide an over- view of the juvenile legal system— a research assistant reflected that the youth and his mother were people of color, but the judge and the lawyer were White. Such moments become an opportunity to unpack the everyday representations of youth of color as children who belong within the juvenile legal system; a single story tied to statistics that describe confinement rates of Black youth at nearly five times, Native American youth at three times, and Latino youth at two times the rate as their white peers (Petteruti, Schindler, & Ziedenberg, 2014).

To embody the hidden colonial voice behind Eurocen- tric research, we ask students to generate a list of adjec- tives that describe girls in the juvenile legal system. We locate the team’s responses within the extant body of

knowledge on the juvenile legal system and ask why and how research produces deficit-oriented narratives describ- ing girls as being “more difficult to work with,” “emo- tional,” “dramatic,” and “hysterical” (Baines & Alder, 1996). We stimulate reflection on why we hold on so tightly to the dominant narrative—that serves researchers by justifying our interventions—and acknowledge a Euro- centric individualism that locates problems within individ- uals (Freire, 1985; Kumagai & Lypson, 2009; Ryan, 1976) in order for the privileged researcher to feel useful (Caplan & Nelson, 1973). This intentional deconstruction of ideologies builds a collective critical consciousness that names hegemonic, historical, cultural narratives, policies, and practices that locate the “problems” of poor girls of color as a result of poor individual choices, poor parenting in their families, and the violent nature of their communi- ties and neighborhoods. We seek critical voices from the subaltern about (her)stories generated by formerly incar- cerated women of color leaders who, through their lived experiences in multiple injustice systems, came to rebel against the colonizing systems that placed them, like their ancestors, at the very margins of citizenship and society (Burton & Lynn, 2017; Davis, 2011).

Unit Two, Experimental Design and Consent, focuses on both teaching and disrupting the “logic” of experimen- tal designs. We go beyond merely explaining concepts such as validity and causality to locate the experimental design as one that has been traditionally used to justify oppression (Guthrie, 2004) and its reverence to distance via objectivity (Smith, 2013). Central to coloniality is the practice of viewing the dehumanized other from a dis- tance; a doing enacted in the myth of research objectivity (Smith, 2013). While we adhere to the methodological tenets of randomized control trials in establishing causality by remaining blind to condition, we are clear that this does not equate with being blind to oppression (Javdani et al., 2017).

Furthermore, we encourage data collectors to engage in critical thought about decolonizing with regard to research generation, design, analysis, and interpretation. For instance, in our section on consent, we challenge the notion of research protocols that emphasize standardiza- tion above all else, and insist that the unique context of each family determines the consent process. Rather than demanding a rigid consent/assent process in each home, we systematize flexibility and individualization in carrying out this process. Specifically, we train data collectors to follow participants’ lead on how they would like to approach the consent process. In communities, this has manifested as a consent process lasting up to an hour and resulting in no data being collected during that visit; a parent who wants a friend with whom to discuss the con- sent form; or a family for whom the consent is redundant

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because they already know every detail of the limits to confidentiality by virtue of their multisystem involvement. While this approach shifts a small colonial act pertaining to who holds authority over the consent process, we reflect that it does not disrupt the structural power between researchers and researched.

We also focus on the hidden social contract in the con- sent form that is not made explicit to families: that researchers ultimately author the story of “girls” (Bhat- tacharya, 2007; Patel, 2014; Weseen & Wong, 2000). Indeed, the professional benefits for researchers resulting from the educational and career capital associated with working on a research study are absent from consent forms. We note that many research assistants are uncom- fortable with understanding this perspective, and we nor- malize this discomfort and link it to critical compassion. Team members learn to conceptualize seemingly mundane aspects of data collection as political acts that reinforce power dynamics between researchers and the researched.

In unit three, Measures Overview and Administration, we unpack the constructs of the study through posing reflective questions about research decisions to expose their non-neutrality. Why is it that questions related to girls’ substance use and girls’ experiences of abuse are rewarded systematically instead of questions that focus on how systems of oppression marginalize girls? We demon- strate our own epistemic power in including constructs such as the experience of sexism, critical consciousness, and girls’ experiences at schools as questions that deliber- ately focus on the systems in which they are embedded. During this unit, we practice administering measures to each other and role-playing answers that communicate to youth we respect their complex personhoods and that they are the experts in their own lives. In other words, we unpack the alleged truism that, “data speaks for itself” and make visible that all research is embodied, political, and historical. It is inevitable that someone will ask the question around how to approach a youth or participant who is not “doing a good job at filling out the measures” and may be “lying” on certain items. We take such moments to deconstruct power in the researcher- researched relationship and dismantle how hegemony has perpetuated an othering reality that causes researchers to feel we have a right to girls’ responses (i.e., data as land). We also denude the unwritten but deeply lived, hege- monic, researcher assumption that in our positionalities we know when participants are “lying.” We highlight colonial research practice that demands we believe that we are owed girls’ truths and that that is what they assented to. This dismantling of who has rights over what data is always an uncomfortable, but necessary dialogue because it reveals the benefits that researchers retain through its practice (Patel, 2014).

Our process of making power visible in our interac- tions with participants also guides how we conduct Units Four and Five, on Risk Assessment and Safety Planning, respectively. While we train data collectors on the stan- dard procedures of conducting a risk assessment (i.e., assessing for suicidality, homicidality, and child abuse/ neglect) and how to navigate situations that require safety planning, we do so while simultaneously unpack- ing the dominant and cultural narratives that exist regarding what constitutes Eurocentric “normative” behaviors (McPhatter, 1999). We contextualize systems of “care” by examining how intentions to protect chil- dren via mandated reporting often have unintended con- sequences, and rarely provide families with necessary services and resources (Melton, 2005). Therefore, although we strictly adhere to mandated reporting poli- cies, we do so with a critical lens that holds reporters accountable to collaborating with families and engaging in follow ups that support access to resources.

Researcher Supervision

Data collectors are also supervised on a weekly basis. Supervision sessions are constructed as a space for data collectors to report on any technical and logistical issues (i.e., questions about certain measures or rescheduling needs), and to share their everyday research actions in communities. Each meeting provides an opportunity to review data collectors’ experiences from the prior week, with a focus on unpacking data collectors’ perspectives (e.g., discomfort; desires to help). For instance, during supervision a data collector shared that a participant’s home appeared neglected and dirty, and expressed a desire to assist the family by cleaning the home. Collectively, we explored how this pursuit to “help” relieves feelings of guilt and responsibility (Tuck & Yang, 2012) and maintains the othered as needing our help to keep a clean home. We discussed how the single act of cleaning a home ignores the urgency for more systemic action in dis- mantling oppressive systems (Rosenberger, 2000), and yet makes us feel better and innocent in our complicity in coloniality. Furthermore, we countered Psychology’s colo- nizing focus on individual behavior (Dudgeon & Walker, 2015), which functions to blame individuals for living in poverty. We critiqued the hegemonic values that policies and values around poverty reflect (i.e., the myth of meri- tocracy), and proposed the question: “What can we do from our sphere of influence to address structures of oppression that create poverty?” (Goodman et al., 2015). We concluded that remaining wedded to collecting and interpreting data that holds systems and not girls account- able for racialized inequities remains one path (Javdani et al., 2011b).

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Humanizing through Complex Personhood & Critical Compassion

Researcher Training

We conceptualize the praxis of decoloniality as not only dismantling and disrupting the logic of oppression, but also humanizing and historicizing the othered. Traditional research training, in emphasizing objectivity, perpetuates the researcher’s perception of disenfranchised communi- ties as objects of research with single stories rather than people, which presents a “way out of the discomfort of direct confrontation with the ugliness of oppression” (Mat- suda, 1989, p. 9). Across training and supervision, we challenge the ideology that researchers are “objective” and “bias-free” and that the research process is not relational. On the other hand, we also unsettle the dominant dis- course of single stories and pity—the tendency to feel empathy for those who suffer without recognition of the structures that produce suffering (Javdani, 2013)—through cultivating complex personhood and critical compassion. This stance is not blind or emotionless (Zembylas, 2013). Rather, it centers on “a realization of our own common humanity, while acknowledging asymmetries of suffering, inequality, and injustice” (Zembylas, 2013). Zembylas (2013) distinguishes between pity, which is grounded in a sentimentalist relationship between a sufferer and specta- tor, and critical compassion, which recognizes that vulner- ability is universal and acknowledges “asymmetries of suffering, inequality, and injustice” (Zembylas, 2013, p. 513). This awareness of the “emotional complexities of structural inequalities” must be accompanied by action toward dismantling systems of oppression (Zembylas, 2013, p. 516).

In our experiences of researcher training, we find that practices that resist hegemonic single stories and attend to complex personhoods are important for generating critical compassion (Gordon, 2008). Complex personhood, in our praxis, is constantly resisting single stories. For instance, when we learned about a girl who repeatedly removed her clothes while detained in a juvenile facility, our mandate was to resist the single story that hypersexualizes girls of color. Instead, through asking open-ended questions that focused on girls’ wisdom and the demands of systems of oppression, we learned that her action had a social func- tion: she knew that she would not be restrained if she were unclothed.

In our praxis, critical compassion underscores the power of emotion in research. A number of scholars have identified emotion’s invisibility in sustaining power and social norms as being rooted in White, patriarchal hege- mony (Langhout, 2015; Zembylas, 2013). Boler and Zem- bylas’ (2003) “pedagogy of discomfort” encourages

educators and students to step out of their “comfort zones” to critically examine and problematize emotional habits that perpetuate the dominant discourse. Emotions guide what we choose to see and not see (Boler & Zem- bylas, 2003). We invite trainees to engage in emotional labor through exploring not only their cognitive, but also their emotional reactions to sources such as Susan Burton and Cari Lynn’s Becoming Ms. Burton (2017), Bryan Stevenson’s Just Mercy (2015), and Tonier ‘Neen’ Cain’s story in Healing Cain (2014). Emotionally grounded reac- tions tend to fall into two categories: feelings of sadness and empathy, and feelings of shock, anger, and guilt about institutional and systemic oppression. As students voice their emotions, we encourage them to sit with their discomfort and reflect the ways in which hegemony is emotionally embodied (Macdonald, 2013). As part of this practice, we seek to cultivate a common humanity recog- nizing the “social vulnerability of our bodies” (Butler, 2006, p. 29) and encourage what Zembylas (2013) refers to as “simultaneous identification and disidentification with the suffering of the other” (p. 513). Research assis- tants confront this dialectic in interpersonal role-plays dur- ing training, in which trainees are asked to respond to possible statements from girls, such as “You don’t care about us. You just want to come and study us” and “Have you ever been arrested?” We work together to formulate responses based on the idea that we may never embody their lived experiences, but we can enact solidarity toward dismantling oppressive systems (Zembylas, 2013).

Data Collection

A crucial component of critical compassion is that empa- thetic identification must be accompanied by action (Zem- bylas, 2013) grounded in complex personhoods. We recognize the multiple systemic gazes that families are placed under, and also that participants are sacrificing time for the purposes of our research pursuits. Thus, we sched- ule data collection visits according to the times and loca- tions that are most convenient for youth and their families, whether that be at a participant’s home, a library, or a community center. If youth need to complete a data collection session over three time points, we do that. If a family needs childcare assistance during a data collection session, we bring along another team member. If a parent needs to cook dinner during the data collection session, we read the measures aloud in private kitchens. We recog- nize our privilege as those legitimized to go in and collect data and stay uncomfortable with the fact that, in our priv- ileged positionalities, being placed under the research gaze is not a lived experience for most of us. We are commit- ted to ensuring that we respect the relationships built in the time that families allow us into their lives. A concrete

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way in which we do this is by sending the same collectors to a family at all four time points as much as possible. Our emphasis on listening to families’ experiences also allows us to establish trust and learn from families at each visit. We have found that girls will call the research office and check in with us to ensure that our data collectors are coming back for subsequent time points in the time speci- fied in the assent forms we leave post each visit.

Researcher Supervision

One of the most important ways in which we strive to promote critical compassion is through engaging in con- stant reflexivity regarding the way we feel, act, and think during our visits with families. For instance, during a recent supervision, a few of our team members expressed a desire to send a gift to a participant who was soon due to have a baby. We acknowledged the genuine feelings of empathy that our data collectors expressed, and simultane- ously questioned whether the gift was driven by a desire to make ourselves feel better, by positioning ourselves as the benefactor who could alleviate suffering—momentar- ily—and in so doing, receive gratitude (Zembylas, 2013). We discuss how responses that are grounded in critical compassion, as opposed to pity, are characterized by meaningful, authentic actions addressing structural condi- tions of oppression without being paternalistic (Zembylas, 2013). As a team, we concluded that the best support we could offer would be contextual, by ensuring that we had institutional permission to provide childcare support dur- ing our next visit and that we came equipped with infor- mation regarding specific resource providers who have an excellent reputation of providing support to new mothers. As this example demonstrates, locating our own feelings of desire to help allowed us to uncover that our initial response was consistent with pity, and to instead generate a response consistent with critical compassion.

In another supervisory session, a data collector recounted her experience reaching a mother after multiple attempts to get in touch with her. The mother expressed anger and annoyance at the data collector for calling mul- tiple times, and was frustrated at having to be in contact with an attorney, service providers, and the court on top of having a demanding job. We asked the data collector to reflect on the emotions that came up for her during that conversation. She expressed empathy in recognition of the multiple systemic pressures placed on this mother, which informed her validating response toward the mother. Fur- thermore, this prompted our team to closely review the data being collected to ensure that it could capture the breadth of systems that families are involved in. These conversations all worked to oppose a view that would pathologize this mother as being another angry woman of

color (Morris, 2016). These examples also illustrate a guiding principle of our supervision space: to encourage connecting with individual discomfort. As supervisors, we validate these reflections and ask the team to sit in this discomfort as it makes us remember that we are answer- able to producing narratives that question how systems oppress girls as opposed to describing how violent and deficient girls are.

Supervisory Team

Our continuous discomfort guides us to reflect on struc- tural ways in which we can engage the power inherent in our positionalities to resist the logic of coloniality. Specifi- cally, we work to challenge the traditional hierarchical research team model in which investigators are allowed to be absent from the everyday mundanity of research. This means that supervisors and investigators are involved in the collection of data, administering of consent, and are subject to their own supervision. One example illustrates this well. On one baseline visit with an immigrant family, three of our research assistants were in a home where it was clear that the father, an immigrant Black man com- municated that he had high and strict expectations of his children at home. The interactions between our youth par- ticipant and her father, along with his questioning of the project and what it could do to “fix” all of her problems, created an uncomfortable space for data collectors who were cued to exit the home mid-way through the visit. Data collectors and the first and last author spoke on the phone that night to think through the presence or absence of risk, as well as dialogue about the realities of the home context. Our approach was to historicize the power rela- tions defining these interactions, remembering the father’s complex personhood and resisting understanding him through the single story around aggressive black men. We moved forward by having the first author and another supervisory team member go to the family’s home to pro- vide an opportunity for this father to ask us more ques- tions. Through naming a positionality as an immigrant brown mother, we (first author) worked to connect with this father on how deeply worried and helpless he felt in navigating the educational system on behalf of his daugh- ter. By humanizing him as a parent who was also critical of whether the young research assistants in his home held an expertise that he valued, he had the space to make his own power and expectations visible. Our aim was to give him an opportunity to speak back to the research study and thereby feel that his decision regarding whether or not to participate was both informed and his own. Our action of sending lead supervisors to visit with him in per- son served as one communication of respect in response to his understandable skepticism.

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Discussion

Community psychology has a longstanding tradition of acknowledging the role of values and politics in research and teaching, and in recognizing the ways in which these values are embodied, multilayered, and contested (Hughes, Seidman, & Williams, 1993; Rappaport, 1987). Critical pedagogies within and outside of the field of psy- chology provide a necessary framework to understand the potential for the practice of research in and of itself to function in ways that perpetuate cultural and structural violence (e.g., Dutta, 2016). We argue that critical con- sciousness around colonialism and its explicit links to the practice of research will necessarily produce a different mandate for researcher training and supervision. In the training content we describe, we focus on the everyday practice of doing research and describe the training and supervision of researchers using a model centrally informed by decoloniality. This model makes an explicit link between individual suffering and the structural and cultural violence that work to configure the levels, distri- bution, and nature of suffering. Moreover, research and researchers are viewed as an enterprise that can individu- ally and collectively benefit from and perpetuate systems of social inequity. Fundamentally, we challenge the domi- nance of “apolitical value-neutral social scientific enquiry” (Duckett & Pratt, 2001, p. 816), and recognize the histori- cal and contemporary connection between colonialism and research as one that has perpetuated systems of oppression (Smith, 2013).

The contributions of this paper are threefold. First, the researcher training content described is implemented with university-based researchers and research assistants engag- ing in an experimental and quantitative research design. Little theoretical or empirical work to date has delineated content or processes for training quantitative or experi- mental researchers in decolonizing methods; indeed, a majority of empirical work in this area focuses on qualita- tive inquiry and/or participatory designs. While these are necessary, the lack of attention to quantitative and experi- mental paradigms risks counting such designs out of the purview of decolonizing frameworks despite their role in perpetuating the inequities critiqued by decolonial schol- ars. Second, the training and supervision we described are rooted in dismantling the logic of dominant research and replacing it with an everyday practice of critical compas- sion and humanization that aims to restore the complex personhood of research participants (Gordon, 2008). We follow the work of others (Dutta, 2016; Zembylas, 2013) by resisting ubiquitous structural and cultural violence as perpetuated within the enterprise of research. Third, and in relation to these points, this everyday practice is

embedded in training and supervision systematically. Thus, the structure of training and supervision guide what our team is responsible for, and to whom we are ulti- mately responsible (O’Neill, 1989). This latter point underscores the call to move beyond academic discourse and acknowledge the broader ethical and social justice agendas of research (Dutta, 2016). Indeed, the training and supervision model we employ for researcher training parallels models of community based advocacy work co- created with survivors of violence (Bybee & Sullivan, 2002).

The overarching reflections of this work center two related questions: how is knowledge produced? how are knowledge-producers themselves produced? These ques- tions parallel Dutta’s (2016) framework for de-centering community psychology, which organizes the agenda for the field into two domains: the content of knowledge and the agents of knowledge production, drawing from the works of other critical scholars (Ahmed, 2012; Maldonado-Torres, 2007; Mohanty, 2003; Montero, 2002; Villenas, 1996). Our response to these questions requires practicing the epistemic powers—responses and abilities (Daza & Tuck, 2014)— that are accorded by virtue of educational privilege, being situated in a U.S. university, and the access to resources, spaces, ideas, and people that those privileges accord. This includes access to power that allows us to decide what the content of researcher training includes and how the purview of research is framed for individuals seeking professional research training with our team.

One training and supervision response to this is that we acknowledge working within an enterprise that often aims to produce knowledge about others, without others. In nonparticipatory approaches such as the study described in this paper, decolonizing frameworks require us to unpack the question of how research participants are rep- resented in ways that value their complex personhood (Gordon, 2008) and are responded to with critical compas- sion that de-centers pity and moves toward action (Zem- bylas, 2013). This process has involved differentiating between methodological design and epistemological stance to promote accountability for quantitative designs to humanize and attend to researcher participant power dynamics at individual and ecological levels (Cokley & Awad, 2013; St. Pierre, 2011).

A second response involves using our epistemic power to train and supervise the research assistants who have access to systems that will support them in becoming future knowledge-producers. In this way, we consider researcher training as a critical teaching context. The mul- tiple dozens of undergraduate and graduate students seek- ing professional research training are already linked in myriad ways to educational and, in many cases, class and

392 Am J Community Psychol (2018) 62:385–395

race based systems that accord them access to seek future professional spaces in which they will make decisions about what constitutes legitimate inquiry. They often come to us with a lens of pity (Zembylas, 2013) and do not acknowledge the politics of discomfort and respectability that perpetuate structural and cultural vio- lence (e.g., Lake, 1986). Our training and supervision of these cohorts of research assistants relies on framing the everyday and often mundane tasks of research—from enrollment, to consent, to data collection, to follow up and beyond—as inherently political acts with often-unac- knowledged power in the lives of participants. Precisely because of our trainees’ privilege and access to future research- and knowledge-producing teams and settings, we contend that teaching decoloniality through concretiz- ing the ways in which these everyday acts of research can humanize participants can also work to foster critical com- passion for individual researchers and create ripple effects in future research.

Furthermore, we reflect that the work we describe in this paper is limited in several ways, and particularly because the agents of knowledge production we describe training do not themselves represent the lived experiences that are the subject of our research inquiry. The study we describe is positioned as an evaluation of an intervention that seeks to promote social and legal justice, but does not examine dynamics of power or systems change directly. These rep- resent limitations that we hope to promote through creating a participatory study that employs legal system-involved girls as co-researchers and shifts the lens of inquiry from girls to settings and systems. Both of these areas represent a clear fit with community psychology values (Rappaport, 1977) which, in intersection with a decolonial framework, could be positioned to promote everyday peace (e.g., Dutta, Andzenge, & Walkling, 2016) and generate legitimate knowledge through the voices of youth who stand to gain or lose the most as a consequence of this work.

Fanon (1963/2004) articulates decolonization as an urgent, unsettling, and continuous task. We hope to remain cognizant of the dangers of practicing a surface decoloniality that recognizes oppression, but does not pro- duce a dismantling praxis. We heed the warning that reflection has been employed to enable reassertions of power in relation to the “oppressed” people whose intel- lectual identities remain fixed (Smith, 2013; Tuck & Yang, 2012). Furthermore, our experiences resonate with descriptions of critical compassion as a process that is dynamic (Foronda, Baptiste, Reinholdt, & Ousman, 2016; Tervalon & Murray-Garcia, 1998). In our positionalities as legitimized researchers, our overarching aim is to create cracks in colonizing spaces by historicizing research and creating alternative learning spaces within our spheres of influences. It is our assertion that these spaces can create

possibilities and transform oppressive relationships that imagine an alternative way of being (Roy, 2016) by con- tinuing to practice a vigilance that resists co-optation through systematizing the approaches we describe in train- ing and supervision (Tuck & Yang, 2012).

Acknowledgments The Ford Foundation, National Institute of Jus- tice (NIJ 2014-IJ-CX-0044), National Institute of Mental Health (L40 MH108089), Dr. Shabnam Javdani.

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Spade 2020.pdf

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DOI 10.1215/01642472-7971139 © 2020 Duke University Press

In the current political moment in the United States, defined by climate crisis, increased border enforcement, attacks on public benefits, expan- sive carceral control, rising housing costs, and growing white right- wing populism, leftist social movement activists and organizations face two particular challenges that, though not new, are urgent. The first is how to address the actual changing conditions that are increasing precarity and shortening lives. The second is how to mobilize people for resistance. In the face of these conditions, movements might strengthen, mobiliz- ing tens of millions of new people to directly fight back against cops, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), welfare authorities, landlords, budget cuts, polluters, the defense industry, prison profiteers, and right- wing organizations. Or, movement organizations could fail to provide any real relief for those whose lives are most endangered and leave newly scared and angry people to the most passive and ineffective forms of expressing their opinions. This article argues that, in the face of these conditions, expanding use of mutual aid strategies will be the most effec- tive way to support vulnerable populations to survive, mobilize significant resistance, and build the infrastructure we need for the coming disasters. Based on my observations participating in policy reform work, public edu- cation efforts, and mutual aid projects in movements for queer and trans liberation and prison and border abolition and my study of related and overlapping efforts, I argue that mutual aid is an often devalued iteration of radical collective care that provides a transformative alternative to the demobilizing frameworks for understanding social change and expressing dissent that dominate the popular imagination. I examine the benefits of mutual aid, its challenges, and how those are being addressed by contem- porary organizations mobilizing through mutual aid.

Solidarity Not Charity Mutual Aid for Mobilization and Survival

Dean Spade

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Reformism Is Often Demobilizing

Resistant intellectual traditions have consistently raised the concern that reforms emerge in the face of disruptive movements demanding justice but for the most part are designed to demobilize by asserting that the problem has been taken care of, meanwhile making as little material change as pos- sible. Many reforms provide no material relief and change only what the system says about itself, such as when institutions pass antidiscrimination policies but nothing about the behavior of participants or the outcomes of their operations change. Many reforms, if they do provide any material relief, provide it only to those who are least marginalized within the group of people who were supposed to benefit from the reform. For example, immigration reforms that cut out people with criminal records or who are “public charges,” or that make military service or college graduation con- ditions for relief, are likely to be accessible only to those least targeted by police, those who can pay tuition, those not pushed out of school by able- ism and racism. Reforms often merely tinker with existing harmful condi- tions, failing to reach the root causes.1 For example, police departments might begin to hire cops of color or gay or trans cops, but the functions of police violence remain the same.2 A slight procedural change in how peo- ple can be evicted, deported, lose their benefits, or be expelled from school will fail to reach the root causes of how these processes target particular populations and shorten their lives. Reforms also sometimes expand the capacity for harm, such as when police reforms include increasing the number or equipment of police.3 Reforms also reproduce cultural norms that mark some people as disposable by dividing the targeted population into deserving and undeserving categories, such as by lifting up “good” immigrants and arguing that they deserve relief that other immigrants do not deserve.

Social movements have developed criteria for evaluating reforms because of awareness of how they can be inadequate, harmful, and demo- bilizing. These criteria are not a simple checklist for determining a benefi- cial reform. Rather, they are bases for engaging in debate and speculation as organizations and coalitions evaluate campaigns and demands. Prison abolitionists, for example, ask, Does the reform in question expand the criminal punishment system? Based on an analysis that prison reforms have tended to expand the reach of policing and criminalization, abo- litionists evaluate reforms based on whether they move toward the goal of eliminating the system. Police abolitionist Mariame Kaba offered the following questions as criteria for evaluating police reforms emerging after Mike Brown’s murder in Ferguson: “Are the proposed reforms allo- cating more money to the police? Are the proposed reforms advocating for MORE police and policing? . . . Are the proposed reforms primarily

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technology-focused? . . . Are the proposed ‘reforms’ focused on individual dialogues with individual cops?”4 These criteria address the dangers of police expansion and legitimization through reform.

Peter Gelderloos offers questions for assessing whether a tactic is liberatory: Does it “seize[] space in which new social relations can be enacted”? Does it “spread awareness of new ideas (and . . . [is] this aware- ness . . . passive or [does] . . . it inspire others to fight)”? Does it “ha[ve] elite support”? Does it “achieve any concrete gains in improving people’s lives”?5 Gelderloos wants to assess how the tactic might allow people to practice new ways of being, such as practicing solidarity across move- ments, collectively meeting our own needs rather than relying on harm- ful institutions, making decisions by consensus rather than by following authority, or sharing things rather than hoarding and protecting private property. These criteria suggest that how movements structure partici- pation can give people new skills for practicing democracy, redistribut- ing material resources, and self- defense. Gelderloos’s second question focuses on participatory rather than passive awareness. He is not simply asking, Have people heard of it? Rather, he is asking whether people have practiced it, started their own local chapters, or otherwise replicated it. This distinction is important in the context of the demobilizing aspects of social media, where we can be encouraged to solely participate by liking, sharing, declaring, or debating our views within our media silos, with- out otherwise engaging with others toward change. Further, Gelderloos asserts that “if part of the elite supports a movement it is much more likely that that movement appears to achieve victories, when in fact that victory is insubstantial and supports elite interests.”6 This provides a provocative question about what the interests of any strange bedfellows in a given fight might be, and what that might reveal about the limits of a particular tactic or demand.

In my own work studying and participating in queer and trans liberation projects and in organizations centered on border and prison abolition, I have relied on four primary questions as criteria for evaluat- ing reforms and tactics: Does it provide material relief? Does it leave out an especially marginalized part of the affected group (e.g., people with criminal records, people without immigration status)? Does it legitimize or expand a system we are trying to dismantle? Does it mobilize people, especially those most directly impacted, for ongoing struggle? The first three questions track primary points in the critique of reforms I laid out above. The final question is about how various approaches to political organizing might build greater capacity for the next fight and the next fight. Reforms, especially those forwarded by elite nonprofits with staff invested in lawsuits, policy reform, and lobbying, are often won through conversations behind closed doors with elected officials and heads of

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administrative agencies or corporations. These “wins” are more likely to be compromised by carve- outs that protect existing arrangements and are more likely to be inadequately or selectively implemented. Reforms won through mobilization, rather than granted through reasoning with elites, are more likely to meet the other criteria described here.

Bottom- Up Strategies for Change

Systems of domination produce routes for channeling dissatisfaction that are nonthreatening to those systems. We are encouraged to bring our complaints in ways that are the least disruptive and the most beneficial to existing conditions. Voting, filing lawsuits, giving money to causes we care about that are properly registered as nonprofits, writing letters to the editor, posting our views on social media, and maybe occasionally attending a permitted march that is flanked by cops and does not disrupt traffic are forms of dissent (as opposed to disobedience) that are toler- able and mostly nondisruptive for existing arrangements. Some of those things can be done as tactics within larger strategies for transformation, but taken alone they are unlikely to cause significant change to existing distributions of wealth and violence. Most of these approved methods of expressing concern are designed to lead to the kinds of limited policy and law reform critiqued in the previous section of this article. However, also by design, most people cannot imagine raising concerns in any way besides these. The central US national fiction about justice and injustice, the story that racism was resolved by civil rights, also rewrites the histories of resistance movements, including the civil rights movement, to tell us that approved tactics are and have been the correct and effective ones for resolving concerns.

Resistant left movements seek to reignite people’s imaginations about not just what they can demand but also what tactics they can use to win. Such movements model three kinds of work that change material conditions rather than just winning empty declarations of equality: (a) work to dismantle existing harmful systems and/or beat back their expan- sion, (b) work to directly provide for people targeted by such systems and institutions, and (c) work to build an alternative infrastructure through which people can get their needs met. Dismantling work includes cam- paigns to stop the expansion of surveillance, policing, imprisonment, and deportation, to close precincts and prisons, to stop privatization of schools and utilities, to terminate gentrification, pipelines, fracking, mining, and more. This work includes such tactics as pipeline sabotage, direct actions at building sites, training people not to call the cops, divestment cam- paigns, blocking deportation buses, disrupting city council meetings, door knocking, and working to change state and municipal budgets to defund

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police and jails. Work to support people impacted by harmful systems can include prison visiting and pen pal programs, rapid response systems for ICE raids, ride sharing, reentry resources, eviction defense, medical clin- ics, childcare collectives, food distribution, disaster response, and court support efforts. Work to create an alternative infrastructure based in left values of democracy, participation, care, and solidarity includes many of the prior activities, which establish community connections and put in place structures for meeting needs. It might also include things like creat- ing food, energy, and waste systems that are sustainable and locally con- trolled, building methods of dealing with conflict and harm that do not involve the police or prisons, and building health, education, and child- care infrastructure controlled by the people who use it.

The balance of these three elements is particularly important because of the boldness of working to end capitalism, white supremacy, colonialism, and borders.7 The three- part framing avoids a purism that would suggest only the most overtly militant actions are valuable, dis- counting work that directly cares for people made vulnerable by current conditions now, while also avoiding becoming solely focused on providing for people without getting to the root causes of what produces vulner- ability. Similarly, building alternatives without also dismantling current systems can lead to utopian projects that can sometimes become exclu- sive, building a new way of life only for the few who access such projects disconnected from frontline struggles. Acknowledging the necessity of immediate care and defense work alongside work to get at the root causes of harmful conditions and work to build alternative structures allows for a complex, nuanced, and developing imagination of coordinated short- and long- term strategies.

Even within this strategic framework, however, some forms of par- ticipation are more valued and more visible than others. In the context of contemporary culture, certain activist and social movement activi- ties align with imperatives of external validation and elitism. Reproduc- tive labor, such as cooking; cleaning; caring for sick people, old people, and children; maintaining one- on- one relationships; visiting prisoners and people in hospitals; providing emotional support to people in crisis; making sure people have rides; and making sure people are included and noticed, is devalued and mostly uncompensated. Social movements repro- duce these hierarchies, valuing people who give speeches, negotiate with bosses and politicians, get published, get elected, and otherwise become visible as actors in ways that align with dominant hierarchies. Forms of celebrity similarly circulate within movements. It is glamorous to take a selfie with Angela Davis, but it is not glamorous to do weekly or monthly prison visits. The circulation of dominant hierarchies of valuation inside movement spaces shapes how people imagine what it means to participate

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in work for change, who they want to meet, and what they want to do and be seen doing. This is especially true for people who have not yet gotten to participate in social movements and have been fed obscuring fictions about social change from misrepresentations of the civil rights movement circulated in school curricula and media. Such representations center charismatic individuals and hide the realities of mass participation and coordination that does not produce careers or notoriety for most partici- pants.8 For these reasons and others, mutual aid work is one of the least visible and most important forms of work that social movements need to be developing right now.

Mutual Aid

Mutual aid is a form of political participation in which people take respon- sibility for caring for one another and changing political conditions, not just through symbolic acts or putting pressure on their representatives in government but by actually building new social relations that are more survivable.9 There is nothing new about mutual aid — people have worked together to survive for all of human history. The framework of mutual aid is significant in the context of social movements resisting capitalist and colonial domination, in which wealth and resources are extracted and concentrated and most people can survive only by participating in vari- ous extractive relationships. Providing for one another through coordi- nated collective care is radical and generative. Effective social movements always include elements of mutual aid. The most famous example on the left in the United States is the Black Panther Party’s survival programs, including the free breakfast program, the free ambulance program, free medical clinics, a program offering rides to elderly people doing errands, and a school aimed at providing a liberating and rigorous curriculum to children. The Black Panthers’ programs mobilized people by creat- ing spaces where they could access basic needs and build shared analysis about the conditions they were facing. J. Edgar Hoover famously wrote in a 1969 memo sent to all FBI offices that “the BCP [Breakfast for Chil- dren Program] represents the best and most influential activity going for the BPP [Black Panther Party] and, as such, is potentially the greatest threat to efforts by authorities to neutralize the BPP and destroy what it stands for.”10 The night before the Chicago program was supposed to open, police broke into the church that was supposed to host it and uri- nated on and destroyed all the food. The co- optation of the program, with the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) starting a federal free breakfast program that still feeds millions of children today, is evidence of the significance of this mutual aid tactic.11

The Black Panthers’ survival programs have inspired many other

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organizations to organize mutual aid efforts to attract people to move- ments and to build shared analysis of problems as collective rather than individual. People often come to social movement organizations because they need something, such as eviction defense, child care, social connec- tion, health care, or advocacy. Being able to get help with a crisis is often a condition of being able to politically participate. It is hard to be part of organizing when you are struggling with a barrier to survival. Getting support through a mutual aid project that has a political analysis of the conditions that produced your crisis also helps break stigma and isolation. In capitalism, social problems resulting from maldistribution and extrac- tion are seen as individual moral failings of targeted people.12 Getting sup- port in a context that sees the systems, not the people suffering in them, as the problem can help combat the isolation and stigma. People at the front lines have the most awareness of how these systems harm and are essential strategists because of their expertise. Directly impacted people and people who care about them often join movements because they want to get and give help. Mutual aid exposes the failures of the current system and shows an alternative. It builds faith in people power and fights the demobilizing impacts of individualism and hopelessness- induced apathy.

Mutual aid projects also build solidarity. I have seen this at the Syl- via Rivera Law Project, a law collective that provides free legal help to trans and gender- nonconforming people who are low income and/or peo- ple of color. People come to the organization for services but are invited to stay and participate in organizing. Members may have some things in common — being trans or gender nonconforming, for example — but also differ from one another in terms of race, immigration status, ability, HIV status, age, housing access, sexual orientation, language, and more. By working together and participating in shared political education program- ming, members learn about experiences that are not their own and build solidarity. Doing explicit work around difference within the group builds the skills of members to practice solidarity and build broad analysis. In the context of nonprofitization, organizations are incentivized to be single- issue oriented, aligning with elites rather than with targeted populations, and use palatable tactics.13 Solidarity is disincentivized, yet solidarity is what builds and connects large- scale movements. Mutual aid projects, by creating spaces where people come together based on some shared need or concern but encounter and work closely with people whose lives and experiences differ from their own, cultivate solidarity.

Mutual aid projects also build skills for collaboration, participation, and decision making. People engaged in a project to help one another through housing court proceedings will learn the details of how the system does its harm and how to fight it, but they will also learn about meeting facilitation, working across difference, retaining volunteers, addressing

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conflict, giving and receiving feedback, following through, and coordi- nating schedules and transportation. They may also learn that it is not just lawyers who can do this kind of work and that many people have something to offer. This departs from expertise- based services systems that connect helping one another to getting advanced degrees. Mutual aid is antiauthoritarian, demonstrating how to do things together in ways that we were told not to imagine and how to organize human activity without coercion.14 Most people in the United States have never been to a meeting where there was not a boss or authority figure with decision- making power over others determining the outcomes. Most people work inside hierarchies where disobedience leads to punishment or exclusion. Of course, we bring our learned practices of hierarchy and (de)valuation with us even when no paycheck or punishment enforces our participation. However, experiences of being in groups voluntarily motivated by shared transformative principles and a sincere effort to practice them can build new skills and capacities.

For example, in Occupy encampments that emerged in 2011, people engaged in skill building about how to resolve conflict without calling the police. Occupy mobilized many people who had never participated in political resistance before, introducing them to practices like consen- sus decision making, taking public space, and engaging in free political education workshops. Many who joined Occupy did not already have a developed critique of policing. Participants committed to police abolition and antiracism cultivated conversations about not calling the police. This was inconsistent and imperfect, but it introduced many people to new skills about responding to harm, which they took with them in their work after Occupy encampments were dismantled by the police. Mutual aid lets people learn and practice the skills and capacities we need to live in the world we are trying to create — a world shaped by practices of collective self- determination.15

Mutual aid can also generate boldness and a willingness to defy illegitimate authority. Taking risks with a group for a shared purpose can be a reparative experience when we have been trained to follow rules. Organizers from Mutual Aid Disaster Relief (MADR), a network orga- nizing to provide mutual aid in the context of disasters, share this story in their 2018 workshop facilitation guide to emphasize their argument that “audacity is our capacity”:

When a crew of MADR organizers travelled to Puerto Rico (some visiting their families, others bringing medical skills), they found out about a govern- ment warehouse that was neglecting to distribute huge stockpiles of supplies. They showed their MADR badges to the guards and said, “We are here for the 8am pickup.” When guards replied that their names were not on the

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list, they just insisted again, “We are here for the 8am pickup.” They were eventually allowed in, told to take whatever they needed. After being let in once, aid workers were able to return repeatedly. They made more badges for local organizers, and this source continued to benefit local communities for months.16

MADR asserts that by taking bold actions together, “we can imagine new ways of interacting with the world.”17 In the face of disaster, mutual aid helps people survive and builds new social relations centered in solidar- ity and resistance to illegitimate authority. When dominant social rela- tions have been suspended, people discover that they can break norms of individualism, passivity, and respect for private property above human need and collaborate to meet their needs. MADR asserts that “saving lives, homes, and communities in the event and aftermath of disaster may require taking bold action without waiting for permission from authori- ties. Disaster survivors themselves are the most important authority on just action.”18 Courageous mutual aid actions of disaster survivors occur against a backdrop of injustice, where government agents primarily show up to lock down cities while failing to provide aid or support recovery.19

Mutual aid projects providing relief to survivors of storms, floods, earthquakes, and fires, as well as those developed to support people liv- ing through the crises caused by poverty, criminalization, housing costs, endemic gender violence, and other ordinary conditions, produce new systems that can prevent harm and improve preparedness for the coming disasters. In the context of Hurricane Maria’s devastation of Puerto Rico, it was the existence of food justice efforts that made it possible for many people to eat when the corporate food system that brings 90 percent of the island’s food from off- island was halted by the storm. Similarly, it was local solar that allowed people to charge medical devices when the electri- cal grid went down. The mutual aid projects that exist before the acute disasters become the alternatives that help people survive when disasters arise. By looking at what still works in the face of disaster, we can learn what we want to build to prepare for the next storm or fire. Naomi Klein argues that locally controlled microgrids are more desirable for delivering sustainable energy, given the failures of the energy monopolies that cur- rently dominate energy delivery.20 In the wake of the 2018 fires in North- ern California, Klein’s descriptions of how large energy companies work to prevent local and sustainable energy efforts offer particularly compel- ling support for her argument that in energy as in other areas of survival, we should be working toward locally controlled, democratic structures to replace our crumbling and harmful infrastructure.21 In the wake of those fires, as the public learned that they were caused by the mismanagement of PG&E and the state government immediately offered PG&E a bailout

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while failing to support people displaced by the disaster, Klein asks us to imagine getting rid of the undemocratic infrastructure of our lives and replacing it with people’s infrastructure. For social movements working to imagine and build a transition from extractive “dig, burn, dump” econo- mies to sustainable, regenerative ways of living, mutual aid offers a way to meet current needs and prepare for coming disasters.22

Pitfalls and Challenges of Mutual Aid

Charity and social services frameworks dominate mainstream under- standing of what it means support people in crisis. Mutual aid is not char- ity. Charity, aid, relief, and services are terms used in various contexts to denote the provision of support for survival to poor people where that support is governed by rich people and/or government. Charity models promote the idea that most poverty is a result of immorality and that only those who can prove their moral worth deserve help. Charity comes with eligibility requirements that relate to these moral frameworks of deserv- ingness, such as sobriety, piety, curfews, participation in job training or parenting courses, cooperation with the police, or identifying the pater- nity of children. The determination of deservingness and undeserving- ness is based in cultural archetypes that pathologize Black families, frame poor women as overreproductive, and criminalize poverty.23 The condi- tions of receiving aid are made so stigmatizing that they discipline every- one into taking any work at any exploitative wage or condition in order to avoid the fate of people who must seek relief. Charity makes rich people and corporations look generous and upholds and legitimizes the systems that concentrate wealth.24

Charity is increasingly privatized and contracted out to the mas- sive nonprofit sector. Nonprofits compete for grants to address social problems. Elite donors get to decide what strategies should be funded and then protect their money from taxation by storing it in foundations that fund their pet projects, most of which have nothing to do with poor people. Even nonprofits that do purport to address poverty are mostly run by white elites. Nonprofitization has reproduced antidemocratic racist and colonial relationships between the winners and losers of extractive, exploitative economic arrangements.25

Mutual aid projects face the challenge of avoiding the charity model. A member of North Valley Mutual Aid, a group working to support peo- ple displaced by the Camp Fire in Northern California, described how narratives of deservingness drove the attacks on the tent city that emerged in a Walmart parking lot after the fire.26 In the days following the fire, as displaced people with more resources began to leave the tent city, city offi- cials and media portrayed the people still living there as not displaced fire

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survivors but ordinary homeless and itinerant people who did not deserve to remain. The eligibility processes of the Federal Emergency Manage- ment Agency (FEMA) exclude people who cannot confirm an address before the disaster, such as homeless people or people living in poor com- munities where individual dwellings are not given an individual mailing address. The distinction between deserving and undeserving disaster sur- vivors rests on the idea that suddenly displaced renters and homeowners are sympathetic victims, while people who were already displaced by the ordinary disasters of capitalism are blameworthy.

Mutual aid project participants replicate moralizing eligibility frame- works inside mutual aid projects when they require sobriety, exclude peo- ple with certain types of convictions, or stigmatize and exclude people with psychiatric disabilities for not fitting behavioral norms. Myrl Beam traces the tension that emerged in an organization founded to support queer and trans youth, and to operate by and for youth, as the organization formalized, diverging from its initial mission and commitments to youth governance. The organization began to participate with the local police to check warrants for youth.27 This example of departure from mutual aid principles and toward the implementation of eligibility requirements that enforce deservingness highlights the relationship between governance practices and the slide toward punitive charity models. A MADR partici- pant tells a related story:

After Hurricane Irma, a local sheriff announced that, “If you go to a shel- ter for Irma and you have a warrant, we’ll gladly escort you to the safe and secure shelter called the Polk County Jail.” [This] . . . essentially weaponizes aid against the most vulnerable and put numerous lives in danger. . . . There is always a shocking number of guns that show up after a disaster. A dehy- drated child without access to electricity or air conditioning in the blazing Florida or Texas or Puerto Rico sun, needs somebody carrying Pedialyte, not an M16. Both the military or police and the nonprofit industrial com- plex often serve to reestablish the inequitable dominant social order rather than leverage their resources to assist disaster survivors in leading their own recovery.28

Mutual aid projects must also be wary of saviorism, self- congratulation, and paternalism. Populations facing crisis are cast as in need of saving, and their saviors are encouraged to use their presumed superiority to make over these people and places, replacing old, dysfunctional ways of being with smarter, more profitable, more moral ways of being. Politi- cians, nonprofiteers, and business conspire to remake these places, imple- menting devastating “innovations” that eliminate public housing, per- manently displace residents, privatize schools, and destroy public health infrastructure.29 Mutual aid projects and their individual participants

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must actively resist savior narratives and find ways to support participants to build shared analysis about the harms of saviorism and the necessity of self- determination for people in crisis.

Mutual aid also faces the challenge of neoliberal co- optation. Neo- liberalism combines attacks on public infrastructure and public services, endorsing privatization and volunteerism. As public services are cut, neo- liberals push for social safety nets to be replaced by family and church, assuming that those who fail to belong to such structures deserve aban- donment. Philanthropy and privatization are expected to replace public welfare, and public- private partnerships are celebrated as part of a fic- tion that everything should be “run like a business.” The cultural narra- tive about social justice entrepreneurship suggests that people who want change should not fight for justice but should invent new ways of manag- ing poor people and social problems. This raises the question, How do mutual aid projects remain threatening and oppositional to the status quo and cultivate resistance, rather than becoming complementary to aban- donment and privatization? In the wake of Hurricane Harvey, corporate media news stories on volunteer boats for rescues followed this pattern, neither criticizing government relief failure nor interrogating the causes of worsening hurricanes and whom they most endanger.30 Stories of individual heroes obscured the social and political conditions producing the crisis.

This danger of becoming a complementary structure to harmful systems pervades debates about restorative justice programs and other alternatives to incarceration. These kinds of programs, including drug treatment programs, programs that divert some arrestees from the crimi- nal system to social service programs, and restorative justice programs where people who have done harm go through a mediated process with those they have harmed, all have the potential to be disruptive mutual aid programs or to be nondisruptive adjuncts and/or expansions of car- ceral control. Most such programs emerge from communities impacted by racist systems of criminalization, but many formalize and transition to become funded and shaped by police and courts. Minnesota’s restor- ative justice program, one of the earliest examples of a state incorporating a restorative justice approach statewide, has become another site where the same populations already targeted for arrest are processed through a system. Its emergence did not change who is criminalized or disrupt the way policing and criminalization operate; it only added to the exist- ing system and provided legitimacy through the cover of innovation.31 In Seattle, throughout a seven- year fight to stop the building of a new youth jail, public officials have relentlessly used the small, minimally pub- licly funded diversion programs operated primarily by people of color as cover to suggest that the county has already addressed concerns about

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youth incarceration and that the jail construction is actually in line with a county’s commitment to “zero youth detention.”32 The co- optation of grassroots projects aimed at supporting criminalized youth to rationalize further investment in caging youth exposes the real dangers facing mutual aid projects.

Mutual aid projects may appear to overlap with neoliberalism in that their participants critique certain social service models and believe in voluntary participation in care and crisis work. But the critiques of public safety nets made by mutual aid project participants are not the same as those of neoliberals. Mutual aid projects emerge because public services are exclusive, insufficient, or exacerbate state violence. Neoliberals take aim at public services in order to further concentrate wealth and in doing so exacerbate material inequality and violence. The difference is visible comparing the trend of privatization of fire services to the work of the Oakland Power Projects (OPP), which seeks to build an alternative to calling 911. Increasingly, public firefighting services are inadequate and also face cuts; meanwhile, the private firefighting business is growing, with wealthy homeowners paying insurers who come to seal their homes, spray fire retardants on the premises, and put owners in five- star hotels while less affluent people struggle in shelters and fight FEMA for basic benefits. The shift toward eroding public firefighting and creating private, exclusive, profit- generating fire services typifies the neoliberal attack on public services that exacerbates the harms of fire and the concentration of wealth.33 The OPP’s critique of public emergency services and efforts to create an alternative differ in origins, aim, impact, and implementation. OPP emerged out of antipolice and antiprison movement organizations that observed that when people call 911 for emergency medical help, the police come along, endangering people who called for help. In response, the OPP is working to train people in communities impacted by police violence to provide emergency medical care for treating conditions such as gunshot wounds, chronic health problems like diabetes, and mental health crises.34 This strategy is part of broader work to dismantle policing and criminalization, and it works to both meet immediate needs and mobilize people to participate in building an alternative infrastructure for crisis response that is controlled by people with shared commitments to ending racist police violence and medical neglect.

Feminist and antiracist movements building mutual aid projects have disseminated insights gleaned from this work about how co- optation of mutual aid projects happens and what practices might help resist it. In the written resources produced by mutual aid project participants, as well as at gatherings where activists share their work, discussion of the necessity of maintaining community control of mutual aid projects and the dangers of accepting funding that limits activities or eligibility and of

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collaborating with law enforcement are prevalent.35 Feminist scholars and activists have traced how the anti– domestic violence movement shifted from centering mutual aid projects, such as community, volunteer- run shelters and defense campaigns for criminalized survivors, to formalizing and taking government money that required collaboration with police and that increased criminal penalties and made arrests mandatory on domestic violence calls. These shifts increased the criminalization of communities of color, made the services less accessible to the most vulnerable survivors of violence, and provided good public relations for police, prosecutors, and courts as protectors of women.36 This history and others like it high- light the necessity for mutual aid projects to cultivate autonomy from elite institutions and government and accountability to the populations made most vulnerable by the existing systems. Mutual aid projects also work to maintain community control by structuring decision making to avoid concentration and hierarchy. Co- optation of projects and organizations often happens through co- optation of individual people, often charismatic leaders or founders of projects who get bought off by elites through access to increased funding, influence, job security, or other forms of status.37 When one or a small number of people have the power to shift the direc- tion of a project, it can be hard to resist the incentives that come with co- optation. Often, charismatic leaders are people who are not the most vulnerable inside the participant group, because being regarded as char- ismatic, persuasive, important, or authoritative relates to hierarchies of valuation and devaluation that also determine vulnerability. As a result, a single individual or small group running a project may not be the same people who would have the most to lose if the project veers toward elite interests. It is those most vulnerable within the participants who are most likely to have objections to the shifts that come with co- optation, such as new eligibility requirements that cut out stigmatized groups. To return to the example of the queer youth center described earlier, the adults who had the power to make decisions about accepting additional funding and agreeing to run warrants on youth were people who would personally gain (with job security and leadership status) from those decisions, while the youth who would no longer be able to use the space without facing arrest were excluded from the decision- making processes that led to the changes. Given these dynamics, many mutual aid organizations work to create hor- izontal, participatory decision- making processes and to utilize consensus decision making to cultivate meaningful collective control and prevent co-optation. Relatedly, some establish explicit criteria or guidelines about making sure certain perspectives that are often left out or marginalized are heard, including by agreeing that decisions that break down around identity lines will be reevaluated to assess alignment with the group’s transformative principles. Some groups establish quotas about members

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of decision- making bodies within the group, ensuring that groups par- ticularly likely to be left out are well represented in those bodies.38

Consensus decision making, in addition to avoiding the problem of having majorities vote down minorities and silence vulnerable groups, establishes an ethic of desiring others’ participation. Decision- making systems focused on competition — on getting my idea to be the one that wins — cultivate disinterest in other people’s participation. Consensus decision making requires participants to bring forward proposals to be discussed and modified until everyone is sufficiently satisfied that no one will block the proposal. This means participants get to practice want- ing to hear people’s concerns and their creative approaches to resolving them, and not needing the group’s decision to be exactly what any one individual wants. If the goal of our movements is to mobilize tens of mil- lions of people, we need to become people who genuinely want others’ participation, even when others bring different ideas or disagree with us. Most people will not stay and commit to intense unpaid work if they get little say in shaping that work. We need ways of practicing wanting one another present and participating, not just going along with what one charismatic or authoritative person says. Most people have not gotten to practice this, since the institutions that run our lives, like schools, jobs, and governments, are hierarchical. Instead, we get a lot of practice either going along or trying to be the dominant person or people. MADR says, “We all have something to offer.”39 This is a radical idea in a world where help is professionalized and most people are supposed to stay home and passively consume and occasionally make a donation to a nonprofit or volunteer at a soup kitchen on Thanksgiving. To argue that in the context of crisis everyone has something to offer, that we are all valuable and we can work to include us all, is a significant intervention on the disposabil- ity most of us are taught to practice toward one another and the passivity we are encouraged to feel about direct engagement to remake the world. MADR offers the slogan, “No Masters, No Flakes.”40 This simultaneous rejection of hierarchies inside the organizing and commitment to build accountability based on shared values asks participants to keep showing up and working together not because a boss is making you but because you are working together on something that matters.

Conflict is part of all groups and relationships, so mutual aid proj- ects need methods for addressing conflict. Working and living inside hierarchies deskills us for dealing with conflict. We are taught to either dominate others and be numb to the impact of our domination on them, or submit with a smile and be numb to our own experiences of domina- tion in order to get by. We learn that giving direct feedback is risky and that we should either suppress our concerns or find sideways methods to manipulate situations and get what we want. We are trained to seek

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external validation, especially from people in authority, and often have minimal skills for hearing critical feedback, considering it, and acting on what is useful. To survive our various social positions, we internal- ize specific instructions about when and how to numb our feelings and perceptions, avoid giving feedback, disappear, defend, demand appease- ment, or appease. As a result, we are mostly unprepared to engage with conflict in generative ways and instead tend to avoid it until it explodes or relationships disappear. Mutual aid organizations often work to build shared analysis and practices that recognize and address racism, ableism, sexism, classism, and other systems of meaning and control that produce harm between participants and structure interactions, in order to be bet- ter prepared to address conflict. Some provide skills- building activities for giving and receiving direct feedback and avoiding gossip. Ensuring that organizations have a clear approach to decision making and that partici- pants understand it can prevent conflicts that tear projects apart. Creating transparency, especially about money, can prevent destructive conflict. Using transformative justice and mediation frameworks for addressing conflict and harm between participants can help address immediate cri- ses and build skills for preventing and addressing harm in the future.41 Work to address conflict and harm within organizations and projects, like mutual aid work in general, builds infrastructure and capacity for collec- tive self- governance and survival.

Transition to Collective Care

The most visible mutual aid work in contemporary movements for jus- tice is happening on the front lines of storms, floods, and fires. In those locations, people experience failures of dominant infrastructure and the power of helping and sharing with one another. These disasters are, of course, anything but natural. The profound loss, trauma, and violence occurring at their front lines are created by the ways that access to sur- vival is already organized to support exploitation and extraction. MADR writes:

Neoliberal capitalism and colonization is daily disaster — the meaningless drudgery of the work, the loss of authentic social relationships, the destruc- tion of the water, the air, and everything we need to survive. Even though a hurricane or a fire or a flood is immensely devastating, it also in a sense washes away the unnamable disaster that is everyday life under neoliberal capitalism. Without the coercion from above, most disaster survivors default back to meaningful relationships based on mutual aid. After the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, Dorothy Day said, “While the crisis lasted people loved one another.” We want that love to last. We want to stretch out these temporary autonomous zones, where people are able to share goods and

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services with each other freely, where we reimagine new social relationships outside of the dictates of the market, where we work for something real and build something together.42

MADR’s understanding of disaster relief as a moment of production of new social relations is actually not entirely different from that of disaster capitalists, who seek to remake populations and regions in crisis accord- ing to neoliberal imperatives. We might understand mutual aid projects as frontline work in a war over who will control social relations and how survival will be reproduced, especially in the face of worsening crises. Will neoliberals come in to further privatize and extract, or will mutual aid projects based in collective self- determination and local control and dedicated to meeting human needs determine emergent social relations in the wake of disaster? MADR writes,

Think of all the things we rely on our opposition to do for us. Our food, water, energy, transportation, entertainment, communications, medical care, trash pickup. If the political establishment takes care of people’s survival needs, they maintain power, but due to capitalism eating itself, the political establishment seems increasingly disinterested and unable to meet those needs. If instead corporations or fascists meet people’s needs, people will probably look to them for leadership. But if grassroots movements for col- lective liberation facilitate the people’s ability to meet their own needs, the better world we dream of very well may become a reality.43

Mutual aid work is mostly invisibilized and undervalued in mainstream and left narratives about social movement resistance, despite its signifi- cance as a tool for opposing systems of domination. The marginaliza- tion of care work as uncompensated feminized labor, the mystification of law and policy reform, and the demobilizing liberal mythology of moving hearts and minds that keeps people busy expressing themselves online all impede a focus on mutual aid. However, mutual aid projects are central to effective social movements, and as conditions worsen, mutual aid projects are becoming an even more essential strategy for supporting survival, building new infrastructure, and mobilizing large numbers of people to work and fight for a new world. It is through mutual aid projects that we can build our capacities for self- organization and self- determination.

There are enough spare rooms and empty houses for everybody who is homeless. There is enough food produced to feed anybody and everybody who is hungry. . . . In order to face the resource depletion and other climate change realities that are just around the corner, we need to be experimenting now with alternative ways of relating to each other that are based on human- ity and generosity, rather than self- interest and greed. It is imperative for our collective survival.44

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Notes

1. Peace, “Desire to Heal.” 2. Tan, “NYPD Unveils Rainbow- Themed Vehicle.” 3. Davis, Are Prisons Obsolete?, 22 – 39. 4. Kaba, “Police ‘Reforms’ You Should Always Oppose”; Critical Resistance,

“Reformist Reforms vs. Abolitionist Steps.” 5. Gelderloos, Failure of Nonviolence, chap. 3. 6. Gelderloos, Failure of Nonviolence, 15. 7. Walia, Undoing Border Imperialism, 12 – 15. 8. Flaherty, No More Heroes, 11 – 33. 9. Big Door Brigade, “What Is Mutual Aid?” 10. Collier, “Black Panthers.” 11. Ealey, “Black Panthers’ Oakland Community School”; Nelson, Body and

Soul, 17; Heynen, “Bending the Bars.” 12. Neubeck and Cazenave, Welfare Racism, 15 – 38; Piven and Cloward, Regu-

lating the Poor, 3 – 37. 13. INCITE!, Revolution Will Not Be Funded, 21 – 39, 53 – 62, 129 – 49;

INCITE!, Color of Violence, 53 – 65, 208 – 21. 14. Levine, Resisting Illegitimate Authority, 5 – 21. 15. Gitterman and Schulman, “Life Model,” 30 – 31; Caffentzis and Federici,

“Commons against and beyond Capitalism,” 95 – 105; Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 26 – 31.

16. Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 36. 17. Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 36. 18. Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 29. 19. South End Press Collective, What Lies Beneath; Banuchi, “Llueven las

denegatorias de asistencia.” 20. Klein, Battle for Paradise, chap. 1. 21. Morris, “California Regulator.” 22. Movement Generation Justice and Ecology Project, “From Banks and

Tanks to Cooperation and Caring.” 23. Neubeck and Cazenave, Welfare Racism, 15 – 38; Piven and Cloward, Regu-

lating the Poor, 3 – 37. 24. Bowman, “Flip Side to Bill Gates’ Charity Billions”; Eisinger, “How Mark

Zuckerberg’s Altruism Helps Himself”; Rhodes and Bloom, “Trouble with Chari- table Billionaires”; Savage, “Privatizing Morality.”

25. INCITE!, Revolution Will Not Be Funded, 21 – 39, 53 – 77, 129 – 49. 26. It’s Going Down, “Autonomous Disaster Relief Organizing.” 27. Beam, Gay, Inc., chap. 4. 28. Staufer, “Mutual Aid Disaster Relief,” 2. 29. Klein, Shock Doctrine, 3 – 25, 409 – 84, 487 – 512. 30. Jervis, “Citizens with Boats.” 31. Peace, “Desire to Heal”; Minnesota Department of Corrections, “Restor-

ative Justice.” 32. Spade, “Faux Progressive Arguments”; King County, “King County Zero

Youth Detention.” 33. Smiley, “Private Firefighters.” 34. Critical Resistance, “Oakland Power Projects.” 35. Sylvia Rivera Law Project, “From the Bottom Up,” 1 – 17; Munshi and

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Willse, “Navigating Neoliberalism”; Barnard Center for Research on Women, “Queer Dreams and Nonprofit Blues.”

36. INCITE!, Color of Violence, 1 – 24, 208 – 26. 37. INCITE!, Revolution Will Not Be Funded, 129 – 49. 38. Sylvia Rivera Law Project, “From the Bottom Up,” 1 – 17. 39. Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 68. 40. Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 68. 41. Sylvia Rivera Law Project, “From the Bottom Up,” 1 – 17; Alatorre, “From

Drama to Calma.” 42. Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 81. 43. Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, “Workshop Facilitation Guide,” 81. 44. Staufer, “Mutual Aid Disaster Relief,” 3.

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Davis, Angela Y. Are Prisons Obsolete? New York: Seven Stories, 2003. Ealey, Shani. “Black Panthers’ Oakland Community School: A Model for Libera-

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Eisinger, Jesse. “How Mark Zuckerberg’s Altruism Helps Himself.” New York Times, December 3, 2015. www.nytimes.com/2015/12/04/business/dealbook/how- mark - zuckerbergs- altruism- helps- himself.html.

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Gelderloos, Peter. The Failure of Nonviolence. Seattle: Left Bank Books, 2015. Gitterman, Alex, and Lawrence Schulman. “The Life Model, Oppression, Vulner-

ability, and Resilience, Mutual Aid, and the Mediating Function.” In Mutual Aid Groups, Vulnerable and Resilient Populations, and the Life Cycle, edited by Alex Gitterman and Lawrence Schulman, 3 – 38. New York: Columbia Univer- sity Press, 2005.

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Neubeck, Kenneth J., and Noel A. Cazenave. Welfare Racism: Playing the Race Card against America’s Poor. New York: Routledge, 2001.

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Stokes 2020.pdf

2/6/2021 California’s Disasters Are a Warning—Climate Change Is Here - The Atlantic

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I D E A S

How Can We Plan for the Future in California?

NOAH BERGER / AP

When I moved to California �ve years ago, I planted a tree in my yard. It was a Red

Baron peach, chosen for its showy, bright-pink blossoms and its ability to grow fruit

with few cool nights. For the past nine centuries, Southern California has been

perfect for this tree, with mild winters and mild summers.

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e state’s heat waves, blackouts, and �res—amid a pandemic—offer a warning of our fossil-fuel future.

AU G U S T 2 3 , 2 0 2 0

Leah C. Stokes Assistant professor of political science at UC Santa Barbara

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I planted the Red Baron for the climate we once had. at climate is no more. My

neighborhood has already warmed by more than 2 degrees Celsius since the

preindustrial period—twice the global average. In my short time as a Californian,

I’ve seen a years-long drought. I’ve evacuated my home as a wild�re closed in. I’ve

lived through unprecedented heat waves.

[ Annie Lowrey: California is becoming unlivable ]

Trees, like all living beings, need time and stability to grow. But these essentials are

no longer available. And it’s not just my backyard trees that are threatened under a

changing climate. Many people have been grieving from the news that we may have

lost some of the most majestic coastal redwoods to these latest �res. ese giants

have stood for more than a thousand years.

For my generation, and the ones coming up behind us, the simple act of planting

trees now requires a leap of faith. I worry about how long they will last before they

are taken by drought or �re. And if we can’t plan for our trees’ future, how are we

supposed to plan for our children’s?

R E C O M M E N D E D R E A D I N G

Right now my friends across the state are staring down disaster after disaster,

suffering through climate change in action while they struggle with the ongoing

How One Supreme Court Decision Increased Discrimination Against

LGBTQ Couples

N E T TA B A R A K- C O R R E N

‘Some Team Has to Want Me’

J E M E L E H I L L

Frustration Is Spreading Faster an the Vaccine Is

A N N E A P P L E B AU M

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pandemic.

Last week, a heat wave baked the West. In Death Valley, a world record may have

been set for the hottest temperature observed on Earth: 130 degrees Fahrenheit.

From Phoenix, Arizona, to the Bay Area, people turned up their air-conditioning,

straining California’s electricity infrastructure, because the state imports power from

its neighbors. Demand outstripped supply, and the grid operator started rolling

blackouts. e cause is climate change: It has made heat waves �ve times more

likely to occur in the western United States.

During the blackouts, California had unusually intense lightning strikes, which

dotted the darkened landscape with electricity from the sky. ese storms triggered

�res across Northern California, forcing more than 100,000 people to evacuate

their homes. Climate change has increased �re risk, and lengthened the �re season.

It’s only August, and already more land has burned in California this year than all

of 2019.

ese climate disasters are happening against the backdrop of the still uncontrolled

coronavirus outbreak, which makes it harder for people to �ee to safety. Evacuating

to a friend’s house or a community center when a highly contagious illness is

circulating is not a simple choice.

[ Read: Two disasters are exponentially worse than one ]

ose theoretically “safe” in their homes don’t have it easy, either. Without

electricity, many Californians have to choose between opening the windows and

breathing in air choked with smoke, or keeping them closed in a hot house. My

friend posted a picture of herself wearing an N95 mask with an exhalation valve,

and a surgical mask on top: the �rst to protect herself against the smoke, the second

to protect others from the virus.

I don’t want to live in a world where we have to decide which mask to wear for

which disaster, but this is the world we are making. And we’ve only started to alter

the climate. Imagine what it will be like when we’ve doubled or tripled the

warming, as we are on track to do.

Climate change is not just destabilizing California’s grid. e East Coast is facing

down a deadly hurricane season and has already seen outages for 1.4 million people. Subscribe for less than $1 per week

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An unprecedented wind storm—which some are calling an “inland hurricane”—

left a quarter million people in the Midwest without power.

Yet some people refuse to acknowledge that climate change is the cause of the

problems California is facing. e Wall Street Journal published a misleading

editorial blaming the state’s reliance on renewable energy for the outages.

In reality, several fossil-gas plants unexpectedly went offline when the heat wave

struck, resulting in less available power. Gas plants can struggle to operate in the

heat. In an ironic twist, burning fossil fuels will become less reliable in our hotter

world. And California’s grid is connected to other states’, so when a heat wave

spikes electricity demand from Arizona to Nevada, that leaves less power to import.

With lower rainfall and many years of drought—again, caused in part by climate

change—many of the state’s hydropower plants were also underperforming.

[ Read: is is what adapting to climate change looks like ]

Simple human error also contributed to the blackouts. e agency in charge of

operating the grid was confused about which plants were available to make

electricity. One renewable-energy plant—a geothermal power station—was actually

providing more power than the grid operator expected. e CEO of California’s

grid operator put it simply: Renewables “are not a factor” in the blackouts.

My electric utility echoed this view in an email that urged people with solar power

at home to help out. Despite electric utilities attacking rooftop-solar policy for the

past decade, homes that produce extra power deliver excess energy to the grid,

helping neighbors in need. More clean energy is a good thing.

California must continue on the path it has been on for years: leading the world in

building the clean economy. In 1978, the state set its �rst goal for clean energy,

aiming for 1 percent of power from wind energy. Forty years later, we now have a

goal of 100 percent clean energy by 2045 in state law.

If anything, California must move faster. And we must get states from the Midwest

to the South to do the same. e Biden campaign’s pledge to reach 100 percent

clean power by 2035 exempli�es the kind of leadership we need in this time of

crisis. Cleaning up our electricity system will allow us to eliminate about 80 percent

of our carbon emissions, because we can use this clean power to fuel our cars, our Subscribe for less than $1 per week

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homes, and some of our industries. Doing this will be a lot of work—so it will

create millions of good-paying jobs that can’t be taken overseas.

We have seen what using fossil fuels has done to California. ey have poisoned

communities. Dirtied our air. And led to record �res, heat waves, and drought. We

are not going back.

I still believe we can tackle the climate crisis. I’m still planting fruit trees in my

backyard. At last count, I have 34—one for each year I’ve circled the sun. I don’t

know how long they will stand, but I will keep doing everything I can to ensure

their future.

What’s happening in California has a name: climate change. It doesn’t have to be

this way. A better world is possible. For all of us, for all of our children, and even

for our trees.

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