Sociology Film Review

Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents Charlotte J. Patterson

University of Virginia

ABSTRACT—Does parental sexual orientation affect child

development, and if so, how? Studies using convenience

samples, studies using samples drawn from known popu-

lations, and studies based on samples that are represen-

tative of larger populations all converge on similar

conclusions. More than two decades of research has failed

to reveal important differences in the adjustment or de-

velopment of children or adolescents reared by same-sex

couples compared to those reared by other-sex couples.

Results of the research suggest that qualities of family re-

lationships are more tightly linked with child outcomes

than is parental sexual orientation.

KEYWORDS—sexual orientation; parenting; lesbian; gay;

child; socialization

Does parental sexual orientation affect child development, and if

so, how? This question has often been raised in the context of

legal and policy proceedings relevant to children, such as those

involving adoption, child custody, or visitation. Divergent views

have been offered by professionals from the fields of psychology,

sociology, medicine, and law (Patterson, Fulcher, & Wainright,

2002). While this question has most often been raised in legal

and policy contexts, it is also relevant to theoretical issues. For

example, does healthy human development require that a child

grow up with parents of each gender? And if not, what would that

mean for our theoretical understanding of parent–child relations

(Patterson & Hastings, in press)? In this article, I describe some

research designed to address these questions.

EARLY RESEARCH

Research on children with lesbian and gay parents began with

studies focused on cases in which children had been born in the

context of a heterosexual marriage. After parental separation and

divorce, many children in these families lived with divorced

lesbian mothers. A number of researchers compared development

among children of divorced lesbian mothers with that among

children of divorced heterosexual mothers and found few signif-

icant differences (Patterson, 1997; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001).

These studies were valuable in addressing concerns of judges

who were required to decide divorce and child custody cases, but

they left many questions unanswered. In particular, because the

children who participated in this research had been born into

homes with married mothers and fathers, it was not obvious how

to understand the reasons for their healthy development. The

possibility that children’s early exposure to apparently hetero-

sexual male and female role models had contributed to healthy

development could not be ruled out.

When lesbian or gay parents rear infants and children from

birth, do their offspring grow up in typical ways and show healthy

development? To address this question, it was important to study

children who had never lived with heterosexual parents. In the

1990s, a number of investigators began research of this kind.

An early example was the Bay Area Families Study, in which

I studied a group of 4- to 9-year-old children who had been born to

oradoptedearlyinlifebylesbianmothers(Patterson,1996,1997).

Data were collected during home visits. Results from in-home

interviews and also from questionnaires showed that children had

regular contact with a wide range of adults of both genders, both

within and outside of their families. The children’s self-concepts

and preferences for same-gender playmates and activities were

much like those of other children their ages. Moreover, stand-

ardized measures of social competence and of behavior problems,

such as those from the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL), showed

that they scored within the range of normal variation for a repre-

sentative sample of same-aged American children. It was clear

from this study and others like it that it was quite possible for

lesbian mothers to rear healthy children.

STUDIES BASED ON SAMPLES DRAWN FROM KNOWN

POPULATIONS

Interpretation of the results from the Bay Area Families Study

was, however, affected by its sampling procedures. The study

Address correspondence to Charlotte J. Patterson, Department of Psychology, P.O. Box 400400, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 22904; e-mail: [email protected].

CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Volume 15—Number 5 241Copyright r 2006 Association for Psychological Science

had been based on a convenience sample that had been as-

sembled by word of mouth. It was therefore impossible to rule out

the possibility that families who participated in the research

were especially well adjusted. Would a more representative

sample yield different results?

To find out, Ray Chan, Barbara Raboy, and I conducted re-

search in collaboration with the Sperm Bank of California (Chan,

Raboy, & Patterson, 1998; Fulcher, Sutfin, Chan, Scheib, &

Patterson, 2005). Over the more than 15 years of its existence,

the Sperm Bank of California’s clientele had included many

lesbian as well as heterosexual women. For research purposes,

this clientele was a finite population from which our sample

could be drawn. The Sperm Bank of California also allowed

a sample in which, both for lesbian and for heterosexual

groups, one parent was biologically related to the child and

one was not.

We invited all clients who had conceived children using the

resources of the Sperm Bank of California and who had children

5 years old or older to participate in our research. The resulting

sample was composed of 80 families, 55 headed by lesbian and

25 headed by heterosexual parents. Materials were mailed to

participating families, with instructions to complete them pri-

vately and return them in self-addressed stamped envelopes we

provided.

Results replicated and expanded upon those from earlier re-

search. Children of lesbian and heterosexual parents showed

similar, relatively high levels of social competence, as well as

similar, relatively low levels of behavior problems on the parent

form of the CBCL. We also asked the children’s teachers to

provide evaluations of children’s adjustment on the Teacher

Report Form of the CBCL, and their reports agreed with those of

parents. Parental sexual orientation was not related to children’s

adaptation. Quite apart from parental sexual orientation, how-

ever, and consistent with findings from years of research on

children of heterosexual parents, when parent–child relation-

ships were marked by warmth and affection, children were more

likely to be developing well. Thus, in this sample drawn from a

known population, measures of children’s adjustment were un-

related to parental sexual orientation (Chan et al., 1998; Fulcher

et al., 2005).

Even as they provided information about children born to

lesbian mothers, however, these new results also raised

additional questions. Women who conceive children at sperm

banks are generally both well educated and financially

comfortable. It was possible that these relatively privileged

women were able to protect children from many forms of dis-

crimination. What if a more diverse group of families were

to be studied? In addition, the children in this sample

averaged 7 years of age, and some concerns focus on older

children and adolescents. What if an older group of youngsters

were to be studied? Would problems masked by youth and

privilege in earlier studies emerge in an older, more diverse

sample?

STUDIES BASED ON REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLES

An opportunity to address these questions was presented by the

availability of data from the National Longitudinal Study of

Adolescent Health (Add Health). The Add Health study in-

volved a large, ethnically diverse, and essentially representative

sample of American adolescents and their parents. Data for our

research were drawn from surveys and interviews completed by

more than 12,000 adolescents and their parents at home and

from surveys completed by adolescents at school.

Parents were not queried directly about their sexual orienta-

tion but were asked if they were involved in a ‘‘marriage, or

marriage-like relationship.’’ If parents acknowledged such a

relationship, they were also asked the gender of their partner.

Thus, we identified a group of 44 12- to 18-year-olds who lived

with parents involved in marriage or marriage-like relationships

with same-sex partners. We compared them with a matched

group of adolescents living with other-sex couples. Data from the

archives of the Add Health study allowed us to address many

questions about adolescent development.

Consistent with earlier findings, results of this work revealed

few differences in adjustment between adolescents living with

same-sex parents and those living with opposite-sex parents

(Wainright, Russell, & Patterson, 2004; Wainright & Patterson,

2006). There were no significant differences between teenagers

living with same-sex parents and those living with other-sex

parents on self-reported assessments of psychological well-being,

such as self-esteem and anxiety; measures of school outcomes,

such as grade point averages and trouble in school; or measures of

family relationships, such as parental warmth and care from

adults and peers. Adolescents in the two groups were equally

likely to saythattheyhadbeeninvolvedinaromanticrelationship

in thelast18months,and they were equallylikelytoreporthaving

engaged in sexual intercourse. The only statistically reliable

difference between the two groups—that those with same-sex

parents felt a greater sense of connection to people at school—

favored the youngsters living with same-sex couples. There were

no significant differences in self-reported substance use, delin-

quency, or peer victimization between those reared by same- or

other-sex couples (Wainright & Patterson, 2006).

Although the gender of parents’ partners was not an important

predictor of adolescent well-being, other aspects of family re-

lationships were significantly associated with teenagers’ ad-

justment. Consistent with other findings about adolescent

development, the qualities of family relationships rather than

the gender of parents’ partners were consistently related to ad-

olescent outcomes. Parents who reported having close rela-

tionships with their offspring had adolescents who reported more

favorable adjustment. Not only is it possible for children and

adolescents who are parented by same-sex couples to develop in

healthy directions, but—even when studied in an extremely

diverse, representative sample of American adolescents—they

generally do.

242 Volume 15—Number 5

Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents

These findings have been supported by results from many

other studies, both in the United States and abroad. Susan

Golombok and her colleagues have reported similar results with

a near-representative sample of children in the United Kingdom

(Golombok et al., 2003). Others, both in Europe and in the

United States, have described similar findings (e.g., Brewaeys,

Ponjaert, Van Hall, & Golombok, 1997).

The fact that children of lesbian mothers generally develop in

healthy ways should not be taken to suggest that they encounter

no challenges. Many investigators have remarked upon the fact

that children of lesbian and gay parents may encounter anti-gay

sentiments in their daily lives. For example, in a study of 10-

year-old children born to lesbian mothers, Gartrell, Deck,

Rodas, Peyser, and Banks (2005) reported that a substantial

minority had encountered anti-gay sentiments among their

peers. Those who had had such encounters were likely to report

having felt angry, upset, or sad about these experiences. Chil-

dren of lesbian and gay parents may be exposed to prejudice

against their parents in some settings, and this may be painful for

them, but evidence for the idea that such encounters affect

children’s overall adjustment is lacking.

CONCLUSIONS

Does parental sexual orientation have an important impact on

child or adolescent development? Results of recent research

provide no evidence that it does. In fact, the findings suggest that

parental sexual orientation is less important than the qualities of

family relationships. More important to youth than the gender of

their parent’s partner is the quality of daily interaction and the

strength of relationships with the parents they have.

One possible approach to findings like the ones described

above might be to shrug them off by reiterating the familiar adage

that ‘‘one cannot prove the null hypothesis.’’ To respond in this

way, however, is to miss the central point of these studies.

Whether or not any measurable impact of parental sexual

orientation on children’s development is ever demonstrated, the

main conclusions from research to date remain clear: Whatever

correlations between child outcomes and parental sexual

orientation may exist, they are less important than those between

child outcomes and the qualities of family relationships.

Although research to date has made important contributions,

many issues relevant to children of lesbian andgay parents remain

in need of study. Relatively few studies have examined the de-

velopment of children adopted by lesbian or gay parents or of

children born to gay fathers; further research in both areas would

be welcome (Patterson, 2004). Some notable longitudinal studies

have been reported, and they have found children of same-sex

couples to be in good mental health. Greater understanding of

family relationships and transitions over time would, however, be

helpful, and longitudinal studies would be valuable. Future re-

searchcouldalsobenefitfromtheuseofavarietyofmethodologies.

Meanwhile, the clarity of findings in this area has been ac-

knowledged by a number of major professional organizations.

For instance, the governing body of the American Psychological

Association (APA) voted unanimously in favor of a statement

that said, ‘‘Research has shown that the adjustment, develop-

ment, and psychological well-being of children is unrelated to

parental sexual orientation and that children of lesbian and gay

parents are as likely as those of heterosexual parents to flourish’’

(APA, 2004). The American Bar Association, the American

Medical Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics,

the American Psychiatric Association, and other mainstream

professional groups have issued similar statements.

The findings from research on children of lesbian and gay

parents have been used to inform legal and public policy debates

across the country (Patterson et al., 2002). The research litera-

ture on this subject has been cited in amicus briefs filed by

the APA in cases dealing with adoption, child custody, and also

in cases related to the legality of marriages between same-sex

partners. Psychologists serving as expert witnesses have pre-

sented findings on these issues in many different courts (Pat-

terson et al., 2002). Through these and other avenues, results of

research on lesbian and gay parents and their children are

finding their way into public discourse.

The findings are also beginning to address theoretical ques-

tions about critical issues in parenting. The importance of gen-

der in parenting is one such issue. When children fare well in

two-parent lesbian-mother or gay-father families, this suggests

that the gender of one’s parents cannot be a critical factor in child

development. Results of research on children of lesbian and gay

parents cast doubt upon the traditional assumption that gender is

important in parenting. Our data suggest that it is the quality of

parenting rather than the gender of parents that is significant for

youngsters’ development.

Research on children of lesbian and gay parents is thus lo-

cated at the intersection of a number of classic and contemporary

concerns. Studies of lesbian- and gay-parented families allow

researchers to address theoretical questions that had previously

remained difficult or impossible to answer. They also address

oft-debated legal questions of fact about development of chil-

dren with lesbian and gay parents. Thus, research on children of

lesbian and gay parents contributes to public debate and legal

decision making, as well as to theoretical understanding of

human development.

Recommended Reading Golombok, S., Perry, B., Burston, A., Murray, C., Mooney-Somers, J.,

Stevens, M., & Golding, J. (2003). (See References)

Patterson, C.J., Fulcher, M., & Wainright, J. (2002). (See References)

Stacey, J., & Biblarz, T.J. (2001). (See References)

Wainright, J.L., & Patterson, C.J. (2006). (See References)

Wainright, J.L., Russell, S.T., & Patterson, C.J. (2004). (See References)

Volume 15—Number 5 243

Charlotte J. Patterson

REFERENCES

American Psychological Association (2004). Resolution on sexual

orientation, parents, and children. Retrieved September 25,

2006, from http://www.apa.org/pi/lgbc/policy/parentschildren.

pdf

Brewaeys, A., Ponjaert, I., Van Hall, E.V., & Golombok, S. (1997).

Donor insemination: Child development and family functioning in

lesbian mother families. Human Reproduction, 12, 1349–1359.

Chan, R.W., Raboy, B., & Patterson, C.J. (1998). Psychosocial adjust-

ment among children conceived via donor insemination by lesbian

and heterosexual mothers. Child Development, 69, 443–457.

Fulcher, M., Sutfin, E.L., Chan, R.W., Scheib, J.E., & Patterson, C.J.

(2005). Lesbian mothers and their children: Findings from the

Contemporary Families Study. In A. Omoto & H. Kurtzman (Eds.),

Recent research on sexual orientation, mental health, and substance

abuse (pp. 281–299). Washington, DC: American Psychological

Association.

Gartrell, N., Deck., A., Rodas, C., Peyser, H., & Banks, A. (2005).

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10-year-old children. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 75,

518–524.

Golombok, S., Perry, B., Burston, A., Murray, C., Mooney-Somers, J.,

Stevens, M., & Golding, J. (2003). Children with lesbian parents: A

community study. Developmental Psychology, 39, 20–33.

Patterson, C.J. (1996). Lesbian mothers and their children: Findings

from the Bay Area Families Study. In J. Laird & R.J. Green (Eds.),

Lesbians and gays in couples and families: A handbook for ther- apists (pp. 420–437). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Patterson, C.J. (1997). Children of lesbian and gay parents. In T. Ol-

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Wiley.

Patterson, C.J., Fulcher, M., & Wainright, J. (2002). Children of lesbian

and gay parents: Research, law, and policy. In B.L. Bottoms, M.B.

Kovera, & B.D. McAuliff (Eds.), Children, social science and the law (pp. 176–199). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Patterson, C.J., & Hastings, P. (in press). Socialization in context of

family diversity. In J. Grusec & P. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook of

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Stacey, J., & Biblarz, T.J. (2001). (How) Does sexual orientation of

parents matter? American Sociological Review, 65, 159–183.

Wainright, J.L., & Patterson, C.J. (2006). Delinquency, victimization,

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Wainright, J.L., Russell, S.T., & Patterson, C.J. (2004). Psychosocial

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