Higher Order Thinking and Adult Learning

Merriam, S., Baumgartner, L. (2020). Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide (4th ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ISBN: 9781119490487.

Chapter 12 (321-335) Adult Development

At age 80, Beth reflects on the many changes she has experienced. Although her osteoarthri s prevents her from going to dances as o en as she'd like, she remembers the many dances she a ended in high school, college, and as a new high school teacher. She married in her mid-20s, which was considered “a li le late” by her rural community's standards. A er her children entered elementary school, she taught life skills courses for the local technical college at night. An ac ve volunteer in the community throughout her adult life, Beth's more recent ac vi es center on preserving her community's history and working on her family genealogy. Beth admits that lately she has spent more me “remembering the good mes.” She con nues, “I've had a good life. In some ways, I'm s ll the same person I was at twenty. For example, I've always valued being organized and efficient. In other ways, I've changed a lot.”

The concept of development is o en equated with change. Adult development has been defined as “systema c, qualita ve changes in human abili es and behaviors as a result of interac ons between internal and external environments” (Hoare, 2006, p. 8). However, it is important to remember that there is a sense of both stability and change in development (Bjorklund, 2016). For example, Beth's need to give back to her community has been a constant in her life. However, her values have changed somewhat. In the next sec on we briefly introduce the approaches to development that wrestle with the importance of nature and nurture in the developmental process, including biological, psychological, sociocultural, and integrated perspec ves.

Four Approaches to Adult Development

The biological perspec ve acknowledges the role of nature in our development. It focuses on changes in the body during the life course whereas the psychological perspec ve covers individuals' thoughts, feelings, and personality (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2015). Psychological models of development have been used to explore faith development (Fowler, 1981), moral development (Kohlberg, 1976), iden ty development (Erikson, 1968; Loevinger, 1976), and intellectual development (Perry, 1999). The sociocultural approach looks at “the cultural, historical and interpersonal influences on the individual” (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2015, p. 2). The integra ve approach to development combines several influences on adult development. For example, Bronfenbrenner's (2001) bioecological model delineates changes that occur in people as the result of their interac on with peers or the interac on between a person's workplace and community.

We discuss the four approaches to adult development in this chapter. First, we explore biological aging and its impact on learning. Next, we examine psychological models of development, including Erikson's (1963, 1978) psychosocial model and Levinson's (Levinson, Darrow, Klein, Levinson, & McKee, 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996) model of personal development. Third, we discuss how sociocultural factors affect development, including the influence of the ming of life events and the influence of race, class, and gender on development. The last sec on of the chapter presents integra ve models of development that demonstrate a more holis c approach.

Biological Development

Biological aging is a fact of life, although rarely a welcome one in American culture. Despite ar cles that report how we are celebra ng older Americans (Jefferson, 2017), an aging products abound because people want to maintain a youthful appearance. The amount of money spent on skincare worldwide is expected to reach $180 billion by 2024 (Shahbandeh, 2019). An wrinkle creams, liposuc on, hair restora on treatment, sexual enhancement medica ons, and laser treatments temporarily keep the signs of aging at bay. Yet, people cannot escape the inevitability of biological aging.

Biological development refers to the physical and biological changes that occur over the life span. In this sec on, we discuss biological aging. We briefly explore theories of primary aging, which is the norma ve aging that happens over the life span. In addi on, we discuss age-related changes in vision, hearing, and the central nervous system.

Although life expectancy has increased from 47.3 years in 1900 to 78.6 years in the United States in 2016 (Kochanek, Murphy, Xu, & Arias, 2017; Na onal Center for Health Sta s cs, 2016), our capacity to live longer is subject to those me-related physical changes governed by matura onal processes, as in vision and hearing, for example—that happen to all of us (Bjorklund, 2016). There are several theories as to why primary aging occurs. One theory asserts that cellular damage increases with age (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017). Caloric restric on has been shown to reduce aging in lab rats and animals. Those on caloric restric on had be er immune systems and a lower “incidence of age-related disease, including type 2 diabetes, cancer, heart disease and brain atrophy” (Bjorklund, 2016, p. 38). Researchers cau on that caloric restric on alone may not increase longevity and that such severe restric ons in humans could prevent engagement in ac vi es associated with a good quality of life (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017). Last, gene c programming theories say that “aging is programmed into our gene c code” (p. 50) although we do not know how this program is started or how it works, but we do know that diseases associated with aging have gene c links.

The human life span, usually given as 110–120 years, has not changed. Rather, our increased longevity stems from overcoming some of the problems related to secondary aging “rather, our increased longevity stems from some of the problems related to secondary aging, changes that happen more suddenly and that are usually the result of disease, injury, or some environmental event” (Bjorklund, 2016, p. 32). These changes do not happen to everyone and can o en be prevented. Improved nutri on, hygiene, discoveries in the medical and mental health fields, and lifestyle changes have accounted for most of this increased longevity.

It is important to note, however, that healthcare dispari es exist that affect longevity and quality of life. Rural residents are in poorer health than urban residents in the United States due to a variety of factors including socioeconomic status, fewer services, inadequate public transporta on, and fewer physicians as well as less availability of broadband Internet services (Douthit, Kiv, Dwolatsky, & Biswas, 2015). African Americans have the highest death rates from cancer in the United States of all racial groups due to socioeconomic and social factors although the gap between African Americans and Whites has narrowed since 1990 (DeSan s et al., 2016). Life expectancy varies by race and sex with White men and women expected to live 78.9 and 81.3 years, respec vely, whereas Black men and women have a life expectancy of 72.5 years and 78.5 years. The average life expectancy for Hispanic men is 79.4 years whereas it is 84.5 years for women (Arias, Heron, & Xu, 2017). Despite higher risks for diabetes and other diseases, Hispanics tend to live longer than Whites and Blacks (Breene, 2016). Analysis of DNA samples from these popula ons show that La nx aged more slowly than other ethnici es (Breene, 2016). Other research shows mixed evidence for the “Hispanic paradox” (Tarraf, Jensen, Dillaway, Vasquez, & González, 2018, p. 1).

Although dispari es in health care persist, biological aging affects us all. However, the decline in the actual func oning of the major biological systems is slow. The fourth and fi h decades tend to be the physiological turning point for most adults, although the effects of these changes may not be felt un l the sixth or seventh decade of life (Bjorklund, 2016). Changes in appearance are the most obvious. Suddenly, we no ce our skin is not as firm and elas c as it once was. Our hair may become increasingly gray and turn white or we may experience hair loss. Yet these changes, although no ceable, have li le effect on our physical func oning. Less obvious are the more pervasive internal changes. For example, most adults begin to experience changes in vision, cardiovascular systems, bones and connec ve material, respiratory system, and reproduc ve func on (for women) some me in their for es or early fi ies. Although it appears that we will all experience many major changes in our physical beings at some point in our lives, the effect on our capacity to learn is largely unknown. In fact, many of these may prove to be very minor, except in cases of underlying disease processes. We briefly discuss physical changes that have been shown to affect learning in adulthood.

Senses

Deteriora on in the ability to see and hear can create problems with learning processes (Harsen, 2009; Speros, 2009). Specific changes in vision are well documented such as the ability to perceive small detail on the printed page and computer screen. A loss of close vision begins for many people in midlife and results primarily from the lens becoming larger and denser and losing elas city (Alavi, 2016). This problem can be corrected by eyeglasses or various types of surgery. A second major sight-related change concerns light. As people age, the pupil of the eye becomes smaller and allows less light to enter the eye, requiring more illumina on to see both near and far. People become less responsive to sudden changes in illumina on, such as oncoming headlights. In addi on, structural changes in the eye affect adap on to changes in light and poorer color vision due to a yellowing of the lens (Alavi, 2016).

In addi on to age-related vision changes, there are age-related vision disorders. Cataracts are the most common of these age-related eye condi ons; in this condi on, there is a clouding of the lens that reduces passage of light (Na onal Eye Ins tute, n.d). Cataracts are more common in women than men and more common in Whites than in African Americans or La nx (Na onal Eye Ins tute, n.d.) Cataract surgery is a common remedy for this condi on. A second common eye malady is age-related macular degenera on. Seeing detail and reading become difficult. Between 2010 and 2050, the number of individuals with age-related macular degenera on is expected to increase from 2.07 million to 5.44 million in the United States (Na onal Eye Ins tute, 2018). A third age-related eye disease is glaucoma, usually caused by high eye pressure, which results in damage to the op c nerve and causes damage to peripheral vision and some mes blindness. Treatment includes surgery and eye drops. Glaucoma is the leading cause of blindness for African Americans and Hispanics in the United States (Glaucoma: Facts and Figures, 2017). Roughly half the individuals living with glaucoma do not know they have the disease (Glaucoma: Facts and Figures, 2017).

Whereas changes in vision happen primarily at set periods in life, hearing loss is a progressive but gradual process throughout adulthood generally star ng in the fourth decade of life (Davis et al., 2016). Roughly 33% of adults experience a hearing loss between ages 65 and 74, and nearly half of the adults over age 75 have a hearing loss (Na onal Ins tute on Deafness and Other Communica on Disorders [NIDCD], 2016). Hearing loss occurs in men more than women and in Whites and La nx more than African Americans (Bainbridge & Wallhagen, 2014). Causes of age-related hearing loss can be changes to the inner or middle ear or changes along the nerve pathways to the brain (NIDCD, 2016). High blood pressure, diabetes, and certain medica ons may contribute to hearing loss (NIDCD, 2016).

Some hearing deficits can be compensated for with the use of hearing aids. However, only 16% of adults between the ages of 20 and 69 use hearing aids and less than 30% of those 70 and

older use them (NIDCD, 2014) because of the s gma of wearing a hearing aid, or they are disappointed in the sound quality or because of the expense of the hearing aid (McCormack & Fortnum, 2013). Other technologies used to improve hearing include cochlear implants and hearing assis ve technologies such as “frequency modulated systems, infrared and induc ve loop systems” (Davis et al., 2016, p. S260). Personal sound amplifiers in mobile phones also help people, but sound amplifica on does not o en improve sound quality, so training and counseling are also needed for those who experience hearing loss (Davis et al., 2016).

Hearing loss has been associated with increased cogni ve and physical aging (Lin & Albert, 2014). When more mental effort and a en on are needed to hear, there are fewer cogni ve resources for other tasks (Lin & Albert, 2014). Reduced hearing can also lead to fewer social engagements, loneliness, and cogni ve decline (Gopinath et al., 2013).

Except for major degenera ve and other disease processes, correc ve measures, such as the wearing of eyeglasses and teaching people to find alterna ve ways of communica ng, can help ensure the best use of the vision and hearing that remain. Further, advances in assis ve technologies such as closed-circuit television, screen magnifica on so ware programs, digital recorders, and scanning and reading programs help those with sensory challenges navigate new learning in both formal and informal se ngs (Pacheco, Lips, & Yoong, 2018; Presley & D'Andrea, 2009). Both teachers and learners must see to it that the educa onal environment is conducive to all adult learners, ensuring, for example, that rooms are adequately illuminated and acous cs are good.

The Central Nervous System

Consis ng of the brain and the spinal cord, the central nervous system forms the primary biological basis for learning. We con nue to learn how changes in this system may affect cogni ve func oning (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017). Our brain changes throughout life. By late life, neuroimaging shows shrinkage in our prefrontal cortex, which is associated with execu ve func ons; the hippocampus, associated with memory; and the cerebellum, which is linked to balance (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017). Research shows that older adults compensate by using both hemispheres of the brain for ac vi es whereas younger people are more likely to use one hemisphere for the same ac vi es (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017).

Brain plas city refers to “changes in the structure and func on of the brain that results from interac on between the brain and its environment” (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017, p. 49). This plas city explains how aging brains compensate. Recent discoveries show that brain cells can regenerate and brain plas city can help people cope with age-related changes in the brain (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017). Aerobic exercise can enhance brain plas city and

preserve the size of the hippocampus, an area associated with memory (Intelko er & Cotman, 2013 as cited in Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017). In addi on, diets rich in vitamins in the B complex, C, D, E, and omega 3 fa y acids have been linked to be er cogni ve func oning and greater brain volume (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2017).

Changes in the central nervous system result in declining reac on me as people age (Der & Deary, 2006). Reac on me is the me it takes a person to respond to visual s muli (Woods, Wyma, Yund, Herron, & Reed, 2015). Simple reac on me measures how long it takes to respond to one s muli, and choice reac on me concerns how long it takes us when different s muli require a different response (Stuart-Hamilton, 2012). Explana ons for these changes include changes in brain ac vity and familiarity with the task (Schaie & Willis, 2002).

In sum, while our life expectancy in the United States has increased from 47.3 years in 1900 to 78.6 years in 2016—although racial dispari es in health care affect longevity for African Americans—the human life span remains at approximately 110 to 120 years. Regardless of race, changes in vision, hearing, and reac on me are an inevitable part of the aging process. However, new technologies such as cochlear implants and laser surgery for cataracts help older adults remain ac ve and they can con nue learning well into old age. In addi on, researchers have learned more about the brain's elas city. Older adults who show deficits in one area of the brain may compensate for it in other areas.

Psychological Development

Physical changes are only part of the picture concerning adult development. Most of the earlier work in adult development has been driven by the psychological tradi on and focuses on the individual's internal process of development. A myriad of models concerning faith development (Fowler, 1981), iden ty development (Erikson, 1963), self-development (Gould, 1978; Josselson, 1996; Kegan, 1994), racial iden ty (Helms, 2008), and gay iden ty development (Cass, 1979) have been based on this perspec ve. In this view, li le a en on is paid to the society's influence on the person's development.

In this sec on, we touch on two founda onal psychological models of development: Erikson's model of psychosocial development and Levinson's model of personal development. In addi on, psychological models of White and Asian racial iden ty development and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) iden ty development are briefly discussed. Models of psychological development fall into two main categories. In stage theories, there is a stepwise upward movement, but it is not necessarily ed to chronological age (for example, Erikson, 1963, 1978; Fowler, 1981). These scholars assert that these stages are hierarchical in nature and therefore build on one another. There is disagreement about what causes the movement between stages and whether this movement is upward only to higher stages or whether it is

back and forth across stages. Age-graded models, in contrast, e specific ages to par cular tasks (for example, Levinson et al., 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996).

Erikson's Psychosocial Development Model

Erikson's (1963) psychosocial development model is representa ve of the stage-related view of development. Considered “one of the most influen al theories of personality development” (Bjorklund, 2016, p. 247), Erikson's theory consists of eight stages of development, each represen ng a series of crises or issues to be dealt with over the life span. At each stage, there is a choice between opposites—one nega ve and the other posi ve—and it is impera ve that persons achieve a favorable ra o of posi ve over nega ve prior to moving to the next stage. In young adulthood, the successful resolu on between in macy versus isola on results in love. In middle adulthood, resolving the tensions between genera vity and self-absorp on allows people to care for others; in older adulthood, resolu ons between integrity versus despair provide the capacity for wisdom. Although Erikson ed his fi h stage—iden ty versus iden ty confusion—primarily to the period of adolescence, researchers in adult development have also included the examina on of this stage as part of their research on adults (for example, Josselson, 2017). Erikson maintains that as adults we may revisit earlier stages to resolve or re- resolve conflicts from earlier periods in different ways. For example, because of the loss of a spouse, we may need to work again through issues of both in macy and iden ty. In addi on, Erikson, Erikson, and Kivnick (1986) go on to suggest that vital involvement in old age and interdependence among people allow adults to complete the life cycle successfully and leave a posi ve legacy for the next genera on.

Erikson's theory con nues to s mulate discussion and research. Researchers followed middle and upper class White men born between 1915 and 1924 and found that those who had higher Eriksonian development at midlife (ages 30–47) had be er “global cogni ve func oning and execu ve func ons and lower levels of depression 3 to 4 decades later” (Malone, Liu, Vaillant, Rentz, & Waldinger, 2016, p. 496). Hence, individuals engaged in their careers and rela onships and in nurturing the next genera on in midlife may have “be er emo onal and cogni ve health in old age” (p. 504). Global and execu ve cogni ve func on were nega vely affected by depression, which may mean that those who are more engaged and who have addressed more developmental stages are less depressed. The authors surmised that engaging in genera vity may help preserve cogni ve flexibility and abstract thought. The researchers found that par cipa ng in a variety of areas in midlife may help cogni ve flexibility and emo onal well- being in later life (Malone et al., 2016). In another study, scholars connected Erikson's stages to adult learning challenges. They saw rela onships between “previously incomplete ego integra ons and current adult learning disrup ons” (Lineros & Fincher, 2014, p. 35). For example, learners who did not successfully resolve Erikson's seventh stage, genera vity versus

stagna on, may have li le empathy for other students and may resist course material they find irrelevant (Lineros & Fincher, 2014). The authors suggest that instructors work to counter this selfish a tude by having these students lead group projects, so they understand they can contribute and they recognize they are part of the group. Last, re rement and aging can trigger us to revisit Erikson's phases (Osborne, 2009). If our iden ty was largely job or career related, we may face an iden ty crisis. We may need to find meaning and purpose in a community that is unrelated to workplace, and this may take some me.

Levinson's Age-Graded Model

Levinson and his colleagues (Levinson et al., 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996) provide an o en- quoted descrip on of an age-graded model. Levinson and Levinson (1996), for example, from their studies of both men and women, suggest that people evolve through an orderly sequence of stable and transi onal periods that correlate with chronological age. One's life structure, that is, “the underlying pa ern or design of a person's life at any given me” (p. 22), tends to be established and maintained during stable periods and then ques oned and changed during transi onal periods. For example, the authors indicate that the early life transi on occurs between the ages of 17 and 22. This is followed by the entry into the life structure at ages 22– 28, followed by the age 30 transi on, which occurs from the ages of 28 to 33, and the culmina on of the life structure occurring between ages 33 and 40. The model ends with the era of late adulthood, star ng at age 60.

Among the components of this changing life are marriage and family, occupa on, friendships, religion, ethnicity, and community. The “central components are those that have the greatest significance for the self and the life. They receive the greatest share of one's me and energy, and they strongly influence the character of the other components” (Levinson & Levinson, 1996, p. 23).

Scholars applied Levinson's framework to Turkish ci zens between ages 28 and 45 in seven different areas of Turkey and found similari es and differences (Aktu & Ilhan, 2017). Researchers used the Individual Life Structure Evalua on Form, based on Levinson's theory, to collect data. This instrument contains 8 ques ons on demographic data and 14 open-ended ques ons. Par cipants in early adulthood had individualis c life goals such as finishing school and also more collec vis c life goals such as achieving material goals to assist family (Aktu & Ilhan, 2017). In general, Levinson's periods of stability and transi ons were confirmed.

This framework of rela ng development to specific age periods has led a number of educators to propose a link between age-appropriate tasks and behavior and the fostering of learning ac vi es for adults. Havighurst (1972) was one of the earliest writers to link these ideas into what he termed the teachable moment. This idea is grounded in the concept of developmental

tasks—tasks that arise at a certain period in a person's life, such as selec ng a mate, star ng a family, and ge ng started in an occupa on. Although the me frame and some of the tasks Havighurst suggested are somewhat dated, the idea of specific life tasks giving rise to a teachable moment is not. Knowles (1980, p. 51) has also viewed developmental tasks as producing “a ‘readiness to learn’ which at its peak presents a ‘teachable moment’” and outlines his own list of “life tasks” for young, old, and middle-aged adults. Recent work informed by Havighurst's framework includes studying paren ng (Williams, 2015), and life histories of the elderly in Brazil (Freitas et al., 2013).

Other Models Using the Psychological Paradigm

The psychological paradigm has been embraced by some who have constructed models of racial iden ty development and sexual iden ty development. Although some of these models implicitly recognize the influence of society on racial and sexual orienta on iden ty development, they s ll primarily focus on the experience of the individual, with less men on of society's influence on these types of development. For example, Helms (2008) proposes a process model of White racial iden ty that consists of two schemas: internalizing racism or evolving a non-racist iden ty. To maintain the status quo and internalize racism includes three stages: (a) contact, (b) disintegra on, and (c) reintegra on. Ini ally, Whites are oblivious to racism, un l they encounter an incident or series of incidents that alert them to racism. During the disintegra on stage, they recognize that racial discrimina on exists and may experience confusion or guilt because of their White privilege. During reintegra on they o en believe there is an element of truth to nega ve stereotypes about people of color. They avoid associa ng with or may even act violently toward people of color. Individuals in this stage cope with their nega ve emo ons by blaming people of color. Individuals can stay at this stage. A second schema is “evolving a non-racist iden ty” (p. 30). Those who adopt this schema go through the disintegra on stage but instead of experiencing reintegra on, they traverse through a pseudo- independent stage where they begin to recognize that Whites are not superior to people of color, but they may s ll perpetuate the idea of White superiority through their ac ons or behaviors. Intellectually, they realize how race affects opportuni es for individuals but do not admit “the responsibility of Whites … for maintaining racism” (p. 33). In the immersion/emersion stage individuals encourage others to abandon racism and come to terms with their Whiteness. In the last phase, autonomy, they abandon racism and commit to its eradica on on a personal and societal level. Maintaining this perspec ve is a con nual process.

Kim's (2012) Asian American Racial Iden ty Development (AARID) model is also psychological. The themes of assimila on and of coming to terms with racism is evident in Kim's (2012) Asian American Racial Iden ty Development Theory (AARID). The process is not necessarily linear. Kim's (2012) Stage One is Ethnic Awareness, when children understand their ethnicity from their

family and rela ves. Those living in Asian neighborhoods can perhaps know more about their ethnic heritage than those living in predominantly White neighborhoods. White Iden fica on, Stage Two, has two varia ons. Ac ve White Iden fica on is more o en experienced by Asians who are in a predominantly White environment and who want to be White. Passive White Iden fica on generally occurs with those who grew up in Asian or racially diverse neighborhoods but who s ll “use Whites as a reference group” (p. 147). Stage Three is Awakening to Social Poli cal Consciousness and is marked by the realiza on that racism is societal. Individuals in this stage do not want to be White. During Stage Three, Redirec on to an Asian American Consciousness, individuals learn more about the Asian American experience and understand what it means to be Asian American. The last stage, Incorpora on, is achieved when individuals have “confidence in one's own Asian American iden ty” (p. 48) and this iden ty is only one among other social iden es.

Early models of sexual iden ty development also relied on the psychological paradigm. Eliason and Schope (2007) reviewed 18 stage theories of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transsexual iden ty development that were published between 1975 and 2004. They derived five themes from these models, First, “iden ty development begins with a feeling of difference” (p. 13). Individuals know they are different from others but do not have the words to express that difference. Second, “iden ty forma on is developmental” (p. 13) as people start with a lack of iden ty to acceptance and pride in an LGBT iden ty. Third, disclosure and the need for immersing oneself in the LGBT community are important. Fourth, there is a “need for a stage of pride/cultural immersion” (p. 13). The last stage is “iden ty integra on/synthesis” (p. 14) where the person's sexual iden ty is equally important as other iden es. Challenges to these stage models include a lack of a en on to cultural differences in the way gender is viewed and do not reflect the vast social changes that have occurred regarding a tudes toward sexual orienta on since these models were published. Last, the sequencing of stage theories is a limita on (Eliason & Schope, 2007).

How do psychological models of adult development relate to learning? Educators who accept that their job is to help learners achieve the highest level of development possible could encourage students to examine their assump ons and facilitate cri cal reflec on on these assump ons (Daloz, 1986, 1999; Levine, 1989; Mezirow, 2000). Through mentoring and learning ac vi es designed with development in mind, facilitators can enable the “transforma onal journeys” of their students (Daloz, 1986, p. 16).

In sum, psychological models of development explore the internal experiences of the individual. Models of psychological development primarily fall into two categories. For stage theorists, there is a stepwise upward movement, but it is not necessarily ed to chronological age (for example, Erikson, 1963, 1978; Fowler, 1981). Age-graded models e specific ages to par cular

tasks (for example, Levinson et al., 1978; Levinson & Levinson, 1996). Psychological models seem to be less popular than more complex sociocultural and ecological models of development that account for the impact of society and various other posi onali es including race, class, and gender on development.

Sociocultural Factors

The sociocultural perspec ve on adult development acknowledges how the social world in which we live influences our development (Iwamoto, Negi, Par ali, & Creswell, 2013; Pandya, Pandya, & Nair, 2013). This perspec ve recognizes that factors such as age, race, gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and sexual orienta on affect how society defines us. We offer two salient strands of work from the literature on the sociocultural perspec ve on adulthood that provide us with different ways of looking at adult development. We examine how adult social roles and the ming of life events impact development. We then review how socially constructed no ons of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orienta on influence development.

Social Roles and the Timing of Life Events

Earlier work on the sociocultural dimensions of adulthood focused on the taking of social roles and the no on of the ming of life events. Social roles are defined as both posi ons and associated expecta ons determined primarily by norma ve beliefs held by society (Bjorklund, 2016). Examples of these various roles include parent, spouse, worker, child, and friend. Changes in one's social posi on result from modifica ons of these roles (such as redefining the role of parent when both parents assume employment) and the taking on of new roles (such as wife to widow or paid worker to re red person). These changes may be ini ated by the individual or by others; a parent might ask an older child to take on the role of worker to help pay for her college expenses, for example, or changes in legisla ve policy might give a specific group in society, such as minori es or women, more or perhaps less control over their own lives.

Early research on role transi ons in the United States discussed successful aging in terms of role loss such as the loss of the worker role a er re rement (Bjorklund, 2016). Now researchers believe that roles are not lost or gained but that individuals transi on from one role to another when their life circumstances change (Bjorklund, 2016; Ferraro, 2001). The social roles of young adulthood include transi oning from the student role to that of a worker and gaining independence from parents (Bjorklund, 2016). However, this process may differ. Some people may leave home for their first job a er high school and later return home before going to college, and others may leave home to marry without returning (Bjorklund, 2016). This period between ages 18–25 is referred to as emerging adulthood where individuals explore their iden ty, are focused on themselves, and see possibili es for themselves (Arne , 2007 as cited

in Bjorklund, 2016). Other typical social roles during young adulthood include being a spouse or partner and becoming a parent. Roles experienced in middle adulthood o en include the departure of children, becoming a grandparent, and caring for aging parents, whereas in late adulthood living alone and becoming a recipient of care are typical roles (Bjorklund, 2016).

The scholarship on the ming of life events, which is exemplified by the work of Neugarten and others (Neugarten, 1976, 1979; Neugarten & Datan, 1973), suggests that “every society is age- graded, and every society has a system of social expecta ons regarding age-appropriate behavior. The individual passes through a socially regulated cycle from birth to death as inexorably as he [sic] passes through the biological cycle: a succession of socially delineated age- statuses, each with its recognized rights, du es and obliga ons” (Neugarten, 1976, p. 16). Although the ming of events has changed somewhat and the deadlines for comple ng such events have become more variable since Neugarten completed her original work, being “off

me” or “on me” regarding certain major life events s ll holds merit (Bjorklund, 2016). It is not the events themselves that necessarily precipitate crisis or change. Life events that occur “off

me,” such as marrying at a later age, becoming a widower at age 30, or having children later in life, can be stressful (Bjorklund, 2016). From this vantage point, the study of adult development then becomes a study of life events construed from socially constructed beliefs, whereas in the psychological tradi on, the focus is on the life events themselves as markers and processes. Goldberg's (2014) research on the ming of fatherhood is an excellent example of how the “social clock func ons as a predictor of men's adjustment to pregnancy and parenthood in the major domains of their lives” (p. 18).

The idea that learning in adulthood is related to appropriate role taking, as defined by society's expecta ons, has a long history in adult educa on, from the early ci zenship educa on programs for immigrants to today's workplace learning programs. Several writers have suggested that programs be developed related to the social roles of adults. More than 40 years ago, Kidd (1973) and Knox (1977), for example, explored how changes in social roles can be related to learning ac vi es. In par cular, Kidd (1973) outlined a taxonomy suggested by Malcolm Knowles at a UNESCO seminar in Hamburg in 1972 that takes into account not only roles but also the competencies related to those roles. The implied assump on underlying this taxonomy is that learning programs could be built to address these competencies for adults going through role changes or wishing to become more competent in their current roles (for example, family member, worker, and ci zen). Even learning on our own may be driven by what society expects of us, such as learning paren ng skills or taking care of aging parents. Historically, adult educators have developed programs around role taking to the age-norma ve

mes of life events and have not taken into account those people who are “off me.” More recently there has been some change in this thinking. For example, hospice programs, which offer support and teach caretakers how to care for dying people, do not discriminate whom

they will serve based on either the age of the pa ent or caretaker. Job training programs designed to develop or upgrade work-related competencies for all ages and life stages indicate how fluid the ming of life roles has become.

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