FRENCH essay
antonio74123
read3.docx7.3 Assimilation versus Immigration
Module 7
Multi-ethnic Challenges
Section 3: Assimilation versus Integration
1995 demonstration in Paris for women's rights
Overview
This Section highlights the unique challenges of immigration in France and the ways in which French society is attempting to grapple with its changing demographics. At stake is the notion of French identity, citizenship, and the doctrine of assimilation which is the cornerstone of the French Republic.
Key terms and concepts: Immigration, integration, assimilation, beur, cité, xenophobia (dislike or fear of people from other countries), Jean-Marie Le Pen and the Front National.
Table of Contents:
· Chapter 21: The French Melting Pot (Sixty Million Frenchmen Can't Be Wrong, pp. 281-311)
Objectives for this section :
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After completing the following readings, see if you are able to do these things: |
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· Explain why immigration and integration are considered "statistical black holes" in France? · Identify Jean-Marie Le Pen and the goals of the Front National. · Discuss briefly the importance assimilation holds as a social value for the French. |
· Approximately what percentage of France's population is Muslim?
· What is the place of Arabic culture in France today?
· Traditionally, what has made it difficult to distinguish ethnicities among the French? Does this hold true today?
· What problems are today's North African immigrant population facing that make it difficult for them to assimilate into French society?
· How has Jean-Marie Le Pen affected French immigration laws?
Chapter 21: The French Melting Pot (Sixty Million Frenchmen Can't Be Wrong, pp. 281-311)
Chapter 21 discusses contemporary French society with an emphasis on the predominant Muslim community of about 5 million. N-B draw attention to the fact that Islam has been the second religion of France for over 30 years, noting that "Arabic culture is now definitely a part of mainstream French culture" (p. 295). Traditionally, assimilated French citizens are not distinguished as ethnically diverse; only the mention of birthplace or parentage reveal such information as biographical data. What has changed with the recent Beur population, however is that France is not truly assimilating them, but rather "absorbing" the Arabic culture (p. 297). As N-B point out, immigrants of the 1980s arrived in France with no representation of any sort since there were no political associations to represent them before the préfet. Life in suburban ghettos (les cités) is grim: high unemployment, low-paying jobs when any are to be found, gang violence, and tension between communities and law enforcement are the breeding ground for social unrest and dissent .
N-B characterize information on immigration and integration as "statistical black holes," different from other European countries where, for example as in Germany, children of immigrants do not automatically become citizens at birth and usually remain immigrants all their lives (p. 302). With immigrants dissolving into the general French population, no one can say whether or not they follow the usual pathways of social integration in France: getting educated, finding jobs, learning the language, marrying and raising a family, etc. The lack of information leaves lots of room for speculation. Jean-Marie Le Pen's extreme right-wing party Le Front National, is a case in point. A lack of hard data on unemployment, increased violence, and juvenile delinquency powered a rise in popularity based on the fiery rhetoric he promoted with his "send-the-immigrants-home" platform during the late1980s and 1990s. It was Le Pen's second-place win in the first round of elections in 2000 that excluded Socialist candidate and then-prime minister Lionel Jospin from the run-off with Jacques Chirac, who easily won a second term. What is important to note about Le Front National is, according to N-B, that it is "the only party in France that has ever campaigned on issues of integration and immigration" (p. 307).
In recent years this trend has been changing evidenced by this most recent election in 2017 where immigration was a major issue, and Jean-Marie Le Pen's daughter Marine Le Pen was the leading candidate opposing Emmanuel Macron. While most French people openly reject Le Pen's ideas, the official policy of assimilation has been modified because of his efforts. These changes are reflected in tighter regulations on immigration: a wait of two years rather than one for foreign spouses to gain French citizenship and discontinuation of the policy of granting automatic citizenship for immigrant children at birth.
Despite the progress, the battle for immigrants' rights and social justice has a long way to go. As N-B point out, racism is still a problem in France "as it is in almost all societies" (p. 308) and that in their experience French people either made racist comments or refused to say anything that would contradict the values of the Republic (p. 309). Closing this chapter on a hopeful note, N-B cite the creation of the city of Paris' first Council of Immigrant Representation in 2002, "the surest sign yet that the old taboos about assimilation are finally breaking down" (p. 311).
France centuries-old model of assimilation is being challenged internally and beyond the Hexagon. The republican ideal of uniformity under which the many become one nation through assimilation is not working like before. Since the 1980's, large numbers of immigrants -- particularly those from African countries who are Muslim -- have settled in France and given birth to a new generation of French citizens who are unable to achieve parity with their "traditionally French" counterparts. Unable to find jobs, many live in urban ghettos of decaying high-rises called cités where unemployment is chronic and violence rampant. In this environment, French schools struggle to educate children who are being raised in difficult circumstances. In the last two years, the discontent has grown increasingly vocal and violent. Beginning with the burning of cars in Strasbourg, France, in October 2005, the unrest has driven French president Jacques Chirac to the lowest point in his two-term presidency. The spring of 2006 saw Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin staking his presidential aspirations on finding a solution to the underemployed youth problem by pursuing legislation that would allow employers to fire any new hires under the age of 26 within the first two years of employment. Relentless in their opposition, young people and the perennial Left in a wave of solidarity across France took to the streets, refusing to accept this solution or any compromise offered, including Chirac's who, after signing the new law, immediately proposed a compromise that would reduce the probationary period from two years to one year and require employers to show just cause for dismissal of the young workers.
Beyond French borders, the European Union is another double-edged sword for the French assimilation model in that it offers protection to speakers of minority languages in France that used to be subservient to French. Integration of the various peoples that make up the mosaic of cultures is an ongoing project that the French are concerned about, especially as the 28-member EU (until the Brexit is finalized) grapples with charting its future after the resounding defeat of the Constitution by France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2006.
July 1, 2008 marked the beginning of France's 6-month term as president of the EU. Sarkozy made immigration a top priority, calling for a 'protective' Europe, while proposing the creation of a French immigration and national identity ministry. In a 2007 speech in preparation for the French EU presidency Secretary of State for European Affairs Jean-Pierre Jouyet affirmed that "the French Presidency will focus on the 'fight against crime and immigration.'"At the same time he acknowledged that questions of immigration were uppermost on the minds of European citizens and needed to be addressed, "highlighting the urgency of this matter for southern EU countries." (Source: euractiv.com (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site. )
Several member countries have assumed the EU presidency since Sarkozy's 6-month run at the helm, which won approval from France and elicited admiration from around the world at that time. Things have been less rosy since then, as the EU continues to grapple with a financial crisis that threatens its stability and has caused major countries within the 19-member Eurozone - most notably Greece - to request bailouts to pay debts and remain solvent.
Film clip
The film Paris, je t’aime (Paris, I Love You), which I highly recommend, is composed of twenty vignettes by twenty directors illustrating what a particular neighborhood means to them. It’s in French and English with a star-studded cast. Take a look at this scene based on the Quai de Seine near the Seine river that addresses questions of religion and “otherness” in French culture. One of the questions in the discussion forum will ask you to contribute your reactions to the clip.
Link (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site.
Additional films
If you are interested in the subject of immigration and diversity in France, here are some other films you might like and which can be used for your film review for extra credit. They are all available on Netflix, but not all can be streamed. Note: I’ve tried to indicate content with violence and nudity.
Café au lait, 1993 (some nudity)
La Haine, 1995 (some violence)
Inch’Allah Dimanche (Sunday God Willing), 2001 (some violence)
The Class (Entre les murs), 2008
Girlhood (Bande de filles), 2014
Fatima, 2015
