Paper #1: One Medium – Critical Engagement

Heise – On the shoulders of giants? – MOOC Transnational Radio Stories 2014

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ON THE SHOULDERS OF GIANTS?

How audio podcasters adopt, transform and re-invent radio storytelling

By Nele Heise, M. A.

This chapter introduces podcasting as an online delivery mechanism for audio files and as a form of user-

generated content. In the second part, we will also discuss certain practices of podcasting as forms of

remediation, adoption and transformation of radio storytelling. Additionally, we will address the ways in

which podcasting differs from ‘radiogenic conventions’ and contributes to the emergence of ‘personal media’

genre conventions and new forms of audio storytelling.

Podcasting – one notion, manifold meanings

Let us begin with a note on the meaning of ‘podcasting’, or the more vendor-neutral term ‘netcasting’. 1

Technically, podcasting is a method for delivering audio – and/or video – files via so called RSS feeds for

download and later playback on various devices (cf. Markman/Sawyer 2014). 2 The term podcast not only

refers to a single media file, but also to a (music or talk) program, typically consisting of a series of

episodes, “new instalments of which can be received by subscribers automatically” (Oxford Dictionaries

Online). Podcasts are considered converged media that bring together audio, web-based infrastructure

and portable media devices (Berry 2006). As Dubber (2013, p. 58) points out, one of the innovative

characteristic of podcasts is the way they are distributed and consumed:

“What makes it function specifically as a podcast […] rather than simply as a downloadable piece of

audio is the method of distribution: a media enclosure within an RSS feed. Subscribers to the podcast

will receive it automatically and listen to it – or not – at their own convenience and discretion.“

However, it is rather difficult to define podcasting apart from its technological features (RSS-based

distribution and subscription, downloadable audio files), because it can be understood “as both a simple

distribution channel for existing content and an emerging programming vehicle”, as well as “a new or

hybrid media form that is accessible to amateurs as well as to media professionals” (Markman/Sawyer

2014, p. 21). Markman & Sawyer argue that from the provider perspective the framing of podcasting as a

delivery mechanism is most appropriate when we talk about podcasts by traditional broadcasters and

established media brands, in many cases radio stations (e.g. NPR, BBC), which use podcasting as an

additional online-based distribution channel, as opportunity to extend their reach, or as “an extension of

their public service mission” (Berry 2006, p. 149). Despite these bigger media brands, podcasting also

provides a new means for small-scale media (e.g. free radio stations, community radios) or individual

media professionals (e.g. freelance radio journalists, independent radio play producers – one example is

the short story podcast The Truth) to distribute their content. Popular examples for this kind of “secondary

use” podcasts are This American Life (a weekly hour-long radio program produced by WBEZ and hosted

by Ira Glass) and Radio Lab (an hour-long radio show produced by WNYC, focusing on scientific and

philosophical topics). Other ‘non-audio’ media such as newspapers use podcasts to enrich their online

portfolio, to reach new target audiences, or to experiment with new revenue models and storytelling

1 The term „podcasting“ was originally coined in February 2004 by the British journalist Ben Hammersley in an article for The

Guardian. It is a neologism that combines “broadcast” and “pod”, which refers to the Apple device iPod and to the widespread

practice of listening to audio podcasts on portable media players (Wikipedia). In 2005, “podcast” was included in the Oxford

English American Dictionary and announced “Word of the Year” (online resource: interview with Hammersley on the history of

podcasting by Austrian podcaster Daniel Meßner). 2 The RSS standard (Really Simple Syndication) was developed in 1999 and became popular with the rise of web blogging. In

December 2000, another version (RSS 0.92) was released by programmer Dave Winer, which introduced the so called enclosure

element that permitted audio files to be carried in RSS feeds. In 2003, former MTV host Adam Curry introduced the software

programme RSStoiPod, allowing its users to download audio files. As of 2004, the first podcast clients (e. g. iPodderX) were

available, and in 2005 a podcatcher was integrated in iTunes. Today, it is almost impossible to estimate the number of active

podcasts due to the variety of directories (e.g. the German websites podcast.de, podster.de or podbe.de) and distribution channels

(via websites, podcast clients, smartphone or tablet apps etc.). According to media consultant Minter Dial, podcasts are available

in around 90 countries via iTunes, with English being the most widespread language (ca. 90.000 podcasts in 2009), followed by

Spanish, French and Japanese.

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forms (see Pérez 2012). One example for these name brand podcasts is Media Talk, a podcast on media

related topics, which was produced by The Guardian from 2006 to 2014. Other uses of podcasting on the

professional level comprise side channels and special audio downloads for spin-off niches as well as audio

offerings by non-broadcast or media businesses, e.g. to connect with customers or for educational

purposes (Berry 2006, p. 159). 3

Having its roots in the open source movement and close connections to the realms of blogging and

social networking sites, podcasting can also be understood as a specific form of online participation and

as an exemplar for a participatory culture afforded by digital media technologies (Markman/Sawyer

2014). 4 Some podcasts can be classified as user-generated content, which is voluntarily produced by

individuals or groups of enthusiastic, skilled amateurs who are not affiliated with traditional media

organizations and who are now empowered to become their own “independent DIY radio” stations (cf.

Madsen 2009). 5 Because no one owns the technology, podcasting differs profoundly from the traditional

model of ‘gate-kept’ media and production tools: unlike traditional broadcasting, studios, transmitters or

licences are not required (Berry 2006, p. 151), and access to the low-cost production and distribution tools

of podcasting allows potentially everyone “to become media producers without going through traditional

gatekeeping channels” (Markman/Sawyer 2014, p. 21). In her study Markman (2012, p. 561) found that

many independent audio podcasters had the “desire to ‘do radio’ without being on the radio” as well as to

produce content not available in – and free of the constraints of – traditional media outlets. In an

international survey, Mocimgeba & Riechmann (2007) also found that many private podcasters want to

transfer knowledge and information to their listeners, as well as to engage politically and socially by

publishing their opinion, which might be of great benefit, e.g. for minority groups. Markman & Sawyer

(2014, p. 32) conclude that for some podcasters the desire to express themselves, to promote their

expertise or to gain attention and fame, might be related to a rather traditional understanding of “radio as

a performance medium”.

As Lüders (2008) points out, this group of independently produced podcasts represents a new type of

‘personal media’, which are more de-institutionalized and de-professionalized than mass media.

Podcasting on this private level tends to be more symmetrical, ‘horizontal’ or anti-hierarchical, since it

makes it rather easy for listeners to become producers (and vice versa) and enables different interactional

roles between content creators and consumers. Examples are networks of independent podcasters, who

support each other, promote the work of others (references), collaborate or share podcasting related

knowledge and resources to improve their skills (Berry 2006). These podcasting communities constitute

specific subcultures, which provide forums of mutual support and feedback, identity formation, self-

promotion, critical reflection, but also discursive arenas that might exist in tension with a conventional

(commercial) radiophonic culture (Markman/Saywer 2014, p. 24). Free from formal restrictions, podcasting

allows them to “offer a more diverse range of audio content than traditional broadcast radio” and to

reach an un-served or underserved audience that is not normally found in mainstream radio. Hence,

independent podcasters can become part of a new demand curve – the so called ‘long tail’ – by providing

niche content for a specialized but geographically dispersed audience (ibid., p. 25). Another important

aspect of podcasting as a ‘horizontal’, personal medium is that it facilitates different practices of mediated

interaction between users and producers, who directly engage in conversations and even cooperate with

each other (see below). Despite the presumably unidirectional nature of the pre-recorded podcast

episodes, listener interaction and feedback are strongly intended and actually take place (cf.

3 See: Radio show “Common Knowledge” on Podcasting and radio beyond radio (2012) with a list of recommended podcasts.

4 An example for the relevance of open source technologies in podcasting is the German initiative Podlove, a crowdfunded

collaborative of developers, podcasters, fans and designers, working on new standards and software solutions to enhance the

production and publication of podcasts (online resource: conference talk by Tim Pritlove on the Podlove Initiative). 5 Research suggests that the majority of podcasters is male, over 30, has a high level of education and comes from professional

(media and/or IT related) backgrounds (Markman 2012). Additionally, an international survey revealed that North American

podcasters spend more money/time on podcasting than European podcasters, who are commercially less ambitious. The study

also found that while most private podcasts come with a blog page, podcasters mostly do not identify as bloggers; Asian

podcasters appear to use podcasts more often as a way to slip into and to experiment with different roles than podcasters from

other world regions (cf. Mocimgeba/Riechmann 2007).

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Mocimgeba/Riechmann 2007). Here, Markman (2012, p. 557) found that many podcasters not only “took

great pains to provide audiences with the means to talk back” via multiple channels (e.g. discussion

boards, emails, voicemails, social media), but that interaction with listeners – and other podcasters – are a

main reason to continue podcasting. These ‘narrowcasting’ practices not only enables podcasters to build

on “communities of like-minded listeners” (Madsen 2009, p. 1199), but might also give listeners the

feeling “that the producer is ‘one of them’, a member of their community, whether defined by geography,

ethnicity, culture or social group” (Berry 2006, p. 148).

From the user perspective, podcasting has changed the patterns of consumption of audio content –

from tuning in to subscription. This gives the user more control over her or his listening experience

(McClung/Johnson 2010, Dubber 2013):

“Listeners are enabled to download and store rich audio content to be listened to whenever – and in

whichever sequence – they choose. This is potentially an empowering process, allowing prosumers to

programme their own listening experience” (Madsen 2009, p. 1202).

Podcasting allows for new types of schedule setting, matching personal lifestyles, routinized activities,

availability of attention, preferred distribution methodology and consumption technologies “at the

listener’s end” (Dubber 2013, p. 57). For one, users are not being fixed to a timed schedule, since they

have the convenience to pause or rewind – they might, for instance, match the duration of a podcast to

the duration of commuting. Secondly, podcasts are “moveable” and allow for mobile consumption, e.g. via

smartphones or MP3 players, which makes them not only “time-shifted”, but also “place-shifted content”

(Markman/Sawyer 2014, p. 20). Additionally, the listeners are not fixed to a pre-defined program, i.e. they

select the content they want to subscribe to – for instance, special interest formats – and create their own

program by mixing “genres, styles, formats and even languages” (Berry 2006, p. 156). However, despite

certain advantages over broadcast radio, such as the preponderant absence of advertising, podcasting

appears to be „a niche consumption activity for the ‘prosumer flaneur’“ (Dubber 2013, p. 55). 6 Altogether,

podcasts combine characteristics of ‘push’ (automated content delivery) and ‘pull’ (personalization) media

and can be classified as “personalized media” (Berry 2006, Dubber 2013). The ‘disruptive model’ of

podcasting seems to alter the relationship between producer, consumer, and content: the options for a

personalized listening experience breaks radio programming as intended by the producer, e.g. the

linearity of on-air radio stories, which forced radio practitioners to “reconsider some established practices

and preconceptions about audiences” (Berry 2006, p. 144).

On the shoulders of giants?

As set out above, some podcasts are provided by traditional broadcasters and can clearly be identified as

radio content, while others are produced by (individuals or groups of) independent audio podcasters and

represent new forms of ‘personal media’ and user-generated content. Now, let us take a look at the ways

in which the latter group remediates and transforms forms of radio storytelling by adopting ‘radiogenic’

or ‘radioesque’ (Berry 2006) features and conventions.

The concept of remediation addresses how “new media integrate and appropriate aspects of older

forms” (Moscote Freire 2007, p. 102), i.e. how one medium is represented and incorporated in another

through formal and discursive ‘quotations’. In the case of podcasting, radio or “the historical technologies

of over-the-air radio broadcast and reception” (ibid., p. 103) serve as ‘textual’ anchors for independent

podcasters to create a sense of ‘radioness’. One discursive reference to radio is made within podcast titles:

names such as Küchenradio, Chaos Radio Express or Bristol Kitchen Radio draw a direct line to radio as an

institution. They also serve as an identifying textual anchor to give the listener an idea of what to expect,

6 Usage penetration outside of the U.S. – where the number of Americans who have ever listened to an audio podcast slightly

decreased to 27 percent (PEW Key indicators in Media & News 2014) – seems rather poor. In Germany, for instance, only 7

percent of online users listen to audio podcasts at least sometimes (ARD/ZDF Online Survey 2014). Edison Research recently

discussed these numbers in their online video “Why Podcasting Is Bigger Than You Think”, showing that podcast users dedicate

a high amount of their daily audio time to podcasts. The main motives of using podcasts include time-shifting, entertainment/

information (education), library building and social aspects, e.g. discussing the shows with other listeners and fans (McClung &

Johnson 2010).

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which was particularly important in the early years of podcasting. Today, many podcasts avoid the terms

‘radio’ and even ‘cast’ in their titles for many reasons, e.g. due to an emancipation from or to avoid

associations with traditional radio. As regards formal aspects, Berry (2006, p. 155) notes that certain

elements in independently produced podcasts do actually sound ‘radio-like’: DJ talk (e.g. addressing the

‘listeners’ of a ‘show’), intros or program jingles, content categories, music tracks interspersed with speech

and so forth. According to him many podcasts refer to ‘radiogenic’ characteristics, in particular linearity:

“like radio, they tend to be linear in their nature in that the content is heard as though it were live (…)

what we hear happens in real time or is an edited and compressed version of real time” (ibid., p. 151).

Some podcasts adopt this idea of the ‘liveness’ of radio broadcasting by offering live streams (e.g. via the

Xenim streaming network) while new episodes are being recorded. In some cases, listeners and fans are

invited to take part in the production via chat rooms, where they can communicate directly with the

podcasters and are able to influence the content by suggesting questions, topics or by helping the

podcasters with additional information, links and so forth. Opposed to radio talk, interactivity in live

podcasting does not only fulfil performative functions (Tolson 2006): Together with the personalized

listening experience described above, this potential for actual conversational interaction also separates

podcasting from ‘radio-like’ services (e.g. music streaming platforms) that refer to radio as a ‘non-

interactive’ form and “as a model of listening where user control is limited” (Moscote Freire 2007, p. 109).

As regards the content, the centrality of voice draws a direct line to radio talk – with a difference being

that podcasting creates “a vast reservoir of voices (…) [which] no longer fade into the ether” (Madsen

2009, p. 1207). 7 However, the style of talking in independent podcasts often differ a lot from broadcast

radio talk, which makes them “more intimate, realistic and engaging” (Berry 2006, p. 151). While some

podcasters adopt a more professionalized, ‘radiogenic’ style of talking, the ‘authenticity of voice’ (e.g.

regional dialects), as well as the podcasters persona, his or her personality and opinions play an important

role in many podcasts. Free from the restrictions and conventions of media talk (and a regulating or

censoring institution), many podcasts comprise spontaneous, unscripted, unconventional, and ‘non-

professional’ talk: by addressing the listener directly, sharing information of their everyday life, ranting

about annoying experiences, or making politically incorrect jokes, these podcasts provide content that is

normally unheard of in mainstream radio (cf. ibid.). One example are so called “Laberpodcasts” (jabber

podcasts), where a group of people sits together and discusses – sometimes for hours – one or several

topics, without following a strict protocol or structure.

Moreover, independent podcasters are not restrained by radio programming structures: unlike radio

shows, the episodes might vary in duration – from a few minutes to several hours – and might not appear

at regular times, fitting around the producers’ routines (Berry 2006, p. 156). Hence, some podcasts are

released to a fixed schedule, but “many podcasts (…) may not adhere to a routine at all” (Dubber 2013, p.

58). 8

As we have seen, some podcasts refer to and adopt conventions of specific radio genres and formats,

e.g. interview podcasts with a strict host-guest structure, while others are still auditory but adopt fewer

radiogenic features; some could even be classified as experimental radio or sound art (e.g. Silence Radio;

Berry 2006). Nevertheless, certain practices and elements of remediation help the podcasters and listeners

to “enhance composing and understanding of communication by offering interpretative, recognizable and

flexible frames of reference” (Lüders et al. 2010, p. 947). However, the technological and social affordances

of podcasting – in particular Social Media infrastructure (blog pages, social networking sites, e.g. Twitter

or Facebook) as well as the convergence of audio and visual/textual material, also allow for innovative

7 In Germany, the majority of independent audio podcasts is voice-based, which constraints the possibilities of storytelling to

some extent. One reason for the hesitance to use music in podcasts is legal uncertainty, since the use of copyrighted music is

very expensive and/or licencing is rather complicated. Due to these legal issues even public service broadcasters edit their shows

– by cutting out certain songs and music elements – before they are published as a podcast. Many podcasters circumvent these

legal restraints by using ‘podsafe’ music (e.g. creative commons licenses). 8 An interesting example is ReliveRadio, a website where episodes by independent German podcasts are streamed 24 hours a day

and the users can choose between three channels (Mix, Technology and Culture). The reference is a 24/7 radio program (also

indicated by the name ReliveRadio): listeners can tune in and do not need to subscribe the podcasts (‘push media’), and –

following the serendipity principle of mass media – might also discover and explore new podcasts.

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feature and forms of storytelling practices. One example are so called ‘show notes’, i.e. additional

information, which is integrated in the media file and/or displayed on the website of a podcast episode,

e.g. as part of a blog posting: hyperlinks to articles (e.g. to Wikipedia), audio-visual material (e.g. YouTube

videos, photos), chapter marks, and sometimes also memorable quotes from the respective episode. By

adding visual elements and transforming spoken word into text and meta data, show notes represent an

extension of the audio content.

Another central element in podcasting are practices of interaction and community building via Social

Media channels or in weblog discussion threads. These interactions might also add to the narrative of the

respective episode, which is continuously negotiated between podcaster and listeners. In other cases,

listeners and fans are directly participating in the co-creation of content, e.g. via chat rooms (see above)

or after the publication of an episode. An example for such interactive, creative practices is the episode “A

Kitchen Party” by Bristol Kitchen Radio: listeners of the show were invited to film themselves while dancing

to the episode – the results “of the first interactive podcast ever made (probably)” were then published as

a short film on the podcast website. Another example is the German tech-podcast Freak Show: every

episode starts with a short “previously at Freak Show”-track, a remix of the highlights from the last

episode, which is created by a fan of the podcast.

This example also shows that podcasts not only refer to certain radio genres (e.g. talk radio, call-in

or music shows), ‘radiogenic’ features or storytelling elements, but also transform narrative structures,

elements and logics of other media genres, such as online diaries – knitting podcasts, for instance, where

the podcaster talks about his or her everyday life and needlework projects (e.g. Cast On) – or TV series

that reflect the serial, episodic nature of podcasts. One example for this type of continuous storytelling is

the popular podcast Yeast Radio: running since November 2004, the show features the fictional Internet

personality Madge Weinstein, an alter ego of underground film maker Richard Bluestein, and a variety of

frequent guest characters. While it resembles a soap opera, the show also comprises social-political

commentary and personal experiences of Bluestein, and features other actors of the queer podcasting

community. Another example for innovative fictional storytelling is the podcast series Welcome to Night

Vale, which is produced by professional writers and published by Commonplace Books. The episodes are

presented as a “radio show for the fictional town of Night Vale, reporting on the strange events that occur

within it” (Wikipedia). Like Yeast Radio, the show features one main character, the narrator, and several

guests, as well as various independent music artists. Due to the popularity of the show, the creators

started to produce live episodes with audience participation and are currently touring through Europe.

These examples suggest that certain podcast formats can be understood as new emerging ‘personal

media genres’, which are “both medium and outcome of textual practices” (Lüders et al. 2010, p. 947).

They emerge through a dynamic interaction between conventions and expectations afforded by

technological platforms (Internet infrastructure), media (podcasting) and specific ‘texts’ (episodes).

Taken together podcasting as an open, technological infrastructure for content distribution creates a

shared environment for both mass and personal media. This “new audiosphere of podcasting” (Madsen

2009) is characterised by a broad variety of heterogeneous providers (e.g. media professionals,

institutions, or amateurs), topics (e.g. science, pop culture, technology, society), and functions (podcasting

as hobby activity, as marketing or educational tool, as alternative news medium, as a non-public

communication instrument, etc.). This diversity “re-activates possibilities of the creative commons as

reservoir of cultural wealth (…) allowing voices, space and time to re-sound, in a new environment/

ecology, through time/space shifting and dissemination” (Madsen 2009, p. 1202). As we have seen, some

practices of podcasting refer to elements and conventions of traditional (radio) broadcasting, while others

point to emerging personal media genre conventions as well as innovative ways of audio storytelling and

listener interaction. Hence, we might conclude with Berry (2006, p. 156) that while we still tend “to use the

reference points of older media like radio as a way of understanding Podcasts (…) there is much that is

new and that requires a new perspective”.

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