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Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Pubertal Timing as a Moderator Between General Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem Among African American and Caribbean Black Youth Eleanor K. Seaton and Rona Carter Online First Publication, September 19, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000305

CITATION Seaton, E. K., & Carter, R. (2019, September 19). Pubertal Timing as a Moderator Between General Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem Among African American and Caribbean Black Youth. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000305

Pubertal Timing as a Moderator Between General Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem Among African American and Caribbean

Black Youth

Eleanor K. Seaton Arizona State University

Rona Carter University of Michigan

Objectives: The present study used a nationally representative sample of African American and Carib- bean Black adolescents to examine whether relative pubertal timing moderated the relation between general and racial discrimination experiences and self-esteem. It was anticipated that discrimination experiences would be more harmful for early maturing African American and Caribbean Black girls and boys compared to their on-time and late counterparts. Method: The participants included 1170 youth (e.g., 563 males and 607 females) from the National Survey of American Life-Adolescent (NSAL-A) who ranged in age from 13 to 17. Youth completed self-report measures of pubertal development, general and racial discrimination experiences, and self-esteem. Results: Moderation was evident such that African American and Caribbean Black girls who perceived their pubertal development as early relative to their same-age and same-sex peers exhibited higher self-esteem than African American and Caribbean Black girls who perceived their development as late at high levels of general discrimination experiences. Moderation was not evident for racial discrimination experiences among African American and Carib- bean Black girls, nor was it evident for general and racial discrimination experiences among African American and Caribbean Black males. Conclusions: The findings suggest that relative pubertal timing operates as a potential moderator for general discrimination experiences among African American and Caribbean Black girls.

Public Significance Statement The study suggests that African American and Caribbean Black girls who start puberty earlier than their female counterparts had high self-esteem when they experienced discrimination. This was in contrast to African American and Caribbean Black girls who started puberty later than their female counterparts who had lower self-esteem when they experienced discrimination.

Keywords: African American, Caribbean Black, adolescents, perceived pubertal timing, discrimination experiences

Discrimination is a common experience for Black1 youth. Cur- rent estimates from national data suggest that the majority of African American and Caribbean Black youth reported discrimi- natory experiences within the past year (Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers,

& Jackson, 2008). Although discrimination may be attributed to various demographic characteristics, the most prevalent attribution included race/ethnicity among African American and Caribbean Black youth (Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson, 2010). Given the prevalence of discrimination and racial discrimination experi- ences among Black youth, it is unsurprising that a recent meta- analysis indicated that these experiences are linked to a variety of negative outcomes among minority youth, including Black youth (Benner et al., 2018).

Burgeoning research has identified several moderators for racial discrimination experiences among Black youth, including ethnic/ racial identity, racial socialization, parenting behaviors, and coping strategies (Brody et al., 2006; Fuller-Rowell et al., 2012; Gaylord-

1 The term “Black” refers to individuals of African descent in the United States including the descendants of enslaved Africans, Caribbean Black immigrants and their descendants, and African immigrants and their de- scendants.

X Eleanor K. Seaton, T. Denny Sanford School of Social and Family Dynamics, Arizona State University; Rona Carter, Department of Psychol- ogy, University of Michigan.

Funding for the National Survey of American Life-Adolescents (NSAL-A) was supported by contract (U01-MH-57716) from the National Institute of Mental Health and the Office of Behavioral and Social Sciences Research at the National Institutes of Health. We thank everyone who participated in the NSAL-A.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Eleanor K. Seaton, T. Denny Sanford School of Social and Family Dynamics, Arizona State University, P.O. Box 873701, Tempe, AZ 85287-3701. E-mail: [email protected]

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Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology © 2019 American Psychological Association 2019, Vol. 1, No. 999, 000 ISSN: 1099-9809 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000305

1

Harden & Cunningham, 2009; Saleem & Lambert, 2016; Varner et al., 2018). However, one moderator that has not been examined in conjunction with discrimination experiences is pubertal timing, a critical developmental transition that can alter how adults and peers respond to developing youth (Carter, Mustafaa, & Leath, 2018). The rationale for examining pubertal development as a moderator for discrimination experiences is due to the fact that discrimination experiences precede pubertal development among Black youth. Prior research indicates that Black youth reported racial discrimination experiences around the age of five (Coker et al., 2009) and increasing experiences in early adolescence from peers and teachers in school settings (Chavous, Rivas-Drake, Smalls, Griffin, & Cogburn, 2008; Niwa, Way, & Hughes, 2014) and adults outside of school (Niwa et al., 2014). Although Black youth begin pubertal development earlier than their White, Latino, and Asian American counterparts (Keenan, Culbert, Grimm, Hip- well, & Stepp, 2014; Mendle, Harden, Brooks-Gunn, & Graber, 2010), one study indicated that advanced pubertal development among Black youth occurred between the ages of 11.5 and 13 (Cance & Ennett, 2012). Thus, discrimination experiences precede pubertal development among Black youth even though Black youth are the first to undergo pubertal development. The current study examined whether pubertal timing moderated associations between general and racial discrimination experiences and self- esteem among nationally representative samples of African Amer- ican and Caribbean Black males and females.

Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem

Racial discrimination is a ubiquitous part of middle childhood and adolescence for Black youth, with the majority experiencing racial discrimination over long periods of time (Gee, Walsemann, & Brondolo, 2012). Black youth experience racial discrimination early in middle childhood (Coker et al., 2009), and report increas- ing experiences from adolescence into adulthood (Brody et al., 2014). Although Black youth may experience discrimination for a variety of reasons (e.g., gender, age, physical appearance), prior work has demonstrated that race/ethnicity was the primary attri- bution among nationally representative samples of African Amer- ican and Caribbean Black youth (Seaton et al., 2010).

Racially discriminatory experiences are prevalent such that most Black youth report these experiences regardless of the measured time frame (see Brody, Yu, Miller, & Chen, 2015; Tynes, Umaña- Taylor, Rose, Lin, & Anderson, 2012). National data indicated that 87% of African American youth and 90% of Caribbean Black youth experienced at least one discriminatory incident in the prior year (Seaton et al., 2008). Given the pervasiveness of racial dis- crimination, prior research has demonstrated that racial discrimi- nation has been linked to low self-esteem among African Ameri- can youth (Cogburn, Chavous, & Griffin, 2011; Seaton, 2009). A recent meta-analysis conducted among ethnic/racial minority youth indicated a positive relation between racial discrimination and socioemotional distress, which included measures of self- esteem (Benner et al., 2018).

The Importance of Pubertal Timing

Pubertal development includes biological processes designed to prepare individuals for sexual maturation and sexual reproduction

(Dorn & Susman, 2019). There is variation in pubertal develop- ment as articulated by Mendle and colleagues (2019, p. 91): “There may be substantial variation in the timing and onset of key milestones, the pace at which the process unfolds, the correspon- dence of different pubertal indicators with each other; and the ways in which social identities might intersect with the psycho- logical response to puberty.” Pubertal timing encompasses the age at which youth physically mature (Mendle et al., 2019), and Black girls begin pubertal development earlier than White, Latina, and Asian American girls (Keenan et al., 2014; Susman et al., 2010). The trend of earlier pubertal timing is also consistent among Black boys (Herman-Giddens, Wang, & Koch, 2001; Rosenfield, Lipton, & Drum, 2009; Sun et al., 2002).

There are two ways to assess pubertal timing, objective and subjective assessments, and the current study examined subjective assessments. Subjective measures of pubertal timing assess a con- vergence of biological, social, and cognitive changes related to puberty, and include self- or parent-reported questionnaires related to relative development or specific indicators (Mendle et al., 2019; Moore, Harden, & Mendle, 2014). Prior research examining sub- jective pubertal timing has primarily focused on internalizing outcomes among Black youth. Among Black girls, previous re- search has indicated that Black girls who develop earlier than their same-age peers exhibited internalizing outcomes such as anxiety and depressive symptoms (Carter, Caldwell, Matusko, Antonucci, & Jackson, 2011; Carter, Jaccard, Silverman, & Pina, 2009; Carter et al., 2017; Ge, Brody, Conger, & Simons, 2006). Yet early pubertal effects are substantially less well understood among boys compared to girls (Mendle & Ferrero, 2012). Although research is scant on subjective pubertal timing among Black boys, previous research has indicated that Black boys who developed earlier were more likely to exhibit anxiety and depressive symptoms (Ge et al., 2003, 2006).

Yet one aspect of mental health that has rarely been examined in conjunction with subjective pubertal timing indicators is self- esteem. Self-esteem is important because puberty has a social component such that bodily changes alter how adults and peers respond to adolescents as their bodies develop (Carter et al., 2018; Ge et al., 2006; Reynolds & Juvonen, 2011). Thus, how other individuals respond to developing youth can be a critical determi- nant of how adolescents feel about their developing selves, and ultimately their self-esteem. One study conducted among ethni- cally and racially diverse girls indicated that girls who were categorized as early maturing evidenced lower self-worth than their on-time counterparts (Reynolds & Juvonen, 2012). Another study conducted among ethnic/racial minority youth indicated that being labeled a victim of peer-victimization was linked to low self-worth, and this was especially true among early-maturing boys and girls (Nadeem & Graham, 2005). Similarly, Black youth who perceived their pubertal timing as “late” indicated the least favor- able self-perception of their bodies (Siegel, Yancey, Aneshensel, & Schuler, 1999). Lastly, a study indicated that non-White females had the highest levels of self-esteem such that early and on-time developers exhibited self-esteem similar to males, and late devel- opers had the lowest self-esteem levels (Morin, Maïano, Marsh, Janosz, & Nagengast, 2011). Thus, pubertal timing has been dif- ferentially linked to self-esteem among early and late developers.

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2 SEATON AND CARTER

Ethnic Subgroups and Puberty

Ethnic subgroup difference within the Black population in the United States are largely neglected in developmental research (Collins, 1992). The Black American population comprises indi- viduals with varied languages, countries of origin, history, cultural beliefs, and socialization practices (Hopp & Herring, 1999). These differences may influence the meaning that Black youth attribute to pubertal development as well as how adults and peers respond to developing Black youth. As of this writing, one study examined ethnic subgroup differences in pubertal effects (i.e., menarche and relative pubertal timing) using the National Survey of American Life-Adolescent (NSAL-A; Carter, Silverman, & Jaccard, 2011). The NSAL-A includes nationally representative samples of Afri- can American and Caribbean Black boys and girls (Jackson et al., 2004). Caribbean Black girls were more likely to perceive their pubertal timing relative to peers as early, whereas African Amer- ican girls were more likely to perceive their pubertal timing as average compared to girls of their respective age (Carter et al., 2011). Furthermore, Caribbean Black girls who perceived their development to be early engaged in more externalizing behaviors, although menarche did not significantly predict Black girls’ symp- toms of externalizing behaviors and depression (Carter et al., 2011). Prior research has not examined ethnic subgroup differ- ences in pubertal effects among Black boys.

The Present Study

A recent paper called for more research examining descriptive puberty processes and related outcomes among ethnic/racial mi- nority youth, sexual minority youth, transgender youth, and boys (see Deardorff, Hoyt, Carter, & Shirtcliff, 2019). The current study answered this call with examination of whether relative pubertal timing moderated associations between discrimination experiences and self-esteem among Black youth, and is noteworthy for four reasons. Initially, the current study examined one aspect of sub- jective pubertal timing, relative pubertal timing, which assessed whether adolescents report themselves as being non-normative in one direction (e.g., early) or the other (e.g., late) relative to their same-sex and same-age peers (Graber, Petersen, & Brooks-Gunn, 1996). This affords the opportunity to assess girls’ and boys’ interpretation of pubertal changes relative to their same-age and same-sex peers. Second, the current study explored general and racial discrimination experiences. Although Black children have an awareness of racism in early and middle childhood (Dulin- Keita, Hannon Iii, Fernandez, & Cockerham, 2011) and experience racial discrimination as young as age five (Coker et al., 2009), not all Black adolescents attribute their discriminatory experiences to race/ethnicity (Seaton et al., 2010). It is of interest to examine if relative pubertal timing moderated general and racial discrimina- tion experiences among Black youth. Third, it was anticipated that relative pubertal timing moderated general and racial discrimina- tion experiences, because previous research demonstrated that Black children are perceived to be older than White children who are the same age and penalized more harshly than their same-age White counterparts (Goff, Jackson, Di Leone, Culotta, & DiTo- masso, 2014). Given the prevalence of discrimination experiences based on race/ethnicity (Seaton et al., 2010), it is possible that early-maturing Black youth experience more general and racial discrimination than their on-time or late-developing Black coun-

terparts because they are perceived to be older by peer and adult perpetrators (Goff et al., 2014), and manifest more negative out- comes in response. Fourth, ethnic subgroup differences in associ- ations among relative pubertal timing, general and racial discrim- ination experiences, and self-esteem among African American and Caribbean Black boys and girls were explored using the NSAL-A. With few exceptions (see Carter et al., 2011, 2017), the bulk of pubertal research conducted among Black youth has primarily used African American samples. Utilization of NSAL-A affords the opportunity to examine ethnic subgroup differences in puberty among Black boys and Caribbean Black youth, two understudied populations in pubertal research (see Deardorff et al., 2019).

The current study hypothesized that general and racial discrim- ination experiences would be associated with decreased self- esteem among African American and Caribbean Black boys and girls as consistent with a recent meta-analysis (Benner et al., 2018). It was also expected that pubertal timing would moderate general and racial discrimination experiences such that discrimi- natory experiences would be more harmful for early maturing African American and Caribbean Black girls and boys compared to their on-time and late counterparts (Goff et al., 2014). Moder- ator variables explain under what conditions specific effects occur (Baron & Kenny, 1986), and it was conceptualized that early pubertal development is a condition by which discriminatory ex- periences are negatively linked to self-esteem, unlike average or late pubertal development. The current study also examined whether ethnicity moderated the relation among relative pubertal timing, discrimination experiences, and self-esteem. Given the lack of research examining ethnic differences in the Black Amer- ican population, no hypotheses were offered regarding the role of ethnicity in the relation between relative pubertal timing, discrim- ination experiences, and self-esteem among African American and Caribbean Black boys and girls.

Method

Participants

The participants were African American and Caribbean Black youth who participated in the National Survey of American Life- Adolescents (NSAL-A; Heeringa et al., 2004; Jackson et al., 2004). The participants included African American (n � 810) and Caribbean Black (n � 360) youth ranging in age from 13 to 17 (M � 15 years; SD � 1.42). The overall sample was equally composed of males (N � 563 unweighted, 48% weighted) and females (N � 607 unweighted, 52% weighted), and there was an equal gender distribution for African American and Caribbean Black youth. Approximately 96% of the sample was still enrolled in high school, and the average grade was 9th. The median family income was $28,000 (approximately $26,000 for African Ameri- cans and approximately $32,250 for Caribbean Blacks). Specifics of the original NSAL-A sample have been described elsewhere (see Carter et al., 2011; Seaton et al., 2008).

Procedure

A national probability sample of households was drawn based on adult population estimates and power calculations for detecting differences among the adult samples. Every household that in-

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3PUBERTY, DISCRIMINATION, AND SELF-ESTEEM

cluded an adult participant in the NSAL was screened for an eligible adolescent in the targeted age range (e.g., 13 to 17). Adolescents who met eligibility criteria were selected using a random selection procedure. The adolescent supplement was weighted to adjust for nonindependence in selection probabilities and nonresponse rates within households, across households and individuals. The weighted data were poststratified to approximate the national population distributions for gender and age subgroups among African American and Caribbean Black youth. The specific sampling procedures for identification and recruitment of African American and Caribbean Black households have been described elsewhere (see Carter et al., 2011; Seaton et al., 2008). Informed consent was obtained from the adolescent’s legal guardian as well as the adolescent prior to the interview. The majority of the adolescent interviews were conducted with same-race interviewers using computers in their respective homes, and a small minority (18%) were conducted entirely or partially by telephone. For privacy purposes, the adolescent interviews were conducted with no family members present. The adolescents were paid $50 for their participation.

Measures

Demographic variables. Adolescents were asked their age in years at the time of the interview. Ethnicity and parents’ nativity status were assessed with standard questions used in the household sampling procedure. Imputed family income was calculated based on information provided by the adult respondent for the household in which the adolescent lived for the year prior to the adult interview.

Everyday Discrimination Scale. The Everyday Discrimina- tion Scale assesses chronic, routine, and less overt experiences of discrimination that have occurred in the prior year (Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997). The revised measure includes 13 items, and psychometric analyses indicated that the measure was valid and reliable among African American and Caribbean Black youth (see Seaton et al., 2008). The stem question is “In your day-to-day life how often have any of the following things hap- pened to you?” A sample item includes “You are followed around in stores.” The Likert response scale ranges from 1 (never) to 6 (almost every day), and internal consistency was acceptable for the sample (� � .86). The responses were coded to indicate whether an event occurred versus an event never occurring. A count score was created such that higher scores indicated a greater number of events that occurred in the previous year.

Discrimination attribution. The specific question read, “We’ve talked about a number of things that may have happened to you in your day-to-day life. Thinking of those things that have happened to you, overall what do you think was the main reason for this/these experiences?” The participants were instructed to choose an overall attribution for the 13 items, and selections included 1) race/ethnicity, 2) gender, 3) age, 4) physical appear- ance (i.e., height or weight), or 5) other (Williams et al., 1997).

Relative pubertal timing. Perceived pubertal timing (e.g., overall) relative to peers was assessed with one item that asked, “How advanced would you say your physical development is compared to other girls/boys your age?” The response scale in- cluded the following: 1 (I look younger than most), 2 (I look younger than some), 3 (I look about average), 4 (I look older than

some), and 5 (I look older than most). Higher numbers indicated greater perceptions that one’s pubertal development was earlier relative to same-sex and same-age peers. Studies have demon- strated reasonable confidence using a one-item variable to measure youths’ perceptions of their pubertal timing relative to peers (see Dubas, Graber, & Petersen, 1991; Graber, Lewinsohn, Seeley, & Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Dubas and colleagues (1991) demonstrated that feelings regarding puberty were related to perceived pubertal timing relative to peers but not an objective measure of pubertal timing. Moreover, the perceived pubertal timing item is a well- established and effective method for assessing perceptions of the timing of pubertal changes compared to peers (see Coleman & Coleman, 2002; Dubas et al., 1991; Negriff & Susman, 2011).

Self-esteem. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale is an assess- ment of self-acceptance (Rosenberg, 1965). The 10-item Likert scale (� � .72) consists of rating items with responses ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Previous research indicated that this measure was valid among African American and Caribbean Black youth (see Seaton et al., 2008). Sample items include “I feel that I have a number of good qualities” and “On the whole, I am satisfied with myself.” Negative items were reversed so higher scores represent high levels of self-esteem.

Data Analytic Strategy

STATA 15.0 was used to calculate the complex design-based estimates of variance. Actual numbers are reported for sample sizes, while weighted data are used in the analyses. Linear regres- sion analyses were conducted to assess if discrimination experi- ences were associated with self-esteem, while controlling for eth- nicity, household income, age, and nativity status. A relative pubertal timing � discrimination interaction term was included in the analyses to examine if the relation between discrimination experiences and self-esteem varied among the relative pubertal timing groups. A three-way interaction (e.g., pubertal timing � discrimination � ethnicity) was included to assess if these rela- tions varied for African American and Caribbean Black youth. The analytical techniques adjusted the standard errors to account for the complex sample design of the NSAL, which involved multiple stages, clustering, and stratification. Standard errors adjusted for complex design effects are usually larger than nonadjusted stan- dard errors. In this study, the standard errors for Caribbean Blacks were typically higher than those for African Americans because the Caribbean Black sample is significantly more clustered than the African American sample. Ethnic differences that appeared to be large were not necessarily statistically significant.

Results

The results indicate variation along the relative pubertal timing dimensions among African American and Caribbean Black girls (see Table 1). Although most African American girls perceived their development as on time in comparison to their same-sex and age peers, the majority of Caribbean Black girls perceived their pubertal development to be earlier than some compared to their same-sex and age peers, F(1.9, 75.99) � 7.2, p � .01, consistent with prior research (see Carter et al., 2011). There was no signif- icant variation in the relative pubertal timing dimensions among African American and Caribbean Black boys such that the major-

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4 SEATON AND CARTER

ity perceived that their pubertal development was on-time relative to their same-sex and age peers, F(2.5, 101.6) � 0.14, p � .91 (see Table 2). There were no gender differences in self-esteem (B � �.01, p � .63) among Black boys (M � 3.55, SD � .02) and Black girls (M � 3.56, SD � .02).

There were gender differences in general discrimination expe- riences (B � �.13, p � .05), with Black boys (M � 5.45, SD � .27) reporting more than Black girls (M � 4.79, SD � .21), consistent with previous research (see Seaton et al., 2008). Among the 87% of Black youth who reported a discriminatory incident, the breakdown for the attributions included race/ethnicity (48%), gender (9%), age (18%), physical appearance (16%), or other (9%), consistent with prior research (see Seaton et al., 2010). Given the small sample sizes for the attribution groups, the second set of analyses were restricted to the subsample of Black girls and boys who chose race/ethnicity as the attribution for their discrim- inatory experiences. There were gender differences (B � �.12, p � .05), with Black boys (M � 6.29, SD � .41) reporting more racial discrimination experiences than Black girls (M � 5.60, SD � .32).

African American and Caribbean Black Girls

There were no ethnic differences in self-esteem among African American and Caribbean Black girls (B � �.02, p � .05; see Table 3). General discrimination experiences were associated with decreased self-esteem (B � �.03, p � .01), and the general discrimination � pubertal timing interaction term was significant (B � .01, p � .01). The Aiken and West (1991) procedure was used to graph the interaction (see Figure 1). The results indicated that at high levels of general discrimination experiences, African

American and Caribbean Black girls who perceived their devel- opment as early relative to their same-age and same-sex peers exhibited higher self-esteem than African American and Caribbean Black girls who perceived their development as late. Racial dis- crimination experiences were associated with decreased self- esteem (B � �.03, p � .01), and no other main effects or interaction terms were significant (see Table 4).

African American and Caribbean Black Boys

There were no ethnic differences in self-esteem among African American and Caribbean Black boys (B � .03, p � .05; see Table 5). General discrimination experiences were associated with de- creased self-esteem (B � �.02, p � .01) among African American and Caribbean Black boys (see Table 5). There were no other significant main effects or interactions. Racial discrimination ex- periences were not associated with decreased self-esteem (B � �.01, p � .05), and no other main effects or interaction terms were significant (see Table 6).

Discussion

Although prior research has identified various moderators that lessen the negative impact of discrimination experiences among Black youth (e.g., ethnic/racial identity, parenting techniques, ra-

Table 1 Variation in Female Perceived Pubertal Timing by Ethnicity

Pubertal item African American

females Caribbean black

females

I look younger than most 14% 12% I look younger than some 13% 14% I look about average 42% 24% I look older than some 22% 48% I look older than most 8% 2% Missing 1%__ —

Note. Bold numbers indicate the prevalent group. Design-based F(1.90, 75.99) � 7.2, p � .01.

Table 2 Variation in Male Perceived Pubertal Timing by Ethnicity

Pubertal item African American

males Caribbean black

males

I look younger than most 16% 15% I look younger than some 14% 16% I look about average 39% 32% I look older than some 20% 24% I look older than most 11% 12% Missing — 1%

Note. Bold numbers indicate the prevalent group. Design-based F(2.54, 101.58) � .14, p � .91.

Table 3 Perceived Pubertal Timing as a Moderator for General Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem Among Black Females

Predictor B SE

Ethnicitya �.01 .05 Household income .00 .00 Age .00 .01 Nativity status �.03 .02 Discrimination �.03�� .01 Perceived pubertal timing .01 .02 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing .01�� .00 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing � Ethnicity �.00 .00

a 0 � African American, 1 � Caribbean Black. � p � .05. �� p � .01.

Figure 1. The relation among discrimination, perceived pubertal timing, and self-esteem among African American and Caribbean Black females.

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5PUBERTY, DISCRIMINATION, AND SELF-ESTEEM

cial socialization strategies), pubertal timing has rarely been ex- amined. Pubertal timing is a critical developmental transition that can alter interactions between developing youth and others in their environment (Carter et al., 2017). Addressing this gap, we drew on the NSAL-A, which provided the opportunity to examine general and racial discrimination experiences among Black boys and girls in conjunction with relative pubertal timing in predicting self- esteem. We also explored ethnic subgroup differences in the independent and conjoint roles of relative pubertal timing and general and racial discrimination experiences in predicting self- esteem. The results indicate that relative pubertal timing moderates the relation between general discrimination experiences and self- esteem among African American and Caribbean Black females but not males. Similarly, relative pubertal timing did not moderate the relation between racial discrimination experiences and self-esteem among African American and Caribbean Black males and females.

The findings indicate that at high levels of general discrimina- tion experiences, African American and Caribbean Black girls who perceived their pubertal timing as early relative to their same-age and same-sex peers exhibited higher self-esteem compared to girls who perceived their pubertal timing as late. Although this finding is inconsistent with our expectations, one explanation concerns parental racial socialization messages. It is possible that early developing Black girls are more equipped to handle general dis- crimination experiences due to parental racial socialization mes-

sages. Racial socialization messages include the implicit, explicit, verbal, or nonverbal messages regarding the beliefs and values in relation to one’s ethnic/racial group membership (Hughes et al., 2006) and is a common practice among African American mothers and fathers (Cooper, Smalls-Glover, Neblett, & Banks, 2015; Smith-Bynum, Anderson, Davis, Franco, & English, 2016). Prior research indicates that African American parents engage in more racial socialization messages with female offspring compared to male offspring (Brown, Linver, & Evans, 2010). Although racial socialization messages have not been studied in conjunction with pubertal development, it is possible that African American and Caribbean Black parents intensify their racial socialization mes- sages for their early developing daughters. One question is whether there is a connection between adolescent and parent perceptions of early pubertal timing. Prior research conducted among 251 African American parent–son dyads indicated that parents were aware when their sons began exhibiting early pubertal development (Cunningham, Swanson, Spencer, & Dupree, 2003). Specifically, the results indicated that parental observations of pubertal statues were linked to objective assessments of height and weight (Cun- ningham et al., 2003). Although this study was conducted among boys, it is possible that African American parents recognize when their daughters are early developing as well. Thus, parents may recognize that their Black daughters are developing early and intensify their racial socialization messages, which may ensure that early developing Black girls are better prepared to handle general discrimination experiences compared to their late-developing counterparts.

Relative pubertal timing did not moderate associations between general discrimination experiences and self-esteem among African American and Caribbean Black boys. One explanation may be that specific aspects of pubertal development (e.g., height, facial hair growth, voice changes) may be more salient in the context of general discrimination experiences. Although Goff and colleagues (2014) reported that White adults perceived Black children to be older than their same-age White counterparts, it is unclear what this overestimation was based on. It is possible that White adults estimate that Black boys who are taller and heavier and have facial hair are older based on the characteristics of early pubertal devel- opment. Similarly, African American parents reported that the major physical changes they noticed about their sons included height, facial hair, and weight changes (Cunningham et al., 2003).

Table 4 Perceived Pubertal Timing as a Moderator for Racial Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem Among Black Females

Predictor B SE

Ethnicitya .08 .09 Household income .00 .00 Age .01 .02 Nativity status .04 .05 Discrimination �.03�� .01 Perceived pubertal timing .04 .03 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing .01 .01 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing � Ethnicity �.00 .00

a 0 � African American, 1 � Caribbean Black. � p � .05. �� p � .01.

Table 5 Perceived Pubertal Timing as a Moderator for General Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem Among Black Males

Predictor B SE

Ethnicitya .03 .07 Household income .00 .00 Age .02 .01 Nativity status .04 .03 Discrimination �.01�� .00 Perceived pubertal timing �.01 .00 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing .00 .00 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing � Ethnicity �.00 .00

a 0 � African American, 1 � Caribbean Black. � p � .05. �� p � .01.

Table 6 Perceived Pubertal Timing as a Moderator for Racial Discrimination Experiences and Self-Esteem Among Black Males

Predictor B SE

Ethnicitya �.04 .09 Household income .00 .00 Age .02 .02 Nativity status .02 .03 Discrimination �.01 .01 Perceived pubertal timing �.01 .02 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing �.00 .01 Discrimination � Perceived pubertal timing � Ethnicity �.00 .00

a 0 � African American, 1 � Caribbean Black. � p � .05. �� p � .01.

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6 SEATON AND CARTER

African American parents noted these specific changes and ascer- tained that their sons were early developers, which was consistent with objective indicators collected by the researchers (Cunning- ham et al., 2003). If African American parents use specific puber- tal markers like height, facial hair, and weight to ascertain physical development, it is possible that other individuals notice these specific changes, ascribe older ages to early developing Black boys, and treat them in a discriminatory manner. Black boys who manifest certain characteristics (e.g., height, facial hair growth, voice changes) may experience more discriminatory experiences from multiple perpetrators (e.g., peers, adults) simply because they are perceived to be older. Although there is a dearth of empirical research examining pubertal development among ethnic/racial mi- nority boys (see Deardorff et al., 2019), future research should examine whether specific aspects of pubertal development mod- erate general discrimination experiences among boys. This may be especially true since prior research indicated that African Ameri- can and Caribbean Black boys reported more discrimination gen- eral experiences than their female counterparts (Seaton et al., 2008).

Pubertal timing did not moderate the relation between racial discrimination experiences and self-esteem among Black boys or girls. One explanation for the lack of significance concerns the manner in which the Everyday Discrimination Scale was admin- istered with the discrimination questions followed by one attribu- tion question. Prior empirical research administered the attribution question after each individual item, resulting in the creation of ethnic discrimination and nonethnic discrimination experiences (see Huynh, Guan, Almeida, McCreath, & Fuligni, 2016; Majeno, Tsai, Huynh, McCreath, & Fuligni, 2018). This method improved assessment, and indicated differences in relations with specific outcomes based on ethnic versus nonethnic discrimination expe- riences (Huynh et al., 2016; Majeno et al., 2018). Thus, improved precision of the Everyday Discrimination Scale clarified how discriminatory experiences were linked to various outcomes based on race/ethnicity compared to the other attributions. This is an important issue because enhanced measurement is critical for future racial discrimination research among ethnic/racial minority youth (see Seaton, Gee, Neblett, & Spanierman, 2018).

There are several limitations that should be noted. First, the current study relied primarily on self-reports to assess relative pubertal timing, general and racial discrimination experiences, and self-esteem. Although most studies in this area of research have used self-report data to assess the study variables, there is the potential for individuals to offer biased estimates of self-assessed behavior, ranging from social-desirability bias (e.g., where the respondent wants to “look good” in an anonymous survey) to response-shift bias (e.g., where the respondent’s frame of reference changes; Rosenman, Tennekoon, & Hill, 2011). For example, a participant may report early pubertal timing not only because it reflects their status relative to peers with the same chronological age and sex, but because it reflects their lack of developmental readiness or psychological immaturity for pubertal development. Girls’ developmental readiness is influenced by their rate of change across different areas of development and the expectations of or responses to her physical development by the people in their social and cultural environments. Additionally, relative pubertal timing was represented by a single item, and the use of single items can introduce bias in parameter estimates due to measurement

error. If a construct is not adequately represented by a measure, then that construct may not be controlled fully in the statistical analyses. Similarly, while previous research suggests that relative pubertal timing is more strongly associated with adverse outcomes than other indicators such as menarche (e.g., Conley & Rudolph, 2009; Graber, Seeley, Brooks-Gunn, & Lewinsohn, 2004; Moore et al., 2014), this association may be more strongly associated with externally visible aspects of puberty such as breast development relative to peers among girls (Carter et al., 2009). Future research may clarify the current findings by examining relative pubertal timing using different pubertal milestones. Future research should examine if pubertal timing differentially moderates the relation between racial discrimination experiences and self-esteem com- pared to gender discrimination and age discrimination. Lastly, directionality should not be ascribed based on these results, and future research using longitudinal data may elucidate the nature of the associations observed in the current study.

Conclusion

The current study assesses the intersection of race/ethnicity, gender, and pubertal development among Black youth. The present study contributes to existing literature by examining whether rel- ative pubertal timing moderates the relation between general and racial discrimination experiences and self-esteem among a nation- ally representative sample of African American and Caribbean Black males and females. Although pubertal research on ethnic/ racial minority youth is scant (see Deardorff et al., 2019), the current study sheds light on the lived experiences of Black youth, with specific attention to the interplay between general and racial discrimination experiences and pubertal timing. It is our hope that future research will illustrate a better understanding of the factors that create resilience or vulnerability to puberty-linked outcomes among Black youth.

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9PUBERTY, DISCRIMINATION, AND SELF-ESTEEM