Cultural Identity
MAROSA5913 
RacialEthnicIdentityDevelopmentModel.pdf
Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 65, No. 1, 2009, pp. 51--68
Multiracial Identity Integration: Perceptions of Conflict and Distance among Multiracial Individuals
Chi-Ying Cheng∗ Singapore Management University
Fiona Lee University of Michigan
This article examines how multiracial individuals negotiate their different and sometimes conflicting racial identities. Drawing from previous work on bicul- tural identity integration (see Benet-Martı́nez & Haritatos, 2005), we proposed a new construct, multiracial identity integration (MII), to measure individual dif- ferences in perceptions of compatibility between multiple racial identities. We found that MII is composed of two independent subscales: racial distance that describes whether different racial identities are perceived as disparate, and racial conflict that describes whether different racial identities are perceived as in con- flict. We also found that recalling positive multiracial experiences increased MII, while recalling negative multiracial experiences decreased MII. These findings have implications for understanding the psychological well-being of multiracial individuals, and the development of social policy and programs catered to this population.
In today’s increasingly global, mobile, and racially integrated world, more and more people identify with and claim membership in more than one racial group, making the multiracial population a noteworthy demographic group in the United States (Rockquemore, Brunsma, & Delgado, 2009; Shih & Sanchez, 2005). As a response, a federal task force was created to examine whether census forms should include a new racial classification of “multiracial” (Holmes, 1997). This demographic trend challenges traditional notions that racial categories are dis- crete, extends current thinking about intergroup racial relations, and has important
∗Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Chi-Ying Cheng, School of Social Sciences, Singapore Management University, Level 4, 90 Stamford Road, Singapore, 178903, Republic of Singapore [e-mail: [email protected]].
51
C© 2009 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues
52 Cheng and Lee
implications for political and social policy (Pittinsky & Montoya, 2009; Shih & Sanchez, 2009).
Even though multiracial individuals do not necessarily have lower levels of psychological well-being and social adjustment, they face unique challenges in managing two or more different racial identities (Shih & Sanchez, 2005). For example, multiracial individuals are more likely to encounter disapproval and discrimination from their extended families, neighborhoods, and larger communi- ties (Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995). They are also more likely to experience social isolation (Brown, 1995; Gaskins, 1999; Nakashima, 1996). In this article, we investigate how multiracial individuals reconcile the differences and tensions be- tween their different racial identities, and how these dynamics are influenced by their racial experiences.
Models of Managing Multiple Racial Identities
Individuals’ racial identities shape their attitudes of themselves and of others (Poston, 1990; Sue, 1981). However, the process by which individuals choose their racial identities can be complex when they simultaneously belong to multiple racial groups. For example, how do people who are Black and Asian perceive themselves versus others? Which racial group will they identify with? Will they identify as Black, Asian, biracial (both Black and Asian), or just human beings without reference to race (Shih, Bonam, Sanchez, & Peck, 2007)?
Roccas and Brewer (2002) proposed that individuals manage multiple social identities using one of four strategies: (a) “intersection” or identification with the intersection of multiple social groups (e.g., someone who is both Black and Asian will only identify with others who are also Black and Asian), (b) “dominance” or identification with one primary social group (someone who is both Black and Asian will only identify with being Black), (c) “compartmentalization” or identification with either social group depending on the social context (someone who is both Black and Asian will identify with being Black in one setting, and being Asian in another setting), and (d) “merger” or identification with both social groups simultaneously (someone who is both Black and Asian will identify with both Black and Asian racial groups).
Consistent with this idea, there is theory and evidence that mixed-race indi- viduals use a similar set of strategies to negotiate the borders between their racial identities (Binning, Unzueta, Huo, & Molina, 2009; Renn, 2000; Root, 1996; Wallace, 2001). These include (a) having both feet in two racial groups (similar to Roccas & Brewer’s (2002) “merger” strategy), (b) shifting the foreground and background as an individual moves between racially defined social contexts (sim- ilar to Roccas and Brewer’s “compartmentalization” strategy), (c) consciously choosing to sit on the border and experiencing a hybrid “border” racial identity (similar to Roccas and Brewer’s “intersection” strategy), and (d) identifying with
Multiracial Identity Integration 53
one “camp” while visiting other camps when necessary (similar to Roccas and Brewer’s “dominance” strategy).
It is important to note that the particular strategy people use to manage their multiple social identities is not fixed and stable but varies across contexts and evolves over the life course (Collins, 2000; Cross, 1978; Poston, 1990). People change their identification strategies depending on individual constraints such as attention and cognitive resources, and contextual factors such as situational cues that make a particular social identity more or less salient (Roccas & Brewer, 2002).
Identity Integration
In this article, we draw on previous research on identity integration to examine how multiple racial identities are integrated. Identity integration is an individual difference measuring the degree to which two seemingly conflicting social iden- tities are perceived as compatible or in opposition to each other (Benet-Martı́nez & Haritatos, 2005; Haritatos & Benet-Martı́nez, 2002). The construct was first developed by Benet-Martı́nez and her colleagues to examine bicultural identities, and subsequently extended to examine the integration of other types of social identities (see Cheng et al., 2008, for a review). Identity integration comprises two underlying and distinct dimensions: conflict and distance. Conflict refers to perceptions that the two identities represent values and norms that fundamen- tally contradict one another, whereas distance refers to perceptions that the two identities are separated from one another. High levels of identity integration are characterized by low levels of perceived conflict and distance. Thus, individuals with high identity integration perceive the two social identities as largely compat- ible and complementary. In contrast, individuals with low identity integration feel caught between the two social identities and prefer to keep them separate, despite the fact that, like those with high identity integration, they strongly identify with both social groups.
Identity Integration Predicts Outcomes in Multiple Identity Domains
Identity integration has been examined in various identity domains, and shown to predict cognitive, behavioral, and mental health outcomes. For example, Cheng, Sanchez-Burks, and Lee (2008) found that Asian Americans with high bicultural identity integration (or those who perceive their Asian and American cultural identities as compatible) are more creative in developing new dishes that combine Asian and American ingredients. They also found that women engineers with high gender – professional identity integration (or those who perceive their gender and professional identities as compatible) are more creative in developing new technologies for women.
54 Cheng and Lee
Along the same vein, there is evidence that identity integration predicts pro- fessional motivation and achievement. Multidisciplinary academics who perceive their multiple disciplinary identities as compatible have more peer-reviewed pub- lications (Cheng, Sanchez-Burks, & Lee, 2007). Identity integration is positively related to commitment to one’s profession, optimism about future professional success, perceived acceptance into profession by peers and colleagues, and high- effort persistence in the face of professional difficulty, professional satisfaction, and mental health (Darling, Molina, Sanders, Lee, & Zhao, 2007).
There is also evidence showing that individuals with high identity integration face less affective stress. Biculturals with high identity integration are signifi- cantly less likely to experience a wide range of culturally related “stressors” such as linguistic stress (stress from being misunderstood and negatively perceived be- cause of one’s language skills), relational stress (stress from being perceived by others as being “too Chinese” or “too American”), discrimination stress (stress from being mistreated because of one’s “Chinese-ness” or “American-ness”), and cultural isolation (stress from living in a community that is not culturally diverse) (Benet-Martı́nez & Haritatos, 2005).
Last, individuals with high identity integration are better able to build relation- ships and draw social support from multiple groups simultaneously. For example, women engineering students with high gender – professional identity integration are more involved with both women-oriented groups and science-oriented groups on campus (Darling et al., 2007). Similarly, bicultural individuals who perceive their cultural identities as compatible have larger, more diverse, and more richly in- terconnected social networks that draw from multiple cultural backgrounds (Mok, Morris, Benet-Martı́nez, & Karakitapoglu-Aygun, 2007).
Positive Experiences and Identity Integration
Given the importance of identity integration, it is essential to explore the antecedents of this individual difference. Several studies suggest that identity integration may be related to the positivity or negativity of past identity-related experiences. For instance, Phinney and Devich-Navarro (1997) asked bicultural individuals to describe their bicultural experiences and found that those with low identity integration are more likely to have difficult and tension-laden experiences. One participant in their study said that “[having two cultures] is harder . . . I have to act a certain way [in a specific situation]. I can’t talk like I want to” (p. 22). Vivero and Jenkins (1999) quoted one bicultural individual with low identity integration saying that “(y)ou start building a home in one place within one culture, you get about so much done but do not complete it. Then you continue to build your home within another culture; you leave it there and go somewhere else. At the end, you have different pieces of home in different places. You can never put them together because they may contradict or conflict with one another. If you try to
Multiracial Identity Integration 55
piece the parts together, you make ‘home’ collapse” (p. 13). Kibria (2002) reported a Korean-American bicultural who stated “(t)here is an expectation. Soon after I came on board, I was told to try and cultivate Korean clients. They didn’t tell me that in the interview, so I was a little pissed. That’s not to say I mind being seen as Korean. I am actually very Korean-identified. I belong to a Korean church, a lot of my friends are Korean, and my parents are very traditional old-style Korean. But that’s exactly it. I don’t want to mix my business life with all that” (p. 100). This perception that multiple cultures cannot mix is typical of low identity integrators.
In our research, we found supporting evidence that the valence of past ex- perience predicts identity integration (Cheng & Lee, 2006). We reasoned that individuals with multiple social identities likely have both positive and negative past experiences managing these identities, and some of these experiences can be brought to the fore and made salient through experimental manipulation (Loftus, 2001). For example, Schwarz’s (1998) found that people have different percep- tions of whether they had a happy childhood or not depending on the number of happy childhood memories they were asked to recall. Following the same ra- tionale, we randomly assigned bicultural individuals to recall either positive or negative past experiences about being bicultural. A series of experiments showed that identity integration increased after recalling positive past experiences, and identity integration decreased after recalling negative past experiences.
The Present Study
Identity integration has been fruitfully applied to examine identity negotiation processes within multiple domains, including culture, gender, and profession. In this study, we propose that identity integration can be a useful concept to describe how multiple racial identities are managed as well. Like culture, profession, and gender, race is an important social category with which people use to organize and make sense of their social worlds (Shih et al., 2007). Further, identity integration taps into feelings of tension, disparity, and conflict that are prevalent among mul- tiracial individuals (Shih & Sanchez, 2005). In extending the concept of identity integration to examine multiracialism, one should be cautious as racial identity can operate differently from other of social identities. For example, in contrast to professional or cultural identities, membership in a racial group can be highly visible. In addition, there has been considerably more public debate about the social versus biological underpinnings of racial groups, making racial identity a more radicalized and politicized identity than others (Gaskins, 1999; Goodman, 2000; Harris & Sim, 2002; Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2002; Zack, 1995).
Extending the current work on cultural, gender, and professional identity in- tegration, we develop the construct of multiracial identity integration (MII) to measure individual differences in perceptions of compatibility between multiple racial identities. We first predict that, like previous measures of identity integration,
56 Cheng and Lee
MII comprises two components: racial distance and racial conflict (higher levels of identity integration correspond to lower levels of racial distance and racial conflict). Second, we predict that MII is related to multiracial pride. Specifically, multiracial individuals with higher MII are more likely to have positive attitudes about being multiracial, and experience more pride in their multiracial status. Third, we predict that MII is affected by the salience of positive versus negative past multiracial experiences. Specifically, MII will increase (or racial distance and racial conflict will decrease) after multiracial individuals recall positive multira- cial experiences, while MII will decrease (or racial distance and racial conflict will increase) after multiracial individuals recall more negative multiracial expe- riences.
Method
Participants
Fifty-seven self-identified multiracial individuals participated in our study (20 males and 37 females, mean age = 21.84, SD = 7.03). The participants were undergraduate and graduate students from two large universities in the United States, one in the Midwest and one in the Northeast. Participants who checked “multiracial” as their race (using a forced-choice format with other monoracial options) in a prescreening survey were recruited to participate. At the end of the study, we checked participants’ racial status by giving them a list of racial categories (including African American, Asian and Pacific Islander, Caucasian, Latino/Hispanic, Native American, Middle-Eastern, and Other), and asking them to check all the racial categories that apply to them. All participants checked more than one racial category, confirming that participants in our study perceive them- selves as multiracial individuals. They either received course credit or monetary compensation for their participation.
Of the 57 participants, 82.5% reported having two racial backgrounds, 8.8% reported having three racial backgrounds, and 8.8% reported having four racial backgrounds. Of the participants, 75.4% of the participants reported being in the Caucasian racial group, 28.1% reported being in the Latino racial group, 31.6% reported being in the Native American racial group, 33.3% reported being in the Asian racial group, and 21.1% reported being in the African American racial group (this exceeds 100% as participants check more than a single racial category).
Instruments
MII Scale. Identity integration is typically measured using an 8-item self- report survey that includes a conflict subscale and a distance subscale (four items each). In past research, the reliability of the identity integration scale, the conflict
Multiracial Identity Integration 57
subscale, and the distance subscale range between .70 and .80 (Benet-Martı́nez & Haritatos, 2005; Cheng, Lee, & Benet-Martı́nez, 2006; Cheng, Sanchez-Burks, & Lee, 2008; Darling et al., 2007).
In developing the MII Scale, we modified the scale items of existing identity integration scales to reflect racial identities rather than cultural, gender, or other types of social identities. For example, the scale item, “I keep everything about being Asian and being American separate” was changed into “I keep everything about my different racial identities separate.” The four items in the racial distance subscale include (a) My racial identity is best described by a blend of all the racial groups to which I belong (reverse scored), (b) I keep everything about my different racial identities separate, (c) I am a person with a multiracial identity (reverse scored), and (d) In any given context, I am best described by a single racial identity. The four items of the racial conflict subscale include (a) I am conflicted between my different racial identities, (b) I feel like someone moving between the different racial identities, (c) I feel torn between my different racial identities, and (d) I do not feel any tension between my different racial identities (reverse scored). Three experts in multiracialism research were consulted to edit and proofread the items. Participants responded to all eight items of the MII scale using a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = completely disagree and 5 = completely agree). Higher scores indicate higher racial distance and racial conflict, or lower levels of MII.
Multiracial pride. Four items were used to measure participants’ multiracial pride (see Cheng, 2005, for comparable items measuring bicultural pride). The items include (a) I like being a multiracial person, (b) I am proud of being a multiracial person, (c) There are more advantages than disadvantages to be a multiracial person, and (d) There are many good things about being a multiracial person. The items were measured using a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = completely disagree and 5 = completely agree). The four items measuring multiracial pride were internally reliable (Cronbach’s alphas were .81 and .89, respectively, for the two administrations of these items). We averaged the four items to form a composite variable, with higher scores indicating higher multiracial pride.
Procedure
Participants first filled out the 8-item MII Scale, and the four items measuring multiracial pride. Participants were then asked to work on a difficult maze as a distraction task. Next, participants were randomly assigned into one of two recall tasks. In the positive condition, participants were asked to list up to seven positive experiences about being multiracial. In the negative condition, participants were asked to list up to seven negative experiences about being multiracial. After finishing the recall task, the participants filled out the MII Scale and the multiracial
58 Cheng and Lee
pride scale again. In other words, MII was measured two times, pre and post the recall manipulation.
Last, participants reported information about their gender, age, racial back- ground, and parents’ racial background. Racial background was measured by asking participants to check all of the following racial categories that apply to them: Caucasian, African/American, Asian, Latino/Hispanic, Native American, Middle Eastern, African, and Other. Participants also rated how strongly they identified with each of their racial groups using a Likert-type scale of 1 (do not identify at all with this group) to 5 (strongly identify with this group). On average, participants’ identification with each of the racial groups in which they indicated membership was above the scale midpoint.
Results
The Factors of MII
The correlations between the items of the MII Scale are reported in Table 1.To examine the structure of the MII Scale, we used principle axis factor analyses on the scale items. As we plan to compare changes in MII, we conducted these analyses separately for each of the two times we administered the scale, to make sure the factor structures and subscales are comparable. Using oblique rotation, the principle axis factor analyses revealed two factors corresponding to racial distance and racial conflict (varimax rotation produced identical factor structures). Table 2 lists the factor loadings of both pre- and post-MII. The reliabilities of the subscales were high in both the pre- (Cronbach’s alphas for racial distance and racial conflict were .80 and .74, respectively) and postadministrations of the scale (Cronbach’s alphas for racial distance and racial conflict were .77 and .70, respectively). The correlations between the two factors were .042 in the precondition and .051 in the postcondition, suggesting that the two factors are independent and distinct. These results support Hypothesis 1.
Table 3 shows the correlations among racial distance, racial conflict, and mul- tiracial pride. These results show that multiracial pride was negatively associated with racial distance (note that lower scores on racial distance indicate higher MII). Although the direction of the correlation was consistent with our expectations, the relationship between multiracial pride and racial conflict was not significant. Hypothesis 2 is partially supported.
Effect of Recall on MII
Although some participants were not able to recall seven positive or nega- tive experiences as instructed, there was no difference in the number of expe- riences being recalled between the positive and negative conditions (M = 5.46,
Multiracial Identity Integration 59 T
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60 Cheng and Lee
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Multiracial Identity Integration 61
Table 2. Factor Structure of the Multiracial Identity Integration Scale
Baseline/Pre Post MII Items Distance Conflict Distance Conflict
My racial identity is best described by a blend of all the racial groups to which I belong. (R)
.58 −.13 .72 −.28
I keep everything about my different racial identities separate.
.67 .16 .50 .26
I am a person with a multiracial identity. (R) .80 −.20 .75 −.04 In any given context, I am best described by a
single racial identity. .81 .03 .77 .09
I am conflicted between my different racial identities.
−.22 .75 .02 .92
I feel like someone moving between the different racial identities.
−.14 .86 −.18 .61
I feel torn between my different racial identities.
.19 .71 .04 .64
I do not feel any tension between my different racial identities. (R)
.32 .33 .06 .35
Note. N = 57. The bold values have factor loadings larger than .30.
SD = 1.59 in the positive condition and M = 6.15, SD = 1.35 in the negative condition, t(55) = – 1.78, p > .05).
We conducted a 2 (time: pre vs. post) × 2 (recall condition: positive vs. negative experiences) ANOVA analyses on racial distance, racial conflict, and overall MII. When using racial distance as the dependent variable, there were no significant main effects. There was a significant time × recall two-way inter- action, F(1, 55) = 4.35, p = .006, hp2 = .132. Figure 1 shows the interaction residuals (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991). As predicted, racial distance decreased after recalling positive multiracial experiences (M = 3.27, SD = 1.21 in the precondition and M = 2.33, SD = 1.05 in the postcondition). A planned con- trast revealed that the two means were significantly different from one another, F(1, 55) = 5.18, p < .01. In contrast, racial distance increased after recall- ing negative multiracial experiences (M = 1.91, SD = .71 in the precondition and M = 2.02, SD = .68 in the postcondition). A planned contrast revealed that the means were significantly different from one another, F(1, 55) = 3.05, p < .05.
When using racial conflict as the dependent variable, there were no signif- icant main effects. The predicted time × recall two-way interaction was sig- nificant, F(1, 55) = 9.17, p = .004, hp2 = .143. The interaction residuals are shown in Figure 1. After recalling positive multiracial experiences, racial conflict
62 Cheng and Lee
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Multiracial Identity Integration 63
Fig. 1. Interaction residuals for time × recall on racial distance and racial conflict.
decreased (M = 2.35, SD = .65 in the precondition and M = 2.09, SD = .73 in the postcondition). A planed contrast revealed that the two means were signifi- cantly different from one another, F(1, 55) = 5.32, p < .01. In contrast, racial conflict increased after recalling negative multiracial experiences (M = 2.25, SD = 1.05 in the precondition and M = 2.42, SD = .90 in the post-condition). The two means were significantly different from one another, F(1, 55) = 3.87, p < .05.
A 2 (time: pre vs. post) × 2 (recall condition: positive vs. negative) ANOVA with multiracial pride (mean-centered) as the dependent variable showed no sig- nificant main effects or interactions.
Discussion
Many studies on race focus on the differences between individuals belonging in different racial groups. Our study, in contrast, examines how racial groups and their differences are negotiated and played out within individuals who are multiracial. We found that the MII construct is useful for describing individual differences in how this process is managed.
Like previous measures of identity integration, we found that MII consists of two distinct subscales: racial distance (perceptions of separation between different racial identities) and racial conflict (feelings of tension between different racial identities), with lower levels of distance and conflict corresponding to higher levels of MII.
Our results showed that racial distance was negatively related to multiracial pride. This correlation does not indicate direction of causation. It may be the case
64 Cheng and Lee
that perceptions of multiple racial identities as fundamentally separated contribute to less positive feelings about one’s multiracial status. Or, it may be the case that lower multiracial pride increases perceptions of multiple racial identities as having nonoverlapping values. It is interesting to note that, while the same negative relationship was observed between racial conflict and multiracial pride, the correlation was weaker and nonsignificant. It may be the case that some individuals who perceive high levels of conflict between their multiple racial identities experience a form of racial reactance, where racial pride is triggered when one’s multiracial identity is challenged (Benet-Martı́nez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002; Cheng et al., 2006).
Our findings also showed that MII is malleable. Recalling positive multiracial experiences reduced perceptions of racial distance and conflict (or increased MII), while recalling negative multiracial experiences increased perceptions of racial distance and conflict (or decreased MII). These findings have several implica- tions. First, early experiences around race and racial differences can shape MII. Multiracial individuals who grow up in communities that are more tolerant of and friendly toward multiracial individuals may have more positive experiences regarding their multiracial status, and thus more likely to have higher levels of MII. Meanwhile, multiracial individuals raised in environments characterized by racial tensions and conflicts may have more negative experiences, leading to lower levels of MII. In short, formative experiences around race and multiracialism can have long-lasting effects on how multiple racial identities are psychologically managed.
Second, the results suggest that environmental cues play an important role in MII. Multiracial individuals are likely to have both positive and negative multira- cial experiences, but external cues that bring forth some of these experiences can affect MII. For instance, individuals who are exposed to negative racial stereotypes might be reminded of past negative experiences related to their multiracial status, which in turn decreases MII. While psychological challenges no doubt exist for many multiracial individuals, making these struggles and tensions salient may lead to increased perceptions of racial distance and conflict, or lower levels of MII. From the standpoint of social policy and reform, this suggests that social support and mentoring of multiracial individuals should focus on the advantages of multiracialism, rather than its liabilities.
This study represents a first attempt to extend the construct of identity integra- tion to multiracial identities, and considerable future work is needed to establish the antecedents, processes, and outcomes of MII. Most important, the reliability and validity of the MII scale need to be established with a larger sample size. For example, while we showed that MII is related to multiracial pride, further research is needed to systematically establish convergent validity (with variables such as cognitive complexity in processing race-related information) and discriminant validity (with variables such as self-esteem or agreeableness).
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Given past research showing that identity integration predicts achievement, cognitive, and mental health outcomes, it is reasonable to predict that such relation- ships might also be found among multiracial individuals. For instance, research should examine whether individuals with high MII perform better on tasks that draw on both their racial identities (see Cheng, Sanchez-Burks, & Lee, 2008). Or, research should explore whether individuals with low MII are more likely exhibit contrast effects in response to social cues, activating one racial identity when the social situation emphasizes the other, opposite racial identity (see Benet-Martı́nez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002; Cheng et al., 2006).
Future research is also needed to examine MII among individuals with differ- ent racial backgrounds. Multiracial individuals with different backgrounds may face unique challenges. For example, there is extensive literature showing radical cultural differences between Westerners and Easterners. For instance, Westerners tend to use personal characteristics to define themselves, while Easterners tend to use their social relations with others to define themselves (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Or, Westerners tend to make internal attributions while Easterners tend to make external attributions (Norenzayan & Nisbett, 2000). Given such fundamen- tal East – West differences, it may be the case that Asian-Caucasian multiracial individuals will experience higher levels of racial distance and conflict than other types of multiracial individuals whose racial identities have more similar cultural values. The small sample size of this study does not allow us to systematically test this proposition among different types of multiracial individuals, though this is an important question to investigate in future work.
Future research also needs to be done to examine the relevance of MII in describing the experiences of individuals who, despite a multiracial heritage, identify themselves as monoracial. It may be the case that individuals who perceive extremely high levels of racial distance and racial conflict are unable to achieve any kind of intersection or merger between their multiple racial identities, leading to the adoption of a single racial identity. In addition, the developmental trajectory of multiracial identity should be examined. Our results indicate that age is negatively correlated to racial distance. In other words, older multiracial individuals perceive their racial identities as less different from each other. This may be evidence that, with age, people are more likely to achieve integration, resolution, and acceptance in their multiracial development (Collins, 2000; Cross, 1978).
In this article, we show that individual differences in the perceived relationship between multiple racial identities play a role in understanding the psychological make-up of multiracial individuals. This suggests that multiracial social programs and policies need to consider both individuals’ objective memberships in racial categories as well as their subjective perceptions of the relationship between racial groups. In addition, we ague that individual beliefs, experiences, and recall powerfully shape how multiracialism is experienced. Particularly, focusing on the positive aspects of multiracialism, rather than its challenges, can boost MII. In
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this way, interventions that improve race relations can be enacted not only at the societal level, but also at the individual level.
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CHI-YING CHENG is Assistant Professor of Psychology at Singapore Manage- ment University. Her research focuses on the processes and outcomes of managing multiple social identities with a special interest in culture. She received her PhD in Organizational Psychology at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, Michigan,
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and an MS and BS in Psychology from the National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan.
FIONA LEE is Professor of Psychology at the University of Michigan. Her re- search focuses on identity, power, and culture. She earned her BA in Economics and Psychology from Scripps College in Claremont, California, and her MA and PhD in Social Psychology from Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
