Business ethics assignment 1

THE CHAI.LENGE OF CULIURAT. RELATIVISM 13

Tiw Challenge of Cultural Relativism

CHAPTER2

Morality dillers in every societY, and is a convenient term for socially approved habits.

Rum BENEDIcT PATTERNS OF CuLTURE (1934)

2.1. How Different Cultures Have Different Moral Codes

Darius, a king of ancient Persia, was intrigued by the variety of cultures he encountered in his travels. He had found, for example, that the Callatians (a tribe of Indians) customarily ate the bodies of their dead fathers. The Greeks, of course, did not do that—the Greeks practiced cremation and regarded the funeral pyre as the natural and fitting way to dispose of the dead. Darius thought that a sophisticated understanding of the world must include an appre ciation of such differences between cultures. One day, to teach this lesson, he summoned some Greeks who happened to be present at his court and asked them what they would take to eat the bodies of their dead fathers. They were shocked, as Darius knew they would be, and replied that no amount of money could persuade them to do such a thing. Then Darius called in some Callatians, and while the Greeks listened asked them what they would take to burn their dead fathers’ bodies, The Callatians were horrified and told Darius not even to mention such a dreadful thing.

This story, recounted by Herodotus in his History illustrates a recurring theme in the literature of social science: diflèrent cul tures have different moral codes. What is thought right within one group may be utterly abhorrent to the members of another group,

and vice versa. Should we eat the bodies of the dead or burn them? If you were a Greek, one answer would seem obviously cerrect; but if you were a Callatian, the opposite would seem equally certain,

It is easy to give additional examples of the same kind, Con sider the Eskimos. They are a remote and inaccessible people. Numbering only about 25.000, they live in small, isolated settle ments scattered mostly along the northern fringes of North Amer ica and Greenland. Until the beginning of this century, the outside world knew little about them. Then explorers began to bring back strange tales.

Eskimo customs turned out to be very different from our own. The men often had more than one wife, and they would share their wives with guests, lending them fbr the night as a sign of hospi tality. Moreover, within a community, a dominant male might demand — and get — regular sexual access to other men’s wives. The women, however, were free to break these arrangements sim ply by leaving their husbands and taking up with new partners— free, that is, so long as their former husbands chose not to make trouble. All in all, the Eskimo practice was a volatile scheme that bore little resemblance to what we call marriage.

But it was not only their marriage and sexual practices that were different. The Eskimos also seemed to have less regard for human life. Inlhnticide, for example, was common. Knud Rasmussen, one of the most famous early explorers, reported that he met one woman who had borne twenty children but had killed ten of them at birth. Female babies, he found, were especially liable to be destroyed, and this was permitted simply at the parents’ discretion, with no social stigma attached to it. Old people also, when they became too feeble to con tribute to the family, were left out in the snow to die. So there seemed to be, in this society; remarkably little respect for life.

To the general public, these were disturbing revelations. Our own way of living seems so natural and right that for many of us it is hard to conceive of others living so differently. And when we do hear of such things, we tend immediately to categorize those other peoples as “backward” or “primitive.” But to anthropologists and sociologists, there was nothing particularly surprising about the Eskimos. Since the time of Herodotus, enlightened observers have been accustomed to the idea that conceptions of right and wrong differ from culture to culture. If we assume that our ideas of right and wrong will be shared by all peoples at all times, we are merely naive.

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14 THE EI.EMEc[s ( )F MOR.•\I. l’HIIOSOPHY ‘[HE (:[-IALLEN(;E OF ( :uI:FURAL REI.A1’IVISM 15

2.2. Cultural Relativism To many thinkers, this observation — “Different cultures have dif ferent moral codes”—has seemed to be the key to understanding morality. The idea of universal truth in ethics, they say, is a myth. The customs of different societies are all that exist. These customs cannot he said to be “correct” or “incorrect,” for that implies we have an independent standard of right and wrong by which they may be judged. But there is no such independent standard; every standard is culture-bound. The great pioneering sociologist William Graham Sumner, vriting in 1906, put the point like this:

The rigfit” way is the sav which the ancestors used and wha. h has heen handed down. The tradition is its own war rant. It is not held subject to verification by experience. The notion of right is in the lnlkways. It is not outside of them, of independent origin, and brought to test them. In the folk— ways, whatever is, is right. This is because they are tradi tional, and therefore contain in themselves the authority of the ancestral ghosts. When we come to the folkways we are at the end of our analysis.

This line of thought has probably persuaded more people to he skeptical about ethics than any other single thing. Cultural Bilativism, as it has been called, challenges our ordinary belief in the objectiv ity and universality of moral truth. It says, in effect, that there is no such thing as universal truth in ethics; there are only the vari ous cultural codes, and nothing more. Moreover, our own code has no special status; it is merely one among many

As we shall see, this basic idea is really a compound of several different thoughts. It is important to separate the various elements of the theory because, on analysis, some parts of the theory turn out to be correct, whereas others seem to be mistaken. As a begin ning, we may distinguish the ftllowing claims, all of which have been made by cultural relativists:

I. Diffrrezit societies have diflerent moral codes. 2. There is no objective standard that can be used to judge one societal code better than another.

3. The moral code of our own society has no special status; it is merely one anlong many.

4-. There is no “universal truth” in ethics— that is, there are no moral truths that hold for all peoples at all times.

5. The moral code of a society determines what is right within that society; that is, if the moral code of a soci ety says that a certain action is right, then that action is right, at least within that society.

6. It is mere arrogance lhr us to try to judge the con duct of other peoples. We should adopt an attitude of tolerance toward the practices of other cultures.

Although it may seem that these six propositions go naturally to gether, they are independent of one another, in the sense that some of them might he true even if others are false. In what lnllows, we will try to identify what is correct in Cultural Relativism, but we will also be concerned to expose what is mistaken about it.

2.3. The Cultural Differences Argument Cultural Relativism is a theory about the nature of morality. At first blush it seems quite plausible. However, like all such theories, it may be evaluated by subjecting it to rational analysis; and when we analyze Cultural Relativism we find that it is not so plausible as it first appears to be.

The first thing we need to notice is that at the heart of Cul tural Relativism there is a certain form of argument. The strategy used by cultural relativists is to argue from facts about the duller ences between cultural outlooks to a conclusion about the status of morality. Thus we are invited to accept this reasoning:

(1) The Greeks believed it was wrong to eat the dead, whereas the Callatians believed it was right to eat the dead.

(2) Therefore, eating the dead is neither objectively right nor objectively wrong. It is merely a matter ofopinion, which varies from culture to culture.

Or, alternatively:

(1) The Eskimos see nothing wrong with infanticide, whereas Americans believe infanticide is immoral.

16 tHE t:aMENisoF 51< )R.\1. i’IIlLOSc)PHY THE CHALLENGE OF CIJL FIJRAL RELATIVISM 17

(2) Therefore, infanticide is neither objectively right nor objectively wrong. It is merely a matter of opinion, which varies Ironi culture to culture.

Clearly, these arguments are variations of one fundamental idea. They are both special eases of a more general argument, which says;

(1) Difkrent cultures have diflerent moral codes. (2) Therefore, there is no objective “truth” in morality. Right

and wrong are only matters of opinion, and opinions vary from culture to culture.

We may call this the Cultural Differences Arsurnent. To many people, it is very persuasive. But from a logical point of vie is it a sound argument?

It is not sound. The trouble is that the conclusion does not really fallow from the premise — that is, even if the premise is true, the conclusion still might be false. The premise concerns what people believe: in some societies, people believe one thing; in other societies, people believe differently. The conclusion, however, con cerns what rca/I> is the case, The trouble is that this sort of conclusion does not thilow logically from this sort of premise.

Consider again the example of the Greeks and Callatians. The Greeks believed it was wrong to eat the dead; the Callatians believed it was right. Dues it follow, from the mere fact that they dis agreed, that there is no oljective truth in the matter? No, it does not follow; for it tould he that the practice was objectively right (or wrung) and that one or the other of them was simply mistaken.

‘Th make the point clearer, consider a very different matter. In some societies, people believe the earth is flat. In other societies, such as our own, people believe the earth is (roughly) spherical. Does it fallow, from the mere /ct that they disagree, that there is no “objective truth” in geography? Of course not; we would never draw such a conclusion because we realize that, in their beliefs about the world, the members of some societies might simply be wrong. There is no reason to think that if the world is round every one must know it. Similarly, there is no reason to think that if there is moral truth everyone must know it. The fundamental mis take in the Cultural Diflh.irences Argument is that it attempts to derive a substantive conclusion about a subject (morality) from the mere fact that people disagree about it.

It is important to understand the nature of the point that is being made here. Vè are not saying (not yet, anyway) that the con clusion of the argument is false. Insofar as anything being said here is concerned, it is still an open question whether the conclu sion is true. We are making a purely logical point and saying that the conclusion does not follow from the premise. This is important, because in order to determine whether the conclusion is true, we need arguments in its support. Cultural Relativism proposes this argument, hut unfortunately the argument turns out to be falla cious. So it proves nothing.

2.4. The Consequences of Taking Cultural Relativism Seriously

Even if the Cultural Differences Argument is invalid, Cultural Relativism might still be true. What would it be like ii it were true?

In the passage quoted above, William Giaham Sumner sum marizes the essence of Cultural Relativism. He says that there is no measure of right and wrong other than the standards of one’s society; “The notion of right is in the folkways, It is not outside of them, of’ independent origin, and brought to test them. In the folk- ways, whatever is, is right.”

Suppose we took this seriously. What would be some of the consequences?

1. 1¾ could no longer say that the customs of other societies are mora4y inferior to our own. This, of course, is one of the main points stressed by Cultural Relativism. We would have to stop condemning other societies merely because they are “different.” So long as we con centrate on certain examples, such as the funerary practices of the Greeks and Callatians, this may seem to be a sophisticated, enlight ened attitude.

However; we would also he stopped from criticizing other, less benign practices. Suppose a society waged war on its neighbors for the purpose of taking slaves. Or suppose a society was violently anti-Semitic and its leaders set out to destroy the Jews. Cultural Relativism would preclude us from saying that either of these prac tices was wrong. We would not even be able to say that a society tolerant ofJews is better than the anti-Semitic society, for that would imply some sort of transcultural standard of comparison. The fail ure to condemn these practices does not seem “enlightened”; on the

1K IFIE 11.F.\111s OF \1 RAI. IF1l1( )SOl-’HY THE CHALLENGE OF CULTURAL RELATIVISM 19

contrary, slavery and anti—Seniitisni seem wrong whererer they oCCur. Nevertheless, if we took Cultural Relauvisrri seriously, we would have to admit that these social practices also are immune from criticism.

2. ¾ could decide whether actions are rzht or wrongjust by consulting the ilandards of our sociey. Cultural Relativism suggests a simple test for determining what is right and what is wrong: all one has to do is ask whether the action is in accordance with the code of one’s socwtv. Suppose a resident of South Africa is wondering whether his country s policy of apartheid— rigid racial segregation — is morally correct. All he has to do is ask whether this policy conlorms to his society’s moral code. if it does, there is nothing to worry about, at least from a moral point of view,

This implication of Cultural Relativism is disturbing because ftw of us think that our society’s code is perfect —we can think ofways it might be improved. ‘fri Cultural Relativism would not only ldrbid us from criticizing the codes of other societies; it would stop us from criticizing our von. After all, ii right and wrong are relative to culture, this must be true for our own culture just as much as br others.

3. The idea of moral progress is called into doubt. Usually, we think that at least some changes in our society have been for the better. (Some, of course, may have been changes for the worse.) Consider this example: Throughout most of Western history the place of women in society Was very narrowly circumscribed. They could not own property; they could not vote or hold political office; with a ftw exceptions, they were not permitted to have paying jobs; and generally they were under the almost absolute control of their hus bands. Recently much of this has changed, arid most people think of it as progress.

If Cultural Relativism is correct, can we legitimately think of this as progress? Progress means replacing a way of doing things with a better way. But by what standard do we judge the new ways as bet ter? If the old ways were in accordance with the social standards of their time, then Cultural Relativism would say it is a mistake to judge them by the standards of a different time. Eighteenth-century society was, in effect, a different society from the one we have now. To say that we have made progress implies a judgment that present-day society is better, and that is just the sort of transcultural judgment that, according to Cultural Relativism, is impermissible.

Our idea of social refrrm will also have to be reconsidered. A

reformer such as Martin Luther King, Jr., seeks to change his society for the better. Within the constraints imposed by Cultural Relativism, there is one way this might be done. If a society is not living up to its own ideals, the reformer may be regarded as acting for the best: the ideals of the society are the standard by which we judge his or her proposals as worthwhile. But the “reformer” may not challenge the ideals themselves, for those ideals are by definition correct. Accord ing to Cultural Relativism, then, the idea of social reform makes sense only in this very limited way.

These three consequences ofCultural Relativism have led many thinkers to reject it as implausible on its face. It does make sense, they say, to condemn some practices, such as slavery and anti-Semitism, wherever they occur. It makes sense to think that our own society has made some moral progress, while admitting that it is still imperfect and in need of reform. Because Cultural Relativism says that these judgments make no sense, the argument goes, it cannot be right.

2.5. Why There Is Less Disagreement than It Seems

The original impetus for Cultural Relativism comes from the observation that cultures differ dramatically in their views of right and wrong. But just how much do they differ? It is true that there are differences. However; it is easy to overestimate the extent of those differences. Often, when we examine what seems to be a dra matic difference, we find that the cultures do not differ nearly as much as it appears.

Consider a culture in which people believe it is wrong to eat cows. This may even be a poor culture, in which there is not enough food; still, the cows are not to be touched. Such a society would appear to have values very different from our own. But does it? We have not yet asked why these people will not eat cows. Suppose it is because they believe that after death the souls of humans inhabit the bodies of animals, especially cows, so that a cow may be some one’s grandmother. Now do we want to say that their values are different from ours? No; the difference lies elsewhere. The differ ence is in our belief systems, not in our values. We agree that we shouldnt eat Grandma; we simply disagree about whether the cow is (or could be) Grandma.

The general point is this. Many factors work together to

21) THE ELEMENTS OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY THE CHALLENGE OF CUI;FuRAL RELATIVISM 21

produce the customs of a society. The society’s values are only one of them. Other matters, such as the religious and factual beliefs held by its members and the physical circumstances in which they must live, are also important. We cannot conclude, then, merely because customs duller, that there is a disagreement about values. The difiCrence in customs may be attributable to some other aspect of social life. Thus there may be less disagreement about values than there appears to be.

Consider the Eskimos again. They often kill perfectly normal infants, especially girls. We do not approve of this at all; a parent who did this in our society would be locked up. Thus there appears to be a great difference in the values of our two cultures, But sup pose we ask why the Eskimos do this. The explanation is not that they have less affection ftr their children or less respect for human life.An Eskimo family ill always protect its babies if conditions permit. But they live in a harsh environment, where food is often in short supply. A fundamental postulate of Eskimo thought is: “Life is hard, and the margin of safrty small.” A family may want to nourish its babies hut be unable to do so.

As in many “primitive” societies, Eskimo mothers will nurse their infants over a much longer period of time than mothers in our culture. The child will take nourishment from its mother’s breast for four years, perhaps even longer. So even in the best of times there are limits to the number of infants that one mother can sustain. Moreover, the Eskimos are a nomadic people — unable to farm, they must move abcut in search of food. Infants must be carried, and a mother can carry only one baby in her parka as she travels and goes about her outdoor work, Other family members can help, but this is not always possible.

Infant girls are more readily disposed of because, first, in this society the males are the primary 1od providers— they are the hunters, according to the traditional division of labor— and it is ob viously important to maintain a sufficient number of food gatherers. But there is an important second reason as well. Because the hunters suffer a high casualty rate, the adult men who die prematurely far outnumber the women who die early. Thus if male and female infants survived in equal numbers, the female adult population would greatly outnumber the male adult population. Examining the avail able statistics, one writer concluded that “were it not for female infanticide . . . there would be approximately one-and-a-half times

as many females in the average Eskimo local group as there are food-producing males.”

So among the Eskimos, infanticide does not signal a funda mentally different attitude towardchildren. Instead, it is a recogni tion that drastic measures are sometimes needed to ensure the family’s survival. Even then, however killing the baby is not the first option considered. Adoption is common; childless couples are especially happy to take a more fertile couple’s “surplus.” Killing is only the last resort. I emphasize this in order to show that the raw data of the anthropologists can be misleading; it can make the dif fèrences in values between cultures appear greater than they are. The Eskimos’ values are not all that different from our values. It is only that life forces upon them choices that we do not have to make.

2.6. How All Cultures Have Some Values in Common

It should not be surprising that, despite appearances, the Eskimos are protective of their children. I-low could it be otherwise? How could a group survive that did not value its young? This suggests a certain argument, one which shows that all cultural groups must be protective of their infants:

(1) Human infants are helpless and cannot survive if they are not given extensive care for a period of years.

(2) Therefore, if a group did not care for its young, the young would not survive, and the older members of the group would not be replaced. After a while the group would die out.

(3) Therefore, any cultural group that continues to exist must care for its young. Infants that are not cared for must be the exception rather than the rule.

Similar reasoning shows that other values must be more or less universal. Imagine what it would be like for a society to place no value at all on truth telling. When one person spoke to another, there would be no presumption at all that he was telling the truth — for he could just as easily be speaking falsely. Within that society, there would be no reason to pay attention to what any one says. (I ask you what time it is, and you say “Four dclock.” But

221’HE ELEMENTS OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY THE CHALLENGE OF CULtURAL RELATIVISM 23

there is no presumption that you are speaking truly; you could just as easily have said the first thing that came into your head. So I have no reason to pay attention to your answer — in fact, there was no point in my asking you in the first place!) Communication would then be extremely difficult, if not impossible. And because complex societies cannot exist without regular communication among their members, society would become impossible. It follows that in any complex society there must be a presumption in favor of truthful ness. There may of course be exceptions to this rule: there may be situations in which it is thought to be permissible to lie. Neverthe less, these will be exceptions to a rule that is in force in the society.

Let me give one further example of the same type. Could a society exist in which there was no prohibition on murder? What would this be like? Suppose people were free to kill other people at will, and no one thought there was anything wrong with it. In such a “society,” no one could feel secure. Everyone would have to be constantly on guard. People who wanted to survive would have to avoid other people as much as possible. This would inevitably result in individuals trying to become as self-sufficient as possible— after all, associating with others would be dangerous. Society on any large scale would collapse. of course, people might band together in smaller groups with others that they could trust not to harm them. But notice what this means: they would be forming smaller societies that did acknowledge a rule against murder. The prohibi tion of murder, then, is a necessary feature of all societies.

There is a general theoretical point here, namely, that there aTe some moral rules’ that all societies will have in common, because those rules are necessaryfor sociey to exist, The rules against lying and murder are two examples. And in fact, we do find these rules in force in all viable cultures, Cultures may differ in what they regard as legiti mate exceptions to the rules, but this disagreement exists against a background of agreement on the larger issues. Therefore, it is a mistake to overestimate the amount of difference between cultures. Not every moral rule can vary from society to society.

2.7. What Can Be Learned from Cultural Relativism

At the outset, I said that we were going to identify both what is right and what is wrong in Cultural Relativism. Thus far I have

mentioned only its mistakes: I have said that it rests on an invalid argument, that it has consequences that make it implausible on its face, and that the extent of cultural disagreement is far less than it implies. This all adds up to a pretty thorough repudiation of the theory. Nevertheless, it is still a very appealing idea, and the reader may have the feeling that all this is a little unfair. The theory must have something going for it, or else why has it been so influential? In fact, I think there is something right about Cultural Relativism, and now I want to say what that is. There are two lessons we should learn from the theory, even if we ultimately reject it.

1. Cultural Relativism warns us, quite rightly, about the dan ger of assuming that all our prekrences are based on some abso lute rational standard. They are not. Many (but not all) of our practices are merely peculiar to our society, and it is easy to lose sight of that fact. In reminding us of it, the theory does a service.

Funerary practices are one example. The Callatians, according to Herodotus, were “men who eat their fathers” — a shocking idea, to us at least. But eating the flesh of the dead could be understood as a sign of respect. It could be taken as a symbolic act that says: We wish this person’s spirit to dwell within us. Perhaps this was the understanding of the Callatians. On such a way of thinking, bury ing the dead could be seen as an act of rejection, and burning the corpse as positively scornful. If this is hard to imagine, then we may need to have our imaginations stretched. Of course we may feel a visceral repugnance at the idea of eating human flesh in any cir cumstances. But what of it? This repugnance may be, as the relativ ists say, only a matter of what is customary in our particular society.

There are many other matters that we tend to think of in terms of objective right and wrong, but that are really nothing more than social conventions. Should women cover their breasts? A publicly exposed breast is scandalous in our society, whereas in other Cul tures it is unremarkable, Objectively speaking, it is neither right nor wrong—there is no objective reason why either custom is bet ter. Cultural Relativism begins with the valuable insight that many of our practices are like this — they are only cultural products. Then it goes wrong by concluding that, because some practices are like this, all must be.

2. The second lesson has to do with keeping an open mind. In the course of growing up, each of us has acquired some strong feelings: we have learned to think of some types of conduct as

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acceptable, and others we have learned to regard as simply un acceptable. Occasionally, we may find those tie1ings challenged. We may encounter someone who claims that our feelings are mis taken. For example, we may have been taught that homosexuality is immoral, and we may feel quite uncomfortable around gay peo ple and see them as alien and “different.” Now someone suggests that this may be a mere prejudice; that there is nothing evil about homosexuality; that gay people are just people, like anyone else, who happen, through no choice of their own, to be attracted to others of the same sex. But because we ftel so strongly about the matter, we may find it hard to take this seriously. Even after we listen to the arguments, we may still have the unshakable feeling that homosexuals must, somehow, be an unsavory lot.

Cultural Relativism, by stressing that our moral views can reflect the pr’judices of our society, provides an antidote for this kind of dogmatism. When he tells the story of the Greeks and Calla tians, Herodotus adds:

For if anyone, m matter who, were given the opportunity of choosing from amongst all the nations of the world the set of beliefi which he thought best, he would inevitably, after careful consideration of their relative merits, choose that of his own country. Everyone without exception believes his own native customs, and the religion he was brought up in, to be the best.

Realizing this c:an result in our having more open minds. We can come to understand that our feelings are not necessarily percep tions of the truth* they may be nothing more than the result of cultural conditioning. Thus when we hear it suggested that some element of our social code is not really the best and we find our selves instinctively resisting the suggestion, we might stop and remember this, Then we may be more open to discovering the truth, whatever that might be.

We can understand the appeal of Cultural Relativism, then, even though the theory has serious shortcomings. It is an attractive theory because it is based on a genuine insight — that many of the practices and attitudes we think so natural are really only cultural products. Moreover, keeping this insight firmly in view is impor tant if we want to avoid arrogance and have open minds. These are important points, not to be taken lightly. But we can accept these points without going on to accept the whole theory.

CHAP1ER

Subiectiv in Ethics Take any action illin’d to be it lou’,. Willul nini tier, tot’ nistala e. Examine it in all lights, and see it ‘on con hod that moOd’ of La t. Ut’ real existent e, which vi ni call cue ‘Soc c ,ui ne\ i’r hi ccl it. till on turn your rellexion into your own breast, and find a sentiment ol disapprobation, which arises in you, toward this a don. Here is a matter of fact; but ‘us the ob1ect ot titling, not reason.

D.svm I lt’\ti A J’RE..tIf’,I ui !ii’w t \ .“.ii ( hE (1740)

3.1. The Basic Idea of Ethical Subjectivism The Reverend Jerry Falwell, foundet of the Moral Majority, said in a television interview: “Homosexuality is immoral. The so-called ‘gay rights’ are not rights at all, because immorality is not right. God hates homosexuality, and so do we. But we do not hate the homosexual; we warn to help him by helping into overcome his sin.”

Falwell speaks for a large rmmlz ol Americans who feel that there is something deeply objectionable about huiriosexuality. In other societies, of course, people have othen views. The rulers of present—day Iran agree with F’alwell and take his nw to on extreme: there, homoscxus may be Castrated ot killed 01’ both. (1 dwell him self has not eudorsed such an extreme vie although a leader of’ the Moral Majority in California did orlce propt’ capital punish ment for the “crime” of homosexuality, citing as ins authority a passage in the twentieth chapter of Leviticus.) In England, on the other hand, a more tolerant attitude is taken, and all legal penalties were removed three decades ago. What attitude are we to take? One possibility is that we might agree with Faiwell and say that honiosexuality is in fact immoral. Or we might disai!tec’ anti say

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