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The Entangled Twins: Power and Trust in Collaborative Governance
Bing Ran
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https://doi.org/10.1177/0095399718801000
Administration & Society
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DOI: 10.1177/0095399718801000
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Original Article
The Entangled Twins: Power and Trust in Collaborative Governance
Bing Ran1 and Huiting Qi1
Abstract
Power and trust are two important issues of interorganizational relations
in collaborative governance. This article develops a critical conceptual
analysis of the dyadic relationship between power and trust in the context
of collaborative governance. Three dynamic relationships and seven
corresponding propositions are proposed regarding the shared sources of
power and trust, the effects of power asymmetry and power sharing on
trust building, and the influence of trust building on the management of
power relationship in collaborative governance. These dyadic relations will
help scholars and practitioners to deal with the dynamics brought forth by
power and trust in collaboration.
Keywords
power, trust, collaborative governance
Introduction
Collaborative governance has been studied extensively by both scholars and
practitioners in recent decades. Similar terms, including partnership, alliance,
network, and joint working, all capture this emerging phenomenon (Ansell &
1Penn State Harrisburg, Middletown, PA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Bing Ran, School of Public Affairs, Penn State Harrisburg, 777 West Harrisburg Pike,
Middletown, PA 17057, USA.
Email: [email protected]
801000 AASXXX10.1177/0095399718801000Administration & SocietyRan and Qi research-article2018
2 Administration & Society 00(0)
Gash, 2008; K. Emerson, Nabatchi, & Balogh, 2012; Huxham, Vangen,
Huxham, & Eden, 2000). In this article, we define collaborative governance
as a multi-organizational arrangement where a number of identified partici-
pants work together based on deliberative consensus and collective decision
making to pursue shared purposes (Ansell & Gash, 2008; K. Emerson et al.,
2012; Huxham et al., 2000; Ran & Qi, 2017).
Prior literature analyzed numerous factors impacting collaborative gover-
nance, among which power and trust are two important ones (Ansell & Gash,
2008; Huxham & Vangen, 2000). Most of the literature on power and trust in
collaborative governance focused on their independent roles rather than their
dynamic interplays (Ansell & Gash, 2008; Purdy, 2012; Saz-Carranza,
Salvador Iborra, & Albareda, 2016; Vangen & Huxham, 1998; Vangen &
Huxham, 2003). Studies on power in collaborative governance often consider
power as a challenge to the success of collaboration due to potential negative
effects resulted from unavoidable power asymmetry (Ansell & Gash, 2008;
Provan & Milward, 2001; Purdy, 2012; Ran & Qi, 2016). Power asymmetry
is commonly noted as a problem as power is almost always distributed asym-
metrically across participants, which may lead to the manipulation by stron-
ger actors in collaboration (Ansell & Gash, 2008; Bryson, Crosby, & Stone,
2006; Huxham & Vangen, 2005). Some literature further analyzed different
sources and arenas of power in collaboration (Hardy & Phillips, 1998; Purdy,
2012), providing a framework to make sense of power dynamics in interorga-
nizational domains. Scholars tend to view power sharing as a solution to
power asymmetry but a series of challenges in sharing power is still difficult
to overcome (Ansell & Gash, 2008; Gray, 1989).
Comparatively, trust is often considered in terms of its positive influence on
collaboration (K. Emerson et al., 2012; Huxham et al., 2000; Ring & Van de
Ven, 1992). The benefits of trust include developing positive attitudes and con-
fidence between partners (Huxham et al., 2000; Ring & Van de Ven, 1992),
cultivating mutual understandings (K. Emerson et al., 2012), lowing transaction
cost (Berardo, Heikkila, & Gerlak, 2014; Gulati, 1995), boosting openness of
expression (Van Oortmerssen, van Woerkum, & Aarts, 2014), promoting con-
fliction resolution (Ring & Van de Ven, 1994), and improving performance of
activities (Johnston, McCutcheon, Stuart, & Kerwood, 2004; Oh & Bush, 2016).
Some researchers focused on trust building, providing a series of approaches to
enhancing trust in collaboration, such as communication and adaption (Das &
Teng, 1998), competence to perform in collaboration (Blomqvist & Ståhle,
2000), and collective problem-solving activities (Booher, 2004).
It is important to note that a set of challenges in power and trust building
in collaborative governance are still unsolved effectively by the current lit-
erature, which largely focused on the individual roles of power and trust in
Ran and Qi 3
collaboration, such as how to budget and justify the necessary time and cost
in power and trust building in collaboration (Ansell & Gash, 2008), how to
effectively manage various conflicts and reduce mistrust among stakeholders
resulted from power issues (Gray, 1996; Huxham & Vangen, 2005), and how
to cope with participants’ reluctance, possible stalemate, and inaction in shar-
ing power (Gray, 1985). These unsolved challenges inspire us to study the
relationship between power and trust from a dyadic perspective rather than
focusing on their independent and individual roles in collaborative gover-
nance. In fact, both power and trust are social forces (Ireland & Webb, 2007),
entangled and intertwined with each other to coordinate interactions between
individuals or groups (Luhmann, 1979). The dyadic perspective often studies
the common bases or sources of two concepts and their mutual influence on
each other. Accordingly, we discuss three dyadic relationships between power
and trust in collaborative governance: the shared sources of power and trust,
the influence of power relationship on trust building, and the influence of
trust building on power relationship. We argue that the three dyadic relation-
ships will effectively address the challenges in power and trust building in
collaborative governance. Promoting shared sources of power and trust can
help participants save time and cost of collaboration by managing power rela-
tionship and building trust simultaneously. The influence of power relation-
ship on trust building is important for understanding and managing various
conflicts and reducing distrust among partners caused by power issues. The
influence of trust building on the management of power relationship is sig-
nificant for promoting confliction resolution, improving performance of
activities, and reducing possible stalemate and inaction in pursuing power
sharing. We believe the analysis of these three relationships can advance our
understanding of power and trust both conceptually and practically.
From the conceptual perspective, most prior research on power and trust in
collaborative governance stops at the individual roles, impacts and mecha-
nisms of power or trust in collaboration (e.g., Bryson et al., 2006; Huxham,
2003; Purdy, 2012; Saz-Carranza et al., 2016; Vangen & Huxham, 2003). This
limits our interpretation of power and trust as it fails to uncover some similari-
ties and interactions between these two elusive concepts. Through a dyadic
perspective that bridges these two concepts together, we identify certain impor-
tant similarities and interactions between different dimensions of power and
trust, such as their sources, types, and effects, all of which are helpful to further
our understanding of these two critical concepts in collaborative governance.
From the practical perspective, as collaborative governance is full of para-
doxes (Huxham et al., 2000), carrying the dynamics of dependency, coopera-
tion, competition, and conflict, neither power nor trust alone can make the
collaboration work effectively in practice. Focusing on the independent role
4 Administration & Society 00(0)
of power or trust leads to difficulties in dealing with certain challenges in
collaboration, such as time and cost consuming resulted from trust building
(Ansell & Gash, 2008); questions on authority, transparency, and account-
ability caused by power disparities among participants (Purdy, 2012); and
threats to the performance of collaboration due to stalemate and inaction pro-
voked by pursuing inappropriate equality in power relationship (Gray, 1985).
The dyadic analysis of power and trust used in this article provides a different
way of thinking and solving these issues. Taking advantage of some underly-
ing relationships between different dimensions of power and trust provides
important managerial implications in collaborative governance, which can
help participants consider their power and trusting relationships with each
other simultaneously and explore some useful strategies in coordinating their
interactions more effectively.
This article is organized as follows: We will first provide a critical review
on power and trust in collaborative governance, and then propose three rela-
tionships and seven propositions between power and trust in the context of
collaborative governance. We conclude this article with a discussion of con-
ceptual similarities between power and trust, trust-based power and power-
based trust, as well as a set of managerial implications for participants to
manage power and trust in collaboration.
Power and Trust in Collaborative Governance
In this section, we will first review some general conceptualization of power and
trust that is primary in literature to provide a basic introduction of these two
complex concepts, such as their definitions and widely used typologies. Because
this article discusses power and trust in the context of collaborative governance
at organizational (meso and macro) levels rather than at interpersonal (micro)
level, we will focus on some dimensions of power and trust that have been dis-
cussed frequently in collaborative governance literature, such as power asym-
metry, power, and trust building in interorganizational interactions.
Power in Collaborative Governance
Essentially, power is a property of a relationship (R. M. Emerson, 1962), refer-
ring to a potential ability of controlling or influencing others (individuals,
groups, or organizations). The control or influence can be conceptualized in
terms of evoking an influence or change in others’ behaviors (Bachrach &
Baratz, 1962; Dahl, 1957; Hunt & Nevin, 1974) or manipulating others’
desires, attitudes, and behaviors through social structure and cultural patterns
(Dawson, 1996; Lister, 2000; Lukes, 1974). Scholars categorize power in
Ran and Qi 5
many different ways, such as a widely used typology proposed by French and
Raven (1959) where power was categorized into reward power, coercive
power, legitimate power, referent power, and expert power. A binary categori-
zation is also frequently used: coercive or noncoercive (Ireland & Webb,
2007). Coercive power refers to the actors’ ability to control negative or unde-
sired outcomes through punishment or threatened sanctions (French & Raven,
1959; Molm, 1997). Noncoercive power is the ability to promote positive or
desired outcomes by providing or withholding rewards (Molm, 1997).
In recent years, scholars have made good attempts in expanding the con-
ceptualization of power beyond individual or group exercising power, which
is helpful in studying power in the context of interorganizational collabora-
tion. For example, Crosby and Bryson (2005) used structuration theory spe-
cifically to understand power in settings where no one is in charge. Power is
viewed as organizational controls of ideas, resources, rules, modes, media,
and methods in interorganizational dynamics. Applying this understanding of
power in collaborative governance, what literature recognized as ambiguous,
complex, and rapid changing nature of power in collaboration (Huxham
et al., 2000; Purdy, 2012) could be elucidated by a framework that delineates
the influencing factors in power relationship in a collaborative network (Ran
& Qi, 2017).
To understand power in collaborative governance, Huxham and Vangen
(2005) proposed two levels of power in interorganizational relations: the
macro level and micro level. The macro-level power is about various sources
of power and the power shift from one partner to another with the transfer of
power sources between partnering organizations. The power sources are
“macro” as they are related to groups, organizations, or networks rather than
to individuals in collaborations (Huxham & Beech, 2008). The micro-level
perspective on power focuses on the way in which power is enacted by indi-
viduals (who are often the representatives of partnering organizations) or the
partnering organization (as a collective entity) during the daily interaction in
collaboration, such as managing membership and setting agenda (Huxham &
Vangen, 2005). For instance, reward or coercive power exists when some
representatives (at micro level) perceive that other partners can use resources
(at macro level) to control or influence them by rewarding for compliance or
by punishing for noncompliance (Purdy, 2012).
In collaborative governance, power-related issues have been analyzed
extensively, such as major sources of power (Hardy & Phillips, 1998), differ-
ent arenas of power (Purdy, 2012), and factors affecting power relationship
(Hardy & Phillips, 1998), among which power asymmetry has been regarded
as the most critical issue (Huxham et al., 2000; Provan & Milward, 2001;
Purdy, 2012). To address the problems caused by power asymmetry,
6 Administration & Society 00(0)
researchers advocated power sharing as a solution (Berkes, 2010; Huxham
et al., 2000). Power sharing can produce ethos of cooperation and trust
(Linder, 1999); promote sharing of responsibility, knowledge, and risk
(Linder, 1999); establish firm partnerships (Carmichael & Knox, 1999);
secure legitimacy of governance (Jentoft, van Son, & Bjørkan, 2007); and
reduce fragmentation (Ehler, 2003). Difficulties in power sharing have also
been recognized, such as the time-consuming process of fostering trust to
share power, stalemate, and inaction caused by poor implementation of power
and failed collaboration due to unwillingness to share power (Coff, 1999;
Gray, 1985).
All of these conceptualizations of power constitute the major power
mechanisms, which affect actors’ behaviors in face of different possibili-
ties (Luhmann, 1979) and coordinate social interactions between actors
(Bachmann, 2001). They provide a sound base for scholars to further
investigate power issues in collaborative governance.
Trust in Collaborative Governance
Similar to power, trust has also been studied in different disciplines, all char-
acterizing trust in terms of “confident expectations” and “willingness to be
vulnerable” (Bozaykut & Gurbuz, 2015; Carnevale & Wechsler, 1992; Mayer,
Davis, & Schoorman, 1995; Rousseau, Sitkin, Burt, & Camerer, 1998). Trust
implies confident expectations of outcomes of an uncertain event, with one
party willing to give up the control over outcomes and to be vulnerable to
risks from another party (Hosmer, 1995; Zand, 1972). A trustor’s confident
expectations come from a trustee’s certain characteristics perceived by the
trustor. Three characteristics of a trustee are prominently discussed in litera-
ture (Mayer et al., 1995; Mayer & Gavin, 2005): ability (about skills and
competencies), benevolence (about good motivation), and integrity (about
adherence to moral and ethical principles). A trustor can be betrayed or
undermined if the trustee is proved to lack such characteristics to realize the
trustor’s confident expectations. The risks of trust include partners’ opportu-
nistic action and inability to perform (Currall, 1992; Inkpen & Currall, 1998,
2004). The risks of trust may even result in considerable losses for the trustor
and damages for a relationship when trust is misplaced (Bachmann, 2001).
To cultivate trusting relationship in collaborative governance, both inter-
personal and interorganizational levels of trust should be taken into account,
because individuals as points of contact between organizations and partner-
ing organizations represented by these individuals are important for trust
building in collaborative governance. Interpersonal trust has two noteworthy
types: affect- and cognition-based trust (Blomqvist, 1997; Lewis & Weigert,
Ran and Qi 7
1985; McAllister, 1995). Affect-based trust consists of emotional bonds, in
which genuine care and concern for the welfare of partners are invested.
Cognition-based trust is based on the economic rationality to generate ratio-
nal reasons for trust. Interpersonal notion of trust can be extended to the inter-
organizational level, referring to the extent to which members of one
organization have a collective trust orientation toward another organization
(Dyer & Chu, 2000; Jeffries & Reed, 2000; Zaheer, McEvily, & Perrone,
1998). This collective trust orientation can be linked to the predictability of a
partnering organization’s behavior toward a vulnerable focal organization,
reflecting the confidence of the focal organization in its partnership with
another organization (Gulati & Nickerson, 2008). Yet the collectively held
trust orientation is not the simple aggregation of trust attitudes of all individu-
als in an organization because not all organizational members are equally
involved in organizational interactions with another organization due to the
unequal power distribution within an organization (Blomqvist & Ståhle,
2000; Janowicz-Panjaitan & Krishnan, 2009).
In collaborative governance, trust, both at the interpersonal level and
interorganizational level, is produced and reproduced through interactions
over time. Interorganizational trust is tied to interpersonal trust through insti-
tutionalization (Sydow, 1998; Zaheer et al., 1998), started when individuals
as points of contact between organizations developed trust orientation on
each other during the collaborative work. Trust can be further strengthened,
recreated, patterned, and institutionalized throughout the collaborating orga-
nizations as the interaction continues (Zaheer et al., 1998). Through collabo-
ration and interaction, interpersonal trust of the points-of-contact individuals
will affect the trust orientation of other organizational members toward the
partnering organization (Zaheer et al., 1998). As this trust orientation becomes
institutionalized, an interorganizational trust is formed, which will further
serve as a behavioral constraint on both organizations and individuals.
Trust has been identified as a key factor in collaborative governance (K.
Emerson et al., 2012; Huxham & Vangen, 2005) because it can ensure adher-
ence to agreed rules (Lyon, 2006); promote understanding of others’ interests,
needs, and values (Ring & Van de Ven, 1994; Thomson & Perry, 2006); and
improve performance (Child, 2001). Low level of trust will produce a series
of problems in collaboration, such as insufficient commitment, strategies of
manipulation, and dishonest communications (Ansell & Gash, 2008). Yet
trust building is a time- and effort-consuming process (Henneman, Lee, &
Cohen, 1995), in which repeated and quality interactions (K. Emerson et al.,
2012), successful past actions and cooperation (Vangen & Huxham, 1998),
and sufficient competence of partners (Blomqvist, 1997; Blomqvist & Ståhle,
2000) are needed.
8 Administration & Society 00(0)
Relationship Between Power and Trust in Collaborative
Governance
The relationship between power and trust is generally believed as two-sided,
both complementary and opposing (Bozaykut & Gurbuz, 2015; Ireland &
Webb, 2007). For example, Luhmann (1979) argued power and trust are
functionally equivalent alternative mechanisms in coordinating communica-
tion and social interaction. While coercive power may have negative effects
on trust building (Frost & Moussavi, 1992) and there is almost no simultane-
ous coexist of coercive power and trust in relationships (Ireland & Webb,
2007), some other types of power, such as expert and referent power that can
be exerted noncoercively, can exist simultaneously with trust (Fedor &
Ramsay, 2007; Ireland & Webb, 2007). In collaborative governance, scholars
believe that power asymmetry will undermine trust, and the excessive use of
power will also do harm to trust (Gray, 1989). Built from these prior studies,
we argue a contingent relationship between power and trust. We believe that
the negative influences from power asymmetry and positive influences from
power sharing on trust are not absolute but contingent upon many factors,
such as different types of power exercised in collaboration. This contingent
perspective (Ran & Qi, 2017) provides a holistic understanding of power
asymmetry, power sharing, different types of power, and trust building in the
dynamic context of collaboration.
The relationship between power and trust has also been revealed
largely through the control function shared by power and trust. Power can
be considered as an important mechanism of control when exerted
(Geringer & Hebert, 1989; Reed, 2001). Trust is also believed as a spe-
cific type of control mechanism in social interaction (Merchant, 1985),
which is a substitute mechanism for hierarchical control (Ring & Van de
Ven, 1994). Researchers found that displays of power become a substitute
for trust when there is a failure or deficiency of trust between actors
(Bozaykut & Gurbuz, 2015). Participants may also resort to power due to
its easiness to exercise compared with spending time and effort to foster
and maintain trust (Bachmann, 2001; Bozaykut & Gurbuz, 2015).
Extending this perspective, in this article, we will explore major functions
shared by power and trust in collaboration. By exploring the shared
sources of power and trust in collaboration, we argue that both power and
trust can contribute to the formation of collective goals, group consensus
and shared values, the improvement of participants’ compliance with
other partners, and the enhancement of the legitimacy of collaboration.
Complementary to the control function, all of these functions also play a
significant role in promoting collaboration by reducing risks caused by
opportunistic behaviors.
Ran and Qi 9
Moreover, as discussed previously, many scholars propose power sharing as a
solution to power asymmetry in collaboration and encourage participants to pur-
suit power sharing to enhance the effectiveness of collaboration (Berkes, 2010;
Carmichael & Knox, 1999; Ehler, 2003; Huxham et al., 2000; Jentoft et al., 2007;
Linder, 1999). In this article, we propose trust building as a supplemental mecha-
nism in tackling power asymmetry. When the existing power relationship is well
established and promoted, or when power is difficult to share due to some histori-
cal or bureaucratic reasons, trust building will make participants more competent
to ameliorate issues resulted from power asymmetry. Through trust building, par-
ticipants’ abilities, such as identifying appropriate members to collaborate with,
making agreement on collaboration goals, managing risks associated with oppor-
tunistic behaviors and vulnerability, and dealing with dynamics coming from
environmental context, can be improved (Vangen & Huxham, 2003), which will
help participants to handle the problems brought forth by power asymmetry.
Indeed, scholars tend to argue that trust is a beneficial factor in coordinat-
ing partners’ relationships because it can relief some negative outcomes
caused by the exercise of power. However, we argue that although trust build-
ing is critical in collaboration, attention should also be paid to potential draw-
backs of the extreme case of trust, blind trust, in collaborative governance.
Blind trust can lead to the loss of collaborative advantages due to limited
innovation and creativity (De Wever, Martens, & Vandenbempt, 2005;
Jeffries & Reed, 2000). Blind trust could also lead to potential loss of suffi-
cient mutual trust in collaboration if the trustees behave opportunistically
(Nooteboom, Berger, & Noorderhaven, 1997). As a result, participants’ con-
fidence in their relationship with others is weakened. This failure or defi-
ciency of trust can increase the tendency of using power as a substitute for
trust to handle collaborative dynamics (Bozaykut & Gurbuz, 2015), or some
participants may even withdraw from the collaboration, which will result in
more challenges in managing power relationships between partners.
In the following sections, we will detail three relationships and seven
propositions between power and trust in collaborative governance, and then
discuss the conceptual similarities between power and trust as a “twin” con-
cept and the entangled dynamics in terms of trust-based power and power-
based trust. We will end our discussion by exploring some managerial
implications that are useful in developing strategies to manage power and
trust in collaboration.
Three Relationships Between Power and Trust in
Collaborative Governance
In this section, we provide a dyadic analysis of power and trust to facilitate a
more comprehensive understanding of them in collaborative governance.
10 Administration & Society 00(0)
Three relationships and seven corresponding propositions regarding power
and trust in collaboration are identified.
Relationship 1: Shared Sources of Power and Trust in
Collaborative Governance
The dynamic relationship between power and trust in collaborative gover-
nance starts from the bases or sources shared by them. Power and trust root
in some shared sources, which are important for the management of power
relationship and cultivation of trust in collaboration. As we mentioned in the
previous section, sources of power and the shift of these power sources are at
the macro level in collaborative governance, which are relevant to participant
organizations rather than individuals who represent their organizations. It is
true that power sources can derive from individuals in general, but in the
specific context of collaborative governance, individuals as representatives
of participant organizations are the people who enact power rather than actual
entities who have power sources. It is the partnering organizations that pos-
sess power sources and form the macro-power context. Therefore, when we
consider the similar sources shared by power and trust in collaborative gov-
ernance, we start with the primary sources of power at the organizational
level, which have been widely discussed in collaborative governance litera-
ture, including authority, resource control, and discursive legitimacy (Hardy
& Phillips, 1998; Purdy, 2012). We argue that these power sources are also
significant in generating trust among participants in collaboration.
Authority. Authority is a socially acknowledged and legitimate right to exer-
cise judgment, make a decision, or take actions (Astley & Sachdeva, 1984;
Purdy, 2012). Purdy (2012) argued that authority is different from power and
contradicts with coercive force although it may be achieved coercively. Peo-
ple could exert power by virtue of their noncoercive, socially acknowledged,
and legitimate right. In collaboration, power rooted in authority can rest with
one particular participant or be dispersed among different participants (Hardy
& Phillips, 1998).
Authority as a socially acknowledged and legitimate right implies group
consensus, shared values, and promotion of collective goals (Grimes, 1978),
which will encourage reciprocity, increase the degree of adaption among
partners, and reduce the possibility of opportunistic behaviors, all of which
are important sources of trust in collaboration (Das & Teng, 1998; Heide &
John, 1992; Larson, 1992; Ouchi, 1980). When partners’ goals and interests
are bonded through consensus and the authority of partners who exert power
is accepted, they are more willing to adjust their own needs and behavioral
Ran and Qi 11
patterns in collaboration and do favors instead of hurting each other. Thus,
the collective goals, group consensus, and shared values associated with the
power holders’ authority will enhance trust in collaboration.
Resource control. Resource control as a source of power has been empha-
sized in many studies (Astley & Sachdeva, 1984; K. S. Cook, 1977).
Resource refers to any valued activity, service, or commodity (K. S. Cook,
1977), tangible or intangible. Controlling critical resources needed by oth-
ers and the asymmetry in resource control can create dependency among
actors, which will lead to power asymmetry (Casciaro & Piskorski, 2005;
R. M. Emerson, 1962).
As we discussed in the previous section, affect- and cognition-based trust
are two notable types of trust. The building of cognition-based trust among
partners is closely related to resource control in collaborative settings.
Cognition-based trust is based on rational choice in the interaction of eco-
nomic change (Rousseau et al., 1998), during which trust emerges when the
trustor perceives the benefits performed by a trustee’s action. According to
resource dependence theory, a crucial precondition of collaboration is that
participants can obtain some critical resources from other partners in collabo-
ration that they otherwise cannot get access to (Wood & Gray, 1991). In this
situation, those participants who can bring critical resources to their partners
and benefit the collaboration are more likely to obtain their partners’ cogni-
tion-based trust. This cognition-based trust relying on calculation and ratio-
nal choice appears more often in the early formation process of collaboration
(Child, 2001).
The resources controlled by participants also indicate participants’ ability
in benefiting partners in collaboration. Trust often stems from the belief that
a given partner with sufficient resources will have the ability to properly per-
form a given set of tasks in the partnership (Ireland & Webb, 2007; Mayer
et al., 1995). From this analysis, resource control is a source for both power
and trust in collaborative arrangements.
Discursive legitimacy. Legitimacy is defined as “a generalized perception or
assumption that the actions of an entity are desirable, proper, or appropriate
within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs, and defi-
nitions” (Suchman, 1995, p. 574). A variety of “strategies” or “tactics” to
obtain or preserve legitimacy are discursive in nature (Phillips, Lawrence,
& Hardy, 2004; Seidl, Sanderson, & Roberts, 2013), resting heavily on the
interactive process of conveying ideas in a discourse through which we
construct, interpret, discuss, and analyze problems (Seidl et al., 2013; Stef-
fek, 2009; Suchman, 1995).
12 Administration & Society 00(0)
Power derived from discursive legitimacy is rooted in society (Huxham &
Vangen, 2005), and it becomes stronger when the values, norms, and beliefs
represented by power holders are widely shared and relatively uncontested
(Purdy, 2012). In collaborative governance, when a participant can speak of
a socially important or collectively desired issue, discursive legitimacy will
afford them more power in some key arenas such as prioritization and fram-
ing of issues to be addressed (Purdy, 2012).
Discursive legitimacy is also a source of trust between partners. Through
discursive process of sense giving and sense making (Weick, 1995), partici-
pants’ compliance with values, norms, and beliefs can be developed in col-
laboration. Based on this compliance, participants are more likely to perceive
benevolence and integrity from each other and have positive response to the
participants within their own groups and partnerships, viewing them as more
trustworthy (Williams, 2001). Moreover, participants with more discursive
legitimacy can exert more influences on the prioritization and dominance of
the important issues identified in collaboration (Purdy, 2012), upon which
diverse goals of participants can be converged. These participants with dis-
cursive legitimacy can obtain more trust from others by framing or represent-
ing these convergent goals shared in collaboration.
In summary, authority, resource control, and discursive legitimacy serve
as profound sources of power and trust, which makes power and trust become
“twin” concepts that are rooted in these shared sources. The effective
enhancement of these three shared sources will promote a participant’s access
to power and gain of trust in collaboration. Based on these arguments, we
suggest the following proposition:
Proposition 1: The increasing acquisition of shared sources through author-
ity, resource control, and discursive legitimacy positively contributes to
both participant’s access to power and gain of trust in collaboration.
Relationship 2: Influence of Power Relationship on Trust
Building in Collaborative Governance
Both collective identity formation and justice preservation are believed as
critical factors for trust building (Child, 2001; Das & Teng, 1998; Korsgaard,
Schweiger, & Sapienza, 1995; Kramer, 1993; Rousseau et al., 1998), but both
of them will encounter some challenges due to a primary concern on the rela-
tive power of participants in collaboration, that is, power asymmetry and
power sharing (Ansell & Gash, 2008; Hardy & Phillips, 1998; Huxham et al.,
2000; Purdy, 2012; Saz-Carranza et al., 2016; Vangen & Huxham, 2003).
When participating in a collaboration, participants’ individual identities are at
Ran and Qi 13
stake if their autonomous goals differ from the collaboration’s goals, and
participants tend to protect their own identities by having individual control
over collaboration. In this case, it is unavoidable for participants to construct
a new collective identity for the collaboration (Thomson & Perry, 2006).
Similarly, the challenges to justice preservation are also unavoidable in col-
laboration in that asymmetrically distributed power will always impact jus-
tice among participants.
Influence of power relationship on collective identity. An important reality in col-
laborative governance is that participants share a dual identity: distinct self-
identity separated from (although simultaneously with) a collective identity
(Thomson & Perry, 2006). Self-identity focuses on the distinct attributes,
autonomy, and self-goals (Thomson & Perry, 2006), while collective identity
“addresses the ‘we-ness’ of a group, stressing the similarities or shared attri-
butes around which group members coalesce” (Cerulo, 1997, p. 386). This
dual identity leads to the intrinsic tension between self-interest and collabora-
tive interest as well as dilemma between autonomy of individual organiza-
tions and accountability to other partners (Huxham, 1996; Thomson & Perry,
2006). Compared with self-identity, the reinforcement of collective identity
can enhance an actor’s perception of trusting relationship with other partners
(De Cremer & Van Vugt, 1998).
Partners in collaboration protect their self-identities by maintaining indi-
vidual control rather than sharing control with others (Thomson & Perry,
2006). Power is asymmetric; powerful participants can have more power to
control others and emphasize their own identities, interests, and goals,
especially when their own interests and goals conflict with those of the col-
laboration. The emphasis on self-identity and ignoring collective identity
can increase the uncertainty and vulnerability for less powerful partici-
pants, decreasing their trust in collaboration. Comparatively, if power is
shared, participants will have stronger collective identity because of their
stronger perception that the collaboration is based on equal inclusion, suf-
ficient representativeness, as well as share accountability, congruent goal,
and collective interests. This strong collective identity can breed trust by
reducing uncertainty and vulnerability yet enhancing mutual dependency in
collaboration.
Influence of power relationship on justice preservation. Justice is an important
element of integrity (Colquitt, Scott, & LePine, 2007). Justice preservation is
critical for trust building in interorganizational cooperation (Das & Teng,
1998; Korsgaard et al., 1995). Procedure justice and distributive justice are
two related components of overall equity or fairness in creating trust (Kumar,
14 Administration & Society 00(0)
1996). A fair procedure is essential for institutional legitimacy through which
trust can be created (Cropanzana, Bowen, & Gilliland, 2007). Otherwise, par-
ticipants who perceive the unfair procedure may resort to opportunistic
behaviors to achieve their goals. Equity in outcome distribution is important
for trust building as well (Greenberg, 1987; Kay & Hagan, 2003). Calculative
trust tells us that trust can rest on calculation of relative costs and benefits of
each alternative (Child, 2001), and the perceived failure in distributive justice
can undermine participants’ calculative trust due to their loss of benefits.
Power asymmetry may negatively affect justice in collaboration because
participants with more power tend to focus on their own goals with less atten-
tion to others’ needs (Galinsky, Magee, Inesi, & Gruenfeld, 2006; Kipnis,
1976). This will make high-power participants less likely to treat others fairly
and prevent them from caring about the norms to act fairly (Blader & Chen,
2012), which will undermine both cognition-based and affect-based trust.
The possibility of opportunistic behaviors conducted by powerful ones may
increase, which makes weaker participants feel unconfident and results in the
decline of their trust.
Different from power asymmetry, power sharing can promote participants’
perceptions of fairness in collaborative process by enhancing representative-
ness, inclusion, and equal influence (Gray, 1985; Purdy, 2012), especially for
less powerful but more vulnerable ones. In addition, a fair procedure of deci-
sion making in collaboration needs participants to share responsibilities and
risks, which can be promoted by power sharing as well (Linder, 1999).
Participants can also perceive more distribution justice when they share power
with each other because the equity of outcome distribution relies on procedure
justice to a great extent. The preservation of justice promoted by power shar-
ing can cultivate trusting relationship among partners in collaboration.
Different types of power as contingency factors. We argue that the influences of
power relationship, either power sharing or power asymmetry, on trust build-
ing are not absolute but contingent upon different types of power. Generally
speaking, two commonly used types of power, coercive and noncoercive
power, can moderate the influences of power relationship on trust building.
French and Raven (1959) identified five types of power: expert power, refer-
ent power, legitimate power, reward power, and coercive power. The first
four types of power are often exerted in a noncoercive manner (Molm, 1997),
although some of them, such as legitimate power, can be exerted coercively.
The different influences of power and power asymmetry on trust building can
be impacted when power holders have sufficient competencies (expert
power), enjoy personal admire (reference power), influence others by inter-
nalized values and accepted obligations (legitimate power), and improve
Ran and Qi 15
other participants’ positive calculation of interests (reward power) (Nichol-
son, Compeau, & Sethi, 2001; Wahl, Kastlunger, & Kirchler, 2010). These
four kinds of noncoercive power could cultivate trusting relationship by pro-
viding more profound sources of trust (Butler & Cantrell, 1984), producing
consensus among partners (Ireland & Webb, 2007), promoting innovation to
address threats (Cox, 2001), and enhancing legitimacy and stability to the
relationship (Ireland & Webb, 2007; C. Oliver, 1990). Differently, coercive
power is based on exercise of force (French & Raven, 1959), which can
impede trust building as it may decrease rewards for participants and increase
retaliation between partners (Ireland & Webb, 2007).
In summary, power sharing is beneficial for trust building while power
asymmetry in collaboration brings difficulties in generating mutual trust
between partners. Nevertheless, noncoercive and coercive power are impor-
tant contingencies affecting trust building in collaboration. Based on these
arguments, we suggest the following propositions:
Proposition 2a1: Power asymmetry negatively influences trust building,
yet the more noncoercive the power exercised in collaboration is, the less
negative the influence of power asymmetry is on trust building.
Proposition 2a2: Power asymmetry negatively influences trust building,
and the more coercive the power exercised in collaboration is, the more
negative the influence of power asymmetry is on trust building.
Proposition 2b1: Power sharing positively influences trust building, and
the more noncoercive the power exercised in collaboration is, the more
positive the influence of power sharing is on trust building.
Proposition 2b2: Power sharing positively influences trust building, yet
the more coercive the power exercised in collaboration is, the less positive
the influence of power sharing is on trust building.
Relationship 3: Influence of Trust Building on the Management
of Power Relationship in Collaborative Governance
Researchers have emphasized the necessity of having a trusting relationship
for successful collaborations (Das & Teng, 1998; Gray, 1985; Huxham et al.,
2000; McGuire, 2006; Vangen & Huxham, 2003). The failure or deficiency
of trust will make actors resort to pursuing and exerting power as a substitute
mechanism to coordinate their interactions with others (Bozaykut & Gurbuz,
2015). In collaborative governance where power is almost always distributed
asymmetrically, sufficient levels of trust is a lubricant for collaborative trans-
actions and a soft control mechanism to manage power relationships even if
certain partners are dominant in the collaboration (Das & Teng, 1998; A. L.
16 Administration & Society 00(0)
Oliver, 1997; Ring, 1997; Vangen & Huxham, 2003). The positive influences
of trust building on the management of power relationship are fundamentally
based on the characteristics of trust and the small-wins strategy for trust
building. However, trust building cannot always benefit the management of
power relationships. The extreme case of trust, blind trust, will negatively
affect the management of power relationships in collaboration.
Positive influence based on the characteristics of trust. Two basic characteristics
of trust, confident expectations and willingness to be vulnerable, can help
participants manage their power relationships in collaboration. Confident
expectations imply the faith in others’ ethical, fair, and nonthreatening inten-
tions and actions in a relationship (Carnevale & Wechsler, 1992; J. Cook &
Wall, 1980). Willingness to be vulnerable means trustors are willing to place
themselves in potential jeopardy or risks of others’ future behaviors (Car-
nevale & Wechsler, 1992; Hosmer, 1995). Confident expectations and will-
ingness to be vulnerable provide foundations for Lukes’s (1974) perspective
of power, which argues that the power from A on B makes B voluntarily
willing to do what A wants. This “voluntary willingness” can be promoted by
trust building between A and B because high levels of trust enhance B’s con-
fident expectations about the outcome of A’s use of power as well as the
willingness of taking the risks caused by A’s use of power. Trust building, as
a lubricant for the interaction between A and B, is thus a soft mechanism that
contributes to managing power relationships in collaboration.
Positive influence based on small-wins strategy. Small-wins strategy is a useful
approach to coordinating the interactions among partners in collaboration by
providing positive-feedback loop into collaborative process (Bajwa, Kitchlew,
Shahzad, & Rehman, 2018). When small-wins strategy is used in trust building,
it is helpful for managing power relationships in collaboration. Based on small-
wins strategy, participants build trust gradually by getting started on some
actions with partners and achieving some small positive outcomes, without hav-
ing to deal with all aspects of trust building (Bryson, 1988; Vangen & Huxham,
2003). Through small-wins approach, participants can take limited risks and
gradually achieve their goals rather than putting themselves into highly risky
situations. With the increased achievement of small positive outcomes and
decreased risks, participants tend to be more confident in their partners and more
willing to accept the power relationship formed and stabilized in this process.
Participants’ abilities to manage power issues can also be improved when build-
ing trust through small-wins strategy (Vangen & Huxham, 2003), such as iden-
tifying appropriate collaborating members, making agreement on collaboration
aims, managing risks associated with opportunistic behaviors and vulnerability,
Ran and Qi 17
dealing with dynamics coming from environmental context, avoiding radical
challenges in a stable power relationship, and maximizing power sharing among
partners. Some small-wins can also be produced in the process of managing
power relationships in collaboration, and then provide the positive-feedback
loop into collaboration for trust building among partners. This positive-feedback
loop derived from small-wins strategy is critical for understanding the relation-
ship between power and trust in collaborative governance.
Negative influence of blind trust. An extreme case of trust building is blind
trust, referring to trustors’ largely unconditional perception and expectation
that their trustees are trustworthy and could be given full discretion to behave
(Brenkert, 1998; Williamson, 1993). Blind trust will lead to some unhealthy
situations in interorganizational collaboration (Edelenbos & Klijn, 2007),
such as impediment of innovation and creativity as well as increased risks for
the trusting party.
The first unhealthy situation has to do with the loss of collaborative advan-
tages due to the impediment of innovation and creativity. Innovation and cre-
ativity are important collaborative advantages in solving complex issues
(Rogers & Weber, 2010). However, blind trust in collaboration is likely to
cause participants think alike (Edelenbos & Klijn, 2007), accommodate
excessively or please other partners (Bidault & Castello, 2010; Kern, 2000),
have too much faith in partners’ actions (Edelenbos & Klijn, 2007), and even
generate groupthink (Janis, 1972), all of which will hamper innovation and
creativity (De Wever et al., 2005; Jeffries & Reed, 2000).
The second unhealthy situation caused by blind trust relates to potential
risks taken by the trusting party. Trust can influence power positions between
partners (Baier, 1986; Sydow, 1998), helping the trustee obtain more power
than the trustor. When trust becomes blind, it will produce an extremely
unbalanced power relationship between partners. The trustees become
extremely powerful and can easily conduct opportunistic behaviors while the
trustors will recognize the risky situations that go beyond their expectations
sooner or later (Nooteboom et al., 1997). Once opportunistic behaviors are
conducted by the trustee, trustors are more likely to feel unsatisfied with their
partners. Their previous mutual trust will easily be damaged or even turned
into distrust (Edelenbos & Klijn, 2007; Nooteboom et al., 1997).
As these two unhealthy situations can increase participants’ dissatisfac-
tion, diminish their trust, or even lead to distrust on the collaborative relation-
ship, participants tend to have strong perceptions of uncertainty and
vulnerability. When participants perceive the uncertainty and vulnerability
unacceptable, they will either enhance their own influences on the collabora-
tive process, especially decision-making process, by acquiring and exerting
18 Administration & Society 00(0)
more power, or withdraw from the collaboration, both of which will impose
more difficulties in managing power relationships in collaboration.
To sum up, trust building can contribute to the management of power rela-
tionship between partners because of the characteristics of trust and small-
wins strategy. Nevertheless, blind trust will bring in a set of problems that
increase the difficulties for managing power dynamics in collaboration.
Based on these arguments, we suggest the following propositions:
Proposition 3a: Through promoting confident expectations and willing-
ness to be vulnerable as well as employing small-wins strategy, trust
building will positively influence the management of power relationship.
Proposition 3b: Blind trust leads to the loss of some collaborative advan-
tages and the excessive risks taken by trustors that will cause disappoint-
ment or even distrust, thereby negatively influences the management of
power relationship.
Discussion
In this article, power and trust in collaborative governance are treated as
entangled twins rather than one causing the other. Different from the causal-
ity that can identify which concept comes first and which concept causes the
other, power and trust always come together like a “twin,” share similar
sources, and entangle with each other. That is, as twins, power and trust
largely share same sources and enjoy significant conceptual similarities.
However, as entangled twins, power and trust co-existed in any social rela-
tion, generating a complex interplay between them.
Power and Trust as Entangled Twins
We argue that besides the same sources discussed earlier, the concepts of power
and trust share some conceptual similarities as well, a critical aspect in analyz-
ing their interplay. Fundamentally, both power and trust are relational constructs,
in which certain patterns of attitudes and behaviors exist among different actors.
Power is a property of relationship based on the dependence between actors,
either balanced or imbalanced (R. M. Emerson, 1962). Similarly, trust involves
a relationship between the trustor and trustee, indicating that the trustor usually
has positive expectations and willingness to be vulnerable in the trusting rela-
tionship with the trustee. Furthermore, both power and trust have perceptual
basis, relevant to the perception of participants in a relationship. Power relates to
power recipients’ perceptions of others’ ability to control or influence them,
either in a coercive or noncoercive way. The perceptual aspect of trust is about a
Ran and Qi 19
faith in others’ will, ability, and behavior. Last but not the least, both power and
trust are reciprocal concepts. One actor exerting power or acting to trust will be
reciprocated for such behavior simultaneously or at a future point of time,
though the degree of reciprocated power and trust between them are not neces-
sarily the same. The actor exerting power will affect the desire and behaviors of
power recipients who will also, in turn, influence the power holder’s decision
and action. Trust is reciprocal in terms of the goodwill of mutual benefits
between actors (Carnevale & Wechsler, 1992).
Power and trust, as twin concepts, are two crucial mechanisms entangled
in managing interorganizational relationships in collaboration. On one hand,
trust can serve as a base of power, making this type of trust-based power as
innocuous “façade of trust” that is less visible, taken-for-granted, and stable
(Hardy, Phillips, & Lawrence, 1998; Kroeger, 2012). Through acquiring the
shared sources, trustors can obtain more power and preserve this power by
building trust to influence the trustees’ perceptions, cognitions, and prefer-
ences. This trust-based power is consistent with Lukes’s (1974) conception of
power from social construction perspective. Power relationships based on
trust has the potential to be more effective and enduring as it is viewed as
natural and beneficial by participants (Kroeger, 2012; Lukes, 1974). However,
when a trusting relationship evolved into blind trust, the impediment of inno-
vative solutions to complex problems and high risks of trustees’ opportunistic
behaviors may undermine the benefits of trustors and cause trustors’ disap-
pointment sooner or later, which will ultimately diminish trust or even lead to
distrust, thus further damage the trust-based power.
On the other hand, power plays a significant role in building trust, espe-
cially in the production of institutionalized trust (Kroeger, 2012). Similar to
trust-based power, the sources shared by power and trust also contribute to
generating power-based trust when power holders obtain or control these
shared sources effectively. During the interaction between actors, to foster
shared meaning and compliant behaviors, power holders can use their power
to determine formal institutional rules and templates regulating participants’
behaviors as well as to affect informal routines and practices shaping partici-
pants’ perceptions, cognitions, and preferences (Hardy et al., 1998; Kroeger,
2012). All of these formal and informal factors constitute a set of institutional
patterns through which trust can be cultivated. When these institutional pat-
terns are formed under the influence of power, trust is ingrained in the power
relationships in which conflicts between actors are less observable.
Nevertheless, if the power relationship is so asymmetrical that it leads to
excessive actual and observable conflicts between partners, this type of
power-based trust will be at risk due to the resistance and challenges from
trustors whose benefits are undermined excessively by powerful ones.
20 Administration & Society 00(0)
Managerial Implications
In this article, to interpret the complex dynamics of power and trust, we ana-
lyzed three important dyadic relationships between them, which are helpful
for practitioners managing interorganizational relationships in collaborative
governance.
First, participants should manage power asymmetry and build trust by
obtaining more similar sources (authority, resource control, and discursive
legitimacy) shared by power and trust. If participants can improve their abil-
ity to obtain and use these shared sources, they can exert their power based
on sufficient trust from their partners. Trust based on these shared sources can
also legitimize and strengthen power relationships in collaboration. Both
power and trust coming from these shared sources can contribute to securing
commitment from members, building legitimacy for the collaboration, and
creating a favorable environment for productive interaction, which are sig-
nificant factors in managing a collaborative network (Mandell, 2001).
Therefore, it is important for different participants to recognize and enhance
the particular authority they have, the useful resources they control, and the
specific discursive legitimacy they can increase.
For example, different from nonprofit and private organizations, a govern-
ment’s authority is tied to its legitimate right of establishing and enforcing
rules in governance (Purdy, 2012). If the government as a participant can
enhance this authority by establishing and enforcing rules in collaborative
governance appropriately, it can legitimize its exercise of power, promote
reciprocity, increase adaption, and reduce opportunistic behaviors in collabo-
ration, all of which can cultivate other partners’ trust on it. Participants also
need to evaluate what resources they control are needed by other partners in
collaboration, such as human resource, financial resource, and technology,
and then benefit other partners and the collaboration by providing these
resources effectively to have a solid foundation for obtaining power and gen-
erating trust from other partners. In addition, based on various roles played
by different types of participant organizations in a society, it is critical for
them to speak on behalf of certain important values of norms of a society. For
instance, when environmental organizations collaborate with government
and other private organizations, they can focus on speaking on behalf of the
societally important ideal of ecological preservation to obtain more power
and trust in collaboration (Purdy, 2012).
Second, participants should build trust under certain power arrangements
by exerting power in a noncoercive way. In practice, noncoercive way of
exerting power is operationalized as several types of assistance provided by
the actors who exert this power, such as rewards, knowledge, or expertness
Ran and Qi 21
(Lusch & Brown, 1982). In contrast, the indicator of coercive way of exerting
power is different in that it involves potential punishment or threat to the
power recipients based on the exercise of force (French & Raven, 1959; Lusch
& Brown, 1982; Molm, 1997). Participant organizations need to manage their
collaboration in collaborative and nonhierarchical ways (Thomson & Perry,
2006). This managing approach requires participants prevent themselves from
using potential punishment or threat to their partners, especially to those less
powerful partners. Instead, participants who provide high-quality assistance in
collaboration can legitimize their efforts to gain power and help to get the
power recipients to yield power willingly (Lusch & Brown, 1982).
Coercive power may result in aversive consequences perceived by power
recipients and lead to the decrease of satisfaction and increase of resistance,
while noncoercive power can reflect the power holder’s ability to provide
potential assistance, which are evaluated as desirable by power recipients.
Trust can be fostered in the process of noncoercive exercise of power as it
increases the perceived legitimacy of power and authority (Hough, Jackson,
Bradford, Myhill, & Quinton, 2010), improves voluntary compliance (Wahl
et al., 2010), and promotes the integration (Yeung, Selen, Zhang, & Huo,
2009), all of which will help to relief potential resistance of exercising power.
This managerial implication provides a perspective to answer the key ques-
tion asked by Huxham and Vangen (2005): “whether and how power imbal-
ances can be deliberately shifted to sustain an adequate level of trust” (p.
171). We believe that trusting relationship can be promoted by focusing on
noncoercive way of using power to mitigate power imbalance.
Third, participants should prevent themselves from excessively relying on
either power or trust in collaboration. Although exerting power noncoer-
cively can contribute to trust building, excessive use of power, coercively or
noncoercively, will intensify the problem of power asymmetry thus under-
mining trust building. Exerting power implies the power holder’s ability to
withhold resources or assistance from a relationship, which will constrain
other partners’ opportunities and prospects of long-term survival and devel-
opment (Ireland & Webb, 2007). Trusting relationship is difficult to promote
if some participants concern about their long-term survival and development
in a collaboration. It is also necessary for participants to avoid trusting their
partners “blindly,” which will undermine the reciprocity, trust, and commit-
ment of participants in a long term.
Given the complexity and uncertainty of collaboration, both dynamism
and inertia can be created in collaborative practices (Thomson & Perry,
2006), which requires participants understand the variable nature of both
power and trust when interacting with other partners. The adjustment of
power relations and evolvement of trusting relations are contingent upon
22 Administration & Society 00(0)
different factors relevant to collaboration. For instance, when participants
consider to share power in collaboration, it is necessary for them to consider
some important contingencies (Ran & Qi, 2017), such as institutional envi-
ronment external to collaborations (e.g., static or not), different missions
accomplished by collaborations (e.g., exigent or not), different types of col-
laborative networks (e.g., mandated or voluntary), previous power-sharing
experience of participants (e.g., rich power-sharing experience or not), diffu-
sion of power sources among participants (e.g., widely diffused or not), and
cost-benefit calculation in collaborations (e.g., acceptable or not).
Rational cost-benefit analysis is important for participants when develop-
ing trusting relationship in collaboration. Although participants in collabora-
tion might not initially start with a cost-benefit analysis but start with a kind
of idealism in which trust is a key element (Thomson & Perry, 2006), they
will then start to realize that there is a cost they have to pay in collaboration
(Thomson, 2001). If the cost of trust building is much more than the benefits
gained in the collaboration or the risk of high-level trust is extremely large,
participants need to reconsider the trusting relationship with partners or even
resort to using power appropriately.
Certainly, due to the complexity of power and trust, it is unrealistic to sort
out or exhaust all relevant elements, factors, or dimensions involved in the
dynamic interplay between them. For example, in the second relationship
between power and trust, we cannot exhaust all contingency factors influenc-
ing the relationship between power sharing/power asymmetry and trust build-
ing in collaboration. We expect future studies, both conceptual and empirical,
can further investigate more contingencies to develop a more comprehensive
framework. Similarly, when we discuss how collective identity and justice
preservation are affected by power asymmetry and power sharing, we realize
that some other factors, such as individual participants’ moral level and insti-
tutional rules, can also impact collective identity and justice preservation,
which, however, are beyond the scope of this article. Moreover, we proposed
seven propositions on power and trust in this article, but these propositions are
conceptual formulations that need to be operationalized in the future.
Researchers have been struggling to empirically test both power and trust, and
many measurements of power and trust have been developed in terms of per-
ceptual rather than objective dimensions. We hope the conceptual exploration
about the interplay between power and trust discussed in this article could
shed some light on future empirical studies that this field is in dire need.
Conclusion
Power and trust are the basic entangled building blocks of partners’ inter-
action in collaborative governance. But the relationships between them in
Ran and Qi 23
collaboration are far from clear in prior literature. In this article, we ana-
lyzed the roles of power and trust through a dyadic approach and concep-
tualize their interdependence to disentangle these twin concepts. The three
relationships and seven propositions between power and trust proposed in
this article provide a starting point for an empirical examination of power
and trust. Our article also sheds light on how to promote a successful col-
laboration by managing power and trust in practice. This article calls on
more dyadic or multi-level research investigating the complex relation-
ships between power and trust empirically, which are significant for under-
standing complex dynamics in collaborative governance.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publi-
cation of this article.
ORCID iD
Bing Ran https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1179-9116
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Author Biographies
Bing Ran is an associate professor of public administration in the School of Public
Affairs, Penn State Harrisburg. His research interests focus on the dynamic interac-
tions between society’s complex infrastructure and human behavior, tackling topics
such as collaborative governance networks, organizational identity, knowledge inte-
gration, social entrepreneurship, and hybrid organizations.
Huiting Qi is a doctoral candidate in the School of Public Affairs, Penn State
Harrisburg. Her research interests include collaborative governance networks, behav-
ioral public administration, and organizational theory.