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Journal of Offender Rehabilitation

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“Thank you for letting it be about me”: Women’s perceptions of holistic programming in a jail

Regina Praetorius, Laura Frank Terry & Jacqueline Burse

To cite this article: Regina Praetorius, Laura Frank Terry & Jacqueline Burse (2017) “Thank you for letting it be about me”: Women’s perceptions of holistic programming in a jail, Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 56:4, 237-251, DOI: 10.1080/10509674.2017.1294639

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10509674.2017.1294639

Published online: 16 Mar 2017.

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JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION 2017, VOL. 56, NO. 4, 237–251 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509674.2017.1294639

“Thank you for letting it be about me”: Women’s perceptions of holistic programming in a jail Regina Praetorius, Laura Frank Terry, and Jacqueline Burse

School of Social Work, The University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas, USA

ABSTRACT Incarcerated women often have trauma, substance misuse, and mental health concerns. These are often categorized as criminal activity. While data suggest women are incarcerated largely due to substance related issues, there is a gap in jail services. Women are often revictimized in jails, creating additional rehabilitation barriers. There is demand for programming to address substance misuse, mental health, life skills, and community building. This study’s purpose was to understand perceptions of holistic jail programming. Participants’ journals were analyzed (n ¼ 132). Themes included intentionality, process feelings, self-worth, solidarity, programming justifica- tion, and emotional safety. The programming has promising elements to be replicated.

KEYWORDS Community-based rehabilitation; correctional programming; female offenders; gender specific; jail

Introduction

The number of women in the United States who are in jail, in prison, on probation, or on parole has increased dramatically over the past several decades and now exceeds 1 million (Bloom & Covington, 2008; The Sentencing Project, Research and Advocacy for Reform, 2011)—a 587% increase between the years of 1980 and 2011 (The Sentencing Project, Research and Advocacy for Reform, 2011). Since 1980, the number of female inmates has increased at twice the rate of male inmates (The Sentencing Project, Research and Advocacy for Reform, 2011). More recent statistics illustrate that the number of females confined to U.S. county and city jails increased by 18% between midyear 2010 and 2014 (Minton & Zeng, 2015). Dallas County Jail, the seventh largest jail in the United States, reports that 21% of the individuals booked into the jail are women. Political push to combat the “war on drugs” has resulted in this increasing number of women incarcerated, as well as longer and harsher sentences for these offenders (Zaitzow, 2010).

Services such as substance-abuse treatment, case management, life-skills training, and counseling can be beneficial to incarcerated women, providing them tools to be successful during their sentence and upon their release. Although the availability of these services is not comprehensive across states

CONTACT Regina Praetorius [email protected] School of Social Work, The University of Texas at Arlington, 211 S. Cooper St., Box 19129, Arlington, TX 76019, USA. © 2017 Taylor & Francis

and facilities, some facilities have noted this need and have partnered with outside organizations. The agency of study is one such organization heretofore referred to as “the Agency.”1

The Agency is a nonprofit, community-centered agency located in Dallas, Texas that provides comprehensive services to incarcerated women. This rehabilitative program aims to offer a safe space for women to participate in explicit daily programs that educate, empower, and encourage new life skills to decrease recidivism and promote individual change. The purpose of this study was to understand women’s perceptions of holistic programming in a jail setting.

Literature review

Substance abuse has been consistently reported as one of the major correlates in the increasing population of incarcerated women (Ney, Ramirez, & Van Dieten, 2012). The war on drugs is often cited as a reason for increasing arrest and incarceration among women (Dalley, 2014; Farkas & Hrouda, 2007). Women offenders have drug addictions that coupled with low support systems, lack of education, and unemployment lead to incarceration (Dalley, 2014; LaMoure, Meadows, Mondschein, & Llewellyn, 2010). The U.S. Department of Justice (Karberg & James, 2005) reported that in 2002, 68% of jail inmates endorsed symptoms that met criteria for substance dependence or abuse. Two in five inmates were classified as being dependent on alcohol and drugs, and one in four as abusing alcohol or drugs according to criteria set forth in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (DSM-IV) (as cited in Karberg & James, 2005). Over half (68%) of female inmates reported substance dependence in the same study (Karberg & James, 2005). In line with these statistics, Green, Miranda, Daroowalla, and Siddique (2005) found that 74% of the women in their sample had drug abuse problems.

It has also been established in the literature that substance abuse is often used to cope with mental illness or trauma (Goodman, Rosenberg, Mueser, & Drake, 1997; RachBeisel, Scott, & Dixon, 1999). Hyde (2011) found that 82% of all jail inmates met criteria for either mental health problems, sub- stance use problems, or both. Given this connection, it is logical that the pres- ence of mental illness and trauma among inmates are two more risk factors that need to be considered.

Jails and prisons may now be the largest mental health provider in the United States (Fellner, 2006; Zaitzow, 2010). There are 3 times as many people with mental illness in prisons than in mental hospitals, and the rate of mental illness in prisons is 2–4 times greater than in the general population (Zaitzow, 2010). James and Glaze (2006) reported that 12% of females in the general population have symptoms of a mental disorder, compared to 75% in local

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jails. The Bureau of Justice Statistics (James & Glaze, 2006) interviewed a sam- ple of inmates and found that female inmates have a higher rate of mental ill- ness than male inmates. Specifically in local jails, statistics illustrated that 75% of female inmates compared to 63% of male inmates endorsed the presence of a mental illness (James & Glaze, 2006).

A related issue is trauma; trauma can be experienced in many different forms during both childhood and adulthood. It has been well established that women offenders have higher rates of both child and adult maltreatment (Bloom, Owen, & Covington, 2003; Broner, Kopelovich, Mayrl, & Bernstein, 2009; Pollock, 1998). Green et al. (2005) reported that women in jail reported high levels of exposure to trauma, especially interpersonal trauma (90%) and domestic violence (71%). Inmates are also more likely as children to have experienced the loss of a parent through divorce, death, or desertion in comparison to the general population (Haycock, 1991). Jails also contain a disproportionate number of inmates who have been separated from parents through placement in foster care (Haycock, 1991).

The research also illustrates that incarcerated women are more likely than their male counterparts to report extensive histories of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse (Gido & Dalley, 2010; James & Glaze, 2006; Messina, Burdon, Hagopian, & Prendergast, 2006; Singer, Bussey, Song, & Lunghofer, 1995). Often, an underlying cause of substance abuse and mental illness is trauma that is associated with abuse experienced by the individual (Bloom et al., 2003; Messina & Grella, 2006). Similar to statistics related to differences between the sexes when looking at the presence of mental illness, the literature states that 57% of women report physical or sexual abuse before imprison- ment versus 16% of men (Little Hoover Commission, 2004). Connections have been shown between trauma and PTSD, as well as between PTSD and substance-use disorders (Stewart, Conrod, Pihl, & Dongier, 1999). PTSD is a common diagnosis associated with abuse and trauma, but the most common mental health diagnosis for women who are trauma survivors is depression (Bloom & Covington, 2008).

There have been recommendations in the literature about how to best intervene with inmates whom are struggling with mental illness. Many of these recommendations are met by the programming provided by Resolana. These recommendations that align with the Resolana program include: .� Gender specific screening and evaluation tools that can identify trauma and

co-occuring disorders (Henriques, 2002). .� Mental health counseling that addresses the women’s problems holistically.

Research illustrates that mental illness, substance abuse, and trauma are “therapeutically linked” and should be treated as a unit (Bloom & Covington, 2008).

.� Intense case managers to coordinate integrated services and resources (Desai, 2003).

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Lewis (2006) studied incarcerated women and also concluded that a gender-specific intervention for women is essential. Lewis (2006) specifically recommended case management, treatment in therapeutic environments, an emphasis on abstinence from alcohol and drugs, and the development of skills to build healthy relationships. Resolana programming includes case management; Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), Narcotics Anonymous (NA), and Al-Anon meetings; as well as healthy relationship, communication, and life-skills classes. Although one may argue that the jail is the opposite of a “therapeutic environment,” this sense of community is a core tenet of the Resolana program, and one that staff strives to meet as best as possible within the correctional system.

Method

The purpose of this study was to understand women’s perceptions of holistic programming in a jail setting. This was part of a larger program evaluation study. We sought and were granted university Institutional Review Board approval to conduct the program evaluation. The qualitative portion of this evaluation, the focus of this article, was drawn from guided journaling done by the women exploring their perceptions of programming.

Description of programming

The Agency is committed to providing a broad range of programming that is sensitive to cultural, spiritual, and learning style differences. Programming is woman-centered, trauma sensitive and focuses on the core issues underlying addiction. Services are provided in the “Agency pod,” a dedicated area of the jail for Agency services. In the pod, the Agency provides a physically and psychologically safe environment that contributes to positive outcomes for participating women. This relational environment created by the Agency staff fosters growth, self-exploration, creative expression, and mutual cooperation. The creative and experiential activities that the Agency provides to these women foster self-esteem and build community. Women screened and moved into the Resolana pod participate in a series of programming including classes in seven key areas: mental health literacy, life skills, parenting, wellness, creativity, 12-step, and community resources. Mental health literacy focused on educating women about symptoms and resources available to combat mental health disorders. Life skills classes gave the women a time to reflect on their journey through recovery and continue the process reflecting about their past patterns and relationships and how to change these moving forward. Parenting classes gave the women new tools and skills to better cope with being a healthy and loving parent with appropriate boundaries. Wellness classes included dance and yoga, and creativity used a variety of mediums for

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the women to express their journey and process feelings. Twelve-step programs included AA, Al-Anon, and NA. In the words of Agency staff:

In our program, participants learn to support each other as they affirm their strengths, confront their addictions, work on breaking old destructive patterns, and witness what it means to be an accountable adult. They develop coping skills, build alternative behaviors and experience positive ways of relating to others and spending their time.

The broad programming goals of the Agency are as follows: .� To teach women healthy coping skills related to addiction and trauma; .� to provide incarcerated women with opportunities for personal growth

through self-awareness and creative self-expression; .� to teach communication, problem solving and interpersonal skills to

women; .� to teach women practical life skills which foster self-sufficiency; .� to support incarcerated mothers in building parenting skills; .� to model positive social values and foster participation in community; and .� to connect women with resources for their return to their families and

communities.

Participants

In order to participate in the Resolana program women went through a screening process. A staff member from Resolana visited other general popu- lation areas of the jail twice a month. Women in these pods were given a brief description of the Resolana program and if desired a form to complete includ- ing their name, book in number, and general description of their current struggles (i.e., mental health, substance abuse, trauma, resources). This form was turned into the clinical director who went through the list, compiling one to submit to inmate services for approval. The clinical director only elimi- nated women if their current charge was an aggravated one, as women with a current aggravated charge were unable to participate in program pods, per jail rules. The list was turned into inmate services and at that time the jail had the ultimate decision on who was transferred into the pod as space was available and who was not. Another jail rule, which prevented women from being in the pod was previous participation in another program pod during the current incarceration (women were not allowed to transfer from program pod to program pod). Once women were in the pod, they remained in the pod until release or transfer to another facility unless one of two things hap- pened: If a woman at any point in time no longer wished to participate she put a request into inmate services for transfer, which was accommodated as space in another general population pod became available; or if they broke any pro- gram rules such as verbal or physical altercations against staff or other inmates, lying, or not participating in required programming elements.

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Once in the pod length of stay varied for each woman and this element was one that Resolana had no control. Women in the pod were incarcerated for various lengths of time awaiting release, or transfer to a state facility of other substance abuse program. For the first two weeks in the pod, women were in the “pink” group or the core intensive group. These women had class daily Monday through Thursday for 1 hour where they would receive curriculum about healthy communication and emotional management. Upon completion of the first two weeks, the women would then enter full programming where they would begin the other required elements of programming including life skills, AA and Al-Anon, creativity, yoga and Seeking Safety (Najavits, 2001). Another mandatory element of programming for each woman was intensive case management so that when a woman would leave needed resources were provided and a plan was in place. Optional classes were offered including: dance, NA meetings, and other workshop selections. Therefore, dosage of the intervention was not identical for each individual and Resolana staff did their best to ensure that women left the pod with a plan in place and the seeds of knowledge and motivation to begin their journey to recovery.

Journal entries from 132 women incarcerated at the local jail were analyzed. These women voluntarily participated in programming and chose to partici- pate in the research study by signing the informed consent form. To be eli- gible for this study, women had to be over the age of 17 and speak or read English. To protect the women, jail officials did not afford us demographic information of the women.

Data collection and analysis

Women who consented to participate in the program evaluation were invited to journal monthly in response to four questions, one each month: (a) What part of programming was most meaningful to you and why?; (b) What part of programming was least helpful to you and why?; (c) How will you take what you have learned in programming and use it upon release?; and (d) What is missing from programs? Women journaled in their own handwriting and were instructed to not provide their names nor identification numbers. Jour- nal entries were typed in a Word document. The authors followed the prin- ciples of qualitative content analysis (Schreier, 2012) to analyze the data. Each journal was read and considered individually, then coded with possible themes, which were later grouped into broader themes through triangulation meetings among co-authors.

Results

Through our qualitative content analysis, several themes and subthemes emerged. These included: intentionality, process feelings, discovery of self-worth,

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solidarity, justification of programming elements, and emotional safety. Though these themes are presented individually, we want to emphasize that the women’s words clearly delineated that there is a definite chronological process to the impact the programming has on them and that no one single element or experi- ence was considered nonessential by these women. One woman described the chronological process of growth in this way:

In the beginning, staying busy helped keep my mind and body occupied which made the days go faster. Then I appreciated doing arts and crafts in creativity and clearing my mind in yoga. Then I really appreciated the community of women. Getting a chance to bond with others who didn’t just have the same history-they wanted to change their future. Challenging old beliefs is hard. But I wasn’t doing it alone. Now I’m at the point where I see the need to focus on the next step alone. So going to AA/NA/AL-NON is absolutely critical to purge, share, heal, and grow. Who knows what my answer will be again in a couple of weeks. [Agency] is meaningful because it’s the total package. Something for every step of recovery.

Intentionality

A major focus of the holistic programming provided at this agency is devel- oping intentionality related to one’s overall life, especially communication patterns, feelings, choices, and self-care. Related to communication patterns, one thing staff and volunteers emphasized was that the women learn to think what they will say all the way through before saying it. They encouraged the women to envision what they would say; how the person they were communi- cating with would receive it; and what other reactions might ensue. The metaphor of “playing the tape all the way through” was often used. As one woman stated:

The tools that have stood out to me most have been: choices-playing the tape all the way through, healthy boundaries, and enforcing a disciplined thought life. As situa- tions occur, I will choose the best tool to implement and apply it as necessary.

Twice a week the staff had the women do was intention-setting (Mondays and Fridays) and several women mentioned this as an essential activity that they would continue upon release. The women decided upon their intentions at the beginning of the week and, at the end of the week, there would be a “check-in” to evaluate progress. Intentions for the weekend were set on Friday, as the weekend was often a particularly difficult time for the women, and those intentions were reviewed on Monday, before new intentions for the week were set. One woman noted “The most meaningful thing to me was when we did our affirmations and our intention cards;” and another wrote “giving myself intentions every few days really helps me work on myself non- stop.” Regarding choices, one woman expressed: “I will think about my choices, and weigh out the pros and cons, decide if it’s going to have bad

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consequences, and if so, think about being in jail and think, is this where I want to be at.” Finally, one woman noted how intentionality relates to her goal of remaining drug-free: “I would like to apply the concepts of looking at myself and feelings and addressing them first before impulsively acting out and self-medicating.”

Processing feelings

Processing feelings was a dense theme in the women’s journal entries. It seemed many of them, for the first time, not only had a safe space to share and process their feelings, but also were encouraged to do so. These women found a value in processing that they had not previously known: “Dealing with issues inside and outside can be very overwhelming. It’s good to talk to somebody who isn’t associated with your issues and can help you move past the obstacle.” Another articulated the importance of processing feelings related to her recovery: “I would like to take these tools to the outside and use them to help understand my feelings better and use these tools in my recovery from drug abuse. We can only change things if we are aware of it.”

Women noted several ways in which this processing was invited including the one-on-one case management activities and group work:

The personal one-on one from [case manager] … I’ve never been to recovery I’ve always been sent to a prison or jail. It really helped me cope not with just my addiction, but, cope with my feelings, traumas. Everyday life as it comes at me … [Program] is more than a meeting place to me. It’s my saving place.

Thank you for giving me an opportunity to let it be about “me.”

Regarding group work:

I love the check in part of [facilitator’s] group. I feel really comfortable when I share even when I don’t intend to share. She has a way of getting me to open up about things without me even realizing it.

Discovery of self-worth

The women expressed deep gratitude related to discovery and affirmation of their self-worth. One stated:

This whole program is an absolute gift. I am extremely grateful. All the classes are very important and I believe that the classes that help improve our self-esteem, self- talk, and worth are some of the most important base and core beginnings. If we felt better about ourselves with a more solid foundation, we will be more able to cope and make better decisions in our life.

Another said: “it [group work] open up a lot of feelings I was hiding and taught me different ways how to express myself that I am a worthy person

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and I deserve nothing but the best love and encouragement.” As part of their weekly exercises, the women engage in an activity where they give affirming statements to each other:

Positive affirmations on Wednesday from our peers/inmates. Because we’re all locked up but we still push others up with our positive compliments. It’s very reassuring to hear others in this situations come up with positive things to say to one another.

And, as one woman summarized:

The structure and purpose behind it. This program has shown me that I have so much to offer others because of the struggles I have been through. You will never stop learning and to love yourself even when life gets crazy, you have to remember what got you there.

Solidarity

Women described solidarity on several levels: with staff, volunteers, and each other. They also identified threats to their solidarity in the cases of certain guards who were not supportive. One participant recorded, “the way these instructors and counselors do their job. They are very good at what they do; they put their all into this program.” Another participant said, “There’s a lot of love, sincerity, and dedication that’s been put into this program. It’s really neat to see and feel it working in [our] lives.” And still another, “The feeling of being cared for has been such a blessing. I’ve felt that the teachers and volunteers have been 110% for us and our recovery. Someone cares.”

When defining solidarity other women in the program, one participant said, “Knowing that I am not the only one with the issues that I am working;” another said “To begin with, as soon as I walked into this pod there was a[n] unmistakable spirit of peace and kindness coming from all the commonality amongst the women.” And a final illustration of the different levels of solidarity:

As soon as I walked in this pod there was a spirit of peace and kindness coming from all the girls. There was no doubt these girls had been down the same road as I had but they were making way to the other side. They had what I wanted, recovery. Secondly, the classes ministered to my very core. The instructor explained in such a caring way. That made it very comfortable to process my very deepest darkest secrets.

The women, however, also noted threats to their solidarity. Though these women lived in a dedicated pod that engendered community building and soli- darity, the fact that they were still in a jail was salient. One woman noted that one officer stifled sharing during her shift, requiring silence in the pod. Another discussed how “rack-ups” were a hindrance; rack-ups are times when guards

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require the women to remain in their beds and maintain silence. “I think there needs to be more of us to come together and work with less rack-ups.”

Justification of programming elements

Programming received by these women easily falls into two categories: Holistic and psychosocial. Holistic elements include things such as yoga and creativity classes whereas psychosocial elements focus on addressing traumas, improving communication, and processing feelings. Women resoundingly emphasized the necessity of both categories of programming; one stated: “One reported, Classes ministered to my very core.” Another summarized: “So far, I think the program covers everything. It covers exercises for our mind as well as [our] body.”

Holistic elements Here are a few statements from the women about the holistic aspects of pro- gramming: “I love creative workshop. I love being able to express myself and participate with others” and “I like yoga, dance, creativity because they help me physically, mentally, and emotionally.” Regarding the impact of these activities, “Creativity … because it allowed me to express myself on different levels through word and art. It has allowed me to grieve the lost of my mother who I had lost two months prior to my incarceration,” and:

I also love the creativity classes. We get to open up and relax and have fun. I didn’t realize how much fun it can be to sit down with a few girls and write silly poems and stories, but it’s great. For those two hours, I almost forget I’m in jail.

Psychosocial elements Programming that focused on the psychosocial was also emphasized by the women as essential. One noted: “I am so grateful for the fellowship of AA/ NA. The opportunity to participate in meetings as well as the truly cathartic value of our life skills groups.” Two others wrote:

The life skills classes and PTSD classes are the most meaningful to me because I truly need the life skills to survive in the real world and the PTSD classes so that I can learn to cope with my issues and learn to recognize the signs before they happen.

The safety class as well as childhood sexual abuse. Both classes got me to recog- nize the problem and deal with it so that I can now go back out into the world and be a better person with new coping skills.

Emotional safety

Among the praises of programming was the immense effort toward an environment that is emotionally safe and encourages sharing and processing of feelings—not easy in a jail setting. In her journal, one woman said: “how

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warm and inviting everyone that is part of the program is/was to me. Every- one welcomed me and my issue. Very respectful.” One noted that this emotionally safe environment is woman-centered: “The support in being a woman. We face very different issues and insecurities. [Agency] helps identify issues and address solutions. While incarcerated [Agency] helps to keep your identity as a woman—not a criminal.” Another stated:

I was honored … to always remember that everyone has a story. I felt blessed to have a safe place to hear their stories. This happened because of the staff and volun- teers cultivated an environment of trust where we all felt connected.

It seems that central to this emotionally safe environment was the physical setup of it being a dedicated pod:

The classes being in the dedicated pod has been helpful and meaningful to me. Working on any kind of rehabilitation is difficult but trying to do it in a pod where no one else is bothering to better themselves is almost impossible. This program has created an environment conducive to the process of healing and change. I love being in here and it makes me want to work harder to maintain my place in here.

Screening process

It was clear from the women’s entries that the screening process, or its weak- nesses, creates a threat to emotional safety. One participant said:

We are getting a lot of people in here that don’t want to be here. They didn’t kite in or they are going home soon. I know in the last week, I have come across three people that know they are going home within a week to a week and a half. Its kind of a waste of everyone’s time and then it disrupts all areas of the pod.

Another participant indicated:

Always [having] tons of new people makes it hard to adjust. Buddies leave or go home after 1 or 2 weeks. Isn’t this more long term? If you only gonna be in jail for a few days stay in another pod.

Discussion

The purpose of this article was to understand women’s perceptions of holistic programming in a jail setting. A majority of the women indicated that pro- gramming in the jail had a “life changing” impact on them. The six major themes provide justification for the unique nature of this program that allows incarcerated women to live in community and receive programming 7 days a week focused on health of their physical and psychosocial health.

The programming itself was repeatedly identified as being essential to their successes toward recovery and reentry. Programming that was highlighted included the Seeking Safety curriculum, group work, case management, life

JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATION 247

skills, creativity classes, and yoga. However, the women made it clear that the environment and facilitators were inextricable variables in the healing equa- tion. The women discussed feeling supported by staff and volunteers when they listened, respected, and did not judge them. Participants in this study also discussed the importance of the classes in the program that promoted recovery. A majority of the women reported that all the classes were relevant to their lives and they would like to continue once released.

The most significant outcomes of the holistic programming and unique environment studied here seem to be the discovery of self-worth and the increased intentionality. Realizing they were deserving of a better life and of love and respect profoundly affected these women; a main way this was communicated was not through a particular class but rather through the way in which the staff and volunteers worked with the women, collaborating toward their healing. The program’s focus on intentionality also allowed the women the opportunity to evaluate choices as they pertain to the behaviors that impacted their lives such as substance abuse and misuse and unhealthy communication patterns.

The women noted the importance of not only the programming provided but also the facilitators and the physical space. The women in this study dis- cussed how the support from the staff, volunteers, and other women in the program engendered solidarity and decreased their feelings of being alone in their struggles. The physical space allowed some insulation from the typical jail environment and allowed the women to build community and share their common experiences and struggles. However, as may be expected, certain institutional elements interfered with this; specifically, the women noted con- cerns about screening. The screening process and who ultimately entered the Agency pod, was in large part controlled by the jail. The Agency staff did visit other pods, educate women about the program, and had interested women complete a brief application. Women that were currently charged with aggra- vated offenses were not allowed to participate, nor were women that had been asked to leave other program pods. Otherwise, interested women were trans- ferred into the pod as space allowed. Staff at The Agency did have the power to remove women from the pod if there was a threat to the emotional safety of the women and the pod.

Limitations

There were several limitations to this study, the first being that some of the journal entries were difficult to transcribe and code due to grammatical errors or unclear handwriting. A second is that the women only journaled based on four guiding questions. It is highly likely that there was more we could have learned from the women if we had been able to interview them, but the jail did not permit recording equipment to capture such interviews. Also, the

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women’s journal entries generated additional questions we wish we could have asked them for further clarification. However, the journals were anony- mous to protect the women so such follow-up was not possible. Additionally, lack of demographic data, offense categories, and the transfer location of each woman from the jail could not be linked to the journals, which prohibited investigating any group differences. Lastly, although staff felt that the work done by the women in the pod was a vital step in their road to recovery, there was also frequent discussion about appropriate limits to therapeutic work. Although staff tirelessly tried to create a safe and secure environment for women to begin to confront their past, their trauma, and their addiction, the reality of a jail environment was still very much present. Discussions about how much work to foster in terms of processing was considered and dis- cussed, as at the end of each day the women were left to the rules and confines of the jail, and further we never knew when they would be transferred. There was always a fear of a woman not being emotionally stable upon transfer, and if being released to prison or home, not being able to continue and complete the work.

Conclusion and implication

This qualitative study sought to understand women’s perceptions of holistic programming in a jail setting. The women’s words profoundly support both the elements of programming—holistic and psychosocial, and the program- matic structure being in an area of the jail where the women live in com- munity rather than individual cells. Based on the women’s communicated perceptions, every aspect of programming including the attitudes of staff and volunteers as well as the physical environment are all elements necessary for these women’s recovery and successful reentry.

The primary implication for social work is that gender-specific program- ming is promising, fostering a community focused on recovery and healing that will continue to impact women positively, even during re-entry. Additionally, this qualitative study highlights that social work’s focus on a holistic approach is just as relevant in a jail setting as any other practice setting. Thus, social work professionals both within and outside of carceral settings must advocate for programming that is not only culturally com- petent as required in our code of ethics but also gender-specific and holistic. Once in place, this programming must continually be evaluated to ensure desired outcomes and increase cost-benefit ratios. Important recommenda- tions for this future evaluation research include (a) comparing recidivism of women in this programming as compared to women who did not partici- pate in The Agency’s programming; and (b) following women through re-entry to evaluate their compliance and further refining of their identified intentions.

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Note

1. The program will not be named to protect the identities of the participants.

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