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OCTOBER 2OO4
Public Allies Building the Infrastructure for Growth
Copyright ©2005 The Bridgespan Group, Inc. Bridgespan is a registered trademark of The Bridgespan Group, Inc. All rights reserved.
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Summary
Strong support from AmeriCorps, fees from organizations who sponsor “Allies,”
and clearly documented program results have propelled Public Allies’ growth. Over
the years, Public Allies has worked hard to find the appropriate level of control and
decentralization with its branches, and the organization recently decided to migrate
all of its sites to a licensee model in which organizations or universities manage
local programs, relieving some of the administrative and financial burden on local
sites. Public Allies also is planning future growth with a new, lower cost model and
a more targeted approach to site development.
Organizational Snapshot
Organization: Public Allies
Year founded: 1992
Headquarters: Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Mission: “Public Allies advances diverse young leaders to strengthen
communities, nonprofits, and civic participation.”
Program: Public Allies identifies talented young adults (known as “Allies”) ages 18
to 30 from diverse and underrepresented backgrounds and develops their
leadership potential through a 10-month program of full-time, paid apprenticeships
in nonprofit organizations, weekly leadership trainings, and team service projects.
The organization aims to change community leadership with a new generation of
young adults from diverse and underrepresented backgrounds committed to
careers working for community and social change and with practices emphasizing
collaboration, diversity and inclusion, identifying assets, continuous learning and
integrity. Public Allies believes such leadership will unite people and groups
together, create more effective and responsive organizations, engage the assets of
more citizens, and ultimately build a more just and equitable society. In 2004, 203
Allies served nonprofit organizations and local communities in 11 sites. Over the
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organization’s history, over 600 nonprofits have been served and 1,523 Allies have
graduated from the program. Eighty-two percent of Ally graduates continue careers
in community and public service with very high levels of civic engagement. Ninety-
six percent of partner organizations report that their Ally’s impact met or exceeded
their expectations and 83 percent reported that they would sustain the services
expanded and enhanced by their Allies.
Size: $7.3 million in revenue; 12 employees in the national headquarters, and 55
employees across the entire organization (as of 2003).
Revenue growth rate: Compound annual growth rate (1999-2003): 9 percent;
highest annual growth rate (1999-2003): 39 percent in 2001.
Funding sources: In 2003, more than 70 percent of Public Allies’ network
revenues come from an almost even split of government funding (AmeriCorps) and
earned-income fees that it charges partners for employing an Ally. In previous
years, foundations, corporations and individuals played a larger role than they did
in 2003. The national office receives about 20 percent of its funding from
AmeriCorps.
Organizational structure: Public Allies started with a branch structure, with all
sites operating under one 501(c)(3), but it is now in the process of transitioning to a
licensee structure, with each site operating under a host organization’s 501(c)(3). It
operates in 10 locations: Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Chicago, Illinois; Cincinnati, Ohio;
New York City, New York; Los Angeles, California; Wilmington, Delaware; Raleigh-
Durham, North Carolina; Bridgeport, Connecticut; Milpitas, California (Silicon
Valley); and Estes Park, Colorado (Eagle Rock).
Leadership: Paul Schmitz, president and CEO, was the first leader of the Public
Allies Milwaukee site and is the third leader of the organization.
More information: www.publicallies.org
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Key Milestones
1992: Founded; launched its first apprenticeship program in Washington,
D.C.
1993: Expanded to Chicago with a National Service demonstration grant
from President Bush’s Commission on National and Community Service
1994: Received funding from the new AmeriCorps program; expanded to
Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Raleigh-Durham, North Carolina; and Wilmington,
Delaware
1995: Expanded to Silicon Valley, California
1998: Expanded to Cincinnati, Ohio
1999: Expanded to Los Angeles, California and New York City, New York
2000: Schmitz became CEO; expanded to Taos, New Mexico through a
partnership with the Rocky Mountain Youth Corps’ Public Allies Delaware
affiliates with the University of Delaware’s Center for Community Research
and Service
2001: Public Allies North Carolina paused due to a financial struggles;
created program baselines and standards, and completed strategic plan to
strengthen and grow the program model and to mobilize alumni through new
programs
2002: Expanded to Eagle Rock; introduced online evaluation tools; began
alumni programming
2003: Closed Taos site
2004: Opened Connecticut site; closed Washington, D.C. site
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Growth Story
In 1992 Vanessa Kirsch and Katrina Browne, at the time two recent college
graduates, founded Public Allies with the aim of correcting stereotypes about
“slacker” GenXers. They saw that many talented young people were committed to
active citizenship and community change, but that nonprofits had a hard time
meaningfully tapping into this talent pool of emerging leaders. With help from
hundreds of volunteers, Kirsch and Browne created Public Allies to recruit, train,
and support diverse young leaders, and to prepare them to assume national and
community leadership on pressing public issues.
The organization launched its first apprenticeship program in Washington, D.C.,
placing 15 young people in positions of influence in the city’s nonprofit sector. The
following year, Public Allies Chicago began with 30 more Allies. In 1994, people
like current Public Allies President and CEO Paul Schmitz lobbied Public Allies to
create sites in their cities, and so Public Allies helped them start local chapters in
Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Raleigh-Durham, North Carolina; and Wilmington,
Delaware. The organization opened in San Jose/Silicon Valley, California in 1995;
Cincinnati, Ohio in 1998; Los Angeles, California and New York City, New York in
1999; Taos, New Mexico in 2000; and Estes Park, Colorado in 2002. Public Allies
has explored other sites over the past decade with the availability of AmeriCorps
and private funds often driving final decisions.
The organization always intended to be national, but between 1992 and 1996
growth was opportunistic, often resulting from partners asking to replicate Public
Allies’ program in their communities or from Kirsch or Browne expressing interest
in a specific location. In fact, Schmitz recalls that when he was head of the
Milwaukee office, he did not have the support of the national board which did not
wish to expand there or in Delaware. “The ironic thing is that Milwaukee and
Delaware are two of the strongest sites, because the challenges they put up to us
in the beginning forced us to build something stronger than perhaps anyone else in
the network had built.”
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In 1992, President Bush named the group one his “Demonstration Projects for
National Service,” and in 1994 it was one of the initial organizations that received
funding from the newly created AmeriCorps program. Presidents Bill Clinton and
George W. Bush have both honored the group’s work over the years. All the
attention led to strong interest from funders, and with it, strong pressure to grow.
Public Allies made Schmitz vice president of strategy and expansion in 1997, and
Schmitz met with leaders in six communities who had contacted Public Allies about
expansion. His uncle, then the president of Xavier University in Cincinnati, had
invited him to explore opening a site there. After gaining the support of dozens of
community organizations and leaders, Public Allies received multi-year gifts from
Procter & Gamble and its chairman. The organization also created a binder that
included detailed information on program methods and best practices to share with
the new site. “We felt like it was our first time doing things right — all of our sites
were struggling financially, but we saw Cincinnati and were like, ‘Wow! This is how
it could be done.’”
The CEO and the board decided New York and Los Angeles were the next logical
cities for expansion, due to the amount of national funding coming from New York
and the presence of two board members in Los Angeles. “At that time we decided
if we were going to be truly national, we needed the two biggest cities,” he says.
(See Figure 1 for the growth in Allies graduating from the program.)
But with limited standards and management, sites evolved in their own directions,
starting additional programs and making operating decisions without consulting
with the national office even though the national office was ultimately liable.
Despite inconsistencies in their program models, local sites achieved positive
results and were championed in their communities, which made national
interventions more difficult. Monitoring sites was also challenging due to the lack of
national infrastructure. One local director, after a review that noted her lack of
compliance with organizational policies, said that she thought she was running a
local organization not a national program. “We grew the idea of Public Allies before
we grew a clearly defined program or organizational model,” added Schmitz.
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This information is confidential and was prepared by The Bridgespan Group solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any 3rd party without The Bridgespan Group’s prior written consent.
Figure 1
1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
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54
127 124 148 142 147
201 214
203
238
203
0
100
200
300
Number of Allies
Graduates
Non- graduates
Number of sites
Graduation rate
2
88%
5
89%
6
83%
6
89%
6
87%
7
80%
9
87%
10
73%
9
77%
11
86%
11
85%
11
88%
Source: Organization internal data
In 2001, growth paused as the organization conducted a strategic plan. “We ran
out of money,” Schmitz explains, referring to Public Allies’ financial crisis in 2000
(see Capital section). No one would help fund the planning process, so Public
Allies surveyed 170 stakeholders on its own. It learned that alumni were an under-
tapped and under-developed resource, so the organization developed a plan to
continue supporting the leadership development of alumni. The study also
revealed that the organization needed to raise its profile and better report the
results stakeholders saw from the program.
The plan called for expanding to 20 cities by 2006, primarily through “franchise-
like” affiliations. Under this arrangement, the Public Allies national office would
license other nonprofit organizations to run Public Allies sites under the umbrella of
the licensee’s 501(c)(3). Public Allies would provide the program, training,
technical assistance, and assessment tools and processes. The Delaware site was
the first licensee created under the new plan, operating out of the University of
Delaware starting in September 2000.
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The plan helped further efforts over time to more clearly define the Public Allies
model and organizational structure. Public Allies sites had created their own vision
and mission statements until 1996. Program methods and best practices were first
pulled together into a handbook in 1998 by a team of program staff representing
each site. Program baselines and standards for each component of the program
and a process for monitoring site quality were established in 2000. Financial
policies were established in 2001, common program evaluation tools and systems
were established in 2002, and site operating standards were created in 2003.
With hindsight, Schmitz recognizes that more clearly defined program and
management systems would have helped when he was running the Milwaukee
office. “Early in our history, we had to seize the opportunity that existed for us to
grow or we wouldn’t be in many of our sites. Having a consistent program model at
that time would have been great, but the experimentation that came from these
new sites are what developed the successful model we have today.”
“I think there was a lot of work in making sure we had a very firm foundation on
which to build things, but we’ve been building it and trying to live in it at the same
time with very limited capacity until recently,” says Dawn Hutchison, vice president
for marketing and development. “As we start expanding [again, we need to] have
our program and management expectations clearly defined with the right support
to help people successfully implement them from day one.”
Schmitz believes that capacity and culture are important considerations in growth.
“The problem was that over time, we developed this very decentralized culture with
very limited national management either from lack of experience or from lack of
capacity. For instance, in 1995 when there were five Public Allies sites, we had 13
national office staff and they were all young people who were new to the field. And
in 2000, we had grown to 10 sites, but we only had seven national office staff. The
culture that evolved and the lack of standard management systems conflicted with
our structure as a single 501(c)(3). As we sought to build our national office
infrastructure, standards, and management systems, there was great resistance
from sites who wanted more support but wanted to retain control.”
While building standards and systems in recent years, Public Allies has worked
hard to address the underlying structural issues and to become more strategic
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about growth. The Monitor Group recently led the creation of a new Public Allies
strategic plan, and the organization has met with leaders from McKinsey,
Bridgespan, YouthBuild, Teach for America, City Year, City Cares, Jumpstart and
others to learn more about national-local structures and growth-related operational
issues. As a result, Public Allies chose to migrate all of its sites to the licensee
structure, and to grow its impact through new licensee sites and through
dissemination of its leadership development approach to other organizations.
Another recent change is that Public Allies now uses a more rigorous way of
evaluating new geographic opportunities. Potential sites apply through an
extensive, albeit collaborative, process with Public Allies. The organization
received three detailed applications for new sites from a 2003 nationwide call for
proposals, and selected only one. The first site developed through this method was
recently launched through a licensee relationship with a group in Connecticut.
One of Public Allies’ key assets in growing its model has been its efforts to track
Allies’ outcomes. It does so with three tools, all of which collect data electronically
via the organization’s intranet: The Personal Impact Service Documentation (PISD)
system; 360 Degree Feedback Assessments; and frequent surveys of both Allies
and partner organizations. In addition to the electronic tools, Allies participate in
Presentations of Learning at the end of the year when they defend how they have
achieved the organization’s outcomes. Public Allies commissions an annual “Year
End Evaluation Report,” written by the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee using
the data collected through these tools. Public Allies also actively tracks the
performance of its alumni through annual surveys.
Public Allies developed their current online evaluation system with the help of a
few “Cisco Fellows”, employees Cisco Systems, Inc. “loaned” to the organization.
Claire Thompson, director of continuous learning, says, “The Cisco fellows were
the impetus for this electronic system. They piloted an online system at the Silicon
Valley site, helped us find the consultants, planted the seeds of change, and we
took it from there and ran with it … The idea was that we needed to measure and
report impact better, share information among sites, and streamline administrative
processes.” Paul Schmitz credits the Cisco Fellows with keeping the costs
manageable: “Our process was very inexpensive. We could not have had it done
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anywhere else.” Public Allies has documented its technology transformation in a
case study called “Recipe for Replication,” which is available on the organization’s
website along with a presentation on its PISD and other evaluation tools.
Hutchison, vice president for marketing and development, says the outcome
measurement has been valuable in sustaining and growing funding from
AmeriCorps and other sources, at the national and site levels: “The PISD is an
incredible, powerful tool … The sector is asking for that information, and we are
able to deliver it.”
CONFIGURATION
Public Allies started as a branch organization, with each site operating under the
501(c)(3) of the national office. Lack of experience and capacity among national
staff members early on and Public Allies’ mission of developing local community
leadership, however, created a culture that gave sites a great deal of control. “If
your culture is all about local leadership, it is tough to have one centralized
organization,” says Schmitz.
Local sites had an independent local advisory board, which the local site director
chose but which shared with national the hiring and firing authority over the
director. The program model was not codified in detail before the initial expansion,
enabling local sites to vary the program model, which several did to a significant
degree. Despite the inconsistencies in their program models, local sites achieved
positive results which fueled their continued growth. AmeriCorps funding led to
some shifts in the model. “Initial program offerings were more advocacy oriented,
but as Public Allies began receiving AmeriCorps funding, it became direct service
oriented and more outcome directed,” says Schmitz.
Further, the reporting structure between the local sites and national office was
unclear, and the national office had little control over “rogue” sites that developed
program priorities or operating decisions which diverged from the national
organization. For example, one local site decided it would be more cost effective to
share space with other nonprofit organizations, so it leased office space large
enough to hold three organizations and planned to sublet the space to other
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nonprofits. When the national office finally learned of this, it was unhappy that it
would have to bear the liability of excess real estate if the local site were unable to
lease the space.
Public Allies eventually found its relationship with local sites unsustainable. “Our
model was flawed,” says Hutchison. “We have a very decentralized culture.” Not
only was the national office unable to control local programs, but it was also liable
for the local sites’ persistent budget deficits. Local site directors have minimal
accountability to national because “[the national office] can always bail local sites
out,” says Schmitz. “The home office has all of the responsibility and none of the
control.”
The organization recently announced it would close its Washington, D.C., office,
the site of Public Allies’ first program. “We have come to the conclusion, that even
under the best local leadership, we will struggle locally to raise the necessary
dollars,” said Schmitz in an announcement about the closure. “Our program
achieves great outcomes, but is fairly expensive and too small in scale locally to
justify the infrastructure that would allow us to raise more funds. The struggles we
have faced are structural.” Public Allies is currently working with D.C. alumni to
identify a partner to re-launch and operate Public Allies D.C. in 2005.
D.C. was not the first site Public Allies has had to close. The Taos site was another
example of a licensee structure, in which the Rocky Mountain Youth Corps (RMYC)
hosted Public Allies. Public Allies closed the site because of the challenges of
operating effectively in a small, rural community and because of the divergent
cultures between Public Allies, a program that embraces the conflicts and
challenges inherent in leadership development, and RMYC, a youth corps program
that is focused on helping young people gain greater discipline.
The Public Allies National Board recently issued an ultimatum: all sites will either
have to become licensees (i.e., operate under another a host organization’s
501(c)(3)) or close, because, says Schmitz, “Either you centralize the culture or
decentralize the structure. Our program’s culture has been a key component of our
success while a more hierarchical structure runs contrary to our purpose.” Their
research showed that many of the sites couldn’t bear the high costs of
incorporating as a 501(c)(3). “A single program that develops 30 leaders a year
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cannot justify or build the necessary infrastructure to operate an effective
organization,” says Schmitz. And David Weaver, vice president of leadership
development, believes that branch executive directors who have more limited
fundraising skills would welcome the structure that comes with being a licensee,
because a university or nonprofit partner could help with costs and fundraising.
Schmitz is drawn to elements of a model like Jumpstart, in which a licensee falls
under another organization’s 501(c)(3), such as a university or community
organization. The Public Allies national office would still support local sites with
training, technical assistance, evaluation, and participation in a larger network.
Public Allies experimented with the licensee structure in Delaware, where the local
site is run by the University of Delaware. It found that the arrangement met its
conflicting goals of having local leadership, local control, and local risk bearing
while meeting quality standards, maintaining the brand identity, and representing
our leadership culture. Public Allies sites are all currently in talks with universities
and other nonprofits to begin migrating to the new structure. In addition, Public
Allies is exploring efforts to disseminate their leadership development approaches,
curriculum, and assessment processes to other organizations.
Additionally, Public Allies is using its stepped up outcome evaluation efforts to help
sites manage program quality. The national office tailors the outcome data it tracks
to meet the needs of local offices. According to Thompson, director of continuous
learning, “We look at program improvement options for our sites — where they
stood out, where they fell short — and then we use different venues to share best
practices.” The national office also offers Web-based seminars twice a month that
help sites learn best practices, and continuous learning officers visit sites twice per
year and look for ways to improve programs.
CAPITAL
Public Allies relies on AmeriCorps for about 20 percent of its national office
funding, and about one-third of its local funding. “I don’t know that we could
replace that money,” says Hutchison. “Sites are struggling with the fundraising they
have to do now, and that would be very different without AmeriCorps.”
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AmeriCorps funding goes to both the national office and directly to the sites. But
cash flow is tricky to manage, because of the government’s slow schedule of
payments. There is sometimes a delay of up to six months between the time Public
Allies’ national office pays out money to support local sites and when national
receives its money from AmeriCorps.
When AmeriCorps funding was threatened in 2003, Public Allies had to work
doubly hard on advocacy and political negotiating to keep the money. AmeriCorps
has been useful in funding expansion, but the financial risk of depending heavily
on a funding source that can disappear with a change of administration weighs
heavily on Public Allies’ management team and board. Further, the AmeriCorps
money is highly sought after; Public Allies sometimes must compete with
organizations it would prefer to partner with.
Earned-income revenues are almost equal in magnitude to the government
funding stream. Public Allies partners with nonprofit organizations, which agree to
host an “Ally” and pay a portion of his or her salary (AmeriCorps pays the other
portion), as well as a nominal administration fee. AmeriCorps funds non-program
staff, in part, and unrestricted grants fund the rest.
The remaining revenue comes from foundations, corporations and individuals.
“Individual funders have to be in there from the beginning because it shows broad
support, and gets folks engaged and bought into the program,” says Hutchison.
“But it is very high touch and intensive and requires a capacity that our local offices
lack with their limited scale.” (See Figure 2 for a breakdown of Public Allies’
revenue sources.)
Although individuals have not been the largest funders for Public Allies, they have
played an important role, giving mostly unrestricted funds. When a financial crisis
in 2000 almost forced the organization to close, a board member stepped in with
gifts to cover over $200,000 of expenses. The organization moved headquarters to
Milwaukee, which cut operating costs dramatically. It also pared its national office
staff down from seven to four and cut other expenses to eliminate $370,000 in
accumulated debt from sites.
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This information is confidential and was prepared by The Bridgespan Group solely for the use of our client; it is not to be relied on by any 3rd party without The Bridgespan Group’s prior written consent.
Figure 2
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
$4.2
$5.3 $5.1
$7.1
$8.8
$7.3
0
2
4
6
8
$10M
Public Allies revenue
Government Foundation Individual Corporate
Other (incl. partner fees)
Budget surplus (deficit) ($M)
Annual revenue growth
-$0.1M
N/A
-$0.1M
26%
$0.0M
-3%
$1.4M
39%
$1.7M
23%
-$1.4M
-17%
Note: Revenues are recorded on accrual basis in which multi-year pledges are booked in the year received and deficits may be offset by payments of previous pledges Source: Organization internal data
“In our first eight years, Public Allies subsidized $1.2 million of site losses. By
2000, it caught up to us. Things got better for a few years, but in recent years, we
have again had to subsidize site losses with unrestricted funds,” Schmitz says.
“This is an unsustainable and un-strategic way to operate. When you’re in survival
mode, you delay and divert resources from projects that move you forward and
strengthen the organization to instead cover day-to-day costs just to keep the
doors open.”
Public Allies’ local budgets tend to be very tight: Ally stipends and benefits are 57
percent of expenses; personnel (each site has an executive director, one program
manager per 10 Allies and a few sites have an additional administrative position)
are 32 percent of expenses; fixed operating costs (rent, copier rental, etc.) are 7
percent; and the remaining 5 percent covers everything else, including Ally
training, graduation ceremonies, office supplies, postage, and other “discretionary”
expenses. When fundraising shortfalls are discovered, there is little room to cut
expenses, except personnel, and program staff are two-thirds funded by
AmeriCorps. “The structure of our local site budgets makes it difficult to do much
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more than cover the losses if you want to complete the program year,” Schmitz
adds.
Public Allies is now working to improve its individual donor strategy, rolling out a
campaign in which sites will receive $1 from national for every $2 they raise. Local
boards are also being encouraged to focus more on fundraising. But this national
fundraising strategy is challenged by the institutional design of local control. Dawn
Hutchison, who was recently hired by the national office to increase individual and
foundation funding and who used to work at Jumpstart, notes, “At Jumpstart we
would say, ‘This is what we’re doing.’ At Public Allies, we say, ‘Here’s an
opportunity — do you want to participate?’”
Public Allies has achieved greater success with foundations, but funding streams
for “leadership development” are challenging to navigate. To Schmitz, the problem
stems from the fact that a “leadership development organization” is difficult to
explain. “The complexity of our model allows us to fit in many funders’ ‘boxes,’ yet
not fit neatly in any one ‘box.’ Local funders are more likely to fund the direct
service of our members than their leadership development. Fundraising for a
leadership development program is more analogous to a school than a direct
service organization, as the impact on our participants grows over time.” Public
Allies has tracked long-term results of their participants which has helped them
make the case for such support.
CAPABILITIES
Public Allies has expanded its national office staffing in recent years beyond what
they planned in 2001. Good people were brought on board and Public Allies
figured out how to use their assets to strengthen the organization. For example,
Schmitz came to the organization as a local site director in Milwaukee, and then
became national vice president of strategy when the organization grew. In 2001,
Schmitz became CEO after Chuck Supple moved to California to work for then-
governor Gray Davis. Schmitz decided he would only take the CEO position if
Public Allies moved its headquarters to Milwaukee. The board agreed.
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The organization has had three leaders in a little over 10 years, a level of turnover
that makes it challenging to keep momentum going for the program, and to keep
the new sites aligned with national office’s goals. Schmitz estimates that his time is
split as follows: 30 percent on fundraising, 25 percent on general management, 20
percent on external relations and communications, 10 percent on program
strategy, 10 percent on government relations, and 5 percent on the board.
The organization conducted strategic plans in both 1997 and 2001, both of which
helped guide its hiring. Public Allies hired an IT staff member after working with
Cisco to overhaul its technology infrastructure and to build a system for local site
evaluations. Specialists in development and program evaluation were also brought
in. A government-relations position was added because of the organization’s
reliance on AmeriCorps funding.
Because Schmitz was becoming stretched too thin, over the past two years Public
Allies has added a senior management layer, hiring vice presidents of
development, continuous learning, and leadership development. These additions
have enabled Schmitz to spend more time on fund development activities. The
chief operating officer position has been the hardest position to hire for. One
person hired for the job did not work out, so the organization is still looking.
The 2001 strategic plan did not envision all of these new positions. “As we built our
infrastructure, we outgrew the capabilities of some of our staff, meaning that some
folks needed to be let go with growth,” says Schmitz.
Weaver has put together a new “institute” to train and develop local executive
directors and program staff, with the goal of giving people preparation to move up
the career ladder. After six years, Weaver will be leaving Public Allies in a few
months to pursue either another job in the nonprofit sector or further education.
“People should always be advancing in their careers,” he says. He believes there
should be more internal promotions within Public Allies, or else voluntary turnover,
once people hit an experience ceiling. Additionally, Schmitz has begun planning for
his eventual succession.
Public Allies also changed the nature of its board. Schmitz recalls that during his
early days as CEO, the board had great energy, but it wasn’t very demanding. This
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“rubber-stamping” board led Public Allies through the transition to greater
professional management, but it lacked diversity and experience with growing
nonprofit organizations. In 2002, the organization transitioned to a “tough”
governing board, with a new board chair. “The board needs to be managed and
engaged just like the staff,” says Schmitz. “They definitely need more attention.”
Key Insights
Finding the right local structure. Public Allies has struggled with the
appropriate level of control and decentralization with its local sites. The
organization is currently transitioning to a licensee model in which partner
organizations carry more of the administrative and financial burden for local
sites. Public Allies sees itself now as replicating a program not replicating an
organizational model.
Relying on government support. Because it depends heavily on one
funding source (i.e., AmeriCorps), Public Allies has had to invest a great deal
of time and energy into ensuring that that source continues. Diversification
into other sources has not been easy because of a lack of clarity about
leadership programs and how that fits into funders’ priorities.
Planning for growth. In a change from the opportunistic approach to growth
Public Allies pursued historically, the organization is now being more
deliberate about planning for growth. It has established a new licensee
model, a site-evaluation tool, and a geographic expansion process for
potential partners. It also has a more replicable program model with the
appropriate tools, processes, and support to implement it.
Limiting financial risk. Public Allies’ branch structure has made the national
liable for local fundraising shortfalls. The national board expects the sites to
raise their funds and the local advisory boards expect the national to provide
more support. With few costs to cut, the national covers site losses, often
diverting funds from the activities that can build capacity to prevent such
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future losses. The new licensee structure will streamline costs, add local
capacity and prevent national from having to cover such losses in the future.
Using low-cost technological solutions. Collecting data electronically via
an intranet has allowed the organization to measure and report impact, to
share information among sites, and to streamline administrative processes.
In-kind contributions from Cisco Systems, Inc. combined with outsourcing
and the online nature of the system helped lower the cost of creating and
maintaining it.