Order 1029111: Family-centred practices

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Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in the Early Years: Implications for Inclusion and Inclusive Practice

6

Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

CHAPTER OVERVIEW

The purpose of this chapter is to stimulate thinking and discussions around inclusion, specifically in the context of cultural and linguistic diversity.

Learning goals for this chapter include:

› Understanding issues around ‘inclusion’ in the context of global policy/practice;

› Recognising the importance of ‘cultural perspectives’ in professional interactions with families from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds;

› Considering the potential of ‘relationship-based’ approaches in building caring, mutually respectful and supportive partnerships between families and early years professionals.

KEY TERMS AND CONCEPTS

cultural perspective

culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD)

Education for All (EFA)

multiculturalism

relationship-based approaches

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Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to highlight some of the ways in which families’

experiences of disability are shaped by culture and context, with a specifi c

focus on families whose cultural values systems are not represented in majority,

or mainstream, systems and approaches. As discussed in Chapter 1, inclusion,

by its very nature, compels systems and professionals to learn about and engage

with perspectives held by different groups of people, in order to ensure that no

individual or group is excluded from opportunities to participate and be

represented. This may be the most challenging, yet critical, aspect of inclusive

practice. This chapter draws on research that has documented the experiences

of families from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds in

Australia and elsewhere to demonstrate that the task of engaging with multiple

perspectives, albeit complex, is particularly crucial in drawing on the strengths,

and responding to the needs and priorities, of families from CALD backgrounds

caring for children with (and without) disabilities.

Note that in applying the term ‘culturally and linguistically diverse’, it

is critically important not to generalise within or across groups of people.

Individuals from the same ethnic group, for example, may hold vastly different

beliefs if they do not subscribe to the same religious faith. In the same vein,

individuals from different ethnic backgrounds may, on the other hand, share

fundamental values.

This chapter will begin by briefl y summarising some international

developments  in inclusive practice, to highlight the global concern with

inclusion that underpins education developments in most countries around the

world currently. The chapter will then reiterate principles of inclusion, using

sources that interpret it from a global perspective. Providing a global perspective

reminds us that inclusion is a priority not only for Australia but also, as discussed

throughout the book, for many other countries around the world. The chapter

will then focus more closely on cultural perspectives and how they relate to

inclusive practices in the Australian context, highlighting the critical importance

of cultural values and beliefs in parenting and child rearing by touching on some

experiences of CALD families interacting with early intervention systems in

Australia. The chapter concludes with a call to practitioners and professionals

working in the early years to think about ways in which they can infl uence

‘systems’ to become more responsive, refl ective and inclusive in supporting

families to achieve what they believe is best for their children.

‘Inclusion’—the global context Since this chapter is concerned with cultural diversity, it should be noted that

‘inclusion’ is important in the provision of early years education and care not

culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD): A term often applied in policy contexts to describe groups of people whose languages, beliefs, customs and daily practices may differ from those of the ‘mainstream’.

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1 1 7C H A P T E R 6 : C U LT U R A L A N D L I N G U I S T I C D I V E R S I T Y I N T H E E A R LY Y E A R S

Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

only for Australia but for most countries around the world, both developed

and developing. National education policies in most countries nowadays draw

heavily on international perspectives and priorities. To understand the ideas

behind national policy and practice, then, we need to be mindful of policies

and conventions that infl uence developments on an international level (see

Chapter 4 for discussion of international conventions and national policies).

In theory, an inclusive approach emphasising equity and universality of

access has underpinned expansion of most education systems around the world

since the early 1990s. The World Conference on Education for All (EFA), held

in Jomtien, Thailand in 1990, is noted as an important milestone in international

efforts to promote inclusion, because a key focus during discussions was the

signifi cant number of children and learners being excluded from education

systems worldwide (Miles & Singal, 2010). Since education is viewed by most

as a basic human right, this marginalisation of vulnerable groups of learners

posed a serious challenge to many countries around the world.

The 1990 World Declaration on Education for All, signed by over

1000 nation leaders (United Nations Educational Scientifi c & Cultural

Organization [UNESCO], 1990) at the conclusion of the World Conference,

reaffi rmed the principles underpinning inclusive education referred to above.

Global  acknowledgment of the role that early years education and care can

play in equalising early experience, and in laying the foundations for equitable

participation in formal education, is also refl ected in the very fi rst of six

Education for All (EFA): A global movement committed to ensuring that all citizens in all societies can benefit from basic education.

FIGURE 6.1 CHILDREN’S DAY, BRUNEI

Photo: Brunei, Child Development Rising Star School

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1 1 8 S E C T I O N 2 : D I V E R S I T Y A N D I N C LU S I O N I N T H E E A R LY Y E A R S

international goals set out in the Dakar Framework for Action: ‘Expanding and

improving comprehensive early childhood care and education, especially for

the most vulnerable and disadvantaged children’ (UNESCO, 2000, p.8). Guided

by this goal, ‘inclusivity’ (albeit understood and interpreted in slightly different

ways across diverse contexts) is referred to in the early years policies of many

countries around the world.

Defi nitions of ‘inclusion’ have been provided throughout this book. However,

we believe that it is important, given the signifi cant complexities associated

with both defi ning and in carrying out inclusive education, to keep reinforcing

defi nitions and meanings. Getting to know, and working around, multiple

perspectives may be one of the most important skills required of early years

professionals working with families from CALD backgrounds in Australia to

achieve inclusion. In terms of daily practice in early years settings, for example,

these skills require ongoing engagement with how ‘inclusion’ might be perceived

by different groups/individuals in any particular setting, as well as a clear

understanding of abiding principles of inclusion. Constantly engaging with

and reacting to the distressing exclusionary practices that millions of children

around the world continue to experience daily in our twenty-fi rst century,

globalised world is also important in galvanising society-wide awareness and

support for inclusive practice.

As the Enabling Education Network, an international network based in

the UK, points out, interpretations of ‘inclusive education’ can be varied and

fl uid, largely because its meaning depends on contextual circumstances, which

may be constantly evolving (Enabling Education Network, n.d.). However, as

discussed throughout the book, there are guiding principles that may be seen to

form the basis for inclusive practices in education. Save the Children (2008) lists

the following principles as key to international efforts in promoting inclusion:

› Acknowledging that all children are capable of, and have a right to, learning opportunities;

› Acknowledging and respecting differences in children based on age, gender, ethnicity, language, disability, HIV and TB status, etc.;

› Ensuring that education structures, systems and methodologies meet the needs of all children;

› Making inclusive education part of wider, society-based strategies regarding inclusion.

The set of principles laid out above refl ects the varied priorities and focuses

of countries and regions—ranging from mental and physical impairment to

HIV and languages—in working towards inclusive policies and practice. It

also provides some insight into the vast extent of conditions that can lead to

exclusion, and clearly illustrates the array of challenges faced by countries

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1 1 9C H A P T E R 6 : C U LT U R A L A N D L I N G U I S T I C D I V E R S I T Y I N T H E E A R LY Y E A R S

Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

worldwide in fulfi lling these complex, yet essential, principles. As Barton (2003,

p.14) has suggested, inclusive education is by no means a ‘simple’ topic or issue,

but should be considered crucial by all systems, particularly education: ‘Being

concerned with an agenda for working towards inclusive thinking and practice

is not an optional or light-hearted activity. It is of fundamental importance

demanding serious commitment to time, imaginative, creative thought, energy

and the development of effective collegial relationships based on trust and

respect.’

Despite global rhetoric, therefore, many countries including Australia

continue to struggle with inclusion and millions of children continue

to experience disadvantage as a result of not having access to learning

opportunities. Globally, the most serious and challenging barriers to education

access exist among children who experience social isolation resulting from

‘double disadvantage’; that is, belonging to minority social/cultural groups

and experiencing disability or poor health. These children and their families,

according to key reports on access to early years education, are at particular risk

of discrimination and the impact of stigma (Pearson & Tan, 2013). As discussed

in Chapter 1, stigma results from dominant negative social perceptions and

assumptions about health conditions, people or attributes (Link & Phelan,

2013). The ‘double disadvantage’ experienced by children facing stigma and

discrimination (enacted stigma—see Chapter 1) can lead to devastating outcomes

related to poor health and development, as well as increased vulnerability to

FIGURE 6.2 WORKING TOGETHER

Photo: Rimba II Primary School, Brunei

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abuse and neglect, partly because stigma and social exclusion often lead to

reduced access to and uptake of health services (Pulerwitz, Michaelis, Weiss,

Brown & Mahendra, 2010).

There is evidence that early years professionals in Australia hold positive

attitudes towards inclusive education compared to professionals in some other

developed countries (Cologon, 2012; Loreman, Forlin & Sharma, 2007). This

suggests that we are doing relatively well in creating an inclusive society.

However, there is also evidence that many of the aspects of stigma and exclusion

that affect children and families living in other countries are also being

experienced by families living in Australia (see Chapter 5). While

multiculturalism is celebrated by many Australians, and widely espoused by

education theory and practice, reports on access to formal services for people

with disability portray a somewhat negative set of experiences for families and

individuals from CALD backgrounds. A 2008 report published by the National

Ethnic Disability Alliance of Australia (NEDA, 2008) estimated that as many as

three out of four people from CALD communities in Australia do not access

services that are designed to support people with disabilities.

A prominent early childhood organisation in Sydney, concerned about the

lack of access by families from CALD backgrounds to its early intervention

services, supported research designed to shed light on the experiences of CALD

families who have children with disabilities. The study sought to understand

better the circumstances that might lead to families from CALD backgrounds

not knowing about, or being reluctant to access, services for children who could

benefi t from early intervention. Later in this chapter, we draw on excerpts from

this research to illustrate key points.

multiculturalism: Often used to refer to the Australian Government’s Multicultural Policy. ‘Multiculturalism’ reflects acknowledgment that Australia is made up of, celebrates and embraces, cultural diversity.

1. Why is it useful for professionals working within inclusive education systems to have some insight into international policies and priorities?

2. Do you think inclusive education means the same thing to all people/ organisations?

3. For you personally, what are the most important and/or challenging aspects of ‘inclusion’?

4. What, in your opinion, are the most serous barriers to achieving inclusive practice across systems that cater for children? Do you think these barriers are similar to, or different from, barriers faced in other countries?

5. ‘Advocacy’ is often associated with government lobbying, or with making public statements on important issues. However, not all people are comfortable with participating in public arenas or agendas and, as Australian artist Paul Kelly once sang, ‘From little things, big things grow’. On the basis of your own strengths, context and preferences, in what ways do you think you could contribute to bettering the lives of all children and practising inclusion in your own life?

CRITICAL REFLECTION

QUESTIONS

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Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

Experiences of early intervention services among families from CALD backgrounds living in Australia Conversations with parents from CALD backgrounds collected as part of

a study (brief excerpts from which are provided here) revealed a range of

complex issues that could possibly account for problems in accessing early

intervention. These ranged from pragmatic concerns, such as transportation to

early intervention services (a major challenge for parents living in places with

limited public transportation services) to more sensitive issues around feelings

of discrimination or cultural misunderstandings.

Culturally grounded values such as those expressed below by Mina, one of the

mothers who participated in our study of CALD families in early intervention,

provide individuals and groups with identity and purpose, often having a

profound infl uence on children’s and families’ lifestyles (Nsamenang, 2008).

When these values are threatened or belittled, disengagement and confusion

are hardly surprising.

CASE STUDY 6.1

The importance of ‘listening’ to understand better Mina and Robert were a Tamil couple from South India residing in a Sydney suburb. Born in India, their two-year-old son Aabi had experienced a number of medical complications while he was still in India, due to what was later diagnosed as hydrocephalus. As a result of delayed treatment, he had developed difficulties with swallowing and speech. Mina and Robert’s major concern when we first met was their son’s reluctance to eat solids. They had decided to visit the mobile early intervention playgroup (operated by the early childhood organisation mentioned earlier) for help with this. In response, staff were providing Mina and Robert with advice on suitable foods and encouraging peer interaction to encourage Aabi to eat with friends during snack times at the playgroup sessions. Mina and Robert’s experiences with more formalised services encountered during the process of their son’s diagnosis (a formal diagnosis is necessary for families wishing to access state-funded early intervention services in New South Wales) were less than satisfactory, at times traumatic. Robert explained both his deep regard for intervention services in general, but also the family’s frustration at having to submit their son to a battery of assessments, when they felt that their own understanding of their son’s difficulties was not being considered. It is important to note the value that families in general attach to advice from clinicians and experts. As Robert explained: ‘Every time we meet somebody we ask for their advice and just changing ourselves as well … [when the doctor tells us] “Take the right direction for the child. It would be good for your child” … that’s fine for us … We take advice if we need knowledge. So we said, “OK, we’ll correct something”.’

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An excerpt from one of our conversations with Robert, presented below, however, shows frustration at not being ‘listened to’ by medical staff during assessment procedures. These frustrations reflect a similar challenge reported in the literature on culturally diverse families’ experiences in interacting with formal service providers (Skinner & Weisner, 2007): ‘Instead, they should concentrate on particular children … So consider what he needs and we’ll go to that. That’s what they don’t do … They should see children [as having] separate needs. Different problems. But they categorise all in one basket [i.e. formal diagnosis].’

Many Asian families practise shared sleeping arrangements (Nelson & Taylor, 2001). In many homes, the whole family will share the same room for sleeping and, in some cases, the same bed. This practice is considered by these families as most appropriate for ensuring that children are safe at night, as well as for ensuring a level of inter-connectedness among family members. Extended family, including ‘uncles’, ‘aunts’, ‘sisters’ and ‘brothers’ who may or may not be related by blood, are also an important feature of families from collectivist cultures. At some point in her communications with the family General Practitioner (GP), similar arrangements in Mina and Robert’s family were shared. The GP’s observations were noted formally in the form of a report, a copy of which was given to the family. Regrettably, Mina felt that the GP had misunderstood and expressed disapproval of the family’s customs, resulting in her feeling a sense of marginalisation from formal, medical services. Mina expressed a deep level of hurt at what she felt had been the GP’s unjustified focus on family customs and their appropriateness, rather than on discussions around Aabi and his condition: ‘Nothing she asked … She’s not interested in him [Aabi]. She all interested in us [family structure], not interested in him. [The report] was all over us, not the child. We went for the child, not us. She even asked Uncle [a family friend who accompanied Mina to the meeting] … who are you?’ Many of the conversations that were held with these families suggested that such misunderstandings could be avoided very simply by greater efforts, on the part of practitioners, to explain why information is being sought and to reassure families that their priorities and needs are valued and respected as part of an inclusive approach to early intervention.

In line with the family-centred practice approach outlined in Chapter 9,

‘partnership’ between therapists/early intervention practitioners and families of

children with disabilities is widely touted as crucial for effective intervention.

However, achieving the level of mutual respect and open communication

required for genuine ‘family-centred’ practice is challenging for professionals

working with families whose cultural values and practices they are familiar

with, let alone professionals who work with families whose life views and

child-rearing beliefs may contrast, or even confl ict with, deeply held ideals of

their own.

Hodge and Runswick-Cole (2008), both academics and parents of children

with  disabilities, highlight the problematic nature of partnerships between

parents of children with disabilities and professionals within the early

intervention system. An underlying issue that prevents partnership (particularly

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Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

between professionals from mainstream, dominant cultural backgrounds and

caregivers from diverse socio-cultural groups) is that professionals working

within the system are neither ready nor encouraged/enabled to engage with

caregivers at the levels required to sustain genuine collaboration based on shared

interests/goals. For many busy professionals, engaging with families’ values

and home practices may be considered too time-consuming, or not relevant to

‘diagnosis’ and ‘treatment’ procedures. However, Mina’s response to her GP’s

questions, and to the perceived judgment of her family’s customs, demonstrate

how important this level of engagement is, in achieving truly inclusive systems.

In order to understand the profound role of belief systems in shaping the

customs and experiences of CALD families, it is worth referring briefl y to

theoretical frameworks developed within the discipline of cultural psychology.

Cultural psychologists who work with families view (and seek to promote) the

connections between value systems and child-rearing practices not simply as a

topic of interest, but as crucial in understanding and ‘tuning into’ what families

see as important or ‘good’ for their children. Rudolph Schaffer, one of the

forefathers of developmental psychology with a particular interest in cultures

and contexts of early childhood, once explained: ‘the behaviour of individual

children is given meaning by the relationships in which the child is embedded,

in systems such as families, and [that] these too can only be fully understood

within the context of the society of which they form part’ (Schaffer, 1996, p.12).

Insights from cultural psychology Australia has cultural and linguistic diversity at its very core. According to the

Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS, 2013) as many as 34 per cent of people who

live in the fi ve mainland state capitals were born overseas. In one particular city

council located in New South Wales, 40 per cent of the population were born

overseas, around half of residents report speaking a language other than English

at home, and 21 per cent say they either do not speak English, or feel that they do

not speak it well. The rich cultural and ethnic diversity that exists across Western

Sydney is evident in the various suburbs defi ned, respectively, by Vietnamese,

Cambodian, Sudanese and Lebanese infl uences. Understanding the impact that

this diversity might have on families, and on the daily interactions that we

have with families in early years settings, is therefore important. In this chapter,

we argue that some of the principles and philosophies underpinning cultural

psychology can be applied usefully in developing the kind of understandings

that support a deeply ‘inclusive’, respectful approach to building relationships

with families from diverse backgrounds.

Traditionally, psychology and psychologists have been interested in

identifying and tracking developmental ‘norms’ in society. From a psychological

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perspective, ‘difference and diversity’ are of interest because they refl ect

deviation from ‘norms’. Cultural psychologists take a somewhat different

view of ‘diversity’. From a cultural psychology perspective, understanding the

characteristics of groups of people whose beliefs, practices (and abilities) may

differ is of value largely because it presents opportunities for us to think carefully

about our own assumptions of what is considered ‘right’ or ‘wrong’/‘appropriate’

and ‘inappropriate’ in human behaviour (Kitayama & Cohen, 2007). This is

often described as ‘making the strange familiar, or the familiar strange’.

Because of developments in knowledge on culture and value systems,

supported to a great extent by research conducted in cultural psychology,

ways of thinking about culture and its impact on families and children have

changed in recent decades. Those who are interested in studying ‘culture’ in the

context of families’ and children’s lives have moved away from viewing culture

simply as an ‘add-on’, or something that only infl uences certain aspects of a

child’s development such as social competence or academic ability. Culture is

now viewed as something that is not only integral to development but also to

judgements regarding what is ‘appropriate’ in development, which might differ

across individuals and/or groups.

With relatively few exceptions, all parents want to see their children grow up

happy and contented. What this actually means and how they express this differs

according to parents’ ‘cultural perspective’ as well as the circumstances under

which they are raising their children. Family values depend on a vast array of

complex, sometimes competing values and agendas. Such values and agendas

could include whether families value formal education and independence for

their children; adherence to strict moral codes and interdependence; inclusion

in ‘mainstream’, regular classrooms or segregation and ‘special’ attention; or

shared or separate sleeping arrangements. What is important, particularly in

working with families from CALD backgrounds, is acknowledgment that all

cultures value children, but they express this in different ways. It is important

to acknowledge that dominant, Westernised beliefs about educating and

socialising children do not necessarily match the views of parents from other

cultures, or serve the best interests of all children. Contextual factors will

determine both what is perceived to be ‘best’ for children and what actually is.

Despite the vast diversity in beliefs about human nature that exists across

our globe, human service provision across the world tends to be dominated by

Euro-American notions of what is ‘right’ for individuals and their development.

A defi ning feature of such beliefs is that people are both obliged and entitled

to become independent in their lifestyles. This focus on, or assumption of,

the need for independence is refl ected in historical responses to disability in

Western contexts. Many families, for example, were obliged to institutionalise

their children with disabilities, in order to avoid perceived threat to others’

cultural perspective: The set of values, beliefs and practices that characterise the behaviours and priorities of a group of people.

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1 2 5C H A P T E R 6 : C U LT U R A L A N D L I N G U I S T I C D I V E R S I T Y I N T H E E A R LY Y E A R S

Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

FIGURE 6.3 CHILD DRAWING

Photo: Rimba II Primary School, Brunei

(for example, siblings) healthy development and education (Ferguson, 2001).

Some accounts of medicalised responses to childhood disability provide

a stark account of the historical emphasis on ‘damage’ related to living with

disability in some Western cultures, as refl ected in one mother’s report on an

early conversation with her physician: ‘The doctor cleared his throat and spoke

very quietly. “I am so sorry to have to tell you this, but I’m afraid that our tests

show that it is extremely unlikely that your daughter will ever be educated”’

(Copeland, 1973, cited in Ferguson, 2001, p.11).

Descriptions of philosophies underpinning child rearing in other cultural

and spiritual contexts, however, suggests that not all cultures view impairment

in the same way, as illustrated in this example of ways in which faith-based

values might shape perspectives on ‘inclusion’.

CASE STUDY 6.2

Diverse perspectives on disability and inclusion: Insights from faith-based cultures The national philosophy of Brunei Darussalam (where the authors of this chapter are now based) is referred to as grounded in three key elements: Malay (representing our geographical location and dominant cultural group); Islam (reflecting the most widely practised religion in the nation) and Monarchy (reflecting the importance of the Royal Family to the nation).

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Islam, as one of the main components of this philosophy, has profoundly influenced the culture and ‘mentality’ of most Bruneians. Islam as a way of life is intended to give persons with and without disability equal rights and status, with expectations that all individuals carry out the spiritual duties given to them by Allah that comply with their abilities. The faith does not identify people with disabilities as either dependent or a burden on society.

According to Islam, ‘children with impairment’ are considered not only as a gift from God, but also as a reminder of the virtues that are expected of those who practise the faith. All children, with or without disabilities, are viewed as honoured creations of God. Responsibility for caring for any member of the family, particularly family members who may be vulnerable, falls ultimately on their guardians, with formalised support systems considered largely as an alternative form of care. Parents are seen as the first guardians responsible for the care of their children. In addition, family members are responsible for each other’s care. Because family members inherit from each other, shared responsibility for care is considered crucial in fulfilling family duties.

This set of beliefs is strongly embedded in Brunei culture, where families provide the first point of support for each other and capable members of the family make every effort to support relatives in need of support, whether their need is caused by poverty, accident or impairment. Within communities and families, inclusion of and care for family and community members lies at the heart of this body of beliefs. Despite the assimilationist nature of families and communities in this small nation, it is important to note that exclusion can be found at a ‘systems’ level, where implementation of an inclusive education policy (adopted in 1994) faces challenges due to the naturally exclusionary nature of the formal education system, which is based on British values and approaches.

The values that are central to this faith are also reflected in daily practices described by one of the mothers who participated in our Sydney-based research. Her natural practice of faith in caring for her child reflects the inherent role of values in shaping lives and mentalities that we described earlier.

[W]hether I come across something that God wants me to come across, or whether it’s something I’m looking for yes, that’s me reaching out for help. That’s just an unconventional place, but it’s not a person or it’s not some sort of concrete thing … It probably transcends having heaps of relatives coming and doing my housework or looking after my kids.

[W]henever I prepare a drink for him I’ll say this prayer. It’s only a few lines long, but I’ll say it either three, five or seven times and just blow on my hand and then put it over the cup of drink. And that’s hopefully … I believe in this and I believe it will help. And it’s just part of the other medical and psychological or behavioural treatments he’s having. And it’s just like an integral part. I don’t see it as anything strange or anything.

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Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

Shweder, Goodnow, Hatano, LeVine, Markus and Miller (1998) refer to the

link between culture (or faith, as outlined in the example above) and child

rearing as refl ecting an ‘intimate association between … mentality and …

practice’ (p.872). In observing this link they adapted Whiting and Child’s model

of ‘custom complexes’, which helps in understanding the ways in which daily

practices actually refl ect deep-seated values (Whiting & Child, 1953, cited in

Shweder et al., 1998). By defi nition, ‘custom complexes’ highlight the intricate

nature of cultural processes. Whiting and Child defi ned ‘customs’ as individual

habits which are identifiable as units of culture. Perhaps the most useful insight

offered by the custom complex concept is that some values and beliefs attached

to practices are not usually explicitly expressed. These habits might involve the

kinds of practices described above, such as blessing food and drink with prayer,

or the importance of extended family involvement in caring for children, which

may not usually be discussed in parent–professional meetings or discussions,

unless a close relationship has been established and there is mutual interest in

such practices.

Regular practices that refl ect important values might also include seemingly

innocuous gestures that involve early years professionals, such as presenting

visitors to the home with gifts of fruit or food. Such practices can refl ect deeply

held beliefs regarding blessings associated with receiving visitors to the home.

By refusing such gifts, home visitors might innocently and unwittingly cause

discomfort, or offence. Professionals working within the framework of family-

centred practice therefore need to be careful, mindful, and respectful of family’s

daily practices (in addition to priorities more directly related to parenting), in

order to avoid discomfort and possible misunderstandings.

Values may not only be implicit but in some cases repressed. As some of our

data indicate, cultural values may be particularly vulnerable to suppression when

parents are engaging with early intervention ‘systems’ that strongly promote

dominant, ‘mainstream’ and medicalised philosophies. In response to this, and

other challenges associated with ‘partnerships’ in early intervention that have

been outlined in this chapter, Moore (2007) has argued that ‘relationship-based’

approaches to provision of supports for families of children with disabilities

provide an appropriate model for inclusively engaging families. Moore

suggests that referring to the interaction between caregivers and practitioners

as ‘relationships’ implies a more intimate, mutual association than the term

‘partnership’. Building relationships requires a greater effort in ‘tuning to the

other person’s world, understanding their perspectives and experience, and

establishing a personal connection’ (p.5). This approach is of particular value

to professionals working with families from CALD backgrounds, some of whom

may struggle to express their deep-seated beliefs about what is best for their

relationship-based approach: An approach to professional interactions that emphasises a deep concern with mutual understanding and ‘interest’ in each other’s perspectives/ priorities.

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Conclusion Few would argue against the idea that inclusion should be at the heart of

everything that early years professionals do. However, it is important not to

confuse inclusion with assimilation (as discussed in Chapter 1). This chapter

has attempted to describe how cultural and spiritual values are inherent in

child rearing. These values naturally apply equally to children with or without

disabilities; in many cases, however, the importance of values and faith may be

heightened by experiences of childhood disability, as families seek to understand

how to best love and care for their children by understanding their needs and

capacities. Family-centred practice requires early years professionals to not

only accept, but embrace, different ways of understanding children’s needs and

how best to respond to them (see Chapter 9). As we suggested at the outset,

then, the ability to appreciate, engage and work with multiple perspectives in

a constructive manner for the best interests of children may be one of the most

important skills required of early years professionals.

The excerpts and case studies presented in this chapter are designed to

provide insights into possible experiences, perspectives and priorities of

children in the face of a system that strongly espouses particular ‘appropriate’

methods in responding to childhood disability.

1. Can you think of examples where you have viewed other people’s practices as ‘strange’ because they are unfamiliar to you? Can you think of habits you have that others might consider ‘strange’, if they did not understand fully why you practise them?

2. What would you consider to be your own ‘beliefs’ about children and child rearing?

3. Where do you think these beliefs originate? 4. Can you think of ways in which you put these beliefs into practice? 5. How would you feel if you were told that these beliefs were ‘bad’ for your

health and that you should change your practices to reflect a different set of beliefs?

6. Not all societies provide the level of government-funded, formalised supports for children with disabilities that are available in Australia. How do you think families that are not familiar with accessing formal supports might perceive formalised systems? What kinds of challenges do you think families from CALD backgrounds might face in ‘navigating’ early intervention programs and services?

CRITICAL REFLECTION

QUESTIONS

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Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

FIGURE 6.4 CHILDREN AND TEACHER WORKING TOGETHER

Photo: Rimba II Primary School, Brunei

families from CALD backgrounds accessing supports within a range of formalised

systems that support young children’s learning and development. They refl ect

the importance of both spiritual and cultural practices in caring for children,

as well as a level of anxiety felt by families when they feel that these practices

are not appreciated, or may be doubted, by professionals working within

formal systems. In response, we suggest that relationship-building, particularly

between professionals from a mainstream cultural background and families

whose beliefs and practices may be quite different, requires reconceptualisation

of professional ‘responsibility’. As well as being informed about accountability,

results and personal safety, professionals and practitioners need to be supported

in becoming acquainted with practices that refl ect beliefs and values that are

‘under the skin, close to the heart and self-relevant’ (Shweder et al., 1998,

p.727). This is a vital part of understanding the experiences of caregivers from

CALD backgrounds caring for children with and without disability.

In essence, inclusion should, by its very nature, ‘work’ for children from

CALD backgrounds, both those with and without impairment. Many of the issues

raised in this chapter apply, to greater and lesser extents, to all families who

care for and deeply love their children. Throughout this book, the critical role of

early years professionals in achieving inclusion has been strongly emphasised.

Inclusion is about putting our best efforts into ensuring that all children are

provided with access to equitable education opportunities, in Australia and

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internationally, by promoting inclusive practices and by advocating for the

needs of children around the world. Most importantly, skilled practitioners and

professionals have the capacity to shape the kinds of systems described by Len

Barton (2003) as essential for inclusion: systems that are willing to rethink and

revise long-established education traditions that may lead to the exclusion of

certain groups of children and/or families in society.

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Emma Pearson, Hanapi Mohamad and Zuryatini Zainal

Australia Bureau of Statistics. (ABS). (2013). Australian social trends. Retrieved from www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@. nsf/Lookup/4102.0Main+Features30April+2013

Barton, L. (2003). Inclusive education and teacher education: A basis for hope or a discourse of delusion. Professorial Lecture, London: Institute of Education, University of London. Retrieved from http://disability-studies.leeds. ac.uk/files/library/Barton-inclusive-education.pdf

Cologon, K. (2012). Confidence in their own ability: Postgraduate early childhood students examining their

attitudes towards inclusive education. International Journal on Inclusive Education, 16(11), 1155–1173. doi:10.1080/13603 116.2010.548106

Enabling Education Network. (n.d.). What is inclusive education? Retrieved from www.eenet.org.uk/ what_is_ie.php

Ferguson, P.M. (2001). Mapping the family: Disability studies and the exploration of parent response to disability. In G.L. Albrecht, K.D. Seelman & M. Bury (Eds). Handbook of disability. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Some organisations that provide early intervention services involving home visiting have policies (such as refusing food when entering family’s homes and not removing shoes) designed to protect staff.

1. How might these policies impact on relationship-building with families?

2. How might such policies be modified/acted on in ways that avoid misunderstanding or discomfort for both staff and families? Genuine relationship-building requires

high levels of trust and esteem built on mutual understanding of different points of view. Try to imagine a situation in which your own expectations or beliefs regarding children,

families and parenting might be challenged and in which you might react negatively.

1. How could you modify your response to ensure that this would not jeopardise relationship-building?

2. How might you be able to assert your own point of view without causing offence or discomfort? Based on your own experiences, as well

as some of the information provided in this chapter, what initial steps should be taken by professionals and practitioners in building the types of relationships with families described by Moore (2007)? Do you think these steps need to be modified when working with families from CALD backgrounds?

FOR FURTHER REFLECTION

WEBSITES www.mdainc.org.au

The Multicultural Development Association of Australia

www.dss.gov.au/our-responsibilities/settlement-and-multicultural-affairs/publications/the-people-of-australia-australias- multicultural-policy

Australia’s multicultural policy

www.neda.org.au The National Ethnic Disability Alliance

www.unesco.org/education/wef/en-conf/Jomtien%20Declaration%20eng.shtm United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization World declaration on education for all: Meeting basic learning needs.

http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001211/121147e.pdf The Dakar framework for action: Education for all—meeting our collective commitments.

REFERENCES

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Government of Australia. (2011). The people of Australia: Australia’s multicultural policy. Retrieved from www.dss.gov.au/our-responsibilities/ settlement-and-multicultural-affairs/publications/ the-people-of-australia-australias-multicultural-policy

Hodge, N. & Runswick-Cole, K. (2008). Problematising parent– professional partnerships in education. Disability & Society, 23(6), 637. doi:10.1080/09687590802328543

Kitayama, S. & Cohen, D. (2007). Handbook of cultural psychology. NY: The Guilford Press.

Link, B. & Phelan, J.C. (2013). Labeling and stigma. In C.S. Aneshensel, J.C. Phelan & A. Bierman (Eds). Handbook of the sociology of mental health (2nd edn) (pp.525–543). Springer: Dortrecht.

Loreman, T., Forlin, C. & Sharma, U. (2007). An international comparison of pre-service teacher attitudes towards inclusive education. Disability Studies Quarterly, 27(4). Retrieved from http://dsq-sds.org/article/view/53/53

Miles, S. & Singal, N. (2010). The Education for All and inclusive education debate: Conflict, contradiction or opportunity? International Journal of Inclusive Education, 14(1), 1–15. doi:10.1080/13603110802265125

Moore, T. (2007). The nature and role of relationships in early childhood intervention services. Second Conference of the International Society on Early Intervention, Zagreb, Croatia. Retrieved from www.rch.org.au/uploadedFiles/Main/ Content/ccch/TM_ISEIConf07_Nature_role_rships.pdf

National Ethnic Disability Alliance (NEDA). (2008). Refugees and Migrants with Disability and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. National Ethnic Disability Alliance. Retrieved from www.neda.org.au/page/ publications.html

Nelson, E.A.S. & Taylor, B.J. (2001). International child care practices study: Infant sleeping arrangements. Early Human Development, 62, 43–55. doi:10.1016/ S0378-3782(01)00116-5

Nsamenang, B. (2008). Constructing cultural identity within families. In L. Booker & M. Woodhead (Eds.), Early childhood in focus 3—Developing positive identities (pp.18–20). United Kingdom: The Open University.

Pearson, E. & Tan, J. (2013). Fulfilling child rights through early childhood development. South-South Cooperation for Child Rights. Working Paper 3, UNICEF ROSA and UNICEF EAPRO, Kathmandu. Retrieved from http://hlmdelhi2013. org/images/ECD.pdf

Pulerwitz, J., Michaelis, A., Weiss, E., Brown, L. & Mahendra, V. (2010). Reducing HIV-related stigma: Lessons learned from Horizons research and programs. Public Health Report, 125(2), 272–81. Retrieved from www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/ articles/PMC2821857/

Save the Children. (2008). Making schools inclusive: How change can happen. UK: Save the Children. Retrieved from www.savethechildren.org.uk/sites/default/files/docs/ making-schools-inclusive_1.pdf

Schaffer, H.R. (1996). Social development. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

Shweder, R.A., Goodnow, J., Hatano, G., LeVine, R.A., Markus, H. & Miller, P. (1998). The cultural psychology of development: One mind, many mentalities. In W. Damon (Series Ed.) & R. M. Lerner (Volume Ed.), Handbook of child psychology, Volume 1: Theoretical models of human development (5th ed.). NY: John Wiley.

Skinner, D. & Weisner, T. (2007). Sociocultural studies of families of children with intellectual disabilities. Mental Retardation and Developmental Disabilities, 13, 302–312. doi:10.1002/mrdd.20170

United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (1990). World declaration on education for all: Meeting basic learning needs. Retrieved from www.unesco. org/education/wef/en-conf/Jomtien%20Declaration%20 eng.shtm

UNESCO. (2000). The Dakar framework for action: Education for all—meeting our collective commitments. Paper presented at the World Education Forum, Dakar, Senegal. http:// unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001211/121147e.pdf

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