Psychology

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How Does Psychology Apply to YOUR Everyday Life? This text is full

of hundreds of applications of psychology’s fascinating findings. Our student

reviewers helped us select their 50 favorites, shown here, and continued on the

inside of the back cover. How do biological, psychological, and social-

cultural factors contribute to psychological disorders? (Chapter 13) How

are near-death experiences similar to LSD “trips”? (p. 387) How many

college students have experienced depression in the last year? (p. 390)

How does heredity affect the risk of bipolar disorder? depression? anxiety?

schizophrenia? anorexia? (pp. 394–395) How can we alter our thinking

in stressful situations so that we feel less anxious? (p. 418) What should a

person look for when selecting a therapist? (p. 424) How, by adopting

a healthier lifestyle, might people find some relief from depression?

(pp. 430–431) What may help prevent psychological disorders? (pp. 431–432)

What psychological factors affect our feelings of hunger? (pp. 260–261)

How do sleep, friends, and genetics affect weight? (pp. 261–262) Why

does it feel so painful to be excluded, ignored, or shunned? (pp. 263–266)

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What are the social and emotional effects of all of our online social

networking? (pp. 266–268) How do women and men differ at reading

others’ nonverbal emotions? (p. 275) How do our facial expressions

and movements affect the way we feel? (pp. 277–278) How does the

stress of life changes (leaving home, divorcing, death in the family, etc.) affect

our health? (pp. 284–285) What are some appropriate ways of coping

with stress? (p. 291) How is our health affected by social support?

(pp. 294–296) Does aerobic exercise work as a therapy for depression

and anxiety? (p. 297) What are some predictors of happiness? (p. 305)

Are there personality differences among dogs? (p. 323) What is

the best predictor of a person’s future behavior? (p. 328) Is it true

that most of us have a self-serving bias? (pp. 330–331) What are some

tips for becoming happier? (p. 306) Would a toddler peering over a

steep cliff perceive the dangerous drop-off and draw back? (pp. 146–147)

Could we adjust if special glasses turned our world upside down and

backwards? (pp. 150–151) In what ways can we control pain? (pp. 155–157)

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PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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David G. Myers Hope College Holland, Michigan

C. Nathan DeWall University of Kentucky Lexington, Kentucky

PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

THIRD EDITION

A Macmillan Higher Education Company

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For Alexandra Corinne Myers, beloved granddaughter

For my mother, Beverly DeWall (1950–2011), an educator who provided love, support, and inspiration

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David Myers received his psychology Ph.D. from the University of Iowa. He has spent his career at Hope College, Michigan, where he has taught dozens of introductory psychology sections. Hope College students have invited him to be their commencement speaker and voted him “outstand- ing professor.”

His research and writings have been recognized by the Gordon Allport Intergroup Relations Prize, by a 2010 Honored Scientist award from the Fed- eration of Associations in Behavioral & Brain Sciences, by a 2010 Award for Service on Behalf of Personality and Social Psychology, by a 2013 Presiden- tial Citation from APA Division 2, and by three honorary doctorates.

With support from National Science Foundation grants, Myers’ scientific articles have appeared in three dozen scientific periodicals, including Sci- ence, American Scientist, Psychological Science, and the American Psychologist. In addition to his scholarly writing and his textbooks for introductory and so- cial psychology, he also digests psychological science for the general public. His writings have appeared in four dozen magazines, from Today’s Education to Scientific American. He also has authored five general audience books, in- cluding The Pursuit of Happiness and Intuition: Its Powers and Perils.

David Myers has chaired his city’s Human Relations Commission, helped found a thriving assistance center for families in poverty, and spoken to hundreds of college and community groups. Drawing on his experience, he also has written articles and a book (A Quiet World) about hearing loss, and he is advocating a transformation in American assistive listening technology (see www.hearingloop.org). For his leadership, he received an American Academy of Audiology Presidential Award in 2011, and the Hear-

ing Loss Association of America Walter T. Ridder Award in 2012.

He bikes to work year-round and plays daily pickup basketball. David and Carol Myers have raised two sons and a daughter, and have one granddaughter, with whom he is shown here, and to whom he dedicates this book.

About the Authors

Hope College Public Relations

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Nathan DeWall is professor of psychology and director of the Social Psy- chology Lab at the University of Kentucky. He received his bachelor’s degree from St. Olaf College, a master’s degree in social science from the University of Chicago, and a master’s degree and Ph.D. in social psychology from Flor- ida State University. DeWall received the 2011 College of Arts and Sciences Outstanding Teaching Award, which recognizes excellence in undergraduate and graduate teaching. In 2011, the Association for Psychological Science identified DeWall as a “Rising Star” for “making significant contributions to the field of psychological science.”

DeWall conducts research on close relationships, self-control, and aggres- sion. With funding from the National Institutes of Health and the National Science Foundation, he has published over 120 scientific articles and chap- ters. DeWall’s research awards include the SAGE Young Scholars Award from the Foundation for Personality and Social Psychology, the Young Investiga- tor Award from the International Society for Research on Aggression, and the Early Career Award from the International Society for Self and Identity. His research has been covered by numerous media outlets, including Good Morning America, Newsweek, Atlantic Monthly, New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Harvard Business Review, and National Public Radio. DeWall blogs for Psychol- ogy Today. He has lectured nationally and internationally, including in Hong

Kong, China, the Netherlands, England, Greece, Hun- gary, and Australia.

Nathan is happily married to Alice DeWall. He en- joys playing with his two golden retrievers, Finnegan and Atticus. In his spare time, he writes novels, watches sports, and runs and runs and runs—including in 2013 a half marathon, two marathons, three 50-mile ultra- marathons, and one 100-mile ultramarathon.

Brian Connors Manke

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Contents x

Preface xvi

Content Changes xxxiv

Time Management: Or, How to Be a Great Student and Still Have a Life xlii

CHAPTER 1 Psychology’s Roots, Big Ideas, and Critical Thinking Tools 1

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 29

CHAPTER 3 Developing Through the Life Span 67

CHAPTER 4 Gender and Sexuality 107

CHAPTER 5 Sensation and Perception 133

CHAPTER 6 Learning 167

CHAPTER 7 Memory 193

CHAPTER 8 Thinking, Language, and Intelligence 219

CHAPTER 9 Motivation and Emotion 255

CHAPTER 10 Stress, Health, and Human Flourishing 283

CHAPTER 11 Personality 311

CHAPTER 12 Social Psychology 337

CHAPTER 13 Psychological Disorders 371

CHAPTER 14 Therapy 409

APPENDIX A Statistical Reasoning in Everyday Life A-1

APPENDIX B Psychology at Work B-1

APPENDIX C Subfields of Psychology C-1

APPENDIX D Complete Chapter Reviews D-1

APPENDIX E Answers to Chapter Test Questions E-1

Glossary G-1

Glosario GE-1

References R-1

Name Index NI-1

Subject Index SI-1

Brief Contents

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Contents

Preface xvi

Content Changes xxxiv

Time Management: Or, How to Be a Great Student and Still Have a Life xlii

CHAPTER 1 Psychology’s Roots, Big Ideas, and Critical Thinking Tools 1

Psychology’s Roots 2 Psychological Science Is Born 2

Contemporary Psychology 4

Four Big Ideas in Psychology 5 Big Idea 1: Critical Thinking Is Smart Thinking 6

Big Idea 2: Behavior Is a Biopsychosocial Event 6

Big Idea 3: We Operate With a Two-Track Mind (Dual Processing) 8

Big Idea 4: Psychology Explores Human Strengths as Well as Challenges 8

Why Do Psychology? 9 The Limits of Intuition and Common Sense 9

The Scientific Attitude: Curious, Skeptical, and Humble 11

How Do Psychologists Ask and Answer Questions? 12

The Scientific Method 12

Description 13

Correlation 16

Experimentation 17

Frequently Asked Questions About Psychology 20

Improve Your Retention—and Your Grades 23

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 29

Biology and Behavior 30

Neural Communication 30 A Neuron’s Structure 30

How Neurons Communicate 31

How Neurotransmitters Influence Us 32

The Nervous System 33 The Peripheral Nervous System 34

The Central Nervous System 34

The Endocrine System 36

The Brain 37 Older Brain Structures 37

CLOSE-UP: Tools of Discovery—Having Our Head Examined 38

The Cerebral Cortex 42

Our Divided Brain 47

Brain States and Consciousness 50 Selective Attention 51

Sleep and Dreams 52

CHAPTER 3 Developing Through the Life Span 67

Prenatal Development and the Newborn 68 Conception 68

Prenatal Development 70

The Competent Newborn 71

CLOSE-UP: Twin and Adoption Studies 72

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Infancy and Childhood 73 Physical Development 73

Cognitive Development 75

Social Development 81

Thinking About Nature and Nurture 85

Adolescence 86 Physical Development 86

Cognitive Development 87

Social Development 89

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: How Much Credit or Blame Do Parents Deserve? 91

Emerging Adulthood 92

Thinking About Continuity and Stages 93

Adulthood 94 Physical Development 94

Cognitive Development 96

Social Development 97

Thinking About Stability and Change 101

CHAPTER 4 Gender and Sexuality 107

Gender Development 108 How Are We Alike? How Do We Differ? 108

The Nature of Gender: Our Biological Sex 110

The Nurture of Gender: Our Culture and Experiences 113

Human Sexuality 115 The Physiology of Sex 115

The Psychology of Sex 118

CLOSE-UP: The Sexualization of Girls 120

Sexual Orientation: Why Do We Differ? 120 Environment and Sexual Orientation 122

Biology and Sexual Orientation 122

An Evolutionary Explanation of Human Sexuality 125

Gender Differences in Sexuality 125

Natural Selection and Mating Preferences 126

Critiquing the Evolutionary Perspective 127

Reflections on Gender, Sexuality, and Nature–Nurture Interaction 128

CLOSE-UP: For Those Troubled by the Scientific Understanding of Human Origins 128

CHAPTER 5 Sensation and Perception 133

Basic Principles of Sensation and Perception 134

From Outer Energy to Inner Brain Activity 134

Thresholds 135

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: Can Subliminal Messages Control Our Behavior? 136

Sensory Adaptation 137

Perceptual Set 138

Context Effects 138

Vision 139 Light Energy: From the Environment Into the Brain 139

The Eye 140

Visual Information Processing 142

Color Vision 143

Visual Organization 145

Visual Interpretation 150

The Nonvisual Senses 151 Hearing 151

Touch 154

Taste 157

Smell 158

Body Position and Movement 159

Sensory Interaction 160 THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: ESP—Perception Without Sensation? 161

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CHAPTER 6 Learning 167

How Do We Learn? 168

Classical Conditioning 169 Pavlov’s Experiments 169

Pavlov’s Legacy 172

Operant Conditioning 174 Skinner’s Experiments 174

Skinner’s Legacy 179

Contrasting Classical and Operant Conditioning 180

CLOSE-UP: Using Operant Conditioning to Build Your Own Strengths 181

Biology, Cognition, and Learning 181 Biological Limits on Conditioning 181

Cognitive Influences on Conditioning 183

Learning by Observation 184 THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: Does Viewing Media Violence Trigger Violent Behavior? 188

CHAPTER 7 Memory 193

Studying Memory 194 An Information-Processing Model 194

Building Memories: Encoding 195 Our Two-Track Memory System 195

Automatic Processing and Implicit Memories 195

Effortful Processing and Explicit Memories 196

Memory Storage 199 Retaining Information in the Brain 199

Synaptic Changes 201

Retrieval: Getting Information Out 202 Measuring Retention 202

Retrieval Cues 203

Forgetting 206 Forgetting and the Two-Track Mind 206

Encoding Failure 207

Storage Decay 207

Retrieval Failure 207

Memory Construction Errors 209 Misinformation and Imagination Effects 210

Source Amnesia 211

Recognizing False Memories 211

Children’s Eyewitness Recall 212

Repressed or Constructed Memories of Abuse? 212

Improving Memory 214

CHAPTER 8 Thinking, Language, and Intelligence 219

Thinking 220 Concepts 220

Solving Problems 220

Making Good (and Bad) Decisions and Judgments 221

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: The Fear Factor—Why We Fear the Wrong Things 224

Thinking Creatively 226

CLOSE-UP: Fostering Your Own Creativity 228

Do Other Species Share Our Cognitive Skills? 228

Language 229 Language Development 230

The Brain and Language 232

Thinking Without Language 233

Do Other Species Have Language? 234

Intelligence 235 What Is Intelligence? 235

Assessing Intelligence 239

The Nature and Nurture of Intelligence 241

CLOSE-UP: Extremes of Intelligence 242

CLOSE-UP: What Is Heritability? 244

Intelligence Across the Life Span: Stability or Change? 245

Group Differences in Intelligence Test Scores 246

xii PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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CHAPTER 9 Motivation and Emotion 255

Motivational Concepts 256 Drive-Reduction Theory 256

Arousal Theory 256

A Hierarchy of Needs 257

Hunger 258 The Physiology of Hunger 258

The Psychology of Hunger 260

Obesity and Weight Control 261

The Need to Belong 263 The Benefits of Belonging 263

CLOSE-UP: Waist Management 264

The Pain of Being Shut Out 265

Connecting and Social Networking 266

Emotion: Arousal, Behavior, and Cognition 268

Historic Emotion Theories 269

Schachter-Singer Two-Factor Theory: Arousal + Label = Emotion 270

Zajonc, LeDoux, and Lazarus: Emotion and the Two-Track Brain 270

Embodied Emotion 272 The Basic Emotions 272

Emotions and the Autonomic Nervous System 272

The Physiology of Emotions 273

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: Lie Detection 274

Expressed and Experienced Emotion 275 Detecting Emotion in Others 275

Culture and Emotional Expression 276

The Effects of Facial Expressions 277

CHAPTER 10 Stress, Health, and Human Flourishing 283

Stress: Some Basic Concepts 284 Stressors—Things That Push Our Buttons 284

Stress Reactions—From Alarm to Exhaustion 285

Stress Effects and Health 286 Stress and AIDS 288

Stress and Cancer 288

Stress and Heart Disease 289

Coping With Stress 291 Personal Control, Health, and Well-Being 291

Who Controls Your Life? 292

Is the Glass Half Full or Half Empty? 293

Social Support 294

CLOSE-UP: Pets Are Friends, Too 295

Finding Meaning 296

Managing Stress Effects 296 Aerobic Exercise 296

Relaxation and Meditation 297

Faith Communities and Health 299

Happiness 301 The Short Life of Emotional Ups and Downs 302

Wealth and Well-Being 303

Why Can’t Money Buy More Happiness? 303

CLOSE-UP: Want to Be Happier? 306

CHAPTER 11 Personality 311

Psychodynamic Theories 312 Freud’s Psychoanalytic Perspective: Exploring the Unconscious 312

The Neo-Freudian and Later Psychodynamic Theorists 315

Assessing Unconscious Processes 316

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Evaluating Freud’s Psychoanalytic Perspective and Modern Views of the Unconscious 317

Humanistic Theories 319 Abraham Maslow’s Self-Actualizing Person 319

Carl Rogers’ Person-Centered Perspective 320

Assessing the Self 321

Evaluating Humanistic Theories 321

Trait Theories 322 Exploring Traits 322

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: The Stigma of Introversion 323

Assessing Traits 324

The Big Five Factors 324

Evaluating Trait Theories 325

Social-Cognitive Theories 326 Reciprocal Influences 326

Assessing Behavior in Situations 328

Evaluating Social-Cognitive Theories 328

Exploring the Self 328 The Benefits of Self-Esteem 329

Self-Serving Bias 330

Culture and the Self 331

CHAPTER 12 Social Psychology 337

What Is Social Psychology’s Focus? 338

Social Thinking 338 The Fundamental Attribution Error 338

Attitudes and Actions 339

Social Influence 341 Conformity and Obedience 341

Group Influence 346

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: The Internet as Social Amplifier 349

Social Relations 350 Prejudice 350

CLOSE-UP: Automatic Prejudice 351

Aggression 354

Attraction 358

CLOSE-UP: Online Matchmaking and Speed Dating 359

Altruism 363

Conflict and Peacemaking 365

CHAPTER 13 Psychological Disorders 371

What Is a Psychological Disorder? 372 Defining Psychological Disorders 372

Understanding Psychological Disorders 372

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: ADHD—Normal High Energy or Disordered Behavior? 373

Classifying Disorders—and Labeling People 374

CLOSE-UP: Are People With Psychological Disorders Dangerous? 376

Anxiety Disorders, OCD, and PTSD 376 Generalized Anxiety Disorder 376

Panic Disorder 377

Phobias 377

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (OCD) 378

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) 378

Understanding Anxiety Disorders, OCD, and PTSD 379

Substance Use and Addictive Disorders 381 Tolerance and Addiction 382

Depressants 382

Stimulants 384

Hallucinogens 387

Understanding Substance Use Disorder 388

Mood Disorders 390 Major Depressive Disorder 390

Bipolar Disorder 391

Suicide and Self-Injury 392

Understanding Mood Disorders 393

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APPENDIX A

Statistical Reasoning in Everyday Life A-1

APPENDIX B

Psychology at Work B-1

APPENDIX C

Subfields of Psychology C-1

APPENDIX D

Complete Chapter Reviews D-1

APPENDIX E

Answers to Chapter Test Questions E-1

Glossary G-1

Glosario GE-1

References R-1

Name Index NI-1

Subject Index SI-1

Schizophrenia 397 Symptoms of Schizophrenia 397

Onset and Development of Schizophrenia 398

Understanding Schizophrenia 398

Other Disorders 400 Eating Disorders 400

Dissociative Disorders 401

Personality Disorders 403

CHAPTER 14 Therapy 409

Treating Psychological Disorders 410

The Psychological Therapies 410 Psychoanalysis and Psychodynamic Therapy 410

Humanistic Therapies 412

Behavior Therapies 414

Cognitive Therapies 417

Group and Family Therapies 419

Evaluating Psychotherapies 420 Is Psychotherapy Effective? 420

Which Psychotherapies Work Best? 421

How Do Psychotherapies Help People? 422

How Do Culture and Values Influence Psychotherapy? 423

CLOSE-UP: A Consumer’s Guide to Psychotherapists 424

The Biomedical Therapies 424 Drug Therapies 424

Brain Stimulation 427

Psychosurgery 429

Therapeutic Lifestyle Change 430

Preventing Psychological Disorders 431

Contents xv

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New Co-Author

For this new edition I [DM] welcome my new co-author, University of Kentucky professor Nathan DeWall. (For more in- formation and videos that introduce Na- than DeWall and our collaboration, see www.worthpublishers.com/myersde- wall.) Nathan is not only one of psychol- ogy’s “rising stars” (as the Association for Psychological Science rightly said in 2011), he also is an award-winning teacher and someone who shares my passion for writing—and for commu- nicating psychological science through writing. Although I continue as lead au- thor, Nathan’s fresh insights and contri- butions are already enriching this book, especially for this third edition, through his leading the revision of Chapters 4, 10, 11, and 14. But my fingerprints are also on those chapter revisions, even as his are on the other chapters. With sup- port from our wonderful editors, this is a team project. In addition to our work together on the textbook, Nathan and I enjoy co-authoring the Teaching Current Directions in Psychological Science col- umn in the APS Observer.

In addition, each main section of text begins with numbered questions that establish learning objectives and direct student reading. The Chapter Review sec- tion repeats these questions as a further self-testing opportunity (with answers in the Complete Chapter Reviews appen- dix). The Chapter Review section also of- fers a page-referenced list of Terms and Concepts to Remember, and new Chap- ter Test questions in multiple formats to promote optimal retention.

Each chapter closes with In Your Ev- eryday Life questions, designed to help students make the concepts more per- sonally meaningful, and therefore more memorable. These questions are also

Preface

psychology is fascinating, and so relevant to our everyday lives. Psychology’s insights enable us to be better students, more tuned-in friends and partners, more effective co-workers, and wiser parents. With this new edition, we hope to captivate students with what psychologists are learning about our human nature, to help them think more like psychological scientists, and, as the title implies, to help them relate psychology to their own lives— their thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.

For those of you familiar with other Myers introductory psychology texts, you may be surprised at how very different this text is. We have created this uniquely student-friendly book with the help of input from thousands of in- structors and students (by way of surveys, focus groups, content and design reviews, and class testing).

What Else Is New in the Third Edition?

In addition to the long, chapter-by- chapter list of Content Changes that follows this preface, other significant changes have been made to the over- all format and presentation of this new third edition.

neW study system Follows Best Practices From Learning and Memory Research The new learning system harnesses the testing effect, which documents the ben- efits of actively retrieving information through self-testing (FIGURE 1). Thus, each chapter now offers 12 to 15 new Retrieve + Remember questions inter- spersed throughout (FIGURE 2). Creat- ing these desirable difficulties for students along the way optimizes the testing ef- fect, as does immediate feedback (via in- verted answers beneath each question).

FIGURE 1 testing effect For suggestions of how students may apply the testing effect to their own learning, watch this 5-minute YouTube animation: www. tinyurl.com/HowToRemember

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Scattered throughout this book, students will find interesting and informative review notes and quotes from researchers and others that will encourage them to be active learners and to apply their new knowledge to everyday life.

designed to function as excellent group discussion topics. The text offers hun- dreds of interesting applications to help students see just how applicable psy- chology’s concepts are to everyday life.

These new features enhance the Survey-Question-Read- Retrieve-Review (SQ3R) format. Chapter outlines allow students to survey what’s to come. Main sec- tions begin with a learn- ing objective question (now more carefully directed and appearing more fre- quently) that encourages students to read actively. Periodic Retrieve + Remember sections and the Chapter Review (with repeated Learning Objective Questions, Key Terms list, and complete Chapter Test) encour- age students to test themselves by re- trieving what they know and reviewing what they don’t. (See Figure 2 for a Re- trieve + Remember sample.)

Reorganized Chapters and More than 600 new Research Citations Thousands of instructors and students have helped guide our creation of Psy- chology in Everyday Life, as have our read- ing and correspondence. The result is a unique text, now thoroughly revised in this third edition, which includes more than 600 new citations. Some of the most exciting recent research has happened

in the area of biological psychology, in- cluding cognitive neuroscience, dual pro- cessing, and epigenetics. See p. xxxiii for a chapter-by-chapter list of significant Content Changes. In addition to the new study aids and updated coverage, we’ve introduced the following organizational changes:

• Chapter 1 concludes with a new sec- tion, “Improve Your Retention—and Your Grades.” This guide will help students replace ineffective and in- efficient old habits with new habits that increase retention and success.

• Chapter 3, Developing Through the Life Span, has been shortened by mov- ing the Aging and Intelligence cover- age to Chapter 8, Thinking, Language, and Intelligence.

• Chapter 7, Memory, follows a new format, and more clearly explains how differ- ent brain networks process and retain memories. We worked closely with Janie Wilson, Professor of Psychology at Georgia Southern University

and Vice President for Programming of the Society for the Teaching of Psychology, on this chapter’s revision.

• Chapter 10, Stress, Health, and Human Flourishing, now includes a discussion of happiness and subjec- tive well-being, moved here from the Motivation and Emotion chapter.

• Chapter 11, Personality, offers more complete coverage of clinical per- spectives, including improved cover- age of modern-day psychodynamic approaches, which are now more clearly distinguished from their his- torical Freudian roots.

• The Social Psychology chapter now follows the Personality chapter.

• Chapter 13, Psychological Disorders, now includes coverage of eating dis- orders, previously in the Motivation

and Emotion chapter. This chapter has also been reorganized to reflect changes to psychiatry’s latest edition of its diagnostic manual—the DSM-5.

• There are two new text appendices: Statistical Reasoning in Everyday Life, and Subfields of Psychology.

More Design Innovations With help from student and instructor design reviewers, the new third edi- tion retains the best of the easy-to-read three-column design but with a cleaner new look that makes navigation easier thanks to fewer color-distinguished fea- tures, a softer color palette, and closer connection between narrative coverage and its associated visuals.

Our three-column format is rich with visual support. It responds to students’ expectations, based on what they have told us about their reading, both online and in print. The narrow column width eliminates the strain of reading across a wide page. Illustrations appear near or within the pertinent text column, which helps students see them in the appropri- ate context. Key terms are defined near where they are introduced.

In written reviews, students com- pared our three-column design with a traditional one-column design (without knowing which was ours). They unani- mously preferred the three-column de- sign. It was, they said, “less intimidating” and “less overwhelming” and it “moti- vated” them to read on.

In this edition, we’ve also adjusted the font used for research citations. In psychology’s journals and textbooks, parenthetical citations appropriately assign credit and direct readers to sources. But they can also form a vi- sual hurdle. An instructor using the second edition of Psychology in Every-

FIGURE 2 Sample of Retrieve + Remember feature

key terms Look for complete definitions of each important term in a page corner near the term’s introduction in the narrative.

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day Life suggested a new, less intrusive style, which has been encouraged by most of our reviewers. We’ve honored APA reference style with parenthetical citations (rather than, say, end notes), yet we’ve eased readability by reducing the strength of the citation font. The first instance of a citation is called out in Chapter 1 and explained to students who may be unfamiliar with the APA style for sourcing.

Dedicated Versions of next-Generation Media This third edition is accompanied by the new LaunchPad, with carefully crafted, prebuilt assignments, LearningCurve formative assessment activities, and As- sess Your Strengths projects. This sys- tem also incorporates the full range of Worth’s psychology media products. (For details, see p. xxiv.)

What Continues in the Third Edition?

eight Guiding Principles Despite all the exciting changes, this new edition retains its predecessors’ voice, as well as much of the content and or- ganization. It also retains the goals—the guiding principles—that have animated all of the Myers texts:

Facilitating the Learning experience

1. To teach critical thinking By present- ing research as intellectual detective work, we illustrate an inquiring, ana- lytical mind-set. Whether students are studying development, cognition, or social behavior, they will become involved in, and see the rewards of, critical reasoning. Moreover, they will

discover how an empirical approach can help them evaluate competing ideas and claims for highly publicized phenomena—ranging from ESP and alternative therapies to hypnosis and repressed and recovered memories.

2. To integrate principles and applica- tions Throughout—by means of anec- dotes, case histories, and the posing of hypothetical situations—we relate the findings of basic research to their applications and implications. Where psychology can illuminate pressing human issues—be they racism and sexism, health and happiness, or vio- lence and war—we have not hesitated to shine its light.

3. To reinforce learning at every step Everyday examples and rhetorical questions encourage students to pro- cess the material actively. Concepts presented earlier are frequently ap- plied, and reinforced, in later chap- ters. For instance, in Chapter 1, students learn that much of our in- formation processing occurs outside of our conscious awareness. Ensuing chapters drive home this con- cept. Numbered Learning Objective Questions at the beginning of each main section, Retrieve + Remember self-tests throughout each chapter, a marginal glossary, and Chapter Review key terms lists and self-tests help students learn and retain impor- tant concepts and terminology.

Demonstrating the science of Psychology 4. To exemplify the process of inquiry We

strive to show students not just the outcome of research, but how the research process works. Throughout, the book tries to excite the reader’s curiosity. It invites readers to imagine themselves as participants in classic experiments. Several chapters intro- duce research stories as mysteries that progressively unravel as one clue after another falls into place.

5. To be as up-to-date as possible Few things dampen students’ interest as quickly as the sense that they are reading stale news. While retaining psychology’s classic studies and con- cepts, we also present the discipline’s most important recent develop- ments. In this edition, 250 references are dated 2011–2013. Likewise, the new photos and everyday examples are drawn from today’s world.

6. To put facts in the service of con- cepts Our intention is not to fill stu- dents’ intellectual file drawers with facts, but to reveal psychology’s major concepts—to teach students how to think, and to offer psychological ideas worth thinking about. In each chap- ter, we place emphasis on those con- cepts we hope students will carry with them long after they complete the course. Always, we try to follow Albert Einstein’s purported dictum that “everything should be made as simple as possible, but not simpler.” Learning Objective Questions and Retrieve + Remember questions throughout each chapter help students focus on the most important concepts.

Promoting Big Ideas and Broadened Horizons 7. To enhance comprehension by provid-

ing continuity Many chapters have a significant issue or theme that links subtopics, forming a thread that ties the chapter together. The Learning chapter conveys the idea that bold thinkers can serve as intellectual pioneers. The Thinking, Language, and Intelligence chapter raises the issue of human rationality and irra- tionality. The Psychological Disorders chapter conveys empathy for, and un- derstanding of, troubled lives. Other threads, such as cognitive neurosci- ence, dual processing, and cultural and gender diversity, weave through- out the whole book, and students hear a consistent voice.

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psychological science. Critical think- ing is introduced as a key term in this chapter (page 6).

• “Thinking Critically About . . .” boxes are found throughout the book. This feature models for students a critical approach to some key issues in psy- chology. For example, see “Thinking Critically About: The Stigma of Introversion” (Chapter 11) or “Thinking Critically About: Do Video Games Teach, or Release, Violence?” (Chapter 12). “Close-Up” boxes en- courage application of the new con- cepts. For example, see “Close-Up: Waist Management” in Chapter 9, or “Close-Up: Pets Are Friends, Too” in Chapter 10.

• Detective-style stories throughout the text get students thinking critically about psychology’s key research questions. In Chapter 8, for example, we present as a puzzle the history of discoveries about where and how language happens in the brain. We guide students through the puzzle, showing them how researchers put all the pieces together.

• “Try this” and “think about it” style discussions and side notes keep stu- dents active in their study of each chapter. We often encourage students to imagine themselves as participants in experiments. In Chapter 12, for example, students take the perspec- tive of participants in a Solomon Asch conformity experiment and, later, in one of Stanley Milgram’s obedience experiments. We’ve also asked stu- dents to join the fun by taking part in activities they can try along the way. Here are a few examples: In Chapter 5, they try out a quick sensory adap- tation activity. In Chapter 9, they try matching expressions to faces and test the effects of different facial ex- pressions on themselves. Throughout Chapter 11, students are asked to apply what they’re learning to the construction of a questionnaire for an Internet dating service.

• Education: No assumptions about past or current learning environments; writing is accessible to all.

• Physical Abilities: No assumptions about full vision, hearing, movement.

• Life Experiences: Examples are in- cluded from urban, suburban, and rural/outdoor settings.

• Family Status: Examples and ideas are made relevant for all students, whether they have children or are still living at home, are married or cohabiting or single; no assumptions about sexual orientation.

Four Big Ideas In the general psychology course, it can be a struggle to weave psychology’s disparate parts into a cohesive whole for students, and for students to make sense of all the pieces. In Psychology in Everyday Life, we have introduced four of psychology’s big ideas as one possible way to make connections among all the concepts. These ideas are presented in Chapter 1 and gently integrated through- out the text.

1. Critical thinking Is smart thinking We love to write in a way that gets stu- dents thinking and keeps them active as they read. Students will see how the science of psychology can help them evaluate competing ideas and highly publicized claims—ranging from intu- ition, subliminal persuasion, and ESP to left-brained/right-brained, alternative therapies, and repressed and recovered memories.

In Psychology in Everyday Life, students have many opportunities to learn or practice their critical thinking skills:

• Chapter 1 takes a unique, critical think- ing approach to introducing students to psychology’s research methods. Understanding the weak points of our everyday intuition and common sense helps students see the need for

8. To convey respect for human unity and diversity Throughout the book, readers will see evidence of our human kinship—our shared biologi- cal heritage, our common mecha- nisms of seeing and learning, hungering and feeling, loving and hating. They will also better under- stand the dimensions of our diver- sity—our individual diversity in development and aptitudes, temper- ament and personality, and disorder and health; and our cultural diversity in attitudes and expressive styles, child raising and care for the elderly, and life priorities.

the Writing As with the second edition, we’ve writ- ten this book to be optimally accessible. The vocabulary is sensitive to students’ widely varying reading levels and back- grounds. And this book is briefer than many texts on the market, making it easier to fit into one-term courses. Psy- chology in Everyday Life offers a complete survey of the field, but it is a more man- ageable survey. We strove to select the most humanly significant concepts. We continually asked ourselves while work- ing, “Would an educated person need to know this? Would this help students live better lives?”

Culture and Gender—no Assumptions Even more than in other Myers texts, we have written Psychology in Everyday Life with the diversity of student readers in mind.

• Gender: Extensive coverage of gender roles and gender identity and the in- creasing diversity of choices men and women can make.

• Culture: No assumptions about readers’ cultural backgrounds or experiences.

• Economics: No references to back yards, summer camp, vacations.

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3. We operate With a two- track Mind (Dual Processing) Today’s psychological science explores our dual-processing capacity. Our percep- tion, thinking, memory, and attitudes all operate on two levels: the level of fully aware, conscious processing, and the behind-the-scenes level of unconscious processing. Students may be surprised to learn how much information we process outside of our awareness. Discussions of sleep (Chapter 2), perception (Chap- ter 5), cognition and emotion (Chapter 9), and attitudes and prejudice (Chapter 12) provide some particularly compelling examples of what goes on in our mind’s downstairs.

will see evidence of our human kinship. Yet they will also better understand the dimensions of our diversity—our indi- vidual diversity, our gender diversity, and our cultural diversity. TABLE 2 provides a list of integrated coverage of the cross- cultural perspective on psychology. TABLE 3 (turn the page) lists the coverage of the psychology of women and men. Significant gender and cross-cultural examples and research are presented within the narrative. In addition, an abundance of photos showcases the di- versity of cultures within North Amer- ica and across the globe. These photos and their informative captions bring the pages to life, broadening students’ perspectives in applying psychological science to their own world and to the worlds across the globe.

• Critical examinations of pop psychology spark interest and provide impor- tant lessons in thinking critically about everyday topics. For example, Chapter 5 includes a close examina- tion of ESP, and Chapter 7 addresses the controversial topic of repression of painful memories.

See TABLE 1 for a complete list of this text’s coverage of critical thinking topics.

2. Behavior Is a Biopsychosocial event Students will learn that we can best un- derstand human behavior if we view it from three levels—the biological, psy- chological, and social-cultural. This concept is introduced in Chapter 1 and revisited throughout the text. Readers

TABLE 1 Critical Thinking

Critical thinking coverage may be found on the following pages:

A scientific model for studying psychology, p. 172

Are intelligence tests biased?, pp. 249–250

Are personality tests able to pre- dict behavior?, p. 325

Are there parts of the brain we don’t use?, p. 46

Attachment style, development of, pp. 81–84

Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), p. 371

Causation and the violence- viewing effect, p. 188

Classifying psychological disor- ders, pp. 374–375

Confirmation bias, p. 221 Continuity vs. stage theories of

development, pp. 93–94 Correlation and causation,

pp. 16–17, 84, 90 Critical thinking defined, p. 7 Critiquing the evolutionary

perspective on sexuality, pp. 127–128

Discovery of hypothalamus re- ward centers, pp. 41–42

Do animals think and have lan- guage?, pp. 228–229

Do lie detectors lie?, p. 274 Do other species think and have

language?, pp. 234–235

Do video games teach, or re- lease, violence?, pp. 358–359

Does meditation enhance immu- nity?, pp. 298–299

Effectiveness of “alternative” therapies, p. 422

Emotion and the brain, pp. 40–42

Emotional intelligence, p. 238 Evolutionary science and human

origins, p. 129 Extrasensory perception,

pp. 161–162 Fear of flying vs. probabilities,

pp. 224–225 Freud’s contributions, p. 318 Genetic and environmental

influences on schizophrenia, pp. 398–400

Group differences in intelligence, pp. 246–249

Hindsight bias, pp. 9–10 Hindsight explanations, pp. 127–

128 How do nature and nurture

shape prenatal development?, pp. 69–71

How do twin and adoption studies help us understand the effects of nature and nurture?, p. 72

How does the brain process lan- guage?, pp. 232–233

How much is gender socially constructed vs. biologically in- fluenced?, pp. 110–115

How valid is the Rorschach ink- blot test?, pp. 316–317

Human curiosity, pp. 1–2 Humanistic perspective, evaluat-

ing, p. 321 Hypnosis: dissociation or social

influence?, pp. 156–157 Importance of checking fears

against facts, pp. 224–225 Interaction of nature and nur-

ture in overall development, pp. 85–86, 91

Is dissociative identity disorder a real disorder?, pp. 402–403

Is psychotherapy effective?, pp. 420–421

Is repression a myth?, p. 318 Limits of case studies, natural-

istic observation, and surveys, pp. 14–15

Limits of intuition, p. 9 Nature, nurture, and perceptual

ability, p. 150 Overconfidence, pp. 10, 223 Posttraumatic stress disorder

(PTSD), pp. 378–379 Powers and perils of intuition,

pp. 225–226

Problem-solving strategies, pp. 220–221

Psychic phenomena, p. 12 Psychology: a discipline for criti-

cal thought, pp. 3–4, 9–12 Religious involvement and lon-

gevity, pp. 299–301 Scientific method, pp. 12–13 Sexual desire and ovulation, p. 115 Similarities and differences in

social power between men and women, p. 109

Stress and cancer, pp. 288–289 Suggestive powers of subliminal

messages, p. 136 The divided brain, pp. 47–49 The powers and limits of paren-

tal involvement on develop- ment, p. 91

Using psychology to debunk popular beliefs, p. 6

Values and psychology, pp. 22–23

What does selective attention teach us about consciousness?, pp. 51–52

What factors influence sexual orientation?, pp. 121–125

What is the connection between the brain and the mind?, p. 37

Wording effects, pp. 15

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in Chapter 7; and the helpful new study tools throughout the text based on the documented testing effect.

enhanced Clinical Psychology Coverage, Including thorough DsM-5 Updating Compared with other Myers texts, Psy- chology in Everyday Life has proportion- ately more coverage of clinical topics and a greater sensitivity to clinical is- sues throughout the text. For example,

ing with this text, students may find themselves living improved day-to-day lives. See, for example, tips for better sleep in Chapter 2, parenting sugges- tions throughout Chapter 3, informa- tion to help with romantic relationships in Chapters 3, 4, 12, and elsewhere, and “Close-Up: Want to Be Happier?” in Chap- ter 10. Students may also find themselves doing better in their courses. See, for example, following this preface, “Time Management: Or, How to Be a Great Stu- dent and Still Have a Life”; “Improve Your Retention—and Your Grades” at the end of Chapter 1; “Improving Memory”

4. Psychology explores Human strengths as Well as Challenges

Students will learn about the many troublesome behaviors and emotions psychologists study, as well as the ways in which psychologists work with those who need help. Yet students will also learn about the beneficial emotions and traits that psychologists study, and the ways psychologists (some as part of the new positive psychology movement—turn the page to see TABLE 4) attempt to nur- ture those traits in others. After study-

TABLE 2 Culture and Multicultural Experience

Coverage of culture and multicultural experience may be found on the following pages:

Academic achievement, pp. 247– 249, 294

Achievement motivation, p. B-4 Adolescence, onset and end of,

p. 92 Aggression, p. 356 Animal learning, p. 229 Animal research, views on,

pp. 21–22 Beauty ideals, pp. 360–361 Biopsychosocial approach, pp. 6–7,

85–86, 110–115, 374, 389 Body image, p. 401 Cluster migration, p. 265 Cognitive development of chil-

dren, p. 80 Collectivism, pp. 331–333, 338,

342, 343 Contraceptive use among teens,

p. 118 Crime and stress hormone levels,

p. 404 Cultural values

child-raising and, p. 85 morality and, p. 88 psychotherapy and, p. 423

Culture defined, p. 7 emotional expression and,

pp. 276–277 intelligence test bias and,

pp. 249–250 the self and, pp. 331–333

Deindividuation, p. 348 Depression

and heart disease, p. 290 and suicide, p. 392 risk of, p. 393

Developmental similarities across cultures, pp. 85–86

Discrimination, pp. 350–351 Dissociative identity disorder,

p. 402 Division of labor, p. 113 Divorce rate, p. 98 Dysfunctional behavior diagnoses,

p. 372 Eating disorders, p. 374 Enemy perceptions, p. 365 Exercise, p. 262 Expressions of grief, p. 101 Family environment, p. 90 Family self, sense of, p. 85 Father’s presence

pregnancy and, p. 119 violence and, p. 356

Flow, p. B-2 Foot-in-the-door phenomenon,

p. 340 Framing, and organ donation,

p. 224 Fundamental attribution error,

p. 338 Gender roles, pp. 113, 128 Gender

aggression and, p. 109 communication and, pp. 109–110 sex drive and, pp. 125–126

General adaptation syndrome, p. 285

Happiness, pp. 303–304, 305 HIV/AIDS, pp. 117, 288 Homosexuality, attitudes toward,

p. 121 Identity formation, pp. 89–90 Individualism, pp. 331–333, 338,

343

ingroup bias, p. 352 moral development and, p. 88

Intelligence, pp. 235–236 group differences in, pp. 246–250

Intelligence testing, p. 239 Interracial dating, p. 350 Job satisfaction, p. B-4 Just-world phenomenon, p. 352 Language development, pp. 231–

232 Leadership, pp. B-6–B-7 Life satisfaction, p. 99 Male-to-female violence, p. 356 Mating preferences, pp. 126–127 Mental disorders and stress, p. 374 Mere exposure effect, p. 359 Motivation, pp. 256–258 Naturalistic observation, p. 14 Need to belong, pp. 264–265 Obedience, p. 345 Obesity and sleep loss, p. 262 Optimism, p. 294 Ostracism, p. 265 Parent-teen relations, p. 90 Partner selection, p. 360 Peer influence, p. 86

on language development, p. 90 Personal control, p. 292 Personality traits, pp. 322–323 Phobias, p. 381 Physical attractiveness, pp. 360–

361 Poverty, explanations of, p. 339 Power differences between men

and women, p. 109 Prejudice, pp. 352–353

automatic, pp. 351–352 contact, cooperation, and,

p. 366

forming categories, p. 353 group polarization and, p. 348 racial, p. 340 subtle versus overt, pp. 350–351

Prosocial behavior, p. 186 Psychoactive drugs, pp. 381–382 Psychological disorders, pp. 371,

374 Racial similarities, pp. 248–249 Religious involvement and longev-

ity, p. 299 Resilience, p. 432 Risk assessment, p. 225 Scapegoat theory, p. 352 Schizophrenia, p. 398 Self-esteem, p. 305 Self-serving bias, p. 330 Separation anxiety, p. 83 Serial position effect, p. 205 Social clock variation, p. 99 Social influence, pp. 343, 345–346 Social loafing, p. 347 Social networking, p. 266 Social trust, p. 84 Social-cultural psychology, pp. 4, 6 Stereotype threat, pp. 249–250 Stereotypes, pp. 350, 352 Stranger anxiety, p. 81 Substance abuse, p. 389 Substance abuse/addiction rates,

p. 389 Susto, p. 374 Taijin-kyofusho, p. 374 Taste preference, pp. 260–261 Terrorism, pp. 224–225, 393, 339,

352, 354, 393 Trauma, pp. 318, 421 Universal expressions, p. 7 Weight, p. 262

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See inside the front and back covers for a listing of students’ favorite 50 of this text’s applications to everyday life.

APA Assessment Tools

In 2011, the American Psychological Association (APA) approved the new Principles for Quality Undergraduate Education in Psychology. These broad- based principles and their associated recommendations were designed to “produce psychologically literate citi- zens who apply the principles of psy- chological science at work and at home.” (See www.apa.org/education/undergrad/ principles.aspx.)

• chapter-ending “In Your Everyday Life” questions, helping students make the concepts more meaningful (and memorable).

• fun notes and quotes in small boxes throughout the text, applying psy- chology’s findings to sports, litera- ture, world religions, and music.

• “Assess Your Strengths” per- sonal self-assessments online in LaunchPad, allowing students to actively apply key principles to their own experiences.

• an emphasis throughout the text on critical thinking in everyday life, including the “Statistical Reasoning in Everyday Life” appendix, helping students to become more informed consumers and everyday thinkers.

Chapter 13, Psychological Disorders, in- cludes lengthy coverage of substance- related disorders, with guidelines for determining substance use disorder. The discussion of psychoactive drugs includes a special focus on alcohol and nicotine use. Clinical references, expla- nations, and examples throughout the text have been carefully updated to re- flect DSM-5 changes. Chapter 13 includes an explanation of how disorders are now diagnosed, with illustrative examples throughout. See TABLE 5 for a listing of coverage of clinical psychology concepts and issues throughout the text.

everyday Life Applications Throughout this text, as its title suggests, we relate the findings of psychology’s research to the real world. This edition includes:

TABLE 3 Psychology of Women and Men

Coverage of the psychology of women and men may be found on the following pages:

Age and decreased fertility, pp. 94–95

Aggression, pp. 108–109, 354 testosterone and, p. 354

Alcohol use and sexual assault, p. 382

Alcohol use disorder, p. 383 Alcohol, women’s greater physical

vulnerability, p. 383 Attraction, pp. 358–363 Beauty ideals, pp. 360–361 Bipolar disorder, p. 392 Body image, p. 401 Depression, p. 393

among girls, pp. 89–90 higher vulnerability of women,

p. 395 seasonal patterns, p. 391

Eating disorders, p. 401 sexualization of girls and, p. 120

Emotional expressiveness, pp. 275– 276

Emotion-detecting ability, p. 275 Empathy, p. 276 Father’s presence

pregnancy rates and, p. 119 lower sexual activity and, p. 119

Freud’s views on gender identity development, p. 314

Gender, pp. 6–7

anxiety and, p. 377 biological influences on, pp. 110–

112 changes in society’s thinking

about, pp. 107, 113, 128, 350 social-cultural influences on,

pp. 6–7, 113–115 widowhood and, p. 100

Gender differences, pp. 6–7, 108–110 rumination and, p. 395 evolutionary perspectives on,

pp. 125–128 intelligence and, pp. 246–247 sexuality and, pp. 125–126

Gender discrimination, pp. 350–351 Gender identity, development of,

pp. 113–115 mismatch in transgendered indi-

viduals, p. 114 Gender roles, p. 113 Gender schema theory, p. 114 Gender similarities, pp. 108–110 Gender typing, p. 114 HIV/AIDS, women’s vulnerability

to, p. 117 Hormones and sexual behavior,

pp. 115–116 Human sexuality, pp. 115–121 Leadership styles, p. 109

Learned helplessness, p. 395 Life expectancy, p. 108 Love

companionate, pp. 362–363 passionate, pp. 361–362

Marriage, pp. 97–98 Mating preferences, pp. 126–127 Maturation, pp. 86–87, 94 Menarche, pp. 86, 92 Menopause, p. 95 Obedience, p. 344 Physical attractiveness, pp. 359–360 Posttraumatic stress disorder, p. 379 Puberty, p. 86

early onset of, p. 92 Relationship equity, p. 362 Responses to stress, p. 286 Schizophrenia, p. 398 Sex, pp. 6, 115–117 Sex and gender, p. 110 Sex chromosomes, p. 111 Sex drive, gender differences,

pp. 118, 125 Sex hormones, p. 110 Sex-reassignment, p. 112 Sexual activity and aging, p. 96 Sexual activity, teen girls’ regret,

p. 119 Sexual arousal, gender and gay-

straight differences, p. 123

Sexual intercourse among teens, p. 117

Sexual orientation, pp. 121–125 Sexual response cycle, pp. 116–117 Sexual response, alcohol-related

expectation and, p. 384 Sexual scripts, p. 357 Sexuality, natural selection and,

pp. 125–127 Sexualization of girls, p. 120 Sexually explicit media, pp. 119, 357 Sexually transmitted infections,

pp. 117–118 Similarities and differences be-

tween men and women, pp. 108– 110

Social clock, p. 99 Social connectedness, pp. 109–110 Social power, p. 109 Spirituality and longevity, p. 299 Substance use disorder and the

brain, p. 383 Teen pregnancy, pp. 118–119 Violent crime, pp. 108–109 Vulnerability to psychological dis-

orders, p. 108 Weight loss, p. 263 Women in psychology, pp. 2–3

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In addition, an APA working group in 2013 drafted guidelines for Strengthen- ing the Common Core of the Introduc- tory Psychology Course (http://tinyurl. com/14dsdx5). Their goals are to “strike a nuanced balance providing flexibility yet guidance.” The group noted that “a

2011 APA Principles, see http://tinyurl. com/m62dr95.) Turn the page to see TABLE 7, which outlines the way Psy- chology in Everyday Life, Third Edition, could help you to address the 2013 APA Learning Goals and Outcomes in your department.

APA’s more specific 2013 Learn- ing Goals and Outcomes, from their Guidelines for the Undergraduate Psychol- ogy Major, Version 2.0, were designed to gauge progress in students graduat- ing with psychology majors. (See www. apa.org /ed/precollege/about/psyma- jor-guidelines.pdf.) Many psychol- ogy departments use these goals and outcomes to help establish their own benchmarks for departmental assess- ment purposes.

Some instructors are eager to know whether a given text for the introduc- tory course helps students get a good start at achieving these APA bench- marks. TABLE 6 on the next page offers a sample, using the first Principle, to illustrate how nicely Psychology in Ev- eryday Life, Third Edition, corresponds to the 2011 APA Principles. (For a com- plete correlation guide to all five of the

TABLE 5 Clinical Psychology

Coverage of clinical psychology may be found on the following pages:

Abused children, risk of psy- chological disorder among, p. 172

Alcohol use and aggression, pp. 354–355

Alzheimer’s disease, pp. 33, 245, 262

Anxiety disorders, pp. 376–381 Autism spectrum disorder,

pp. 78–79, 108, 236 Aversive conditioning,

pp. 415–416 Behavior modification, p. 416 Behavior therapies, pp. 414–417 Bipolar disorder, pp. 391–392 Brain damage and memory

loss, p. 206 Brain scans, p. 38 Brain stimulation therapies,

pp. 427–429 Childhood trauma, effect on

mental health, pp. 83–84 Client-analyst relationship in

psychoanalysis, p. 411 Client-centered therapy, p. 413 Client-therapist relationship,

p. 320 Clinical psychologists, p. 5 Cognitive therapies, pp. 396,

417–419 eating disorders and, p. 417

Culture and values in psycho- therapy, pp. 423–424

Depression: adolescence and, p. 89 heart disease and, p. 290 homosexuality and, p. 122 mood-memory connection

and, p. 205 outlook and, pp. 395–396 self-esteem and, pp. 16–17,

89, 90–91, 178 sexualization of girls and,

p. 120 social exclusion and,

pp. 90–91 unexpected loss and,

pp. 100–101

Dissociative and personality disorders, pp. 401–403

Dissociative identity disorder, therapist’s role, p. 402

Drug therapies, pp. 18, 424–427

Drug treatment, p. 173 DSM-5, pp. 374–375 Eating disorders, pp. 389,

400–401 Emotional intelligence, p. 238 Evidence-based clinical deci-

sion making, p. 422 Exercise, therapeutic effects

of, pp. 296–297, 426, 430 Exposure therapies, pp. 414–415 Generalized anxiety disorder,

p. 377 Grief therapy, p. 101 Group and family therapies,

pp. 419–420 Historical treatment of mental

illness, pp. 372, 410 Humanistic therapies,

pp. 412–414 Hypnosis and pain relief,

pp. 156–157 Intelligence scales and stroke

rehabilitation, p. 240 Lifestyle change, therapeutic

effects of, pp. 430–431 Loss of a child, psychiatric hos-

pitalization and, p. 101 Major depressive disorder,

pp. 390–391 Medical model of mental dis-

orders, pp. 373–374 Mood disorders, pp. 390–396 Neurotransmitter imbalances

and related disorders, p. 33 Nurturing strengths, p. 320 Obsessive-compulsive disor-

der, p. 378 Operant conditioning,

pp. 416–417 Ostracism, pp. 265–266 Panic disorder, p. 377 Personality inventories, p. 324

Personality testing, pp. 316–317 Phobias, pp. 377–378 Physical and psychological

treatment of pain, pp. 155– 156

Posttraumatic stress disorder, pp. 378–379

Psychiatric labels and bias, p. 375

Psychoactive drugs, types of, pp. 424–427

Psychoanalysis, pp. 410–412 Psychodynamic theory,

pp. 315–316 Psychodynamic therapy, p. 412 Psychological disorders,

pp. 371–404 are those with disorders

dangerous?, p. 376 classification of, pp. 374–375 gender differences in, p. 108 preventing, and building re-

silience, pp. 431–432 Psychotherapy, pp. 410–424

effectiveness of, pp. 420–423 Rorschach inkblot test, p. 316 Savant syndrome, p. 236 Schizophrenia, pp. 397–400

parent-blaming and, p. 91 risk of, pp. 399–400

Self-actualization, p. 319 Self-injury, pp. 392–393 Sex reassignment surgery,

p. 112 Sleep disorders, pp. 58–60, 374 Spanked children, risk for ag-

gression and depression among, p. 178

Substance use and addictive disorders, pp. 381–390

Suicide, pp. 392–393 Testosterone replacement

therapy, pp. 115–116 Tolerance, withdrawal, and ad-

diction, p. 382

TABLE 4 Examples of Positive Psychology

Coverage of positive psychology topics can be found in the following chapters:

Topic

Altruism/compassion Coping Courage Creativity Emotional intelligence Empathy Flow Gratitude Happiness/life satis-

faction Humility Humor Justice Leadership Love Morality Optimism Personal control Resilience Self-discipline Self-efficacy Self-esteem Spirituality Toughness (grit) Wisdom

Chapter

3, 8, 11, 12, 14 10 12 7, 11, 12 8, 12 3, 6, 10, 12, 14 App B 9, 10, 12 3, 9, 10

12 10, 12 12 9, 11, 12, App B 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14 3 10, 11 10 3, 10, 12, 14 3, 9, 11 10, 11 9, 11 10, 12 8, 9 2, 3, 8, 11, 12

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choices, visit Worth Publishers’ online catalog at www.worthpublishers.com.

LaunchPad With LearningCurve Quizzing and Assess Your strengths Activities LaunchPad offers a set of prebuilt as- signments, carefully crafted by a group of instructional designers and instruc- tors with an abundance of teaching ex- perience as well as deep familiarity with Worth content. Each LaunchPad unit contains videos, activities, and forma- tive assessment pieces to build student understanding for each topic, culminat- ing with a randomized summative quiz to hold students accountable for the unit. Assign units in just a few clicks, and find scores in your gradebook upon submission. LaunchPad appeals not only to instructors who have been interested in adding an online component to their

exam will also recognize “the importance of socio-cultural and behavioral determi- nants of health and health outcomes.” The exam’s new psychology section covers the breadth of topics in this text. For example, turn the page to see TABLE 8, which out- lines the precise correlation between the topics in this text’s Sensation and Percep- tion chapter and the corresponding por- tion of the MCAT exam. For a complete pairing of the new MCAT psychology top- ics with this book’s contents, see www. worthpublishers.com/MyersPEL3e.

Next-Generation Multimedia

Psychology in Everyday Life, Third Edition, boasts impressive multimedia options. For more information about any of these

mature science should be able to agree upon and communicate its unifying core while embracing diversity.”

MCAT Will Include Psychology Starting in 2015

Beginning in 2015, the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT) is devoting 25 per- cent of its questions to the “Psychological, Social, and Biological Foundations of Be- havior,” with most of those questions com- ing from the psychological science taught in introductory psychology courses. From 1977 to 2014, the MCAT focused on biology, chemistry, and physics. Hereafter, reports the new Preview Guide for MCAT 2015, the

TABLE 6 Sample Correlation: Psychology in Everyday Life, Third Edition, Corresponds to the 2011 APA Principles for Quality Undergraduate Education in Psychology

Quality Principle 1: students are responsible for monitoring and enhancing their own learning.

APA Recommendations Relevant Coverage or Feature From Psychology in Everyday Life, third edition

1. Students know how to learn.

2. Students assume increasing re- sponsibility for their own learning.

3. Students take advantage of the rich diversity that exists in educa- tional institutions and learn from individuals who are different from them.

4. Students are responsible for seek- ing advice for academic tasks, such as selecting courses in the approved sequence that satisfy the institution’s requirements for the major and general educa- tion. They are also responsible for seeking advice about planning for a career that is realistic and tailored to their individual talents, aspirations, and situations.

5. Students strive to become psy- chologically literate citizens.

• LaunchPad course management, with the acclaimed LearningCurve self-testing, guides students toward effective self-monitoring with personalized study plans.

• Time Management preface helps students learn to maximize their reading, studying, and exam preparation ef- forts. (p. xli)

• Powerful new study system adopts best practices from learning and memory research. Includes numbered Learn- ing Objective Questions, periodic Retrieve + Remember questions, and Chapter Review self-tests including In Your Everyday Life questions.

• Improve Your Retention—and Your Grades section at the end of Chapter 1 teaches students how to apply the sci- ence of learning to their own studies.

• Improving Memory section at the end of Chapter 7 teaches students how to use memory research findings to do better in this course and others.

• LaunchPad’s Assess Your Strengths feature allows students to apply psychology’s principles to their own lives and experiences, and nurture key strengths in themselves.

• The importance of understanding and respecting a diversity of people and perspectives is introduced in Chapter 1 and integrated throughout the text. (See also Tables 2 and 3 on pp. xxi and xxii for an overview of coverage.)

• Appendix C introduces psychology’s main subfields so that students may begin to consider realistic career options. Regularly updated Careers in Psychology information may be found at www.worthpublishers.com/ MyersPEL3e.

• Chapter 1 and Appendix A introduce the scientific attitude and the research methodology that students will need to understand to become psychologically literate. The importance of becoming psychologically literate is empha- sized throughout the text and LaunchPad activities and quizzes.

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course but haven’t been able to invest the time, but also to experienced online instructors curious to see how other col- leagues might scaffold a series of online activities. Customize units as you wish, adding and dropping content to fit your course. (See FIGURE 3.)

LearningCurve combines adaptive question selection, personalized study plans, immediate and valuable feedback, and state-of-the-art question analysis re- ports. Based on the latest findings from learning and memory research, Learn- ingCurve’s game-like nature keeps stu- dents engaged while helping them learn and remember key concepts.

With Assess Your Strengths activi- ties, students may take inventories and questionnaires developed by research- ers across psychological science. These

TABLE 7 Psychology in Everyday Life, Third Edition, Corresponds to 2013 APA Learning Goals

Relevant Feature from Psychology in Everyday Life, third edition

APA Learning Goals

Knowledge Base in Psychology

scientific Inquiry and Critical

thinking

ethical and social Responsibility in a

Diverse World Communication Professional

Development

Text content • • • • • Four Big Ideas in Psychology as integrating themes

• • • •

Thinking Critically boxes • • • • Close-Up boxes • • • Learning Objective Questions previewing main sections

• • •

Retrieve + Remember sections • • • • • In Your Everyday Life questions • • • • • “Try this”-style activities integrated throughout

• • • •

Chapter Tests • • • Statistics appendix • • • Psychology at Work appendix • • • • • Subfields of Psychology appendix, with Careers in Psychology online appendix

• • •

LaunchPad with LearningCurve formative quizzing

• • • • •

Assess Your Strengths feature in LaunchPad

• • • • •

Book Companion Site • • • • •

FIGURE 3 Sample from LaunchPad

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TABLE 8 Sample MCAT Correlation With Psychology in Everyday Life, Third Edition

MCAt 2015 Myers, Psychology in Everyday Life, third edition, Correlations

sample Content Category 6e: sensing the environment Page

number

Sensory Processing Sensation and Perception 132–165

Sensation Basic Principles of Sensation and Perception 134–139

Thresholds Thresholds 135–137

Signal detection theory Difference Thresholds 136

Sensory adaptation Sensory Adaptation 137–138

Sensory receptors transduce stimulus energy and transmit signals to the central nervous system.

From Outer Energy to Inner Brain Activity (transduction key term) 134–135

Sensory pathways Vision 139–142

Hearing 151–154

Understanding Pain 154–155

Taste 157–158

Smell 158–159

Body Position and Movement 159–160

Types of sensory receptors The Eye 141–142

Decoding Sound Waves 152–153

Understanding Pain 154–155

Taste 157–158

Smell 158–158

Body Position and Movement 159–160

Table 5.3, Summarizing the Senses 160

The cerebral cortex controls voluntary movement and cognitive functions.

Functions of the Cortex 43–47

Information processing in the cerebral cortex The Cerebral Cortex 42–47

Our Divided Brain 47–50

Vision Vision 139–151

Structure and function of the eye The Eye 140–142

Visual processing Visual Information Processing 142–143

Visual pathways in the brain Figure 5.15, Pathway from the eyes to the visual cortex 143

Parallel processing Parallel processing 143

Feature detection Feature detection 142–143

Hearing Hearing 151–154

Auditory processing Hearing 151–154

Auditory pathways in the brain Sound Waves: From the Environment Into the Brain 151–152

Perceiving loudness and pitch Sound Waves: From the Environment Into the Brain 151–152

Figure 5.10, The physical properties of waves 140

Locating sounds How Do We Locate Sounds? 153–154

Sensory reception by hair cells Decoding Sound Waves 152–153

Table 5.3, Summarizing the Senses 160

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lecture activities. Includes publisher- as well as peer-provided resources— all faculty-reviewed for accuracy and quality.

• Instructor’s Media Guide for Introductory Psychology

• Enhanced Course Management Solutions (including course cartridges)

• e-Book in various available formats, with embedded Concepts in Action

• Book Companion Site

Faculty support and student Resources

• Faculty Lounge—http://psych.facul- tylounge.worthpublishers.com—(see FIGURE 4 on the next page) is an on- line gathering place to find and share favorite teaching ideas and materials, including videos, animations, im- ages, PowerPoint® slides and lectures, news stories, articles, web links, and

self-assessments allow students to apply psychology’s principles to their own lives and experiences. After taking each self- assessment, students will find additional information about the strength being tested (for example, personal growth ini- tiative, sleep quality, empathizing/sys- temizing, intrinsic/extrinsic motivation, mindfulness, self-control, and hope), as well as tips for nurturing that strength more effectively in their own lives.

TABLE 8 Sample MCAT Correlation With Psychology in Everyday Life, Third Edition (continued)

MCAt 2015 Myers, Psychology in Everyday Life, third edition, Correlations

sample Content Category 6e: sensing the environment Page

number

Other Senses Touch, Taste, Smell, Body Position and Movement 154–160

Somatosensation Touch 154–157

Sensory systems in the skin Sensory Functions (of the cortex) 45

Touch 154

Tactile pathways in the brain Somatosensory cortex 44, 45

Table 5.3, Summarizing the Senses 160

Types of pain Pain 154–155

Factors that influence pain Understanding Pain 154–155

Controlling Pain 155–156

Hypnosis and Pain Relief 156–157

Taste Taste 157–158

Taste buds/chemoreceptors that detect specific chemicals in the environment

Taste 157–158

Table 5.3, Summarizing the Senses 160

Gustatory pathways in the brain Figure 5.29, Taste, Smell, and Memory 158

Smell Smell 158–159

Olfactory cells/chemoreceptors that detect specific chemicals in the environment

Smell 158–159

Table 5.3, Summarizing the Senses 160

Pheromones Smell of sex-related hormones 123–125

Olfactory paths in the brain Figure 5.29, Taste, Smell, and Memory 158

Role of smell in perception of taste Sensory Interaction 160–161

Perception Sensation and Perception 132–165

Bottom-up/Top-down processing Basic Principles of Sensation and Perception (bottom-up and top-down processing key terms)

134

Perceptual organization (i.e., depth, form, motion, constancy) Visual Organization: Form Perception, Depth Perception (including Relative Motion), Perceptual Constancy

145–150

Figure 5.16, Parallel processing (of motion, form, depth, color) 143

Gestalt principles Visual Organization: Form Perception (gestalt key term) 145–146

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• Psychology and the Real World: Essays Illustrating Fundamental Contributions to Society. This project of the FABBS Foundation brought together a virtual “Who’s Who” of contemporary psy- chological scientists to describe—in clear, captivating ways—the research they have passionately pursued and what it means to the “real world.” Each contribution is an original essay written for this project.

In Appreciation Aided by input from thousands of in- structors and students over the years, this has become a better, more effective, more accurate book than two authors alone (these authors at least) could write. Our indebtedness continues to the innu- merable researchers who have been so willing to share their time and talent to help us accurately report their research.

For this edition, we especially appreci- ated Jim Foley’s (Wooster, Ohio) detailed consulting review of the clinical materi- als, primarily for the purpose of updating for the DSM-5.

Our gratitude extends to the col- leagues who contributed criticism, cor- rections, and creative ideas related to the content, pedagogy, and format of this new edition and its two predecessors. For their expertise and encouragement, and the gift of their time to the teaching of psychology, we thank the reviewers and consultants listed here.

First and second edition Reviewers Tricia Alexander, Long Beach City College

Pamela Ansburg, Metropolitan State College of Denver

Randy Arnau, University of Southern Mississippi

Stacy Bacigalupi, Mount San Antonio College

Assessment • LearningCurve summative quizzing • Printed Test Banks • Diploma Computerized Test Banks • Online Quizzing • i•clicker Radio Frequency Classroom

Response System

Print • Instructor’s Resources • Lecture Guides • Study Guide • Pursuing Human Strengths: A Positive

Psychology Guide

• Critical Thinking Companion, Second Edition

Video and Presentation

• The Worth Video Anthology for Introductory Psychology is a com- plete collection, all in one place, of all of our video clips. The set is accom- panied by its own Faculty Guide.

• Interactive Presentation Slides for Introductory Psychology is an ex- traordinary series of PowerPoint® lectures . This is a dynamic, yet easy- to-use way to engage students dur- ing classroom presentations of core psychology topics. This collection provides opportunities for discus- sion and interaction, and includes an unprecedented number of embedded video clips and animations.

FIGURE 4 sample from our Faculty Lounge site (http://psych.facultylounge. worthpublishers.com)

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Vince Markowski, University of Southern Maine

Dawn McBride, Illinois State University

Marcia McKinley, Mount St. Mary’s University

Tammy Menzel, Mott Community College

Leslie Minor-Evans, Central Oregon Community College

Ronald Mossler, Los Angeles Valley College

Maria Navarro, Valencia Community College

Daniel Nelson, North Central University

David Neufeldt, Hutchinson Community College

Peggy Norwood, Community College of Aurora

Fabian Novello, Clark State Community College

Fawn Oates, Red Rocks Community College

Ginger Osborne, Santa Ana College

Randall Osborne, Texas State University— San Marcos

Carola Pedreschi, Miami-Dade College, North Campus

Jim Previte, Victor Valley College

Sean Reilley, Morehead State University

Tanya Renner, Kapi’olani Community College

Vicki Ritts, St. Louis Community College— Meramec

Dave Rudek, Aurora University

R. Steven Schiavo, Wellesley College

Cynthia Selby, California State University—Chico

Jennifer Siciliani, University of Missouri— St. Louis

Barry Silber, Hillsborough Community College

Madhu Singh, Tougaloo College

Alice Skeens, University of Toledo

Jason Spiegelman, Towson University & Community College of Baltimore County

Anna-Marie Spinos, Aurora University

Betsy Stern, Milwaukee Area Technical College

Stephanie Grant, Southern Nazarene University

Raymond Green, The Honors College of Texas

Sandy Grossman, Clackamas Community College

Lisa Gunderson, Sacramento City College

Rob Guttentag, University of North Carolina—Greensboro

Gordon Hammerle, Adrian College

Mark Hartlaub, Texas A&M University

Sheryl Hartman, Miami Dade College

Brett Heintz, Delgado Community College

Suzy Horton, Mesa Community College

Alishia Huntoon, Oregon Institute of Technology

Cindy Hutman, Elgin Community College

Laurene Jones, Mercer County Community College

Charles “Ed” Joubert, University of North Alabama

Deana Julka, University of Portland

Richard Kandus, Mount San Jacinto College, Menifree

Elizabeth Kennedy, University of Akron

Norm Kinney, Southeast Missouri University

Gary Klatsky, SUNY Oswego State University

Dan Klaus, Community College of Beaver County

Laurel Krautwurst, Blue Ridge Community College

Juliana Leding, University of North Florida

Gary Lewandowski, Monmouth University

Alicia Limke, University of Central Oklahoma

Leslie Linder, Bridgewater State College

Chris Long, Ouachita Baptist University

Martha Low, Winston-Salem State University

Mark Ludorf, Stephen F. Austin State University

Brian MacKenna-Rice, Middlesex Community College

Kimberly Bays-Brown, Ball State University

Alan Beauchamp, Northern Michigan University

Richard Bernstein, Broward College— South Campus

Diane Bogdan, CUNY: Hunter College

Robert Boroff, Modesto Junior College

Christia Brown, University of Kentucky

Alison Buchanan, Henry Ford Community College

Norma Caltagirone, Hillsborough Community College—Ybor City

Nicole Judice Campbell, University of Oklahoma

David Carlston, Midwestern State University

Kimberly Christopherson, Morningside College

Diana Ciesko, Valencia Community College

TaMetryce Collins, Hillsborough Community College

Patricia Crowe, Hawkeye College

Jennifer Dale, Community College of Aurora

David Devonis, Graceland University

George Diekhoff, Midwestern State University

Michael Drissman, Macomb Community College

Laura Duvall, Heartland Community College

Jennifer Dyck, SUNY College at Fredonia

Laura Engleman, Pikes Peak Community College

Warren Fass, University of Pittsburgh

Vivian Ferry, Community College of Rhode Island

Elizabeth Freeman-Young, Bentley College

Ann Fresoli, Lehigh Carbon Community College

Ruth Frickle, Highline Community College

Lenore Frigo, Shasta College

Gary Gargano, Merced College

Jo Anne Geron, Antioch University

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Shelly Metz, Central New Mexico Community College

Erin Miller, Bridgewater College

Barbara Modisette, Letourneau University

Maria A. Murphy, Florida State College at Jacksonville—North

Jake Musgrove, Broward College—Central Campus

Robin Musselman, Lehigh Carbon Community College

Dana Narter, The University of Arizona

Robert Nelson, Montgomery Community College

Caroline Olko, Nassau Community College

Maria Ortega, Washtenaw Community College

Lee Osterhout, University of Washington

Terry Pettijohn, Ohio State University— Marion Campus

Frieda Rector, Yosemite University

Rebecca Regeth, California University of Pennsylvania

Miranda Richmond, Northwest Vista College

Hugh Riley, Baylor University

Craig Rogers, Campbellsville University

Nicholas Schmitt, Heartland Community College

Christine Shea-Hunt, Kirkwood Community College

Brenda Shook, National University

David Simpson, Carroll University

Starlette Sinclair, Columbus State University

Gregory Smith, University of Kentucky

Eric Stephens, University of the Cumberlands

Colleen Sullivan, Worcester State University

Melissa Terlecki, Cabrini College

Lawrence Voight, Washtenaw Community College

Benjamin Wallace, Cleveland State University

Julie Ehrhardt, Bristol Community College—Bedford Campus

Traci Elliott, Alvin Community College

Mark Evans, Tarrant County College— Northwest

Brian Follick, California State University— Fullerton

Paula Frioli-Peters, Truckee Meadows Community College

Deborah Garfin, Georgia State University

Karla Gingerich, Colorado State University

Darah E. Granger, Florida State College at Jacksonville—Kent

Carrie Hall, Miami University

Christina Hawala, DeVry University

John Haworth, Chattanooga State Technical Community College

Toni Henderson, Langara College

Mary Horton, Mesa Community College

Bernadette Jacobs, Santa Fe Community College

Joan Jensen, Central Piedmont Community College

Patricia Johnson, Craven Community College—Havelock Campus

Lynnel Kiely, City Colleges of Chicago— Harry S. Truman College

Jennifer Klebaur, Central Piedmont Community College—North Campus

Sarah Kranz, Letourneau University

Michael Lantz, Kent State University at Trumbull

Mary Livingston, Louisiana Tech University

Donald Lucas, Northwest Vista College

Molly Lynch, Northern Virginia Community College

Brian MacKenna-Rice, Middlesex Community College

Cheree Madison, Lanier Technical College

Robert Martinez, Northwest Vista College

David McAllister, Salem State College

Gerald McKeegan, Bridgewater College

Michelle Merwin, University of Tennessee—Martin

Ruth Thibodeau, Fitchburg State College

Eloise Thomas, Ozarks Technical Community College

Susan Troy, Northeast Iowa Community College

Michael Verro, Empire State College

Jacqueline Wall, University of Indianapolis

Marc Wayner, Hocking College

Diane Webber, Curry College

Richard Wedemeyer, Rose State College

Peter Wooldridge, Durham Technical Community College

John Wright, Washington State University

Gabriel Ybarra, University of North Florida

third edition Reviewers Diane Agresta, Washtenaw Community College

Barb Angleberger, Frederick Community College

Cheryl Armstrong , Fitchburg State College

Jamie Arnold, Letourneau University

Sandra Arntz, Carroll College

Grace Austin, Sacramento City College

Stephen Balzac, Wentworth Institute of Technology

Chip (Charles) Barker, Olympic College

Elaine Barry, Pennsylvania State University—Fayette Campus

Karen Beale, Maryville College

Michael Bogue, Mohave Community College —Bullhead

Karen Brakke, Spellman College

Christina Bresner, Champlain College, Lennoxville

Carrie Bulger, Quinnipiac University

Sarah Calabrese, Yale University

Jennifer Colman, Champlain College

Victoria Cooke, Erie Community College

Daniel Dickman, Ivy Tech Community College—Evansville

Kevin Dooley, Grossmont College

Mimi Dumville, Raritan Valley Community College

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Patricia Johnson, Craven Community College—Havelock Campus

Marcia Seddon, Indian Hills Community College

Christine Shea-Hunt, Kirkwood Community College

Heather Thompson, College of Western Idaho

Melissa (Liz) Wright, Northwest Vista College

We consulted with eight instructors by phone for lengthy conversations about key features:

Christina Calayag, North Central University

Tametryce Collins, Hillsborough Community College

Patricia Johnson, Craven Community College—Havelock Campus

Todd Allen Joseph, Hillsborough Community College

Lynne Kennette, Wayne State University

Christine Shea-Hunt, Kirkwood Community College

Heather Thompson, College of Western Idaho

Melissa (Liz) Wright, Northwest Vista College

We gathered extensive written input about the text and its features from 38 students at North Central College (thanks to the coordinating efforts of Christina Calayag). We hosted three student focus groups at the College of Western Idaho (coordinated by Heather Thompson), Hillsborough Community College (coor- dinated by Todd Allen Joseph), and Kirk- wood Community College (coordinated by Christine Shea-Hunt).

We also involved students in a survey to determine level of difficulty of key con- cepts. A total of 277 students from the following schools participated:

Brevard Community College

Community College of Baltimore County

We are also grateful for the instructors and students who took the time to offer feedback over the phone, in an online survey, or at one of our face-to-face focus groups. Over 1000 instructors responded to surveys related to depth of coverage and concept difficulty levels.

Seventeen instructors offered helpful and detailed feedback on our design:

Sandra Arntz, Carroll University

Christine Browning, Victory University

Christina Calayag, North Central University

Tametryce Collins, Hillsborough Community College—Brandon Campus

Traci Elliott, Alvin Community College

Betsy Ingram-Diver, Lake Superior College

Bernadette Jacobs, Santa Fe Community College

Patricia Johnson, Craven Community College—Havelock Campus

Todd Joseph Allen, Hillsborough Community College

Donald Lucas, Northwest Vista College

Susie Moerschbacher, Polk State College

Marcia Seddon, Indian Hills Community College

Christine Shea-Hunt, Kirkwood Community College

Brenda Shook, National University

Beth Smith, Hillsborough Community College—Brandon Campus

Heather Thompson, College of Western Idaho

Melissa (Liz) Wright, Northwest Vista College

Nine instructors coordinated input from 131 of their students about our text design:

Sandra Arntz, Carroll University

Christina Calayag, North Central University

Tametryce Collins, Hillsborough Community College—Brandon Campus

Traci Elliott, Alvin Community College

David Williams, Spartanburg Community College

Melissa (Liz) Wright, Northwest Vista College

We were pleased to be supported by a 2012/2013 Content Advisory Board, which helped guide the development of this new edition of Psychology in Everyday Life as well as our other introductory psy- chology titles. For their helpful input and support, we thank

Barbara Angleberger, Frederick Community College

Chip (Charles) Barker, Olympic College

Mimi Dumville, Raritan Valley Community College

Paula Frioli-Peters, Truckee Meadows Community College

Deborah Garfin, Georgia State University

Karla Gingerich, Colorado State University

Toni Henderson, Langara College

Bernadette Jacobs, Santa Fe Community College

Mary Livingston, Louisiana Tech University

Molly Lynch, Northern Virginia Community College

Shelly Metz, Central New Mexico Community College

Jake Musgrove, Broward College—Central Campus

Robin Musselman, Lehigh Carbon Community College

Dana Narter, The University of Arizona

Lee Osterhout, University of Washington

Nicholas Schmitt, Heartland Community College

Christine Shea-Hunt, Kirkwood Community College

Brenda Shook, National University

Starlette Sinclair, Columbus State University

David Williams, Spartanburg Community College

Melissa (Liz) Wright, Northwest Vista College

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As you can see, although this book has two authors it is a team effort. A special salute is due our two book development editors, who have invested so much in creating Psychology in Everyday Life. My [DM] longtime editor Christine Brune saw the need for a very short, accessible, student-friendly introductory psychol- ogy text, and she energized and guided the rest of us in bringing her vision to re- ality. Development editor Nancy Fleming is one of those rare editors who is gifted at “thinking big” about a chapter while also applying her sensitive, graceful, line-by-line touches. Her painstaking, deft editing was a key part of achieving the hoped-for brevity and accessibil- ity. In addition, Trish Morgan joined our editorial team for both the planning and late-stage editorial work, and once again amazed me with her meticulous eye, impressive knowledge, and deft editing. And Deborah Heimann did an excellent job with the copyediting.

To achieve our goal of supporting the teaching of psychology, this teaching package not only must be authored, re- viewed, edited, and produced, but also made available to teachers of psychol- ogy. For their exceptional success in doing that, our author team is grateful to Worth Publishers’ professional sales and marketing team. We are especially grateful to Executive Marketing Manager Kate Nurre, Marketing Manager Lind- say Johnson, and National Psychology and Economics Consultant Tom Kling, both for their tireless efforts to inform our teaching colleagues of our efforts to assist their teaching, and for the joy of working with them.

At Hope College, the supporting team members for this edition included Kath- ryn Brownson, who researched count- less bits of information and proofed hundreds of pages. Kathryn has become a knowledgeable and sensitive adviser on many matters, and Sara Neevel has become our high-tech manuscript devel- oper, par excellence.

Again, I [DM] gratefully acknowledge the influence and editing assistance of

ard, and Matt Ours; and special guests Amy Himsel (El Camino Community Col- lege), Jennifer Peluso (Florida Atlantic University), Charlotte vanOyen Witvliet (Hope College), and Jennifer Zwolinski (University of San Diego). The input and brainstorming during this meeting of minds gave birth, among other things, to the study aids in this edition, the care- fully revised clinical coverage, the re- vised organization, and the refreshing new design.

Publisher Kevin Feyen is a valued team leader, thanks to his dedication, creativity, and sensitivity. Catherine Woods, Vice President, Editing, De- sign, and Media, helped construct and execute the plan for this text and its supplements. Elizabeth Block, Anthony Casciano, and Nadina Persaud coordi- nated production of the huge media and print supplements package for this edi- tion. Betty Probert efficiently edited and produced the print supplements and, in the process, also helped fine-tune the whole book. Nadina also provided in- valuable support in commissioning and organizing the multitude of reviews, mailing information to professors, and handling numerous other daily tasks related to the book’s development and production. Charles Yuen did a splen- did job of laying out each page. Robin Fadool, Bianca Moscatelli, and Donna Ranieri worked together to locate the myriad photos.

Tracey Kuehn, Director of Print and Digital Development, displayed tireless tenacity, commitment, and impressive organization in leading Worth’s gifted ar- tistic production team and coordinating editorial input throughout the produc- tion process. Senior Project Editor Jane O’Neill and Production Manager Sarah Segal masterfully kept the book to its tight schedule, and Art Director Barbara Reingold skillfully directed creation of the beautiful new design and art program. Production Manager Stacey Alexander, along with Supplements Production Edi- tor Edgar Bonilla, did their usual excellent work of producing the many supplements.

Florida International University

Millsaps College

Salt Lake Community College

And we involved a group of helpful stu- dents in reviewing the application ques- tions for this new edition:

Bianca Arias, City College of New York

Brigitte Black, College of St. Benedict

Antonia Brune, Service High School

Gabriella Brune, College of St. Benedict

Peter Casale, Hofstra University

Alex Coumbis, Fordham University

Julia Elliott, Hofstra University

Megan Lynn Garrett, Ramapo College

Curran Kelly, University of Houston Downtown

Stephanie Kroll, SUNY Geneseo

Aaron Mehlenbacher, SUNY Geneseo

Brendan Morrow, Hofstra University

Kristina Persaud, Colgate University

Steven Pignato, St. John’s University

Ryan Sakhichand, ITT Tech Institute

Carlisle Sargent, Clemson University

Josh Saunders, The College of New Jersey

At Worth Publishers a host of people played key roles in creating this third edition.

Although the information gathering is never ending, the formal planning began as the author-publisher team gathered for a two-day retreat. This happy and creative gathering included John Brink, Thomas Ludwig, Richard Straub, and me [DM] from the author team, along with my assistants Kathryn Brownson and Sara Neevel. We were joined by Worth Publishers executives Tom Scotty, Eliza- beth Widdicombe, Catherine Woods, and Craig Bleyer; editors Christine Brune, Kevin Feyen, Nancy Fleming, Tracey Kuehn, Betty Probert, and Trish Morgan; artistic director Babs Reingold; sales and marketing colleagues Tom Kling, Carlise Stembridge, John Britch, Lindsay John- son, Cindi Weiss, Kari Ewalt, Mike How-

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Hope College Holland, Michigan 49422-9000 USA www.davidmyers.org

University of Kentucky Lexington, Kentucky 40506-0044 USA www.NathanDeWall.com

John Brink, Thomas Ludwig, Richard Straub, and Jennifer Peluso.

Finally, our gratitude extends to the many students and instructors who have written to offer suggestions, or just an encouraging word. It is for them, and those about to begin their study of psy- chology, that we have done our best to introduce the field we love.

* * *

The day this book went to press was the day we started gathering information and ideas for the next edition. Your input will influence how this book continues to evolve. So, please, do share your thoughts.

my writing coach, poet Jack Ridl, whose influence resides in the voice you will be hearing in the pages that follow. He, more than anyone, cultivated my delight in dancing with the language, and taught me to approach writing as a craft that shades into art.

After hearing countless dozens of people say that this book’s supplements have taken their teaching to a new level, we reflect on how fortunate we are to be a part of a team in which everyone has produced on-time work marked by the highest professional standards. For their remarkable talents, their long-term ded- ication, and their friendship, we thank

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• New neuroscience research suggest- ing that there is no one “God spot” in the brain that is activated during religious experiences.

• New photo series shows neural pros- thetic in action.

• New research demonstrates the role of dopamine in pleasant experiences and memories.

• Coverage of language in the brain moved to Chapter 8.

• New coverage of brain plasticity in those who are blind or deaf.

• Brain plasticity and music therapy demonstrated with example of Gabrielle Giffords.

• Expanded coverage of conscious awareness, with several new re- search examples.

• Selective attention discussion expanded, with new research examples related to cell phones and driving.

• Additional research support for some level of awareness—via brain response—in noncommunicative patients.

• Change blindness is now a key term, with additional narrative coverage.

• This chapter adopts the new American Academy of Sleep Medicine classification of sleep stages (REM, NREM-1, NREM-2, and NREM-3).

• New art illustrates sleep times of various animals.

• New coverage of effects of sleep de- privation—reducing memory, athletic performance, driving safety, immune system functioning, and longevity, and increasing depression rates (in ad- olescents and adults) and cyberloafing.

• New, improved art for Stages in a Typical Night’s Sleep, with new

• New survey data examples. • New pornography experimental ver-

sus correlational study example.

• New research examples of the pla- cebo effect in athletes and others.

• U.S. health insurance controversy used as new example of effect of wording on survey results.

• Now includes discussion of confound- ing variables.

• Discussion of experimental ethics expanded; new key terms informed consent and debriefing.

• Now closes with new section titled Improve Your Retention—And Your Grades detailing the testing effect and how to apply it effectively to learning with this text.

CHAPTER 2

The Biology of Mind and Consciousness

• New chapter introduction tells the story of a brain tumor changing a man’s sexual behavior.

• New coverage of glial cells. • New illustration of serotonin path-

ways in the brain.

• Expanded illustration of the functional divisions of the nervous system.

• Clarified discussion of reflexes. New research example of reflex speed and size of organism.

• New coverage of oxytocin’s effects on physical and social responses.

• New example of woman with destroyed amygdala experiencing no fear.

Psychology in Everyday Life, Third Edition, includes more than 600 new research citations, a new study system that re- flects the latest in cognitive psychology research on re tention, a revised chapter organization, a fresh new design, and many fun new photos and cartoons. In addition, you will find the following, significant con tent changes in this new third edition.

CHAPTER 1

Psychology’s Roots, Big Ideas, and Critical Thinking Tools

• New illustration introduces biopsycho- social perspective more effectively.

• Chapter organization lightly modified and improved. (For example, natural- istic observation is now covered before surveys rather than after, and illusory correlations coverage removed.)

• Now introduces basic research/applied research distinction.

• Now introduces health psychologists; and new forensic psychology example and photo.

• Now includes discussion of Perceiving Order in Random Events, with World Cup photo example.

• New current event examples incorporated.

• New research support for hindsight bias. • Scientific method now illustrated

with theory about sleep’s value for ef- fective learning.

• New case study photo example of Freud’s work with Little Hans.

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throughout, including gender in- equality in advanced career positions.

• New research on gender differences in aggression, with relational aggres- sion now a key term.

• New research on gender differences in size of social network.

• New key term spermarche. • New research updates discussion of

earlier puberty.

• Gender Development expanded with new research on evolution of pink and blue gender colors, and the dis- cussion of transgender.

• New research details gender similari- ties in self-esteem.

• Gender and Social Connections includes new research on gender differences in texting behavior, on differences in vocational interests, and on changing gender-related at- titudes for parents.

• The Nature of Gender updated with new research throughout, including relationship between prenatal tes- tosterone exposure and later male- typical play and athletic success. Includes new section on Variations on Sexual Development.

• New research expands discussion of Hormones and Sexual Behavior.

• New research updates and expands discussion of changing gender roles in U.S. academia, and cross-cultural perspectives on women at work.

• Psychology of Sex updated with new research.

• New section on Sexual Dysfunctions and Paraphilias with DSM-5 updates; includes enhanced discussion of sexual disorders in women.

• Discussion of Sexually Transmitted Infections updated with new infor- mation about oral sex.

• Sexual Orientation statistics updated with new research.

• Biology and Sexual Orientation up- dated with new research.

• New coverage of moral intuition and automatic moral responses.

• New research expands Emerging Adulthood discussion.

• New social networking research up- dates peer relationship discussion.

• New research on sexuality in middle adulthood.

• Aging and Intelligence moved to Chapter 8.

• New research explores many older adults’ reluctance to embrace new technologies.

• New subsection on Sustaining Mental Abilities.

• New discussion of what maintains (exercise) and what wears down (aging, smoking, obesity, stress) the telomeres.

• New research, with new graph, sug- gests well-being relates to time spent socializing, for all ages.

• Dementia is now neurocognitive disor- der (DSM-5 update).

• New research explains neuroscience of age-related moderating of emo- tional experiences, and overall more positive interpretations with age.

• Includes discussion of new research on persistence of personality traits throughout life, the link between self-control and less trouble later, and the connection between smiling school photos and later marriage suc- cess (with new illustrations).

CHAPTER 4

Gender and Sexuality

• New co-author Nathan DeWall led the revision of this chapter for the third edition.

• Revised introduction includes new gender diversity story.

• Gender and Social Power expanded and improved with new research

graphs comparing sleep among older and younger adults.

• Improved, expanded sleep tips. • New anatomical art shows physi-

ological effects of sleep deprivation (in the brain, immune system, and stomach and reflected in blood pres- sure and weight).

• New table compares dream theories.

CHAPTER 3

Developing Through the Life Span

• David Myers’ personal story now opens the chapter.

• New discussion of epigenetics, with new art, elaborates gene-environ- ment interaction.

• Infant sensory abilities expanded with new research on smell, and long-term learned preferences.

• New discussion of assimilation and accommodation.

• Autism spectrum disorder discussion significantly revised to match DSM-5 update, with new research.

• Expanded discussion of value of the Harlow experiments.

• New research stories of devastating effects on children of Romanian and other poorly run orphanages, but value from quality orphanages in some communities, with new photo.

• Now includes epigenetics of child abuse effects.

• New coverage suggests trauma may boost resilience.

• Parenting Styles expanded with new cross-cultural research.

• New research explains emotional stability and agreeableness changes in late adolescence, and gender dif- ferences in adolescent challenges.

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CHAPTER 7

Memory

• Follows a new for mat, and more clearly explains how different brain networks process and retain memo- ries. David Myers worked closely with Janie Wilson, Professor of Psy chology at Georgia Southern University and Vice President for Programming of the Society for the Teaching of Psy- chology, in this chapter’s revision.

• New music recognition research example.

• Now includes separate section on memory in the brain, with new re- search and more detail on brain loca- tions where memories are processed and retained.

• New research on persistence of emo- tion even in brain-damaged patients who cannot form new conscious memories.

• Atkinson-Shiffrin’s three-stage model de-emphasized in favor of more current theories.

• Levels of Processing reconceptualized and improved.

• Memory subsystems clarified and simplified as automatic versus ef- fortful, with implicit/explicit differ- ences presented within that simpler organization; details provided about brain areas for these differing memory functions.

• New section presents Measures of Retention.

• Coverage of working memory updated and expanded with new research and new art; includes new research on effects of multitasking at various ages.

• New discussion with new research on the testing effect and other study tips, including best times to study and effects of spacing on memory

• New research expands discussion of gender differences in sensory experiences.

• New research on effects of action video games developing spatial skills.

CHAPTER 6

Learning

• New art illustrates operant conditioning.

• Now includes discussion of Thorndike’s law of effect, with new photos and graph.

• New research on subtle effects of learned associations.

• New research demonstrates process of learning healthy habits, and how long it takes to learn a habit.

• New research example suggests we generalize our dislike based on learned facial features.

• Now includes information on what happened to “Little Albert.”

• New research example of extinguish- ing a learned fear of flying.

• Improved table compares Ways to Decrease Behavior.

• Now includes coverage, with new neuroscience research, on vicarious reinforcement and vicarious punishment via observed models.

• New neuroscience research suggests we unconsciously synchronize be- haviors with those we are observing; leads to cravings for smokers observ- ing others’ smoking.

• New research suggests that observ- ing risk-taking increases real-life risk-taking.

• New research examples update media violence viewing/violent be- havior discussion.

• New research enhances coverage of Sex and Human Values.

• New research updates Natural Selection and Mating Preferences.

CHAPTER 5

Sensation and Perception

• Now includes explanation of bottom- up and top-down processing with new photo example.

• New coverage of the adaptation of emotion perception, with “try this” photo example.

• New research describes effects of motivation and emotion on our perceptions.

• New coverage of face recognition in the brain, with new anatomical art.

• Now includes complete coverage of color vision.

• New coverage of the experience of hearing loss; includes sensorineural and conduction hearing loss and new cover- age of cochlear implants, with new art.

• New research on recent increased hearing loss among teens.

• New research-based discussion of gender, genetic, and environmental effects on experience of pain.

• Two new sports examples of the powerful effect of distraction on the experience of pain.

• New research on the effects of various smells on our attitudes and behaviors.

• New cognitive neuroscience re- search helps explain smell-cognition connection.

• Expanded coverage of Sensory Interaction is now its own section (previously mentioned within Taste) and now includes embodied cognition.

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• New research updates discussion of twin studies and heritability of intelligence.

• New cross-cultural research supports impact of gender expectations on academic flourishing.

• New research suggests importance of establishing a growth mind-set for aca- demic success.

• Gender differences in intelligence and vocation choices updated with new research.

• New research expands discussion of intelligence variation due to ra- cial, ethnic, and socioeconomic differences.

• Stereotype threat discussion up- dated with new research and new explanations.

CHAPTER 9

Motivation and Emotion

• Hunger Games example now illus- trates Maslow’s hierarchy.

• Psychology of Hunger updated with new research.

• Eating Disorders moved to Chapter 13.

• Obesity section updated with new research on negative social, health, and memory effects; increased risk for late-life cognitive decline; and in- creasing rates worldwide.

• New section on ecology of eating covers effects of social factors, serving size, and food variety.

• New research on changing work- place, with most modern jobs not requiring physical activity.

• Now includes research suggesting value of joining a support group for weight loss.

• Animal cognition now covered at end of Thinking—separate from animal language. New photo examples and new research on animals’ cognitive feats.

• Discussion of language development in the brain updated with new neu- roscience research and moved here (from Chapter 2).

• New research updates discussion of g factor and cognitive abilities predict- ing later accomplishments.

• New research compares animal and human intelligence peaking in mid-life.

• New research suggests mastery (for example, of chess) requires 3,000– 11,000 practice hours.

• New research suggests influence of intelligence on creativity.

• Narrative examples and explanation have been updated to 2008 version of the WAIS.

• New research updates SAT prediction strength.

• Aging and Intelligence moved here from Chapter 3, with cross-sectional and longitudinal studies as new key terms (repeated in Appendix A). New research supports strength of intel- ligence stability over time and ex- plains resistance to new technologies in those with cognitive decline.

• New research suggests those with higher intelligence live healthier and longer.

• New research graph shows how word power changes with age.

• Grade inflation effects now included, with new research.

• New discussion, with new research, outlines interaction of schooling, in- telligence, and motivation.

• Now includes coverage of the ex- tremes of intelligence, including intel- lectual disability.

over time. With link to Myers’ ex- planatory YouTube animation.

• New research shows that learning increases synaptic number as well as efficiency, with new application examples.

• New research describes tunnel-vision memory, and our better memories of personal best experiences.

• New research example expands dis- cussion of emotions and memory.

• Updated coverage of Henry Molaison’s case, including new photo of those studying and preserving his brain.

• New discussion, with new research, of inaccurate autobiographical memories.

• Memory construction now demon- strated with Myers’ personal experi- ence at Loftus presentation.

• New coverage of effects of priming on negative and positive behaviors.

• New research and examples expand discussion of misinformation effect and its influence on attitudes and behaviors.

CHAPTER 8

Thinking, Language, and Intelligence

• Updated and improved discussion of why we fear the wrong things, with new research and new illustrations.

• New research and examples improve framing discussion.

• New research suggests value of employing intuition for complex decisions.

• Now includes more information about the development of creative traits in girls.

• New research suggests ways to de- velop creativity, including value of creativity-fostering environments.

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• Relaxation and Meditation section re- vised and updated with new research and examples, showing decrease in depression and anxiety due to meditation.

• New subsection on meditation and mindfulness; includes explanation of neurological changes prompted by practicing mindfulness.

• New research supports longevity/ religiosity link, with new informa- tion about possible contributions of self-control, smoking, and other behaviors.

• Huge new Facebook study tracks positive versus negative posts across days of the week.

• New research shows higher happi- ness levels when buying shared ex- periences rather than stuff.

• New research suggests happiness value of meaningful conversations over small talk, and of having an in- come that is comparatively high.

• New research argues for consider- ing psychological well-being when debating policies and planning neighborhoods.

• New research supports protective health benefits of happiness.

• New research suggests happiness levels affect marital success, and that we feel happier after spending money on others rather than ourselves.

CHAPTER 11

Personality

• New co-author Nathan DeWall led the revision of this chapter for the third edition.

• Compelling new chapter introduction.

• Improved coverage of modern-day psychodynamic ap proaches, now

• Revised organization; now includes happiness and subjec tive well-being, moved here from Chapter 9.

• Resilience is now a key term here (as well as in Chapter 14).

• New research supports men’s ten- dency to socially withdraw under stress, and women’s tendency to tend and befriend.

• New research examples related to work and to pregnancy update dis- cussion of harmful effects of stress, and new research supports value of low stress for effectiveness of vaccinations.

• New research updates stress reports in college students.

• New research expands coverage of oxytocin effects in relationships.

• New research updates Stress and AIDS.

• Stress and Heart Disease revised and updated with new explanation of role of inflammation. Now includes Type D personality (as well as Type A and Type B, with new research supporting Type A/heart disease link).

• New cross-cultural research suggests greater heart attack risk with work stress.

• Personal Control section revised and expanded with new research and photo examples.

• New research revises and expands discussion of optimism/pessimism.

• Social Support revised and updated with new research and new ex- amples, including effect of friend clusters on promoting positive or negative health behaviors going out to three degrees of separation.

• Finding Meaning expanded with new research and explanations.

• More new research supports effects of exercise on preventing or reduc- ing depression and anxiety, and new cross-cultural research supports ex- ercise/life satisfaction link.

• Benefits of Belonging updated with new research, including on value of chain migration for immigrants.

• The Pain of Being Shut Out updated with new research, including on prison suicides in solitary confine- ment, love as a natural painkiller, and effects of Tylenol on relieving so- cial pain. New example from Survivor TV show.

• Social Networking section thoroughly updated.

• Theories of Emotion reorganized, consolidated, and improved.

• New coverage, with new anatomical art, of our two-track mind pathways for emotional reactions in the brain.

• New neuroscience research expands discussion of emotional experience, including gender differences.

• New research suggests no one except some police professionals are able to beat chance in accurately detecting deceiving expressions.

• New research on using brain scans for lie detection.

• Now includes coverage of impor- tance of context for accurate detec- tion of facial expressions, with new illustrations.

• Anger is no longer a separate section; coverage has been streamlined and integrated within other discussions.

• New facial feedback research up- dates discussion of Botox slowing others’ interpretation of emotional expressions.

CHAPTER 10

Stress, Health, and Human Flourishing

• New co-author Nathan DeWall led the revision of this chapter for the third edition.

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• Observing Models of Aggression up- dated with new research data and examples, including new research linking nonviolent pornography with aggression.

• New research updates discussion of Media Models for Violence.

• New graph tracks prejudice over time in various age groups.

• New research on contributors to ag- gression, including more information on alcohol consumption, external temperature, and prior provocation, with new graph of baseball research example.

• Discussion of effects of video games on violence updated with new re- search on prosocial effects of play- ing positive games, on violent video games increasing players’ aggression and decreasing their compassion and altruism, and on increased game playing leading to more trouble at school.

• Expanded box on Online Matchmaking and Speed-Dating.

• Attraction section updated with new evolutionary psychology research, and research on beneficial effects of mutual self-disclosure.

• New biochemical research supports forming of companionate love.

• New research suggests emotional response to witnessing altruism; includes new research example dem- onstrating reciprocity norm; also new research showing link between reli- giosity and volunteer work and chari- table giving.

• New research demonstrates positive effects of contact for heterosexuals’ attitudes toward gay people.

more clearly distinguished from his- torical Freudian roots.

• Freud’s work now presented in con- text of Victorian era.

• New research expands discussion of modern unconscious mind.

• New research supports value of humanistic psychology’s positive regard.

• More detailed introduction to Trait Theories.

• New critical thinking box on the Stigma of Introversion (replaces Astrology box).

• New section on Biology and Personality covers personality- related brain activity variation, and personality differences in animals.

• Big Five discussion expanded and up- dated with new research, including cultural changes over time, relation to brain structure/function, and ac- tual prediction of behavior.

• New research suggests communica- tion preferences vary with personal- ity traits.

• New research shows music prefer- ences, bedrooms, and offices give clues to personality traits.

• Social-Cognitive Theories revised and updated with new research; self- efficacy now a key term; expanded to include heredity-environment interaction.

• New subsections on Assessing Behavior in Situations, and Evaluating Social-Cognitive Theories.

• New table compares major perspec- tives on personality, including as- sumptions, assessment methods, and key proponents.

• New research outlines importance of positive goal-setting in considering possible selves.

• The Benefits of Self-Esteem and Self- Serving Bias subsections updated with new research.

• New research explains increase in U.S. individualism, including increase in dis- tinctive baby names with new graph.

• New discussion of collectivist attitudes and elder respect.

CHAPTER 12

Social Psychology

• This chapter now follows Personality (rather than following Therapy, as in previous edition).

• New research shows power of priming in how attitudes affect actions.

• New research expands group pres- sure and conformity discussion, including Iraq and Afghanistan War research on factors that contribute to conformity.

• New research on use of classroom clickers to discuss controversial topics.

• New research in online communi- ties supports deindividuation findings, with new photo example of 2011 British riots.

• New data, with new graph, on in- creased acceptance of interracial dating.

• New research and coverage of per- sisting subtle prejudice, including implicit prejudice.

• New research examples of ingroup bias in political partisanship.

• Forming categories discussion en- hanced with new research on cat- egorizing mixed-race people by their minority identity, with visuals from the research.

• New research updates Biology of Aggression section.

• Psychology of Aggression up- dated with new research and new explanations.

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CHAPTER 13

Psychological Disorders

• Reorganized and thoroughly updated to reflect changes to psychiatry’s latest edition of its diagnostic man- ual—the DSM-5. Includes integration of psychiatric diagnoses into main- stream medical practice, redefinition of disorders, new disorder categories, changes in labels, and new definition of psychological disorder.

• New, careful explanation of how care providers use DSM-5 criteria and codes for diagnosis and treatment, using insomnia disorder as illustra- tive example.

• New critical thinking box on ADHD, including controversies about di- agnosis, and concerns about those seeking the “good-grade pills.”

• New mentions of controversial changes in the DSM-5 throughout the chapter, including the new disrup- tive mood dysregulation disorder, re- moval of the bereavement exception for depression, and loosened criteria for adult ADHD.

• New results of field trials on clinician agreement with DSM-5 for certain categories of disorder.

• New Close-Up box: Are People With Psychological Disorders Dangerous?

• New research updates PTSD statistics. • Learning perspective on anxiety dis-

orders, OCD, and PTSD updated with expanded coverage of observational learning; new subsection on cogni- tive learning includes role of hyper- vigilance and intrusive thoughts.

• New table outlines When Is Drug Use a Disorder?

• Updated addiction discussion now in- cludes gambling and hoarding disor- ders, with mention of Internet gaming

disorder “for further study”; new defi- nitions for addiction and withdrawal.

• New research on success of smoking cessation attempts.

• New research highlights how depres- sion can have adaptive value.

• Suicide rates discussion updated to reflect higher fatal attempts in U.S. states with more gun ownership.

• New research updates discussion of depression, including statistics from college student populations, effects of natural disasters on rates, gender differences research (with updated graph), and new information on typi- cal long-term prognosis.

• New coverage of dysthymia. • Suicide section expanded with new

research and explanations; now also covers nonsuicidal self-injury.

• New discussion of seasonal pattern for depression and bipolar disorder.

• Detailed new table, Diagnosing Major Depressive Disorder.

• New graph illustrates heritability of various psychiatric disorders.

• Now includes epigenetic effect on expe- rience of depression.

• New research emphasizes dangers of relentless, self-focused rumination.

• Understanding Mood Disorders up- dated with new research studies exploring genetic, biochemical, cog- nitive, and behavioral predictors.

• New research updates discussion of cognitive symptoms of schizophre- nia; offers more information on typi- cal prognosis.

• Now includes discussion of epigen- etic factors in schizophrenia onset, with new genetics research updates.

• New cross-cultural and other re- search updates Eating Disorders (moved here from Chapter 9).

• Discussion of antisocial personality disorder updated and improved with new social psychological, develop-

mental, learning, biological, and ge- netics research.

CHAPTER 14

Therapy

• New co-author Nathan DeWall led the revision of this chapter for the third edition.

• New research updates Psycho- dynamic Therapy.

• Now includes key term insight therapies.

• Cognitive-behavioral therapy discus- sion updated with new research and information, including on Internet therapy; new research on importance of homework for client with new examples.

• New research suggests that certain psychotherapies work best for spe- cific disorders.

• New table details Selected Cognitive Therapy Techniques.

• New explanation of personal differ- ences for what we find rewarding, and how that affects cognitive therapy.

• Beck’s Therapy for Depression has a new introduction and now includes concept of catastrophizing.

• Biomedical Therapy explains that primary care providers now do most prescription writing.

• New emphasis on importance of cul- tural match for therapeutic alliance, and APA efforts to achieve this.

• New case study example of success- ful use of antipsychotics.

• Clarified and updated explanation of antidepressants, with revised key term definition; includes idea that many professionals prefer the term SSRIs given their multiple treatment uses (not just for depression).

• New research explores placebo effect in ECT treatment.

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APPENDIX D

Complete Chapter Reviews

• In an effort to encourage students to self-test, the Chapter Review section at the end of each chapter includes only a list of the Learning Objective Questions—repeated from within the chapter. “Answers” to those ques- tions form the complete chapter review, which may be found here in Appendix D for students to check their answers or review the material.

APPENDIX E

Answers to the Chapter Test Questions

• Students may check their answers here for the new multiple-format questions found in a self-test at the end of each chapter and the first two appendices.

• Design methodology focuses on cross-sectional and longitudinal studies as key example of importance of un- derstanding which method was used in a study.

APPENDIX B

Psychology at Work

• New research suggests busier, fo- cused people are happier.

• New grit research on danger of get- ting “stuck in the middle” of projects (easy to start, hard to finish).

• New research explores success– morale relationship for employees.

• Expanded discussion of successful goal-setting from effective leaders, and value of collective intelligence.

• New research links feelings of em- powerment at work with creativity.

• New example of employee-owned company and benefits of that level of employee engagement.

APPENDIX C

Subfields of Psychology

• New appendix focuses on educa- tional requirements, type of work, and likely places to work for each of psychology’s main subfields.

• Psychosurgery updated with new research on value of micro-scale sur- gery in extreme cases.

• Therapeutic Lifestyle Change up- dated with new research suggesting value of time spent outdoors.

• New table compares psychotherapies and biomedical therapies by the way they understand the problems, their aims, and their techniques.

• New research suggests value of deep- brain stimulation for treating bipolar disorder and substance use disorders.

• New research supports concept of higher resilience in certain groups.

• New research suggests importance of finding meaning to foster posttrau- matic growth after tragedy, and as a preventive mental health strategy.

• Now includes a brief conclusion to the text.

APPENDIX A

Statistical Reasoning in Everyday Life

• New appendix covers descriptive and inferential statistics.

• Includes measures of central tendency (mean, median, mode), measures of vari- ation (range, standard deviation, normal curve), details on correlation (correla- tion coefficient, scatterplot), regression toward the mean, and reliability and significance of observed differences.

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In this section, I will outline a simple, four-step process for improving the way you make use of your time.

1. Keep a time-use diary to understand how you are using your time. You may be surprised at how much time you’re wasting.

2. Design a new schedule for using your time more effectively.

3. Make the most of your study time so that your new schedule will work for you.

4. If necessary, refine your new sched- ule, based on what you’ve learned.

We all face challenges in our schedules. Some of you may be taking midnight courses, others squeezing in an online course between jobs or after putting children to bed at night. Some of you may be veterans using military benefits to jump-start a new life. Just making the standard transition from high school to college can be challenging enough.

How can you balance all of your life’s demands and be successful? Time man- agement. Manage the time you have so that you can find the time you need.

How Are You Using Your Time Now?

Design a Better Schedule Plan the Term

Plan Your Week

CLOSE-UP: More Tips for Effective Scheduling

Make Every Minute of Your Study Time Count Take Useful Class Notes

Create a Study Space That Helps You Learn

Set Specific, Realistic Daily Goals

Use SQ3R to Help You Master This Text

Don’t Forget About Rewards!

Do You Need to Revise Your New Schedule?

Are You Doing Well in Some Courses But Not in Others?

Have You Received a Poor Grade on a Test?

Are You Trying to Study Regularly for the First Time and Feeling

Overwhelmed?

O

VE RVIEW

Time Management OR, HOW TO BE A GREAT STUDENT AND STILL HAVE A LIFE

Richard O. Straub, University of Michigan, Dearborn

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family commitments, and other fixed activities?

How much time do you sleep? In the battle to meet all of life’s daily commit- ments and interests, we tend to treat sleep as optional. Do your best to manage your life so that you can get enough sleep to feel rested. You will feel better and be healthier, and you will also do better aca- demically and in relationships with your family and friends. (You will read more about this in Chapter 2.)

Are you dedicating enough time for focused study? Take a last look at your notes to see if any other patterns pop out. Now it’s time to create a new and more efficient schedule.

Plan the term Before you draw up your new schedule, think ahead. Use your phone’s calen- dar feature, or buy a portable calendar that covers the entire school term, with a writing space for each day. Using the course outlines provided by your instruc- tors, enter the dates of all exams, term- paper deadlines, and other important assignments. Also be sure to enter your own long-range personal plans (work and family commitments, etc.). Keep your calendar up-to-date, refer to it often, and change it as needed. Through this pro- cess, you will develop a regular schedule that will help you achieve success.

Plan Your Week To pass those exams, meet those dead- lines, and keep up with your life outside of class, you will need to convert your long-term goals into a daily schedule. Be realistic—you will be living with this routine for the entire school term. Here are some more things to add to your calendar.

1. Enter your class times, work hours, and any other fixed obligations. Be thorough. Allow plenty of time for such things as commuting, meals, and laundry.

How Are You Using Your Time Now?

Although everyone gets 24 hours in the day and seven days in the week, we fill those hours and days with different ob- ligations and interests. If you are like most people, you probably use your time wisely in some ways, and not so wisely in others. Answering the questions in TABLE 1 can help you find trouble spots— and hopefully more time for the things that matter most to you.

The next thing you need to know is how you actually spend your time. To find out, record your activities in a time- use diary for one week. Be realistic. Take notes on how much time you spend at- tending class, studying, working, com- muting, meeting personal and family needs, fixing and eating meals, social- izing (don’t forget texting, Facebooking, and gaming), exercising, and anything else that occupies your time, including life’s small practical tasks, which can take up plenty of your 24/7. As you re- cord your activities, take notes on how you are feeling at various times of the day. When does your energy slump, and when do you feel most energetic?

Design a Better Schedule

Take a good look at your time-use diary. Where do you think you may be wasting time? Do you spend a lot of time commut- ing, for example? If so, could you use that time more productively? If you take pub- lic transportation, commuting is a great time to read and test yourself for review.

Did you remember to include time for meals, personal care, work schedules,

TABLE 1 Study Habits Survey

Answer the following questions, writing Yes or No for each line.

1. Do you usually set up a schedule to budget your time for studying, work, recreation, and other activities?

2. Do you often put off studying until time pressures force you to cram?

3. Do other students seem to study less than you do, but get better grades?

4. Do you usually spend hours at a time studying one subject, rather than dividing that time among several subjects?

5. Do you often have trouble remembering what you have just read in a textbook?

6. Before reading a chapter in a textbook, do you skim through it and read the section headings?

7. Do you try to predict test questions from your class notes and reading?

8. Do you usually try to summarize in your own words what you have just finished reading?

9. Do you find it difficult to concentrate for very long when you study?

10. Do you often feel that you studied the wrong material for a test?

Thousands of students have participated in similar surveys. Students who are fully realizing their academic potential usually respond as follows: (1) yes, (2) no, (3) no, (4) no, (5) no, (6) yes, (7) yes, (8) yes, (9) no, (10) no. Do your responses fit that pattern? If not, you could benefit from improving your time management and study habits.

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2. Set up a study schedule for each course. Remember what you learned about yourself in the study habits sur- vey (Table 1) and your time-use diary. Close-Up: More Tips for Effective Scheduling offers some detailed guidance drawn from psychology’s research.

3. After you have budgeted time for studying, fill in slots for other obliga- tions, exercise, fun, and relaxation.

Make Every Minute of Your Study Time Count

How do you study from a textbook? Many students simply read and reread in a pas- sive manner. As a result, they remember the wrong things—the catchy stories but not the main points that show up later

in test questions. To make things worse, many students take poor notes during class. Here are some tips that will help you get the most from your class and your text.

take Useful Class notes Good notes will boost your understand- ing and retention. Are yours thorough? Do they form a sensible outline of each lecture? If not, you may need to make some changes.

CLOSE -UP

More Tips for Effective Scheduling There are a few other things you will want to keep in mind when you set up your schedule.

Spaced study is more effective than massed study. If you need 3 hours to study one subject, for example, it’s best to divide that into shorter periods spaced over several days.

Alternate subjects, but avoid interference. Alternating the subjects you study in any given session will keep you fresh and will, surpris- ingly, increase your ability to remember what you’re learning in each different area. Studying similar topics back-to-back, however, such as two different foreign languages, could lead to interference in your learning. (You will hear more about this in Chapter 7.)

Determine the amount of study time you need to do well in each course. The time you need depends on the difficulty of your courses and the effectiveness of your study methods. Ideally, you would spend at least 1 to 2 hours studying for each hour spent in class. Increase your study time slowly by setting weekly goals that will gradually bring you up to the desired level.

Create a schedule that makes sense. Tailor your schedule to meet the demands of each course. For the course that emphasizes lec- ture notes, plan a daily review of your notes soon after each class. If you are evaluated for class participation (for example, in a language course), allow time for a review just before the class meets. Schedule study time for your most difficult (or least motivating) courses dur- ing hours when you are the most alert and distractions are fewest.

Schedule open study time. Life can be unpredictable. Emergen- cies and new obligations can throw off your schedule. Or you may simply need some extra time for a project or for review in one of your courses. Try to allow for some flexibility in your schedule each week.

Following these guidelines will help you find a schedule that works for you!

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Keep each Course’s notes separate and organized Keeping all your notes for a course in one location will allow you to flip back and forth easily to find answers to questions. Three options are (1) separate notebooks for each course, (2) clearly marked sec- tions in a shared ring binder, or (3) care- fully organized folders if you opt to take notes electronically. For the print op- tions, removable pages will allow you to add new information and weed out past mistakes. Choosing notebook pages with lots of space, or using mark-up options in electronic files, will allow you to add comments when you review and revise your notes after class.

Use an outline Format Use roman numerals for major points, letters for supporting arguments, and so on. (See FIGURE 1 for a sample.) In some courses, taking notes will be easy, but some instructors may be less organized, and you will have to work harder to form your outline.

Clean Up Your notes After Class Try to reorganize your notes soon after class. Expand or clarify your comments and clean up any hard-to-read scribbles while the material is fresh in your mind. Write important questions in the margin, or by using an electronic markup feature,

next to notes that answer them. (For ex- ample: “What are the sleep stages?”) This will help you when you review your notes before a test.

Create a study space that Helps You Learn It’s easier to study effectively if your work area is well designed.

organize Your space Work at a desk or table, not on your bed or a comfy chair that will tempt you to nap.

Minimize Distractions Turn the TV off, turn off your phone, and close Facebook and other distracting win- dows on your computer. If you must lis- ten to music to mask outside noise, play soft instrumentals, not vocal selections that will draw your mind to the lyrics.

Ask others to Honor Your Quiet time Tell roommates, family, and friends about your new schedule. Try to find a study place where you are least likely to be disturbed.

set specific, Realistic Daily Goals The simple note “7–8 p.m.: Study Psychol- ogy” is too broad to be useful. Instead, break your studying into manageable tasks. For example, you will want to sub- divide large reading assignments. If you aren’t used to studying for long periods, start with relatively short periods of con- centrated study, with breaks in between. In this text, for example, you might de- cide to read one major section before each break. Limit your breaks to 5 or 10 minutes to stretch or move around a bit.

Your attention span is a good indicator of whether you are pacing yourself suc- cessfully. At this early stage, it’s impor- tant to remember that you’re in training. If your attention begins to wander, get up immediately and take a short break. It is better to study effectively for 15

Sleep (Chapter 2) I. Biological Rhythms

A. Circadian Rhythm (circa-about; diem-day)—24-hour cycle.

B. FOUR Sleep Stages, cycle through every 90 minutes all

night! Aserinsky discovered—his son—REM sleep (dreams,

rapid eye movement, muscles paralyzed but brain super

active). EEG measurements showed sleep stages.

1. Ups and downs throughout day/night.

Dip in afternoon (siesta time).

2. Melatonin—hormone that makes us sleepy. Produced by pineal

gland in brain. Bright light shuts down production of melatonin.

(Dim the lights at night to get sleepy.)

When is my daily peak in circadian arousal? Study

hardest subject then!

1. NREM-1 (non-Rapid Eye Movement sleep; brief, images like

hallucinations; hypnagogic jerks)

2. NREM-2 (harder to waken, sleep spindles)

3. NREM-3 (DEEP sleep—hard to wake up! Long slow waves on EEG;

bedwe�ing, night terrors, sleepwalking occurs here; asleep but

not dead—can still hear, smell, etc. Will wake up for baby.)

4. REM Sleep (Dreams…)

FIGURE 1 sample class notes in outline form Here is a sample from a student’s notes taken in outline form from a lecture on sleep.

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You will hear more about SQ3R in Chapter 1.

minutes to create a brief written sum- mary covering all of your questions and answers. At the end of the chapter, you should take advantage of three important opportunities for self-testing and review— a list of the chapter’s Learning Objective Questions for you to try answering before checking Appendix D (Complete Chapter Reviews), a list of the chapter’s key terms for you to try to define before checking the referenced page, and a final self-test that covers all of the key chapter concepts (with answers in Appendix E).

Don’t Forget About Rewards! If you have trouble studying regularly, giving yourself a reward may help. What kind of reward works best? That depends on what you enjoy. You might start by making a list of 5 or 10 things that put a smile on your face. Spending time with a loved one, taking a walk or going for a bike ride, relaxing with a magazine or novel, or watching a favorite show can provide immediate rewards for achiev- ing short-term study goals.

To motivate yourself when you’re having trouble sticking to your sched- ule, allow yourself an immediate reward for completing a specific task. If running makes you smile, change your shoes, grab a friend, and head out the door! You deserve a reward for a job well done.

Do You Need to Revise Your New Schedule?

What if you’ve lived with your schedule for a few weeks, but you aren’t mak- ing progress toward your academic and personal goals? What if your studying hasn’t paid off in better grades? Don’t despair and abandon your program, but do take a little time to figure out what’s gone wrong.

minutes and then take a break than to fritter away 45 minutes out of your study hour. As your endurance develops, you can increase the length of study periods.

Use sQ3R to Help You Master this text David Myers and Nathan DeWall orga- nized this text by using a system called SQ3R (Survey, Question, Read, Retrieve, Review). Using SQ3R can help you to un- derstand what you read, and to retain that information longer.

Applying SQ3R may feel at first as though it’s taking more time and effort to “read” a chapter, but with practice, these steps will become automatic.

survey Before you read a chapter, survey its key parts. Scan the chapter outline. Note that main sections have numbered Learning Objective Questions to help you focus. Pay attention to headings, which indicate important subtopics, and to words set in bold type.

Surveying gives you the big picture of a chapter’s content and or- ganization. Understanding the chapter’s logical sections will help you break your work into manageable pieces in your study sessions.

Question As you survey, don’t limit yourself to the numbered Learning Objective Questions that appear throughout the chapter. Jot- ting down additional questions of your own will cause you to look at the mate- rial in a new way. (You might, for exam- ple, scan this section’s headings and ask “What does ‘SQ3R’ mean?”) Information becomes easier to remember when you make it personally meaningful. Trying to answer your questions while reading will keep you in an active learning mode.

Read As you read, keep your questions in mind and actively search for the answers. If

you come to material that seems to an- swer an important question that you haven’t jotted down, stop and write down that new question.

Be sure to read everything. Don’t skip photo or art captions, graphs, boxes, ta- bles, or quotes. An idea that seems vague when you read about it may become clear when you see it in a graph or table. Keep in mind that instructors sometimes base their test questions on figures and tables.

Retrieve When you have found the answer to one of your questions, close your eyes and mentally recite the question and its an- swer. Then write the answer next to the question in your own words. Trying to explain something in your own words will help you figure out where there are gaps in your understanding. These kinds of opportunities to practice retrieving de- velop the skills you will need when you are taking exams. If you study without

ever putting your book and notes aside, you may develop false confidence about what you know. With the material avail-

able, you may be able to recognize the correct answer to your questions. But will you be able to recall it later, when you take an exam without having your mental props in sight?

Test your understanding as often as you can. Testing yourself is part of successful learning, because the act of testing forces your brain to work at re- membering, thus establishing the mem- ory more permanently (so you can find it later for the exam!). Use the self-testing opportunities throughout each chapter, including the periodic Retrieve + Re- member items. Also take advantage of the self-testing that is available through LaunchPad (www.worthpublishers.com/ launchpad/pel3e).

Review After working your way through the chapter, read over your questions and your written answers. Take an extra few

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agement is to identify a regular schedule that will help you achieve success. Like any skill, time management takes prac- tice. Accept your limitations and revise your schedule to work slowly up to where you know you need to be—perhaps add- ing 15 minutes of study time per day.

* * *

I hope that these suggestions help make you more successful academically, and that they enhance the quality of your life in general. Having the necessary skills makes any job a lot easier and more pleasant. Let me repeat my warn- ing not to attempt to make too drastic a change in your lifestyle immediately. Good habits require time and self-disci- pline to develop. Once established, they can last a lifetime.

Try to figure out what went wrong. Analyze the questions you missed, divid- ing them into two categories: class-based questions and text-based questions. How many questions did you miss in each cate- gory? If you find far more errors in one cat- egory than in the other, you’ll have some clues to help you revise your schedule. De- pending on the pattern you’ve found, you can add extra study time to review of class notes, or to studying the text.

Are You trying to study Regularly for the First time and Feeling overwhelmed? Perhaps you’ve set your initial goals too high. Remember, the point of time man-

Are You Doing Well in some Courses But not in others? Perhaps you need to shift your priorities a bit. You may need to allow more study time for chemistry, for example, and less time for some other course.

Have You Received a Poor Grade on a test? Did your grade fail to reflect the effort you spent preparing for the test? This can happen to even the hardest-working student, often on a first test with a new instructor. This common experience can be upsetting. “What do I have to do to get an A?” “The test was unfair!” “I studied the wrong material!”

REVIEW

Time Management: Or, How to Be a Great Student and Still Have a Life

1. How Are You Using Your Time Now? • Identify your areas of weakness. • Keep a time-use diary. • Record the time you actually spend on activities. • Record your energy levels to find your most productive times.

2. Design a Better Schedule • Decide on your goals for the term and for each week. • Enter class times, work times, social times (for family and friends),

and time needed for other obligations and for practical activities.

• Tailor study times to avoid interference and to meet each course’s needs.

3. Make Every Minute of Your Study Time Count • Take careful class notes (in outline form) that will help you recall

and rehearse material covered in lectures.

• Try to eliminate distractions to your study time, and ask friends and family to help you focus on your work.

• Set specific, realistic daily goals to help you focus on each day’s tasks.

• Use the SQ3R system (survey, question, read, retrieve, review) to master material covered in your text.

• When you achieve your daily goals, reward yourself with something that you value.

4. Do You Need to Revise Your New Schedule? • Allocate extra study time for courses that are more difficult, and a

little less time for courses that are easy for you.

• Study your test results to help determine a more effective balance in your schedule.

• Make sure your schedule is not too ambitious. Gradually establish a schedule that will be effective for the long term.

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Psychology’s Roots Psychological Science Is Born

Contemporary Psychology

Four Big Ideas in Psychology Big Idea 1: Critical Thinking Is Smart Thinking

Big Idea 2: Behavior Is a Biopsychosocial Event

Big Idea 3: We Operate With a Two-Track Mind (Dual Processing)

Big Idea 4: Psychology Explores Human Strengths as Well as Challenges

Why Do Psychology? The Limits of Intuition and Common Sense

The Scientific Attitude: Curious, Skeptical, and Humble

How Do Psychologists Ask and Answer Questions?

The Scientific Method

Description

Correlation

Experimentation

Frequently Asked Questions About Psychology

Improve Your Retention —and Your Grades

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1 Psychology’s Roots, Big Ideas, and Critical Thinking Tools A note to our readers: I am delighted to welcome Nathan DeWall as co-author for this edition of Psychology in Everyday Life. He led our shared revision work for Chapters 4, 10, 11, and 14.

H oping to understand themselves and others, millions turn to psychology, as you now do. What do psychologists really know? “What’s it like being married to a psychologist?” peo- ple have occasionally asked my wife. “Does he use his psy-

chology on you?” “So, does your Dad, like, analyze you?” my children were asked many times

by friends. “What do you think of me?” asked one barber, hoping for an instant person-

ality analysis after learning that I am a psychologist. For these questioners, as for most people whose ideas about psychology

come from the Internet and popular shows, psychologists analyze personality, examine crime scenes, and testify in court. They offer counseling and dispense ideas about parenting, the path to love and happiness, and even the meaning of dreams. Yet psychologists do much more. Psychology’s roots are broad, its ideas are big, and its investigations are scientific. Consider some of the questions psy- chologists study that you may also wonder about:

• Have you ever found yourself reacting to something as one of your biologi- cal parents would—perhaps in a way you vowed you never would—and then wondered how much of your personality you inherited? How much are we shaped by our genes, and how much by our home and community environments?

• Have you ever worried about how to act among people of a different culture, race, gender, or sexual orientation? In what ways are we alike as members of the human family? How do we differ?

• Have you ever awakened from a nightmare and, with a wave of relief, won- dered why you had such a crazy dream? How often, and why, do we dream?

• Have you ever played peekaboo with a 6-month-old and wondered why the baby finds the game so delightful? The infant seems to think you actually dis- appear, only to reappear again like magic. What do babies actually perceive and think?

• What do you think leads to success in life? Are some people just born smarter? Can we make it on intelligence alone? What about creativity and emotional intelligence? How about self-control?

• Are people affected by the changing ways we communicate? How do today’s electronic media influence how we think and how we relate to each other?

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about learning and memory, motiva- tion and emotion, perception and per- sonality. We may chuckle at some of his guesses, like his suggestion that a meal makes us sleepy by causing gas and heat to collect around the source of our per- sonality, the heart. But credit Aristotle with asking the right questions.

Today, psychology asks similar questions. But with its roots reaching back into philosophy and biology, and its branches spreading out across the world, psychology gathers its answers by scientifically studying how we act, think, and feel.

Psychological Science Is Born 1-1 How has psychology’s focus changed over time?1

Psychology as we know it was born on a December day in 1879, in a small, third- floor room at a German university. There, Wilhelm Wundt and his assistants cre- ated a machine to measure how long it took people to press a telegraph key

1 Throughout this book you will find numbered questions that preview main sections and sug- gest your learning goal, or objective. Keep the question in mind as you read the section to make sure that you are following the main point of the discussion. These learning objective ques- tions are repeated at the end of each chapter as a self-test, and answered in Appendix D, Complete Chapter Reviews, at the end of this book.

• Have you ever become depressed or anxious and wondered whether you’ll ever feel “normal”? What triggers our bad moods—and our good ones? What’s the line between a normal mood swing and a psychological disorder for which someone should seek help?

As you will see, psychological sci- ence has produced some fascinating and sometimes surprising answers to these questions.

Psychology’s Roots

Once upon a time, on a planet in your neighborhood of the universe,

there came to be people. These creatures became intensely interested in them- selves and one another. They wondered, “Who are we? Why do we think and feel and act as we do? And how are we to understand—and to manage—those around us?”

To be human is to be curious about ourselves and the world around us. The ancient Greek naturalist and philoso- pher Aristotle (384–322 b.c.e.) wondered

after hearing a ball hit a platform (Hunt, 1993).2 (Most hit the key in about one- tenth of a second.) Wundt’s attempt to measure “atoms of the mind”—the fast- est and simplest mental processes—was psychology’s first experiment. And that modest third-floor room took its place in history as the first psychological laboratory.

Psychology’s earliest pioneers— “Magellans of the mind,” Morton Hunt called them (1993)—came from many disciplines and countries. Wundt was both a philosopher and a physiologist. Charles Darwin, who proposed evo- lutionary psychology, was an English naturalist. Ivan Pavlov, who taught us much about learning, was a Russian physiologist. Sigmund Freud, a famous personality theorist and therapist, was an Austrian physician. Jean Piaget, who explored children’s developing minds, was a Swiss biologist. William James, who shared his love of psychology in his 1890 textbook, was an American philosopher.

Few of psychology’s early pioneers were women. In the late 1800s, psychol- ogy, like most fields, was a man’s world. William James helped break that mold when he accepted Mary Whiton Calkins

2 This book’s information sources are cited in parentheses, with name and date. Every citation can be found in the end-of-book References, with complete documentation.

WILHELM WUNDT Wundt established the first psy- chology laboratory at the University of Leipzig, Ger- many.

WILLIAM JAMES AND MARY WHITON CALKINS William James was a legendary teacher-writer of psychology. Among his students was Mary Whiton Calkins, who became famous for her memory research and for being the first woman president of the American Psychological Association.

MARGARET FLOY WASHBURN After Harvard refused to grant Calkins the degree she had earned, Washburn became the first woman to receive a psychology Ph.D. She focused on ani- mal behavior research in The Animal Mind.

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as his student. Although Calkins went on to outscore all the male students on the Ph.D. exams, Harvard University denied her a degree. In its place, she was told, she could have a degree from Radcliffe College, Harvard’s “sister” school for women. Calkins resisted the unequal treatment and turned down the offer. But she continued her research on mem- ory, which her colleagues honored by electing her the first female president of the American Psychological Association (APA). Animal behavior researcher Margaret Floy Washburn became the first woman to receive a psychology Ph.D. and the second, in 1921, to become an APA president.

The rest of the story of psychology— the story told by this book—develops at many levels, in the hands of many peo- ple, with interests ranging from therapy to the study of nerve cell activity. As you might expect, agreeing on a definition of psychology has not been easy.

For the early pioneers, psychology was defined as “the science of men- tal life.” And so it continued until the 1920s, when the first of two larger-than- life American psychologists dismissed this idea. John B. Watson, and later B. F. Skinner, insisted that psychology must be “the scientific study of observable behav- ior.” What you cannot observe and mea- sure, they said, you cannot scientifically study. You cannot observe a sensation, a

feeling, or a thought, but you can observe and record people’s behavior as they respond to and learn in different situa- tions. Many agreed, and these behavior- ists3 and their colleagues were one of psychology’s two major forces well into the 1960s.

The other major force was Freudian psychology, which emphasized our unconscious thought processes and our emotional responses to childhood expe- riences. Some students wonder: Is psy- chology mainly about Freud’s teachings on unconscious sexual conflicts and the mind’s defenses against its own wishes and impulses? No. Psychology is much more, though Freudian psychology did have an impact. (In chapters to come, we’ll look more closely at Freud and oth- ers mentioned here.)

As the behaviorists had rejected the early 1900s definition of psychology, two other groups in the 1960s rejected the behaviorists’ definition. The first group, the humanistic psychologists, led by Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow, found both Freudian psychology and behav- iorism too limiting. Rather than focus- ing on childhood memories or learned behaviors, Rogers and Maslow stressed the growth potential of healthy people.

3 Throughout the text, important concepts are boldfaced. As you study, you can find these terms defined in a boxed section nearby, and in the Glossary at the end of the book.

They drew attention to ways that an environment can help or hinder our per- sonal growth, and to our needs for love and acceptance.

The second group searching for a new path in psychology pioneered the cogni- tive revolution, which led the field back to its early interest in mental processes. Cognitive psychology scientifically explores how we perceive, process, and remem- ber information, and even why we can become anxious or depressed. Cognitive neuroscience, with researchers in many disciplines, explores the brain activity underlying mental activity.

To include psychology’s concern with observable behavior and with inner thoughts and feelings, today we define psychology as the science of behavior and mental processes.

behaviorism the view that psychology (1) should be an objective science that (2) stud- ies behavior without reference to mental pro- cesses. Most psychologists today agree with (1) but not with (2).

humanistic psychology emphasized the growth potential of healthy people.

cognitive neuroscience the interdisciplinary study of the brain activity linked with mental activity (including perception, thinking, memory, and language).

psychology the science of behavior and men- tal processes.

JOHN B. WATSON AND ROSALIE RAYNER Working with Rayner, Watson championed psychology as the scientific study of behavior. He and Rayner showed that fear could be learned, in experiments on a baby who became famous as “Little Albert.” (More about Watson’s controversial study in Chapter 6.)

B. F. SKINNER This leading behavior- ist rejected the idea of studying inner thoughts and feelings. He studied how consequences shape behavior.

SIGMUND FREUD The contro- versial ideas of this famous per- sonality theorist and therapist influenced twentieth-century psychology and culture.

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Contemporary Psychology 1-2 What are psychology’s current perspectives, and what are some of its subfields?

Psychologists’ widely ranging interests make it hard to picture a psychologist at work. You might start by imagining a neuroscientist probing an animal’s brain, an intelligence researcher study- ing how quickly infants become bored with a familiar scene, or a therapist listening closely to a client’s depressed thoughts. Psychologists examine behav- ior and mental processes from many viewpoints, which are described in

R ETR I E VE + R E M E M B E R4

• What event defined the start of scientific psychology?

ANSWER: Scientific psychology began in Germany in 1879 when Wilhelm Wundt opened the first psychol- ogy laboratory.

• How did the cognitive revolution affect the field of psychology?

ANSWER: It led the field back to its early interest in mental processes and made them acceptable topics for scientific study.

4 Study Tip: Memory research reveals a testing effect. We retain information much better if we actively retrieve it by self-testing and rehearsing. To boost your learning and memory, take advan- tage of the Retrieve + Remember self-tests you will find throughout this text.

Let’s unpack this definition. Behavior is anything a human or nonhuman ani- mal does—any action we can observe and record. Yelling, smiling, blinking, sweat- ing, talking, and questionnaire mark- ing are all observable behaviors. Mental processes are the internal states we infer from behavior—such as thoughts, beliefs, and feelings. For example, I may say that “I feel your pain,” but in fact I infer it from the hints you give me—cry- ing out, clutching your side, and gasping.

The key word in psychology’s defini- tion is science. Psychology, as I will stress again and again, is less a set of findings than a way of asking and answering questions. My aim, then, is not merely to report results but also to show you how psychologists play their game, weighing opinions and ideas. I hope you, too, will learn how to play the game—to think smarter when explaining events and making choices in your own life.

ONE PSYCHOLOGY MAJOR’S CAREER Psy- chology students, such as Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg (who majored in psychology and computer science while at Harvard), end up in varied careers.

TABLE 1.1 Psychology’s Current Perspectives

Perspective Focus Sample Questions

Examples of Sub- fields Using This Perspective

Neuro- science

How the body and brain enable emotions, memo- ries, and sensory experi- ences

How do pain messages travel from the hand to the brain? How is blood chemistry linked with moods and motives?

Biological; cognitive; clinical

Evolutionary

How the natural selection of traits passed down from one generation to the next has promoted the survival of genes

How has our evolutionary past influenced our modern-day mat- ing preferences? Why do humans learn some fears so much more easily than others?

Biological; develop- mental; social

Behavior genetics

How our genes and our environment influence our individual differences

To what extent are psychological traits such as intelligence, per- sonality, sexual orientation, and optimism products of our genes? Of our environment?

Personality; develop- mental; legal/forensic

Psycho- dynamic

How behavior springs from unconscious drives and conflicts

How can someone’s personality traits and disorders be explained in terms of their childhood rela- tionships?

Clinical; counseling; personality

Behavioral How we learn observable responses

How do we learn to fear particu- lar objects or situations? What is the most effective way to alter our behavior, say, to lose weight or stop smoking?

Clinical; counseling; industrial-organiza- tional

Cognitive How we encode, process, store, and retrieve infor- mation

How do we use information in remembering? Reasoning? Solv- ing problems?

Cognitive neuro- science; clinical; counseling; indus- trial-organizational

Social - cultural

How behavior and thinking vary across situations and cultures

How are we alike as members of one human family? How do we differ as products of our environ- ment?

Developmental; so- cial psychology; clini- cal; counseling

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R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• The perspective in psychology focuses on how behavior and thought dif- fer from situation to situation and from culture to culture.

ANSWER: social-cultural

• The perspective emphasizes how we learn observable responses.

ANSWER: behavioral

Four Big Ideas in Psychology

1-3 What four big ideas run throughout this book?

I have used four of psychology’s big ideas to organize material in this book.

1. Critical thinking Science supports thinking that examines assumptions, uncovers hidden values, weighs evi- dence, and tests conclusions. Science- aided thinking is smart thinking.

2. The biopsychosocial approach We can view human behavior from three levels—the biological, psychological, and social-cultural. We share a bio- logically rooted human nature. Yet cultural and psychological influences fine-tune our assumptions, values, and behaviors.

3. The two-track mind Today’s psycho- logical science explores our dual- processing capacity. Our perception, thinking, memory, and attitudes all operate on two levels: a conscious, aware track, and an unconscious, automatic, unaware track. It has been a surprise to learn how much infor- mation processing happens without our awareness.

4. Exploring human strengths Psychology today focuses not only on under- standing and offering relief from

Psychology is both a science and a profession. Some of its members con- duct basic research, to build the field’s knowledge base. Others conduct applied research, tackling practical problems. Many do both. (Want to learn more? See Appendix C, Subfields of Psychology, at the end of this book, and go to the reg- ularly updated Careers in Psychology at www.yourpsychportal.com/myers for more on the many interesting psychol- ogy careers available.)

Psychology also influences modern culture. Knowledge transforms us. After learning about psychology’s findings, people less often judge psychological disorders as moral failures. They less often regard women as men’s inferiors. They less often view children as igno- rant, willful beasts in need of taming. And as thinking changes, so do actions. “In each case,” noted Hunt (1990, p. 206), “knowledge has modified attitudes, and, through them, behavior.” Once aware of psychology’s well-researched ideas— about how body and mind connect, how we construct our perceptions, how a child’s mind grows, how people across the world differ (and are alike)—your own mind may never again be quite the same.

TABLE 1.1. These perspec- tives range from the bio- logical to the social-cultural, and their settings range from the laboratory to the clinic. But all share a com- mon goal: describing and explaining behavior and the mind underlying it.

Psychology also relates to many other fields. You’ll find psychologists teaching not only in psychology depart- ments but also in medical schools, law schools, busi- ness schools, and theologi- cal seminaries. You’ll see them working in hospitals, factories, and corporate offices. In this course, you will hear about

• biological psychologists exploring the links between brain and mind.

• developmental psychologists studying our changing abilities from womb to tomb.

• cognitive psychologists experimenting with how we perceive, think, and solve problems.

• personality psychologists investigating our persistent traits.

• social psychologists exploring how we view and affect one another.

• counseling psychologists helping people cope with personal and career chal- lenges by recognizing their strengths and resources.

• health psychologists investigating the psychological, biological, and behav- ioral factors that promote or impair our health.

• clinical psychologists assessing and treating mental, emotional, and behavior disorders. (By contrast, psychiatrists are medical doctors who also prescribe drugs when treating psychological disorders.)

• industrial-organizational psychologists studying and advising on behavior in the workplace.

PSYCHOLOGY IN COURT Forensic psychologists apply psychol- ogy’s principles and methods in the criminal justice system. They may consult on witnesses, or testify about a defendant’s state of mind and future risk.

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mates hinder food gathering during win- ter? Each of these is a partial truth, but none is a full answer. For the best pos- sible view, we need to use many levels of analysis. The bio psycho social approach integrates three levels: biological, psy- chological, and social-cultural (FIGURE 1.1). Each level’s viewpoint gives us a valuable insight into a behavior or men- tal process, and together they offer us the most complete picture.

Suppose we wanted to study gen- der differences in a group of men and women. Gender is not the same as sex. Gender refers to the traits and behav- iors we expect in a man or a woman. Sex

troublesome behaviors and emotions, but also on understanding and build- ing the emotions and traits that help us to thrive.

Let’s consider these four big ideas, one by one.

Big Idea 1: Critical Thinking Is Smart Thinking Whether reading a news report or swap- ping ideas with others, critical thinkers ask questions. How do we know that? Who benefits from this? Is the conclusion based on guesswork and gut feelings, or on evidence? How do we know one event caused the other? How else could we explain things?

In psychology, critical thinking has led to some surprising findings. Believe it or not . . .

• massive losses of brain tissue early in life may have few long-term effects (see Chapter 2).

• within days, newborns can recognize their mother’s odor (Chapter 3).

• some people with brain damage can learn new skills, yet at the mind’s conscious level be unaware that they have these skills (Chapter 7).

• most of us—male and female, young and old, wealthy and not wealthy, with and without disabilities—report roughly the same levels of personal happiness (Chapter 10).

• an electric shock delivered to the brain (electroconvulsive therapy) may relieve severe depression when all else has failed (Chapter 14).

This same critical thinking has also debunked some popular beliefs. When we let the evidence speak for itself, we learn that . . .

• sleepwalkers are not acting out their dreams (Chapter 2).

• our past is not precisely recorded in our brain. Neither brain stimulation nor hypnosis will let us push “play”

Psychological influences: • learned fears and other learned expectations • emotional responses • cognitive processing and perceptual interpretations

Biological influences: • genetic predispositions (genetically influenced traits) • genetic mutations • natural selection of adaptive traits and behaviors passed down through generations • genes responding to the environment

Social-cultural influences: • presence of others • cultural, societal, and family expectations • peer and other group influences • compelling models (such as in the media)

Behavior or mental process

FIGURE 1.1 Biopsychosocial approach: Three paths to understanding Studying events from many viewpoints gives us a more complete picture than any one perspective could offer.

Behavior

Biological

Psychological

Social-cultural

and relive long-buried memories (Chapter 7).

• most of us do not suffer from low self- esteem, and high self-esteem is not all good (Chapter 11).

• opposites do not generally attract (Chapter 12).

In later chapters, you’ll see many more examples of research in which critical thinking has challenged our beliefs and triggered new ways of thinking.

Big Idea 2: Behavior Is a Biopsychosocial Event Each of us is part of a larger social system— a family, a group, a society. But each of us is also made up of smaller systems, such as our nervous system and body organs, which are composed of still smaller sys- tems—cells, molecules, and atoms.

If we study this complexity with simple tools, we may end up with par- tial answers. Consider: Why do grizzly bears hibernate? Is it because hiberna- tion helped their ancestors to survive and reproduce? Because their biology drives them to do so? Because cold cli-

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• How are differences in intelligence, personality, and psychological dis- orders influenced by heredity and by environment?

• Is our sexual orientation written in our genes or learned through our experiences?

• Can life experiences affect the activ- ity of our heredity (our genes)?

• Should we treat depression as a dis- order of the brain or a disorder of thought—or both?

Psychologists have used the bio- psychosocial approach to study many of the field’s big questions. One of the big- gest and most persistent is the nature– nurture issue: How do we judge the contributions of nature (biology) and nur- ture (experience)? Today’s psychologists explore this age-old question by asking, for example:

refers to the biological characteristics people inherit, thanks to their genes. To study gender differences, we would want to know as much as possible about biological influences. But we would also want to understand how the group’s cul- ture—the shared ideas and behaviors that one generation passes on to the next—defines male and female. Even with this much information, our view would be incomplete. We would also need some understanding of how the individu- als in the group differ from one another because of their personal abilities and learning.

Studying all these influences, re- searchers have found some gender dif- ferences—in what we dream, in how we express and detect emotion, and in our risk for substance abuse, depression, and eating disorders. Psychologically as well as biologically, women and men dif- fer. But the research shows we are also alike. Whether female or male, we learn to walk at about the same age. We expe- rience the same sensations of light and sound. We feel the same pangs of hun- ger, desire, and fear. We exhibit similar overall intelligence and well-being.

A SMILE IS A SMILE THE WORLD AROUND Throughout this book, you will see examples not only of our cultural and gender diversity but also of the similarities that define our shared human nature. People in different cultures vary in when and how often they smile, but a naturally happy smile means the same thing anywhere in the world.

critical thinking thinking that does not blindly accept arguments and conclusions. Rather, it examines assumptions, uncovers hidden values, weighs evidence, and assesses conclusions.

biopsychosocial approach an approach that integrates different but complementary views from biological, psychological, and social- cultural viewpoints.

culture the enduring behaviors, ideas, atti- tudes, values, and traditions shared by a group of people and handed down from one generation to the next.

nature–nurture issue the age-old contro- versy over the relative influence of genes and experience in the development of psychological traits and behaviors. Today’s psychological sci- ence sees traits and behaviors arising from the interaction of nature and nurture.

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A NATURE-MADE NATURE–NURTURE EXPERIMENT Identical twins (left) have the same genes. This makes them ideal participants in studies designed to shed light on hereditary and environmental influences on personality, intelligence, and other traits. Fraternal twins (right) have different genes but often share the same environment. Twin studies provide a wealth of findings—described in later chapters—showing the importance of both nature and nurture.

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• positive emotions, such as satisfac- tion with the past, happiness with the present, and optimism about the future.

• positive character traits, such as cre- ativity, courage, compassion, integ- rity, self-control, leadership, wisdom, and spirituality. Current research examines the roots and fruits of such qualities, sometimes by studying the lives of individuals who offer striking examples.

• positive institutions, such as healthy families, supportive neighborhoods, effective schools, and socially respon- sible media.

Will psychology have a more positive mission in this century? Can it help us all to flourish? An increasing number of scientists worldwide believe it can.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What advantage do we gain by using the biopsychosocial approach in studying psy- chological events?

ANSWER: By considering different levels of analysis, the biopsychosocial approach can provide a more com- plete view than any one perspective could offer.

• What is contemporary psychology’s posi- tion on the nature–nurture debate?

ANSWER: Psychological events often stem from the interaction of nature and nurture, rather than from either of them acting alone.

in the area concerned with reaching for and grasping objects, but not in the area concerned with consciously recogniz- ing objects. So, would the reverse dam- age lead to the opposite symptoms? Indeed, there are a few such patients. They can see and recognize objects, but they have difficulty pointing toward or grasping them.

We think of our vision as one system: We look, we see, we respond to what we see. Actually, vision is a great example of our dual processing. A visual percep- tion track enables us to think about the world—to recognize things and to plan future actions. A visual action track guides our moment-to-moment actions.

This big idea—that much of our everyday thinking, feeling, sensing, and acting operates outside our aware- ness—may be a weird new idea for you. It was for me. I long believed that my own intentions and deliberate choices ruled my life. In many ways they do. But in the mind’s downstairs, as you will see in later chapters, there is much, much more to being human.

Big Idea 4: Psychology Explores Human Strengths as Well as Challenges Psychology’s first hundred years focused on understanding and treating troubles, such as abuse and anxiety, depression and disease, prejudice and poverty. Much of today’s psychology continues the exploration of such challenges. Without slighting the need to repair damage and cure disease, Martin Seligman and oth- ers (2002, 2005, 2011) have called for more research on human flourishing. These psy- chologists call their approach positive psychology. They believe that happiness is a by-product of a pleasant, engaged, and meaningful life. Thus, positive psy- chology focuses on building a “good life” that engages our skills, and a “meaning- ful life” that points beyond ourselves. Positive psychology uses scientific meth- ods to explore

In most cases, nurture works on what nature provides. Our species has been graced with a great biological gift: an enormous ability to learn and adapt. Moreover (and you will read this over and over in the pages that follow), every psychological event—every thought, every emotion—is also a biological event.

Big Idea 3: We Operate With a Two-Track Mind (Dual Processing) Mountains of new research reveal that our brain works on two tracks. Our con- scious mind feels like our body’s chief executive, and in fact we do process much information on our brain’s con- scious track, with full awareness. But at the same time, a surprisingly large unconscious, automatic track is process- ing information outside of our awareness. Thinking, memory, perception, language, and attitudes all operate on these two tracks. Today’s researchers call it dual processing. We know more than we know we know. As a fascinating scientific story illustrates, the truth sometimes turns out to be stranger than fiction.

During my time spent at Scotland’s University of St. Andrews, I came to know research psychologists Melvyn Goodale and David Milner (2004, 2006). A local woman, whom they call D. F., was overcome by carbon monoxide one day while showering. The resulting brain damage left her unable to consciously perceive objects. Yet she acted as if she could see them. Asked to slip a postcard into a mail slot, she could do so without error. And although she could not report the width of a block in front of her, she could grasp it with just the right finger- thumb distance.

How could this be? How could a woman who is perceptually blind grasp objects accurately? Goodale and Milner knew from animal research that the eye sends information to different brain areas, each of which has a differ- ent task. Sure enough, a scan of D. F.’s brain activity revealed normal activity

MARTIN E. P. SELIGMAN “The main purpose of a positive psychology is to measure, un- derstand, and then build the human strengths and the civic virtues.” (Seligman, 2002)

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This hindsight bias (also called the I-knew-it-all-along phenomenon) is easy to demonstrate. Give half the members of a group a true psychological finding, and give the other half an opposite result. Tell the first group, “Psychologists have found that separation weakens romantic attrac- tion. As the saying goes, ‘Out of sight, out of mind.’” Ask them to imagine why this might be true. Most people can, and nearly all will then view this true finding as unsurprising—just common sense.

Tell the second group the opposite, “Psychologists have found that separa- tion strengthens romantic attraction. As the saying goes, ‘Absence makes the heart grow fonder.’” People given this false statement can also easily explain it, and most will also see it as unsur- prising. When two opposite findings

gests are No, No, and No), our intuition may steer us down the wrong path.

With its standards for gathering and sifting evidence, psychological science helps us avoid errors and think smarter. Before moving on to our study of how psychologists use psychology’s methods in their research, let’s look more closely at three common flaws in intuitive thinking—hindsight bias, overconfidence, and perceiving patterns in random events.

Did We Know It All Along? Hindsight Bias Some people think psychology merely proves what we already know and then

dresses it in jargon: “So what else is new—you get paid for using fancy meth- ods to tell me what my grandmother knew?” But consider how easy it is to draw the bull’s eye after the arrow strikes. After

the football game, we credit the coach if a “gutsy play” wins the game and fault the coach for the “stupid play” if it doesn’t. After a war or an election, its outcome usually seems obvious. Although history may therefore seem like a series of pre- dictable events, the actual future is sel- dom foreseen. No one’s diary recorded, “Today the Hundred Years War began.”

Why Do Psychology?

Many people feel guided by their intuition—by what they feel in their

gut. “Buried deep within each and every one of us, there is an instinctive, heart- felt awareness that provides—if we allow it to—the most reliable guide,” offered Britain’s Prince Charles (2000).

The Limits of Intuition and Common Sense 1-4 How does our everyday thinking sometimes lead us to the wrong conclusion?

Prince Charles has much company, judg- ing from the long list of pop psychology books on “intuitive managing,” “intui- tive trading,” and “intuitive healing.” Intuition is indeed important. Research shows that, more than we realize, our thinking, memory, and attitudes oper- ate automatically, off screen. Like jumbo jets, we fly mostly on autopilot.

But intuition can lead us astray. Our gut feelings may tell us that lie detec- tors work and that eyewitnesses recall events accurately. But as you will see in chapters to come, hundreds of findings challenge these beliefs.

Hunches are a good starting point, even for smart thinkers. But thinking critically means checking assumptions, weighing evidence, invit- ing criticism, and test- ing conclusions. Does the death penalty prevent murders? Whether your gut tells you Yes or No, you need more evidence. You might ask, Do states with a death penalty have lower homi- cide rates? After states pass death-penalty laws, do their homicide rates drop? Do homi- cide rates rise in states that abandon the death penalty? If we ignore the answers to such questions (which the evidence sug-

dual processing the principle that, at the same time, our mind processes information on sepa- rate conscious and unconscious tracks.

positive psychology the scientific study of human functioning, with the goals of discovering and promoting strengths and virtues that help individuals and communities to thrive.

hindsight bias the tendency to believe, after learning an outcome, that we could have pre- dicted it. (Also known as the I-knew - it - all - along phenomenon.)

“The first principle, is that you must not fool yourself—and you are the easiest person to fool.”

Richard Feynman (1997)

HINDSIGHT BIAS When drilling the Deepwater Horizon oil well in 2010, oil industry employees took some shortcuts and ignored some warning signs, without intending to harm the environment or their companies’ reputations. After the resulting Gulf oil spill, with the benefit of 20/20 hindsight, the fool- ishness of those judgments became obvious.

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Looking over the sequence, it’s hard not to see what appear to be patterns. Tosses 10 to 22 provided an almost per- fect pattern of pairs of tails followed by pairs of heads. On tosses 30 to 38 I had a “cold hand,” with only one head in nine tosses. But my fortunes imme-

WREAT → WATER

ETRYN → ENTRY

GRABE → BARGE

About how many seconds do you think it would have taken you to unscramble each anagram? Knowing the answer makes us overconfident. Surely the solution would take only 10 seconds or so? In reality, the average problem solver spends 3 minutes, as you also might, given a similar puzzle without the solution: OCHSA. (When you’re ready, check your answer against the footnote below.5)

Are we any better at predicting our social behavior? At the beginning of the school year, one study had students predict their own behavior (Vallone et al., 1990). Would they drop a course, vote in an upcoming election, call their parents regularly (and so forth)? On average, the students felt 84 percent sure of their self- predictions. But later quizzes about their actual behavior showed their predictions were correct only 71 percent of the time. Even when they were 100 percent sure of themselves, their self-predictions were wrong 15 percent of the time.

Perceiving Order in Random Events In our natural eagerness to make sense of our world we often perceive pat- terns. People see a face on the Moon,

hear Satanic messages in music, or perceive the Virgin Mary’s image on a grilled cheese sandwich. Even in random, unrelated data we often find order, because random sequences often don’t look random (Falk et al., 2009; Nickerson, 2002,

2005). In actual random sequences, patterns and

streaks (such as repeating numbers) occur more often than people expect (Oskarsson et al., 2009). To demonstrate, I flipped a coin for heads or tails 51 times, with these results:

both seem like common sense, we have a problem!

More than 800 scholarly papers have shown hindsight bias in people young and old from across the world (Roese & Vohs, 2012). Hindsight errors in what we recall and how we explain it show why we need psychological research. Just asking people how and why they felt or acted as they did can be mislead- ing. Why? Not because common sense is usually wrong, but because common sense more easily describes what has happened than what will happen.

Nevertheless, Grandma’s intuition is often right. As baseball great Yogi Berra once said, “You can observe a lot by watching.” (We have Berra to thank for other gems, such as “Nobody ever comes here—it’s too crowded,” and “If the people don’t want to come out to the ballpark, nobody’s gonna stop ’em.”) We’re all behavior watchers, and sometimes we get it right. Many people believe that love breeds happiness, and it does. (We have what Chapter 9 calls a deep “need to belong.”) But some- times Grandmother’s intuition, informed by countless casual observations, gets it wrong. Psychological research has overturned many popular ideas— that familiarity breeds contempt, that dreams predict the future, and that most of us use only 10 percent of our brain. Research has also surprised us with discoveries we had not predicted—that the brain’s chemical messen- gers control our moods and memories, that other species can pass along their learned habits, that stress affects our ability to fight disease.

Overconfidence We humans also tend to be overconfi- dent—we think we know more than we do. Consider these three word puzzles (called anagrams), which people like you were asked to unscramble in one study (Goranson, 1978).

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Fun anagram solutions from Wordsmith (www. wordsmith.org): Snooze alarms = Alas! No more z’s Dormitory = dirty room Slot machines = cash lost in ’em

5 The solution to the OCHSA anagram is CHAOS.

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sample, any outrageous thing is likely to happen” (Diaconis & Mosteller, 1989). An event that happens to but 1 in 1 billion people every day occurs about 7 times a day, over 2500 times a year.

The point to remember: We trust our intuition more than we should. Our intuitive thinking is flawed by three powerful tendencies—hindsight bias, overconfidence, and

perceiving patterns in random events. But scientific thinking can help us sift reality from illusion.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Why, after friends start dating, do we often feel that we knew they were meant to be together?

ANSWER: We often suffer from hindsight bias—after we’ve learned a situation’s outcome, that outcome seems familiar and therefore obvious.

The Scientific Attitude: Curious, Skeptical, and Humble 1-5 What are the three key elements of the scientific attitude, and how do they support scientific inquiry?

What makes scientific inquiry so useful for detecting truth? The answer lies in three basic attitudes: curiosity, skepticism, and humility.

Underlying all science is, first, a hard- headed curiosity, a passion to explore and understand without misleading or being misled. Some questions (Is there life after death?) are beyond science. Answering them in any way requires a leap of faith. With many other questions (Can some people read minds?), the proof is in the pudding. No matter how crazy an idea sounds, the scientist asks, Does it work? When put to the test, can its predictions be confirmed?

Magician James Randi has used the scientific approach when testing those

However, some happenings seem so amazing that we struggle to believe they are due to chance. The media often report on unlikely events, and statisti- cians (who collect and study facts and figures) help to explain them. When Evelyn Marie Adams won the New Jersey lottery twice, news- papers reported the odds of her feat as 1 in 17 tril- lion. Bizarre? Actually, 1 in 17 trillion are indeed the odds that a given person who buys a single ticket for each of two New Jersey lotteries will win both times. And given the millions of people who buy U.S. State lottery tickets, statisticians reported, it was “practically a sure thing” that someday, someone would hit a state jackpot twice (Samuels & McCabe, 1989). Indeed, offered another statistician team, “with a large enough

diately reversed with a “hot hand”— seven heads out of the next nine tosses. Similar streaks happen—about as often as one would expect in random sequences—in basketball shooting and baseball hitting (Gilovich et al., 1985; Malkiel, 2007; Myers, 2002). These sequences are random but don’t look it, so we mis- read them as being meaningful (“When you’re hot, you’re hot!”)

What explains these streaky patterns? Was I exercising some sort of magical control over my coin? Did I snap out of my tails funk and get in a heads groove? Actually, these are the sort of streaks found in any random data. Comparing each toss to the next, 23 of the 50 com- parisons yielded a changed result—just the sort of near 50-50 result we expect from coin tossing. Despite seeming pat- terns, the outcome of one toss gives no clue to the outcome of the next.

“The really unusual day would be one where nothing unusual happens.”

Statistician Persi Diaconis (2002)

GIVEN ENOUGH RANDOM EVENTS, SOME WEIRD-SEEMING STREAKS WILL OCCUR During the 2010 World Cup, a German octopus, Paul, was offered two boxes, each with mussels and a national flag. Paul selected the right box eight out of eight times in predicting the outcome of Germany’s seven matches and Spain’s triumph in the final.

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How Do Psychologists Ask and Answer Questions?

Psychologists transform their scien-tific attitude into practice by using the scientific method. They observe events, form theories, and then refine their theo- ries in the light of new observations.

The Scientific Method 1-6 How do psychological theories guide scientific research?

Chatting with friends and family, we often use theory to mean “mere hunch.” In science, a theory explains behaviors or events by offering ideas that organize what we have observed. By organizing isolated facts, a theory simplifies. There are too many facts about behavior to remember them all. By linking facts to underlying principles, a theory connects many small dots and offers a useful sum- mary so that a clear picture emerges.

A theory about the effects of sleep on memory, for example, helps us organize countless sleep-related observations into a short list of principles. Imagine that we observe over and over that people with good sleep habits tend to answer ques- tions correctly in class, and they do well at test time. We might therefore theorize that sleep improves memory. So far so good: Our principle neatly summarizes a list of facts about the effects of a good night’s sleep on memory.

Yet no matter how reasonable a theory may sound—and it does seem reasonable to suggest that sleep could improve memory—we must put it to the test. A good theory produces test- able predictions, called hypotheses. Such predictions specify what results (what behaviors or events) would support the theory and what results would cast

skeptical—not cynical, but also not gullible. “To believe with cer- tainty,” says a Polish proverb, “we must begin by doubting.” As sci- entists, psychologists greet state- ments about behavior and mental processes by asking two ques- tions: What do you mean? and How do you know?

When ideas compete, skepti- cal testing can reveal which ones best match the facts. Do parental behaviors determine children’s sexual orientation? Can astrolo- gers predict your future based on the position of the planets at your birth? As you will see in later chapters, putting these two claims to the test has led most psycholo- gists to doubt them.

A scientific attitude is more than curiosity and skepticism, however. It also requires humility— an awareness that we can make mistakes, and a willingness to be surprised and follow new roads. In

the end, what matters is not my opinion or yours, but the truths nature reveals in response to our questioning. If people or other animals don’t behave as our ideas predict, then so much the worse for our ideas. This humble attitude was expressed in one of psychology’s early mottos: “The rat is always right.”

Historians of science tell us that these attitudes—curiosity, skepticism, and humility—helped make modern sci- ence possible.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• “For a lot of bad ideas, science serves as society’s garbage disposal.” Describe what this tells us about the scientific attitude.

ANSWER: The scientific attitude combines (1) curios- ity about the world around us, (2) skepticism about unproven claims and ideas, and (3) humility about our own understanding. To find out whether an idea matches the facts, psychologists use scientific tests. Ideas that don’t hold up will then be discarded.

claiming to see glowing auras around people’s bodies:

Randi: Do you see an aura around my head?

Aura seer: Yes, indeed.

Randi: Can you still see the aura if I put this magazine in front of my face?

Aura seer: Of course.

Randi: Then if I were to step behind a wall barely taller than I am, you could deter- mine my location from the aura visible above my head, right?

Randi told me that no aura seer has agreed to take this simple test.

When subjected to scientific tests, crazy-sounding ideas sometimes find support. More often, they become part of the mountain of forgotten claims of palm reading, miracle cancer cures, and out- of-body travels. For a lot of bad ideas, sci- ence serves as society’s garbage disposal.

Sifting reality from fantasy, sense from nonsense, also requires us to be

THE AMAZING RANDI Magician and skeptic James Randi has tested and debunked sup- posed psychic phenomena.

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Description 1-7 How do psychologists use case studies, naturalistic observations, and surveys to observe and describe behavior, and why is random sampling important?

In daily life, we all observe and describe other people, trying to understand why they behave as they do. Professional psychologists do much the same, though more objectively and systemati- cally, using

• case studies (in-depth analyses of spe- cial individuals).

• Correlational methods associate differ- ent factors. (You’ll see the word factor often in descriptions of research. It refers to anything that contributes to a result.)

• Experimental methods manipulate, or vary, factors to discover their effects.

To think critically about popular psy- chology claims, we need to understand the strengths and weaknesses of these methods. (For more information about some of the statistical methods that psy- chological scientists use in their work, see Appendix A, Statistical Reasoning in Everyday Life.)

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What does a good theory do?

ANSWER: 1. It organizes observed facts. 2. It implies hypotheses that offer testable predictions and, some- times, practical applications. 3. It often stimulates further research.

• Why is replication important?

ANSWER: Psychologists watch eagerly for new find- ings, but they also proceed with caution—by awaiting other investigators’ repeating the research. Can the finding be confirmed (the result replicated)?

doubt on the theory. To test our theory about the effects of sleep on memory, our hypothesis might be that when sleep deprived, peo- ple will remember less from the day before. To test that hypoth- esis, we might assess how well people remember course materials they studied before a good night’s sleep, or before a shortened night’s sleep (FIGURE 1.2). The results will either support our theory or lead us to revise or reject it.

Our theories can bias our obser- vations. Having theorized that better memory springs from more sleep, we may see what we expect: We may perceive sleepy people’s comments as less insightful.

As a check on their biases, psy- chologists use operational defini- tions when they report their studies. “Sleep deprived,” for example, may be defined as “2 or more hours less” than the person’s natural sleep. These exact descriptions will allow anyone to replicate (repeat) the research. Other people can then re - create the study with different participants and in different sit- uations. If they get similar results, we can be confident that the findings are reliable.

Let’s summarize. A good theory:

• effectively organizes a range of self- reports and observations.

• leads to clear predictions that anyone can use to check the theory.

• often stimulates research that leads to a revised theory which better orga- nizes and predicts what we know. Or, our research may be replicated and supported by similar findings. (This has been the case for sleep and memory studies, as you will see in Chapter 2.)

We can test our hypotheses and refine our theories in several ways.

• Descriptive methods describe behav- iors, often by using (as we will see) case studies, naturalistic observa- tions, or surveys.

Research and observations Example: Give study material to people before (a) an ample night’s sleep, or (b) a shortened night’s sleep, then test memory.

Theories

lead to

lead to

Example: Sleep boosts memory.

Hypotheses Example: When sleep deprived, people remember less from the day before.

confirm, reject, or revise

FIGURE 1.2 The scientific method A self - correcting process for asking questions and observing nature’s answer.

theory an explanation using principles that orga- nize observations and predict behaviors or events.

hypothesis a testable prediction, often implied by a theory.

operational definition a carefully worded statement of the exact procedures (operations) used in a research study. For example, human in- telligence may be operationally defined as what an intelligence test measures.

replication repeating the essence of a research study, usually with different participants in different situations, to see whether the basic finding extends to other participants and cir- cumstances.

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some physical factors—without inter- fering with the person’s activity. One evolutionary psychologist (Miller, 2012) notes, for example, that GPS data “could reveal whether peak-fertility women go out more often to areas with bars and clubs, and Bluetooth scans could reveal whether they go out more often to places with a lot of people.”

In one study, researchers had 52 intro- ductory psychology students don hip - worn tape recorders (Mehl & Pennebaker, 2003). For up to four days, the elec- tronically activated recorders (EARs) captured 30-second snippets of the stu- dents’ waking hours, turning on every 12.5 minutes. By the end of the study, researchers had eavesdropped on more than 10,000 half - minute life slices. What percentage of the time did these researchers find students talking with someone? What percentage captured students at a computer? The answers: 28 and 9 percent. (What percentage of your waking hours are spent in these activities?)

Like the case study method, natu- ralistic observation does not explain behavior. It describes it. Nevertheless, descriptions can be revealing.

cases may also mislead us. The indi- vidual being studied may be atypical (not like those in the larger group). Viewing such cases as general truths can lead to false conclusions. Indeed, anytime a researcher mentions a finding (Smokers die younger: 95 percent of men over 85 are nonsmokers), someone is sure to offer an exception. (Well, I have an uncle who smoked two packs a day and lived to be 89.) These vivid stories, dramatic tales, per- sonal experiences, even psychological case examples—often command atten- tion and are easily remembered. Stories move us, but stories can mislead. As psychologist Gordon Allport (1954, p. 9) said, “Given a thimbleful of [dramatic] facts we rush to make generalizations as large as a tub.”

The point to remember: Individual cases can suggest fruitful ideas. What is true of all of us can be seen in any one of us. But just because something is true of one of us (the atypical uncle), we should not assume it is true of all of us (most long- term smokers suffer ill health and early deaths). We look to methods beyond the case study to uncover general truths.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• We cannot assume that case studies al- ways reveal general principles that apply to all of us. Why not?

ANSWER: Case studies focus on one individual, so we can’t know for sure whether the principles observed would apply to a larger population.

Naturalistic Observation A second descriptive method records behavior in a natural environment. These naturalistic observations may describe parenting practices in different cultures, students’ self-seating patterns in American lunchrooms, or chimpanzee family structures in the wild. New smart- phone apps and body-worn sensors hold promise of expanding naturalistic observation. Using such tools, research- ers might track willing volunteers—their location, activities, opinions, and even

• naturalistic observations (watching and recording individuals’ behavior in a natural setting).

• surveys and interviews (self-reports in which people answer questions about their behavior or attitudes).

The Case Study A case study examines one individual or group in great depth, in the hope of revealing things true of us all. Some examples: Medical case studies of people who lost specific abilities after damage to certain brain regions gave us much of our early knowledge about the brain. Jean Piaget, the pioneer researcher on chil- dren’s thinking, carefully watched and questioned just a few children. Studies of only a few chimpanzees jarred our beliefs about what other species can understand and communicate.

Intensive case studies are sometimes very revealing. They often suggest direc- tions for further study, and they show us what can happen. But individual

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FREUD AND LITTLE HANS Sigmund Freud’s case study of 5-year-old Hans’ extreme fear of horses led Freud to his theory of childhood sexuality. Freud believed Hans’ intense fear of being bitten by a horse had its roots in the boy’s unconscious desire for his mother and his fear of being castrated by his rival father. As Chapter 11 will explain, today’s psychologi- cal science does not support Freud’s theory of childhood sexuality. It does, however, agree that the human mind processes much infor- mation outside our conscious awareness.

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AN EAR FOR NATURALISTIC OBSERVA- TION Researchers have used electronically activated recorders (EARs) to sample naturally occurring slices of daily life.

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Political pollsters sample voters in national election surveys just this way. Using only 1500 randomly sam- pled people, drawn from all areas of a country, they can provide a remark-

ably accurate snapshot of the nation’s opinions. Without random sam- pling, large samples— including call - in phone samples and TV or web- site polls—often merely give misleading results.

The point to remember: Before accepting survey findings, think critically. Consider the question’s wording and the sample. The best basis for gener- alizing is from a random sample of a population.

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• What is an unrepresentative sample, and how do researchers avoid it?

ANSWER: An unrepresentative sample is a survey group that does not represent the population being studied. Random sampling helps researchers form a representative sample because each member of the population has an equal chance of being included.

is shown on television” (Lacayo, 1995). People are much more approving of “aid to the needy” than of “welfare,” and of “revenue enhancers” than of “taxes.”

Consider two national surveys taken in 2009. In one, 3 in 4 Americans approved of giving people “a choice” of public (government- run) health insurance or private health insur- ance. Yet in the other survey, most Americans were not in favor of “cre- ating a public health care plan administered by the federal government that would compete directly with private health insur- ance companies” (Stein, 2009). Wording is a deli- cate matter. In this case, choice is a word that triggers support. Critical thinkers will reflect on how a question’s phras- ing might affect the opinions people express.

RANDOM SAMPLING For an accurate picture of a group’s experiences and atti- tudes, there’s only one game in town— a representative sample—a smaller group that accurately reflects the larger popu- lation you want to study and describe.

So in a survey, how do you obtain a representative sample of, say, the total student population at your school? You would choose a random sample, in which every person in the entire group has an equal chance of being picked. You would not want to ask for volunteers, because those extra-nice students who step forward to help would not neces- sarily be a random sample of all the stu- dents. But you could assign each student a number, and then use a random num- ber generator to select a sample.

Time and money will affect the size of your sample, but you would try to involve as many people as possible. Why? Because large representative samples are better than small ones. (But a small rep- resentative sample of 100 is better than an unrepresentative sample of 500.)

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• What are the advantages and disadvan- tages of naturalistic observation, such as the EARs study?

ANSWER: In the EARs study, researchers were able to carefully record and describe naturally occurring behaviors outside the artificial environment of the lab. However, they were not able to explain the behaviors because they could not control all the factors that may have influenced them.

The Survey A survey looks at many cases in less depth, asking people to report their behavior or opinions. Questions about everything from sexual practices to political opinions are put to the public. In recent surveys,

• half of all Americans reported expe- riencing more happiness and enjoy- ment than worry and stress on the previous day (Gallup, 2010).

• 1 in 5 people across 22 countries reported believing that alien beings have come to Earth and now walk among us disguised as humans (Ipsos, 2010b).

• 68 percent of all humans—some 4.6 billion people—say that religion is important in their daily lives (from Gallup World Poll data analyzed by Diener et

al., 2011).

But asking questions is tricky, and the answers often depend on the way you word your questions and on who answers them.

WORDING EFFECTS Even subtle changes in the order or wording of ques- tions can have major effects. Should vio- lence be allowed to appear in children’s television programs? People are much more likely to approve “not allowing” such things than “forbidding” or “cen- soring” them. In one national survey, only 27 percent of Americans approved of “government censorship” of media sex and violence, though 66 percent approved of “more restrictions on what

case study a descriptive technique in which one individual or group is studied in depth in the hope of revealing universal principles.

naturalistic observation a descriptive tech- nique of observing and recording behavior in naturally occurring situations without trying to change or control the situation.

survey a descriptive technique for obtaining the self - reported attitudes or behaviors of a group, usually by questioning a representative, random sample of that group.

population all those in a group being studied, from which samples may be drawn. (Note: Ex- cept for national studies, this does not refer to a country’s whole population.)

random sample a sample that fairly repre- sents a population because each member has an equal chance of inclusion.

With very large samples, estimates become quite reliable. E is estimated to represent 12.7 percent of the letters in written English. E, in fact, is 12.3 percent of the 925,141 letters in Melville’s Moby- Dick, 12.4 percent of the 586,747 letters in Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities, and 12.1 percent of the 3,901,021 letters in 12 of Mark Twain’s works (Chance News, 1997).

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esteem causes depression? If you think the answer is Yes, you are not alone. We all find it hard to resist thinking that associations prove causation. But no matter how strong the relationship, they do not!

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Length of marriage correlates with hair loss in men. Does this mean that marriage causes men to lose their hair (or that bald- ing men make better husbands)?

ANSWER: In this case, as in many others, a third factor can explain the correlation: Golden anniversaries and baldness both accompany aging.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Indicate whether each of the following statements describes a positive correlation or a negative correlation.

1. The more children and youth used vari- ous media, the less happy they were with their lives (Kaiser, 2010).

2. The more sexual content teens saw on TV, the more likely they were to have sex (Collins et al., 2004).

3. The longer children were breast-fed, the greater their later academic achieve- ment (Horwood & Ferguson, 1998).

4. The more income rose among a sample of poor families, the fewer symptoms of mental illness their children experienced (Costello et al., 2003).

ANSWERS: 1. negative, 2. positive, 3. positive, 4. negative

Correlation and Causation Correlations help us predict. Here’s an example: Self-esteem correlates nega- tively with (and therefore predicts) depression. (The lower people’s self- esteem, the more they are at risk for depression.) But does that mean low self-

Correlation 1-8 What are positive and negative correlations, and how can they lead to prediction but not cause-effect explanation?

Describing behavior is a first step toward predicting it. Naturalistic observations and surveys often show us that one trait or behavior is related to another. In such cases, we say the two correlate. A statis- tical measure (the correlation coefficient) helps us figure how closely two things vary together, and thus how well either one predicts the other. Displaying data in a scatterplot (FIGURE 1.3) can help us see correlations.

• A positive correlation (between 0 and +1.00) indicates a direct relationship, meaning that two things increase together or decrease together. Across people, height correlates positively with weight. The data in Figure 1.3 are positively correlated, because they are generally both rising (mov- ing up and right) together.

• A negative correlation (between 0 and −1.00) indicates an inverse relation- ship: As one thing increases, the other decreases. The number of hours spent watching TV and playing video games each week correlates negatively with grades. Negative cor- relations can go as low as −1.00. This means that, like children on oppo- site ends of a teeter - totter, one set of scores goes down precisely as the other goes up.

• A coefficient near zero is a weak correlation, indicating little or no relationship.

The point to remember: A correlation coefficient helps us see the world more clearly by revealing the extent to which two things relate.

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Weight in pounds

Height in inches

FIGURE 1.3 Scatterplot for height and weight This graph displays data from 20 imagined people, each represented by a data point. The scattered points reveal an upward slope, indicating a positive correlation.

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Random Assignment: Minimizing Differences Researchers have compared infants who are breast-fed with those who are bottle- fed with formula. Several studies show that children’s intelligence test scores are somewhat higher if they were breast- fed (Kramer et al., 2008). Moreover, the longer they were breast-fed, the higher their later scores (Jedrychowski et al., 2012). So we can say that mother’s milk corre- lates modestly but positively with later intelligence. But what does this mean? Do smarter mothers (who in modern countries more often breast - feed) have smarter children? Or do the nutrients in mother’s milk contribute to brain development?

The point to remember (turn up the vol- ume here): Correlation indicates the pos- sibility of a cause - effect relationship, but it does not prove causation. Knowing that two events are associated does not tell us anything about which causes the other. Remember this principle and you will be wiser as you read and hear news of scientific studies.

Experimentation 1-9 How do experiments clarify or reveal cause-effect relationships?

Descriptions don’t prove causation. Correla- tions don’t prove causation. To isolate cause and effect, psychologists have to simplify the world. In our everyday lives, many things affect our actions and influ- ence our thoughts. Psychologists sort out this complexity by using experiments. With experiments, researchers can focus on the possible effects of one or more fac- tors by

• manipulating the factors of interest. • holding constant (“controlling”) other

factors.

Let’s consider a few experiments to see how this works.

How else might we explain the nega- tive correlation between self-esteem and depression? As FIGURE 1.4 suggests, we’d get the same correlation between low self-esteem and depression if de- pression caused people to be down on themselves. And we’d also get that correlation if something else—a third factor such as heredity or some awful event—caused both low self-esteem and depression.

This point is so important—so basic to thinking smarter with psychology— that it merits one more example, this one from a survey of over 12,000 adoles- cents. The more those teens felt loved by their parents, the less likely they were to behave in unhealthy ways—hav- ing early sex, smoking, abusing alcohol and drugs, behaving violently (Resnick et al., 1997). “Adults have a powerful effect on their children’s behavior right through the high school years,” gushed an Associated Press (AP) news report on the study. But no correlation has a built- in cause - effect arrow. Thus, the AP could as well have said, “Well - behaved teens feel their parents’ love and approval; out- of - bounds teens more often describe their parents as disapproving.”

could cause

could cause

could cause

or

or

Depression

Depression

Low self-esteem

Low self-esteem

and

(2) Depression

(1) Low self-esteem

(3) Distressing events

or genetically influenced traits

FIGURE 1.4 Three possible cause- effect relationships People low in self - esteem are more likely to report depression than are those high in self - esteem. One possible explanation of this nega- tive correlation is that a bad self - image causes depressed feelings. But, as the diagram indicates, other cause - effect relationships are possible.

correlation a measure of the extent to which two events vary together, and thus of how well either one predicts the other. The correlation coefficient is the mathematical expression of the relationship, ranging from −1.00 to +1.00, with 0 indicating no relationship.

scatterplot a graphed cluster of dots, each of which represents the values of two factors. The slope of the dots suggests the direction of the relationship between the two factors. How much the dots are scattered suggests the strength of the correlation (with little scatter indicating high correlation).

experiment a method in which researchers vary one or more factors (independent variables) to observe the effect on some behavior or men- tal process (the dependent variable).

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Consider: Three days into a cold, many of us start taking vitamin C tab- lets. If we find our cold symptoms less- ening, we may credit the pills. But after a few days, most colds are naturally on their way out. Was the vitamin C cure truly effective? To find out, we could experiment.

And that is precisely what investi- gators do to judge whether new drug treatments and new methods of psycho- therapy are effective (Chapter 14). Often, the people who take part in these stud- ies are blind (uninformed) about which treatment, if any, they are receiving. The experimental group receives the treatment. The control group receives a placebo (an inactive substance—per- haps a look-alike pill with no drug in it).

Many studies use a double-blind procedure—neither those in the study nor those collecting the data know which group is receiving the treatment. In such studies, researchers can check a treatment’s actual effects apart from the participants’ belief in its healing pow- ers and the staff’s enthusiasm for its potential. Just thinking you are getting a treatment can boost your spirits, relax your body, and relieve your symptoms. This placebo effect is well documented in reducing pain, depression, and anxi- ety (Kirsch, 2010). Athletes have run faster

when given a fake performance- enhancing drug (McClung & Collins, 2007). Drinking decaf coffee has boosted vigor and alertness—for those who thought it had caffeine in it (Dawkins et al., 2011). People have felt better after receiving a phony mood-enhancing drug (Michael et al., 2012). And the more expensive the placebo, the more “real” it seems—a fake pill that costs $2.50 works better than one costing 10 cents (Waber et al., 2008). To know how effective a therapy really is, researchers must control for a possible placebo effect.

raphy use were associated with (and predicted):

• lower commitment to a partner. • greater online flirting with others. • greater infidelity.

A follow-up experiment studied men and women who were in a relation- ship and reported more than monthly pornography use. Half were randomly assigned to a control group, and they were instructed to “abstain from eating your favorite food or treat for the next three weeks.” The other half (the experi- mental group) were instructed to abstain from “sexually explicit materials of any kind for the next three weeks.” At the experiment’s end, 30 percent of those in the control group predicted they would still be with their romantic partner a year or more into the future, as did 63 percent in the experimental group. “Our research suggests that there is a rela- tionship cost associated with pornogra- phy [use],” the researchers concluded.

The Double-Blind Procedure: Eliminating Bias Thinking back to the breast-milk experi- ment, we can see how the researchers were lucky—babies don’t have expecta- tions that can affect the experiment’s outcome. Adults do.

To find the answer, we would have to isolate the effects of mother’s milk from the effects of other factors, such as mother’s age, education, and intelli- gence. How might we do that? By experi- menting. With parental permission, one British research team randomly assigned 424 hospital premature infants either to formula feedings or to breast-milk feed- ings (Lucas et al., 1992). By doing this, they created two otherwise similar groups:

• an experimental group, in which babies received the treatment (breast milk).

• a control group without the treatment. Random assignment (by flipping a

coin, for example) minimizes any pre- existing differences between the experi- mental group and the control group. If one-third of the volunteers for an exper- iment can wiggle their ears, then about one-third of the people in each group will be ear wigglers. So, too, with moth- er’s age, intelligence, and other char- acteristics, which will be similar in the experimental and control groups. Thus, if the groups differ at the experiment’s end, we can assume that the treatment had an effect.

The British experiment found that breast milk is indeed best for develop- ing intelligence (at least for premature infants). On intelligence tests taken at age 8, those nourished with breast milk scored significantly higher than those formula - fed.

The point to remember: Unlike cor- relational studies, which uncover naturally occurring relationships, an experiment manipulates (varies) a fac- tor to determine its effect.

Sometimes correlational and exper- imental studies are used in combina- tion. In one such case, a research team explored the association between por- nography use and romantic commit- ment (Lambert et al., 2012). In one set of studies, the researchers found three correlations. Higher rates of pornog-

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(intelligence), and control confounding variables. An experiment has at least two different groups: an experimental group (infants who received breast milk) and a comparison or control group (infants who did not receive breast milk). Random assignment works to control all

Experiments examine the effect of one or more independent variables on some behavior or mental process that can be measured. We call this kind of affected behavior the dependent variable

because it can vary de- pending on what takes place during the experi- ment. Experimenters give both variables precise operational definitions. They specify exactly how they are manipulating the independent var iable (in this study, the precise drug dosage and timing) and how they are mea- suring the dependent variable (the questions that assessed the men’s responses). These defini- tions answer the “What do you mean?” question with a level of precision that enables others to repeat the study.

Let’s see how this works with the breast- milk experiment (FIGURE 1.5). A variable is any- thing that can vary (infant nutrition, intel-

ligence). Experiments aim to manipulate an independent variable (infant nutri- tion), measure the dependent variable

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• What measures do researchers use to prevent the placebo effect from confusing their results?

ANSWER: Research designed to prevent the placebo effect randomly assigns participants to an experimen- tal group (which receives the real treatment) or to a control group (which receives a placebo). A compari- son of the results will demonstrate whether the real treatment produces better results than belief in that treatment.

Independent and Dependent Variables Here is an even more potent drug-study example: The drug Viagra was approved for use after 21 clinical trials. One trial was an experiment in which researchers randomly assigned 329 men with erec- tile disorder to either an experimental group (Viagra takers) or a control group (placebo takers). It was a double - blind procedure— neither the men nor the person who gave them the pills knew which drug they received. The result: Viagra worked. At peak doses, 69 percent of Viagra- assisted attempts at intercourse were suc- cessful, compared with 22 percent for men receiv- ing the placebo (Goldstein et al., 1998).

This simple experiment manipulated just one fac- tor—the drug Viagra. We call the manipulated factor an independent variable: We can vary it independently of other fac- tors, such as the men’s age, weight, and person- ality. These other factors, which could influence the experiment’s results, are called confounding vari- ables. Thanks to random assignment, those factors should be roughly equal in both groups.

Group Independent

variable Dependent

variable

Experimental Breast milk Intelligence score, age 6

Control Formula Intelligence score, age 6

Random assignment (controlling for other variables such as parental intelligence and environment)

FIGURE 1.5 Experimentation To study cause-effect, psychologists may randomly as- sign some participants to an experimental group, others to a control group. Measuring the dependent variable (intelligence score in later childhood) will determine the effect of the independent variable (type of milk).

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Note the distinction between random sampling (discussed earlier in relation to surveys) and random assignment (depicted in Figure 1.5). Through random sampling, we may represent a population effectively, because each member of that population has an equal chance of being selected (sampled ) for participation in our research. Random assignment ensures accurate representation among the research groups, because each participant has an equal chance of being placed in (assigned to) any of the groups. This helps control outside influences so that we can determine cause and effect.

random assignment assigning participants to experimental and control groups by chance, thus minimizing any differences between the groups.

experimental group in an experiment, the group exposed to the treatment, that is, to one version of the independent variable.

control group in an experiment, the group not exposed to the treatment; the control group serves as a comparison with the experimental group for judging the effect of the treatment.

placebo [pluh - SEE-bo; Latin for “I shall please”] an inactive substance or condition that is some- times given to those in a control group in place of the treatment given to the experimental group.

double - blind procedure a procedure in which participants and research staff are ignorant (blind) about who has received the treatment or a placebo.

placebo effect results caused by expectations alone.

independent variable in an experiment, the factor that is manipulated; the variable whose effect is being studied.

confounding variable in an experiment, a factor other than the independent variable that might produce an effect.

dependent variable in an experimant, the fac- tor that is measured; the variable that may change when the independent variable is manipulated.

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Frequently Asked Questions About Psychology

We have reflected on how a scien-tific approach can restrain, or limit, biases. We have seen how case studies, naturalistic observations, and surveys help us describe behavior. We have also noted that correlational studies assess the association between two factors, showing how well one predicts the other. We have examined the logic underlying experi- ments, which use controls and random assignment to isolate the effects of inde- pendent variables on dependent variables.

Hopefully, you are now prepared to understand what lies ahead and to think critically about psychological mat- ters. Before we plunge in, let’s address some frequently asked questions about psychology.

1-10 How do simplified laboratory conditions help us understand general principles of behavior?

Do you ever wonder whether people’s behavior in a research laboratory will predict their behavior in real life? For example, does detecting the blink of a faint red light in a dark room have any- thing useful to say about flying a plane at night? Or, after viewing a violent, sexu- ally explicit film, does an aroused man’s

other (confounding) variables by equat- ing the groups before any manipulation begins. In this way, an experiment tests the effect of at least one independent variable (what we manipulate) on at least one dependent variable (the out- come we measure).

Let’s pause to check your under- standing using another experiment. Psychologists tested whether landlords’ perceptions of an applicant’s ethnicity would influence the availability of rental housing. The researchers sent identically worded e-mails to 1115 Los Angeles–area landlords (Carpusor & Loges, 2006). They varied the sender’s name to imply differ- ent ethnic groups: “Patrick McDougall,”

“Said Al-Rahman,” and “Tyrell Jackson.” Then they tracked the percentage of positive replies. How many e-mails triggered invitations to view the apart- ment? For McDougall, 89 percent; for Al-Rahman, 66 percent; and for Jackson,

56 percent. * * *

Each of psychology’s research meth- ods has strengths and weaknesses (TABLE 1.2). Experiments show cause- effect relationships, but some experi- ments would not be ethical or practical. (To test the effects of parenting, we’re just not going to take newborns and ran- domly assign them either to their biolog- ical parents or to orphanages.)

• In the rental housing experiment, what was the independent variable? The dependent variable?

ANSWER: The independent variable, which the researchers manipulated, was the set of ethnically distinct names. The dependent variable, which they measured, was the positive response rate.

• Match the term on the left with the description on the right.

• Why, when testing a new drug to control blood pressure, would we learn more about its effectiveness from giving it to half the participants in a group of 1000 than to all 1000 participants?

ANSWER: We learn more about the drug’s effectiveness when we can compare the results of those who took the drug (the experimental group) with the results of those who did not (the control group). If we gave the drug to all 1000 participants, we would have no way of knowing whether the drug is serving as a placebo or is actually medi- cally effective.

1. double-blind procedure

2. random sampling

3. random assignment

a. helps researchers generalize from a small set of survey responses to a larger population

b. helps minimize preexisting differences between experi- mental and control groups

c. controls for the placebo effect; neither researchers nor par- ticipants know who receives the real treatment

ANSWERS: 1. c, 2. a, 3. b

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TABLE 1.2 Comparing Research Methods

Research Method Basic Purpose How Conducted What Is Manipulated Weaknesses

Descriptive To observe and record behavior Do case studies, naturalistic ob- servations, or surveys

Nothing No control of variables; single cases may be misleading.

Correlational To detect naturally occurring rela- tionships; to assess how well one variable predicts another

Collect data on two or more vari- ables; no manipulation

Nothing Does not specify cause-effect.

Experimental To explore cause-effect Manipulate one or more factors; use random variable(s) assign- ment

The independent variable(s) Sometimes not possible for practical or ethical reasons.

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Is our use and consumption of other animals as natural as the behavior of carnivorous hawks, cats, and whales? The answers to such questions vary by culture. In Gallup surveys in Canada and the United States, about 6o percent of adults have said that medical test- ing on animals is “morally acceptable.” In Britain, only 37 percent have (Mason, 2003).

If we give human life first prior- ity, what safeguards should protect the well-being of animals in research? One survey asked animal researchers if they supported government regulations pro- tecting research animals. Ninety-eight percent supported such protection for primates, dogs, and cats. And 74 per- cent backed regulations providing for the humane care of rats and mice (Plous & Herzog, 2000). Many professional associa- tions and funding agencies already have such guidelines. British Psychological Society guidelines call for housing

Humans are more complex. But the same processes by which we learn are present in rats, monkeys, and even sea slugs. The simplicity of the sea slug’s nervous system is precisely what makes it so revealing of the neural mechanisms of learning.

Sharing such similarities, should we respect rather than exper- iment on our animal rela- tives? The animal protec- tion movement protests the use of animals in psy- chological, biological, and medical research.

Out of this heated de- bate, two issues emerge. The basic one is whether it is right to place the well-being of humans above that of other animals. In experiments on stress and cancer, is it right that mice get tumors in the hope that people might not? Should some monkeys be exposed to an HIV-like virus in the search for an AIDS vaccine?

increased willingness to deliver what he thinks are electrical shocks to a woman help us learn whether violent pornogra- phy makes a man more likely to abuse a woman?

Before you answer, consider this. The experimenter intends to simplify reality—to create a mini-environment that imitates and controls important features of everyday life. Just as a wind tunnel lets airplane designers re - create airflow forces under controlled condi- tions, a laboratory experiment lets psy- chologists re - create psychological forces under controlled conditions.

An experiment’s purpose is not to re - create the exact behaviors of everyday life but to test theoretical principles (Mook, 1983). In aggression studies, deciding whether to push a button that delivers a shock may not be the same as slapping someone in the face, but the principle is the same. It is the resulting principles—not the specific findings—that help explain every- day behaviors. Many investigations have shown that principles derived in the laboratory do typically generalize to the everyday world (Anderson et al., 1999).

The point to remember: Psychologists are less interested in particular behav- iors than in the general principles that help explain many behaviors.

1-11 Why do psychologists study animals, and what ethical guidelines safeguard human and animal research participants?

Many psychologists study animals because they find them fascinating. They want to understand how different species learn, think, and behave. Psychologists also study animals to learn about people. We humans are not like animals; we are animals, sharing a common biology. Animal experiments have therefore led to treatments for human diseases— insulin for diabetes, vaccines to prevent polio and rabies, transplants to replace defective organs.

“Rats are very similar to humans except that they are not stupid enough to purchase lottery tickets.”

Dave Barry, July 2, 2002

ANIMAL RESEARCH BENEFITING ANIMALS Thanks partly to research on the benefits of novelty, con- trol, and stimulation, these gorillas have enjoyed an improved quality of life in New York’s Bronx Zoo.

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see can bias our observations and inter- pretations (FIGURE 1.6).

Even the words we use to describe something can reflect our values. Are the sex acts we do not practice perver- sions or sexual variations? Labels describe and labels evaluate. One person’s rigidity is another’s consistency. One person’s faith is another’s fanaticism. One country’s enhanced interrogation techniques, such as cold-water immersion, become tor- ture when practiced by its enemies. Our words—firm or stubborn, careful or picky, discreet or secretive—reveal our attitudes.

Applied psychology also contains hid- den values. If you defer to “professional” guidance—on raising children, achiev- ing self-fulfillment, coping with sexual feelings, getting ahead at work—you are accepting value-laden advice. A science of behavior and mental processes can cer- tainly help us reach our goals, but it can- not decide what those goals should be.

Some have a different concern: They worry that psychology is becoming dan- gerously powerful. Is it an accident that astronomy is the oldest science and psy- chology the youngest? To these ques- tioners, exploring the external universe seems far safer than exploring our own inner universe.

Might psychology, they ask, be used to manipulate people? Knowledge, like all power, can be used for good or evil. Nuclear power has been used to light up cities—and to demolish them. Persuasive

know everything beforehand. (Wanting to be helpful, they might try to confirm the researcher’s predictions.)

The APA ethics code urges research- ers to

• obtain the participants’ informed consent.

• protect them from harm and discomfort.

• keep information about individual participants confidential.

• fully debrief participants (explain the research afterward).

Moreover, most universities now have ethics committees that screen research proposals and safeguard participants’ well-being.

1-12 How do personal values influence psychologists’ research and application? Does psychology aim to manipulate people?

Psychology is definitely not value free. Values affect what we study, how we study it, and how we interpret results. Consider: Researchers’ values influence their choice of topics. Should we study worker productivity or worker morale? Sex discrimination or gender differ- ences? Conformity or independence? Our values can also color “the facts.” As noted earlier, what we want or expect to

animals under reasonably natural liv- ing conditions, with companions for social animals (Lea, 2000). American Psychological Association (APA) guide- lines state that researchers must ensure the “comfort, health, and humane treat- ment” of animals and minimize “infec- tion, illness, and pain” (APA, 2002). The European Parliament has set standards for animal care and housing (Vogel, 2010).

Animals have themselves benefited from animal research. One Ohio team of research psychologists measured stress hormone levels in samples of millions of dogs brought each year to animal shel- ters. They devised handling and strok- ing methods to reduce stress and ease the dogs’ move to adoptive homes (Tuber et al., 1999). Other studies have helped improve care and management in ani- mals’ natural habitats. Experiments have revealed our behavioral kinship with animals and the remarkable intel- ligence of chimpanzees, gorillas, and other animals. Experiments have also led to increased empathy and protection for other species. At its best, a psychol- ogy concerned for humans and sensitive to animals serves the welfare of both.

What about human participants? Does the image of white-coated scien- tists delivering electric shocks trouble you? If so, you’ll be relieved to know that most psychological studies are free of such stress. With people, blink- ing lights, flashing words, and pleasant social interactions are more common. Moreover, psychology’s experiments are mild compared with the stress and humiliation often inflicted by reality TV shows. In one episode of The Bachelor, a man dumped his new fiancée—on cam- era, at the producers’ request—for the woman who earlier had finished second (Collins, 2009).

Occasionally, though, researchers do temporarily stress or deceive people. This happens only when they believe it is unavoidable. Some experiments, such as those about understanding and controlling violent behavior or studying mood swings, won’t work if participants

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FIGURE 1.6 What do you see in the image on the right? Our expectations influence what we perceive. Did you see a duck or a rabbit? Show some friends this image with the rabbit on the left covered up and see if they are more likely to perceive a duck instead. (Shepard, 1990.)

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To study a chapter, first survey, taking a bird’s-eye view. Scan the headings, and notice how the chapter is organized.

Before you read each main section, try to answer its numbered Learning Objective Question (for this section: “How can psychological principles help you learn and remember?”). By testing your understanding before you read the sec- tion, you will discover what you don’t yet know.

Then read, actively searching for the answer to the question. At each sitting, read only as much of the chapter (usu- ally a single main section) as you can absorb without tiring. Read actively and think critically. Ask your own questions. Take notes. Relate the ideas to your

ers call this the testing effect (Roediger & Karpicke, 2006). (This is also known as the retrieval practice effect or as test-enhanced learning.) In one study, students learned 40 Swahili words. Those who had been tested repeatedly later recalled the words’ meaning much better than others who had spent the same time restudy- ing the 40 words (Karpicke & Roediger, 2008). Researchers have found that “trying and failing to retrieve the answer is actually helpful to learning” (Roediger & Finn, 2010).

I have designed this book to help you benefit from the testing effect and other memory research findings. As you will see in Chapter 7, to master information you must actively process it. Your mind is not like your stomach, something to be filled passively. Your mind is more like a muscle that grows stronger with exer- cise. Research shows that people learn and remember best when they put mate- rial in their own words, rehearse it, and then retrieve and review it again.

The SQ3R study method converts these principles into practice (McDaniel et al., 2009; Robinson, 1970). SQ3R is an acro- nym—an abbreviation formed from the first letter of each of its five steps: Survey, Question, Read, Retrieve,6 Review. 6 Also sometimes called “Recite.”

power has been used to educate people—and to deceive them. Although psychology does indeed have the power to deceive, its purpose is to enlighten. Every day, psychologists are exploring ways to enhance learning, creativity, and compassion. Psychology speaks to many of our world’s great problems— war, climate change, prejudice, family crises, crime—all of which involve atti- tudes and behaviors. Psychology also speaks to our deepest longings—for nourishment, for love, for happiness. And, as you have seen, one of the new developments in this field—positive psy- chology—has as its goal exploring and promoting human strengths. Many of life’s questions are beyond psychology, but even a first psychology course can shine a bright light on some very impor- tant ones.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• How are human research participants pro- tected?

ANSWER: Researchers using human participants should obtain informed consent, protect them from harm and discomfort, treat personal information confidentially, and fully debrief them after their participation. Ethi- cal principles have been developed by international psychological organizations, and most universities also have ethics committees that safeguard participants’ well-being.

Improve Your Retention—and Your Grades

1-13 How can psychological principles help you learn and remember?

Most students assume that the way to cement new learning is to reread. Do you? If so, you may be surprised to hear that repeated self-testing and rehearsal of previously studied mate- rial helps even more. Memory research-

informed consent giving people enough infor- mation about a study to enable them to decide whether they wish to participate.

debriefing after an experiment ends, explain- ing to participants the study’s purpose and any deceptions researchers used.

testing effect enhanced memory after retriev- ing, rather than simply rereading, information. Also sometimes called the retrieval practice ef- fect or test-enhanced learning.

SQ3R a study method incorporating five steps: Survey, Question, Read, Retrieve, Review.

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between what you read and what you already know. Tell someone else about it. (As any teacher will confirm, to teach is to remember.)

Overlearn. Psychology tells us that we tend to be overconfident—we over- estimate how much we know. You may understand a chapter as you read it, but that feeling of familiarity can trick you. Overlearning helps you retain new information. By using the Retrieve + Remember opportunities, you’ll devote extra study time to test- ing your knowledge.

Memory experts Elizabeth Bjork and Robert Bjork (2011, p. 63) offer the bottom line for how to improve your retention and your grades:

Spend less time on the input side and more time on the output side, such as summarizing what you have read from memory or getting together with friends and asking each other ques- tions. Any activities that involve test- ing yourself—that is, activities that require you to retrieve or generate information, rather than just repre- senting information to yourself—will make your learning both more durable and flexible.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• The describes the im- proved memory that results from repeated retrieval (as in self-testing) rather than from simple rereading of new information.

ANSWER: testing effect

• What does SQ3R mean?

ANSWER: SQ3R is an acronym—an abbreviation formed by the first letters in five words: Survey, Ques- tion, Read, Retrieve, and Review.

Everyday Life questions help make the chapter’s concepts more meaningful, and therefore more memorable.

Four additional study tips may fur- ther boost your learning:

Distribute your study time. One of psychology’s oldest findings is that if you want to retain information, spaced practice is better than massed practice. So space your practice time over several study periods—perhaps one hour a day, six days a week—rather than cram- ming it into one long study blitz. You’ll remember material better if you read just one main section (not the whole chapter) in a single sitting. Then turn to something else.

Spacing your study sessions requires discipline and knowing how to manage your time. (Richard O. Straub explains time management in a helpful preface at the beginning of this text.)

Learn to think critically. Whether you are reading or listening to class discus- sions, think smart. Try to spot people’s assumptions and values. Can you detect a bias underlying an argument? Weigh the evidence. Is it a personal story that might not represent the whole group? Or is it scientific evidence based on sound experiments? Assess conclusions. Are other explanations possible?

Process class information actively. Listen for a lecture’s main ideas and sub-ideas. Write them down. Ask ques- tions during and after class. In class, as in your own study, process the informa- tion actively and you will understand and retain it better. How can you make the information your own? Take notes in your own words. Make connections

personal experiences and to your own life. Does the idea support or challenge your assumptions? How convincing is the evidence?

Having read a section, retrieve its main ideas. Test yourself—even bet- ter, test yourself repeatedly. To get you started, I offer periodic Retrieve + Remember questions throughout each chapter (see, for example, the two at the end of this section). After trying to answer these questions, check the answers (printed upside-down beneath the questions), and reread the material as needed. Testing yourself will make you aware of what you don’t know. And it will help you learn and retain the information more effectively.

Finally, review: Read over any notes you have taken, again with an eye on the chapter’s organization, and quickly review the whole chapter. Write or say what a concept is before rereading the material to check your understanding.

Survey, question, read, retrieve, review. I have organized this book’s chapters to help you use the SQ3R study system. Each chapter begins with an outline that aids your survey. Headings and Learning Objective Questions suggest issues and concepts you should consider as you read the section. The length of the sec- tions is controlled so you can easily read them. The Retrieve + Remember questions will challenge you to retrieve what you have learned, and thus bet- ter remember it. The end-of-chapter Review includes the collected Learning Objective Questions and key terms for self-testing. A complete Chapter Test focuses on key concepts, and In Your

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Psychology’s Roots, Big Ideas, and Critical Thinking Tools

Test yourself by taking a moment to answer each of these Learning Objective Questions (repeated here from within the chapter). Then turn to Appendix D, Complete Chapter Reviews, to check your answers. Research suggests that trying to answer these questions on your own will improve your long-term memory of the concepts (McDaniel et al., 2009).

Psychology’s Roots 1-1: How has psychology’s focus changed over time?

1-2: What are psychology’s current perspectives, and what are some of its subfields?

Four Big Ideas in Psychology 1-3: What four big ideas run throughout this book?

Why Do Psychology? 1-4: How does our everyday thinking sometimes lead us to the

wrong conclusion?

1-5: What are the three key elements of the scientific attitude, and how do they support scientific inquiry?

How Do Psychologists Ask and Answer Questions? 1-6: How do psychological theories guide scientific research?

1-7: How do psychologists use case studies, naturalistic observa- tions, and surveys to observe and describe behavior, and why is random sampling important?

1-8: What are positive and negative correlations, and how can they lead to prediction but not cause-effect explanation?

1-9: How do experiments clarify or reveal cause-effect relationships?

Frequently Asked Questions About Psychology 1-10: How do simplified laboratory conditions help us understand

general principles of behavior?

1-11: Why do psychologists study animals, and what ethical guide- lines safeguard human and animal research participants?

1-12: How do personal values influence psychologists’ research and application? Does psychology aim to manipulate people?

Improve Your Retention—and Your Grades 1-13: How can psychological principles help you learn and

remember?

CHAPTER REVIEW

Test yourself on these terms by trying to write down the definition in your own words before flipping back to the referenced page to check your answer.

behaviorism, p. 3

humanistic psychology, p. 3

cognitive neuroscience, p. 3

psychology, p. 3

critical thinking, p. 6

biopsychosocial approach, p. 6

culture, p. 7

nature–nurture issue, p. 7

dual processing, p. 8

positive psychology, p. 8

hindsight bias, p. 9

theory, p. 12

hypothesis, p. 12

operational definition, p. 13

replication, p. 13

case study, p. 14

naturalistic observation, p. 14

survey, p. 15

population, p. 15

random sample, p. 15

correlation, p. 16

scatterplot, p. 16

experiment, p. 17

random assignment, p. 18

experimental group, p. 18

control group, p. 18

placebo [pluh-SEE-bo], p. 18

double - blind procedure, p. 18

placebo effect, p. 18

independent variable, p. 19

confounding variable, p. 19

dependent variable, p. 19

informed consent, p. 22

debriefing, p. 22

testing effect, p. 23

SQ3R, p. 23

TERMS AND CONCEPTS TO REMEMBER

CHAPTER 1 Psychology’s Roots, Big Ideas, and Critical Thinking Tools 25

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Test yourself repeatedly throughout your studies. This will not only help you figure out what you know and don’t know; the testing itself will help you learn and remember the information more effectively thanks to the testing effect.

1. In 1879, in psychology’s first experiment, and his students measured the time lag between hearing a ball hit a platform and pressing a key.

2. In the early twentieth century, redefined psychology as “the science of observable behavior.”

a. John B. Watson

b. Abraham Maslow

c. William James

d. Sigmund Freud

3. A psychologist treating emotionally troubled adolescents at a local mental health agency is most likely to be a(n)

a. research psychologist.

b. psychiatrist.

c. industrial-organizational psychologist.

d. clinical psychologist.

4. A mental health professional with a medical degree who can prescribe medication is a .

5. A psychologist doing research from the perspective might be interested in how our blood chemis- try affects our moods and motives.

a. psychodynamic

b. behavioral

c. neuroscience

d. social-cultural

6. How can critical thinking help you evaluate claims in the media, even if you’re not a scientific expert on the issue?

7. Nature is to nurture as

a. personality is to intelligence.

b. biology is to experience.

c. intelligence is to biology.

d. psychological traits are to behaviors.

8. “Nurture works on what nature endows.” Describe what this means, using your own words.

9. is the principle that our mind processes information on two tracks simultane- ously—one with our full awareness and the other outside of our awareness.

10. Positive psychology uses scientific methods to explore positive , positive , and positive .

11. refers to our tendency to perceive events as obvious or inevitable after the fact.

12. As scientists, psychologists

a. approach research with a negative cynicism.

b. assume that an article published in a leading scientific journal must be true.

c. believe that every important human question can be studied scientifically.

d. put competing ideas to the test and collect evidence.

13. Theory-based predictions are called .

14. Which of the following is NOT one of the DESCRIPTIVE methods psychologists use to study behavior?

a. A case study

b. Naturalistic observation

c. Correlational research

d. A phone survey

15. You wish to survey a group of people who truly represent the country’s adult population. Therefore, you need to ensure that you question a sample of the population.

16. A study finds that the more childbirth training classes women attend, the less pain medication they require during childbirth. This finding can be stated as a (positive/negative) correlation.

17. Knowing that two events are correlated provides

a. a basis for prediction.

b. an explanation of why the events are related.

c. proof that as one increases, the other also increases.

d. an indication that an underlying third factor is at work.

18. Here are some recently reported correlations, with inter- pretations drawn by journalists. Knowing just these corre- lations, can you come up with other possible explanations for each of these?

a. Alcohol use is associated with violence. (One interpreta- tion: Drinking causes, or triggers, aggressive behavior.)

b. Educated people live longer, on average, than less- educated people. (One interpretation: Education length- ens life and improves health.)

c. Teens engaged in team sports are less likely to use drugs, smoke, have sex, carry weapons, and eat junk food than are teens who do not engage in team sports. (One interpretation: Team sports encourage healthy living.)

d. Adolescents who frequently see smoking in movies are more likely to smoke. (One interpretation: Movie stars’ behavior influences teens.)

CHAPTER TEST

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19. To explain behaviors and clarify cause and effect, psychol- ogists use .

20. To test the effect of a new drug on depression, research- ers randomly assign people to control and experimental groups. People in the control group take a pill that contains no medication. This is a .

21. In a double-blind procedure,

a. only the participants know whether they are in the con- trol group or the experimental group.

b. experimental and control group members will be care- fully matched for age, sex, income, and education level.

c. neither the participants nor the researchers know who is in the experimental group or control group.

d. someone separate from the researcher will ask people to volunteer for the experimental group or the control group.

22. A researcher wants to know whether noise level affects workers’ blood pressure. In one group, she varies the level of noise in the environment and records participants’ blood pressure. In this experiment, the level of noise is the .

23. The laboratory environment is designed to

a. exactly re-create the events of everyday life.

b. re-create psychological forces under controlled conditions.

c. provide a safe place.

d. reduce the number of animals and humans used in psy- chological research.

24. In defending their experimental research with animals, psychologists have noted that

a. animals’ biology and behavior can tell us much about our own.

b. advancing the well-being of humans justifies using ani- mals in research.

c. animal experiments sometimes help animals as well as humans.

d. all of these statements are correct.

Find answers to these questions in Appendix E, in the back of the book.

IN YOUR EVERYDAY LIFE

Answering these questions will help you make these concepts more per- sonally meaningful, and therefore more memorable.

1. How would you have defined psychology before taking this class?

2. Imagine that someone claims she can interpret your dreams or can speak to the dead. How could critical thinking help you check her claims?

3. Which of the four big ideas is most interesting to you? What was it that attracted your attention to that idea?

4. What about psychology has surprised you the most so far?

5. If you could conduct a study on any psychological question, which would you choose? How would you do it?

6. What other questions or concerns do you have about psychology?

Multiple-format self-tests and more may be found at www.worthpublishers.com/myers.

experience more of the

testing effect

CHAPTER 1 Psychology’s Roots, Big Ideas, and Critical Thinking Tools 27

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Hours of sleep

Awake

REM

NREM-1

NREM-2

NREM-3

(a) Young Adults

(b) Older Adults

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Hours of sleep

Awake

REM

NREM-1

NREM-2

NREM-3

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

REM increases as night progresses

C H A

P T E R

O

VE RVIEW

Biology and Behavior

Neural Communication A Neuron’s Structure

How Neurons Communicate

How Neurotransmitters Influence Us

The Nervous System The Peripheral Nervous System

The Central Nervous System

The Endocrine System

The Brain CLOSE-UP: Tools of Discovery— Having Our Head Examined

Older Brain Structures

The Cerebral Cortex

Our Divided Brain

Brain States and Consciousness Selective Attention

Sleep and Dreams

29

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29

2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness I

n 2000, a Virginia teacher started collecting sex magazines and visit- ing child pornography websites. When he began making subtle ad- vances on his young stepdaughter, his wife called the police. He was arrested and later convicted of child molestation. Though put into

a sexual addiction rehabilitation program, he still felt overwhelmed by his sexual urges. The day before being sentenced to prison, he went to his local emergency room complaining of a headache and thoughts of suicide. He was also upset about his uncontrollable impulses, which led him to proposition nurses.

A brain scan located the problem—in his mind’s biology. Behind his right tem- ple was an egg-sized brain tumor. After surgeons removed the tumor, his lewd impulses faded and he returned home to his wife and stepdaughter. Alas, a year later the tumor partially grew back, and with it the sexual urges. A second tumor removal again lessened the urges (Burns & Swerdlow, 2003).

This case illustrates what you likely believe: that you reside in your head. If surgeons transplanted all your organs below your neck, and even your skin and

limbs, you would (Yes?) still be you. Someone I know received a new

heart from a woman who, in a rare operation, needed

a matched heart-lung transplant. When the two chanced to meet in their hospital ward, she introduced herself: “I think

you have my heart.” But only her heart. She, like most of us, was assuming that her mind—her very self—dwells inside her skull, a creation of her brain.

29

Hours of sleep

Awake

REM

NREM-1

NREM-2

NREM-3

(a) Young Adults

(b) Older Adults

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Hours of sleep

Awake

REM

NREM-1

NREM-2

NREM-3

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

REM increases as night progresses

Hypothalamus

Pituitary gland

Amygdala Hippocampus

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Neural Communication

The human body is complexity built from simpler components. Part of this complexity is our amazing internal communication system. Around the world, researchers are unlocking the mysteries of how our brain uses electrical and chemi- cal processes to take in, organize, inter- pret, store, and use information. The story begins with the nervous system’s basic building block, the neuron, or nerve cell. We’ll look first at its structure, and then at how neurons work together.

A Neuron’s Structure 2-2 What are the parts of a neuron?

Neurons differ, but each consists of a cell body and its branching fibers (FIGURE 2.1). The neuron’s bushy dendrite fibers receive messages and con- duct them toward the cell body. From there, the cell’s axon fiber sends out messages to other neurons or to muscles or glands. Dendrites listen.

Axons speak. The messages that neu-

rons carry are nerve impulses called action potentials. These electrical signals travel down axons at different speeds. Messages travel faster along axons that are covered in a layer of fatty tissue called a myelin sheath. Supporting our billions of nerve cells are nine times as many spidery glial cells (“glue cells”). Neurons are like queen bees; on their own they cannot feed or sheathe themselves. Glial cells

Biology and Behavior

2-1 Why are psychologists concerned with human biology?

No principle is more central to today’s psychology, or to this book,

than this: Everything psychological—every idea, every mood, every urge—is biological. We may talk separately of biological influ- ences and psychological influences, but they are two sides of the same coin. To think, feel, or act without a body would be like running without legs. Without our bodies, we would be nobodies.

Biological psychologists study the links between our biology and our behav- ior. These links are a key part of the bio- psychosocial approach, which is one of the Four Big Ideas that appear through- out this text. In later chapters, we’ll look at some of the ways our thinking and emotions can influence our brain and our health. In this chapter, our exploration of the biology of the mind starts small and builds from nerve cells to the brain. We’ll also see how our brain states form the waking and sleeping mind.

are worker bees. They provide nutri- ents and insulating myelin. They guide neural connections and clean up after neurons send messages to one another. Glia may also play a role in information transmission, think- ing, learning, and memory (Fields, 2009; Miller, 2005).

Researchers have tracked some action potentials trudging along at a sluggish 2 miles per hour, and oth- ers racing along at 200 or more miles per hour. Can you guess which reacts faster, a human brain or a high-speed computer? The computer wins every time. Even our brain’s top speed is 3 million times slower than electricity zipping through a wire. Thus, unlike the nearly instant reactions of a com- puter, your “quick” reaction to a sudden event, such as a child darting in front of your car, may take a quarter - second or more. Your brain is vastly more com-

plex than a computer, but slower at executing simple responses. And your reflexes would be slower yet if you were an elephant. The round-trip time for a message that begins with a yank on an

elephant’s tail and then travels to its brain and back to the tail is 100 times longer than in the body of a tiny shrew (More, 2010).

Neurons interweave so tightly that even with a microscope you would have trouble seeing where one ends and another begins. But end they do, at meeting places called synapses. At these points, two neurons are separated by a tiny gap less than a millionth of an inch wide. “Like elegant ladies air - kissing so as not to muss their makeup, dendrites and axons don’t quite touch,” noted poet Diane Ackerman (2004). How then does a neuron send information across the tiny synaptic gap? The answer is one of the important scientific discov- eries of our age.

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“You’re certainly a lot less fun since the operation.”

“All information processing in the brain involves neurons ‘talking to’ each other at synapses.”

Neuroscientist Solomon H. Snyder, 1984

30 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What is the branch of psychology that studies the links between behavior and biology?

ANSWER: biological psychology

• When a neuron fires an action potential, the information travels through the axon, the dendrites, and the cell body, but not in that order. Place these three structures in the correct order.

ANSWER: dendrites, axon, cell body

How Neurons Communicate 2-3 How do neurons communicate?

Each neuron is itself a miniature decision- making device, reacting to sig- nals it receives from hundreds, even thousands, of other neurons. Most of these signals are excitatory, somewhat like pushing a neuron’s gas pedal. Others are inhibitory, more like pushing its brake.

If the excitatory signals exceed the inhibitory signals by a minimum inten-

sity, or threshold, the combined signals trigger an action potential. (Think of it this way: If the excitatory party animals outvote the inhibitory party poopers, the party’s on.) The neuron then fires, sending an impulse down its axon, car- rying information to another cell.

A neuron’s firing doesn’t vary in intensity. The neuron’s reaction is an all- or - none response. Like guns, neurons either fire or they don’t. How, then, do we distinguish a big hug from a gentle touch? A strong stimulus (the hug) can trigger more neurons to fire, and to fire more often. But it does not affect the action potential’s strength or speed. Squeezing a trigger harder won’t make a bullet bigger or faster.

When the action potential reaches the axon’s end, your body performs an amazing trick. Your neural system con- verts an electrical impulse into a chemical message. At the synapse, the impulse triggers the release of neurotransmitter molecules, chemical messengers that can cross the synaptic gap (FIGURE 2.2, on the next page). Within one 10,000th of a second, these molecules bind to receptor

sites on the receiving neuron, as neatly as keys fitting into locks. They act as excitatory or inhibitory signals, and the process begins again in this new cell. In a final step, called reuptake, the sending neuron absorbs any leftover neurotrans- mitters in the synapse.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• How does our nervous system allow us to experience the difference between a slap and a tap on the back?

ANSWER: Stronger stimuli (the slap) cause more neu- rons to fire and to fire more frequently than happens with weaker stimuli (the tap).

• What happens in the synaptic gap?

ANSWER: Neurons send neurotransmitters (chemical messengers) across this tiny space between one neu- ron’s terminal branch and the next neuron’s dendrite or cell body.

Dendrites (receive messages from other cells)

Cell body (the cell’s life- support center)

Axon (passes messages away

from the cell body to other neurons,

muscles, or glands)

Myelin sheath (covers the axon of some neurons and helps speed neural impulses)

Neural impulse (action potential) (electrical signal traveling down the axon)

Terminal branches of axon (form junctions with other cells)

FIGURE 2.1 A motor neuron

biological psychology a branch of psychology concerned with the links between biology and behavior.

neuron a nerve cell; the basic building block of the nervous system.

dendrites neuron extensions that receive mes- sages and conduct them toward the cell body.

axon neuron extension that sends messages to other neurons or cells.

action potential a nerve impulse.

glial cells (glia) cells in the nervous system that support, nourish, and protect neurons; they may also play a role in learning, thinking, and memory.

synapse [SIN-aps] junction between the axon tip of a sending neuron and the dendrite or cell body of a receiving neuron.

threshold level of stimulation required to trig- ger a neural impulse.

all-or-none response a neuron’s reaction of either firing (with a full-strength response) or not firing.

neurotransmitters neuron-produced chemi- cals that cross synapses to carry messages to other neurons or cells.

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 31

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cise trigger the release of several types of neurotransmitter molecules similar to morphine. These endorphins (short for endogenous [produced within] morphine), as we now call them, help explain why we sometimes seem unaware of pain following extreme injuries. They also explain good feelings, such as the “run- ner’s high” and the painkilling effects of acupuncture.

If our natural endorphins lessen pain and boost mood, why not achieve these ends by flooding the brain with artifi- cial opiates? One problem is that when flooded with artificial opiates, such as heroin and morphine, the brain may shut down its own “feel-good” chem- istry. If the drugs are then withdrawn, the brain will be deprived of any form of relief. Nature charges a price for sup- pressing the body’s own neurotransmit- ter production.

rotransmitter discovery emerged when researchers attached a radioactive tracer1 to morphine, an opiate drug that elevates mood and eases pain (Pert & Snyder, 1973). They noticed that the mor- phine was binding to receptors in brain areas linked with mood and pain sensa- tions. Why would these natural “opiate receptors” exist in the brain? Why would the brain have these chemical locks, unless our body produced some natural key to open them? Could the brain have its own built-in painkillers?

Further work revealed the answer. The brain does indeed produce its own natural opiates. Pain and vigorous exer-

1 A radioactive tracer sends out harmless but detectable energy as it passes through the body. This allows researchers to track its every movement.

How Neurotransmitters Influence Us 2-4 How do neurotransmitters affect our mood and behavior?

Dozens of different neurotransmitters have their own pathways in the brain. As they travel along these paths, they carry specific but different messages that influence our behavior and emotions. Serotonin levels, for example, can make us more or less moody, hungry, sleepy, or aroused. Dopamine levels influence our movement, learning, attention, and emo- tions. TABLE 2.1 outlines the effects of these and other neurotransmitters.

In Chapter 1, I promised to show you how psychologists play their game. Here’s an example. An exciting neu-

Receiving neuron

Sending neuron

1. Electrical impulses (action potentials) travel down a neuron’s axon until reaching a tiny junction known as a synapse.

3. The sending neuron normally reabsorbs excess neurotransmitter molecules, a process called reuptake.

Sending neuron

Action potential

Axon terminal

NeurotransmitterReceptor sites on receiving neuron

Synaptic gap

Action potential

Reuptake

2. When an action potential reaches an axon’s end (terminal), it stimulates the release of neurotransmitter molecules. These molecules cross the synaptic gap and bind to receptor sites on the receiving neuron. This allows electrically charged atoms to enter the receiving neuron and excite or inhibit a new action potential.

Synapse

FIGURE 2.2 How neurons communicate

32 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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Information travels in your nervous system through three types of neurons.

• Sensory neurons carry messages from your body’s tissues and sensory receptors inward to your spinal cord and brain for processing.

• Motor neurons carry instructions from your central nervous system out to your body’s muscles and glands.

• Interneurons within your brain and spinal cord communicate with one another and process information between the sensory input and motor output.

Your complexity resides mostly in your interneuron systems. Your nervous sys- tem has a few million sensory neurons, a few million motor neurons, and billions and billions of interneurons.

The Nervous System

2-5 What are the two major divisions of the nervous system, and what are their basic functions?

To live is to take in information from the world and the body’s tissues, to

make decisions, and to send back infor- mation and orders to the body’s tissues. All this happens thanks to your body’s nervous system (FIGURE 2.3, on the next page). Your brain and spinal cord form the central nervous system (CNS), your body’s decision maker. Your peripheral nervous system (PNS) gathers informa- tion from other body parts and transmits CNS decisions to the rest of your body.

Nerves are electrical cables formed of bundles of axons. They link your cen- tral nervous system with your body’s sensory receptors, muscles, and glands. Your optic nerve, for example, bundles a million axons into a single cable carry- ing the messages each eye sends to your brain (Mason & Kandel, 1991).

The biology-of-mind story is woven throughout this book. You will hear more about neurotransmitters in later chapters.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• The endorphins, serotonin, and dopa- mine are all chemical messengers called .

ANSWER: neurotransmitters

TABLE 2.1 Some Neurotransmitters and Their Functions

Neurotransmitter Function Examples of Imbalances

Serotonin Affects mood, hunger, sleep, and arousal.

Undersupply linked to depression. Some drugs that raise serotonin levels are used to treat depression.

Dopamine Influences movement, learn- ing, attention, and emotion.

Oversupply linked to schizophrenia. Under- supply linked to tremors and loss of motor control in Parkinson’s disease.

Acetylcholine (ACh) Enables muscle action, learn- ing, and memory

With Alzheimer’s disease, ACh-producing neu- rons break down.

Norepinephrine Helps control alertness and arousal.

Undersupply can depress mood.

GABA (gamma - aminobutyric acid)

A major inhibitory neuro- transmitter.

Undersupply linked to seizures, tremors, and insomnia.

Glutamate A major excitatory neuro- transmitter; involved in memory.

Oversupply can overstimulate brain, produc- ing migraines or seizures (which is why some people avoid MSG, monosodium glutamate, in food).

Endorphins Neurotransmitters that influence the perception of pain and pleasure.

Oversupply with opiate drugs can suppress the body’s natural endorphin supply.

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opiate chemical, such as opium, morphine, or heroin, that depresses neural activity, temporar- ily lessening pain and anxiety.

endorphins [en-DOR-fins] “morphine within”—natural, opiate-like neurotransmitters linked to pain control and to pleasure.

nervous system the body’s speedy, electro- chemical communication network, consisting of all the nerve cells of the central and peripheral nervous systems.

central nervous system (CNS) the brain and spinal cord.

peripheral nervous system (PNS) the sen- sory and motor neurons connecting the central nervous system to the rest of the body.

nerves bundled axons that form neural cables connecting the central nervous system with muscles, glands, and sense organs.

sensory neuron neuron that carries incoming information from the sensory receptors to the central nervous system.

motor neuron neuron that carries outgoing information from the central nervous system to the muscles and glands.

interneuron neurons within the brain and spinal cord; communicate internally and process information between sensory inputs and motor outputs.

SEROTONIN PATHWAYS

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 33

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system will calm you. It will conserve your energy as it decreases your heart- beat, lowers your blood sugar, and so on.

In everyday situations, the sympa- thetic and parasympathetic divisions work together to steady our internal state. I recently experienced my ANS in action. Before sending me into an MRI (magnetic resonance imaging) machine for a routine shoulder scan, the techni- cian asked if I had claustrophobia issues (panic feelings when confined). “No, I’m fine,” I assured her, with perhaps a hint of macho swagger. Moments later, as I found myself on my back, stuck deep inside a coffin-sized box and unable to move, my sympathetic nervous sys- tem had a different idea. As claustro- phobia overtook me, my heart began pounding and I felt a desperate urge to escape. Just as I was about to cry out for release, I suddenly felt my calming para- sympathetic nervous system kick in. My heart rate slowed, and my body relaxed, though my arousal surged again before the 20-minute confinement ended. “You did well!” the technician said, unaware of my ANS roller-coaster ride.

vous system’s brain and spinal cord. It is the brain that enables our human-

ity—our thinking, feeling, and acting. According to one estimate based on human tissue samples, an adult male

heartbeat, blood pressure, and blood- sugar level. It will also slow your diges- tion and cool you with perspiration. When the stress dies down (the speech is over), your parasympathetic nervous

The Central Nervous System From neurons “talking” to other neurons arises the complexity of the central ner-

The Peripheral Nervous System The peripheral nervous system has two parts—somatic and autonomic. Your so- matic nervous system monitors sensory input and triggers motor output, con- trolling your skeletal muscles (which is why it is also called the skeletal ner- vous system). As you reach the end of this page, your somatic nervous system will report the information to your brain and trigger your hand to turn the page. Your autonomic nervous system (ANS) controls your glands and the muscles of your internal organs, including those of your heart and digestive system. Like an automatic pilot, this system may be con- sciously overridden, but usually it oper- ates on its own (autonomously).

The two subdivisions of your auto- nomic nervous system help you cope with challenges (FIGURE 2.4). If some- thing alarms or challenges you (perhaps giving a speech or presentation), your sympathetic nervous system will arouse you, making you more alert, energetic, and ready for action. It will increase your

• Match the type of neuron to its description.

Type Description

• What bodily changes does your ANS (autonomic nervous system) direct before and after you give an important speech?

ANSWER: Responding to this challenge, your ANS’ sympathetic division will arouse you. It increases your heartbeat, raises your blood pressure and blood sugar, slows your digestion, and cools you with perspiration. After you give the speech, your ANS’ parasympathetic division will reverse these effects.

1. Motor neurons

2. Sensory neurons

3. Interneurons

a. carry incoming messages from sensory receptors to the CNS.

b. communicate within the CNS and between incoming and outgoing messages.

c. carry outgoing messages from the CNS to muscles and glands.

ANSWERS: 1. c, 2. a, 3. b

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

Autonomic (controls self-regulated action

of internal organs and glands)

Sensory input

Motor output controls skeletal

muscles

Peripheral Central (brain and

spinal cord)

Nervous system

Peripheral nervous system Central nervous system

Sympathetic (arousing)

Parasympathetic (calming)

Somatic

FIGURE 2.3 The functional divisions of the human nervous system

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The other part of the central nervous system, the spinal cord, is a two-way highway connecting the brain and the peripheral nervous system. Some nerve fibers carry incoming information from your senses to your brain, while oth- ers carry outgoing motor-control infor- mation to your body parts. The neural pathways governing our reflexes, our automatic responses to stimuli, illus- trate the spinal cord’s work. A simple

The brain’s neurons cluster into work groups called neural networks, much as people cluster into cities rather than spreading themselves evenly across the nation (Kosslyn & Koenig, 1992). Neurons form networks with close neighbors by means of short, fast connections. Learning—to play a guitar, speak a foreign language, solve a math problem—occurs as expe- rience strengthens those connections. Neurons that fire together wire together.

brain has about 86 billion neurons, give or take 8 billion (Azevedo et al., 2009). A grain-of-sand-sized speck of your brain contains some 100,000 neurons and one billion “talking” synapses—places where neurons meet and greet their neighbors (Ramachandran & Blakeslee, 1998). Operating this heart-of-your-smarts computing sys- tem takes energy. Your brain accounts for only about 2 percent of your body weight but uses 20 percent of your energy.

FIGURE 2.4 The autonomic nervous system arouses and calms Its sympathetic subdivi- sion arouses and expends energy. Its parasympathetic subdivision calms and conserves energy, al- lowing routine maintenance activity. For example, sympathetic stimulation speeds up heartbeat, and parasympathetic stimulation slows it.

SYMPATHETIC NERVOUS SYSTEM

(arousing)

PARASYMPATHETIC NERVOUS SYSTEM

(calming) Brain

Dilates pupils

Contracts pupils

Slows heartbeat

Spinal cord

Stimulates digestion

Stimulates gallbladder

Contracts bladder

Allows blood �ow to sex organs

Heart Accelerates heartbeat

Stomach Inhibits digestion

Pancreas

Liver

Adrenal gland

Kidney

Relaxes bladder

Stimulates ejaculation in male

Stimulates secretion of epinephrine, norepinephrine

Stimulates glucose release by liver

Stephen Colbert: “How does the brain work? Five words or less.” Steven Pinker: “Brain cells fire in patterns.” The Colbert Report, February 8, 2007

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“The body is made up of millions and millions of crumbs.”

somatic nervous system peripheral nervous system division controlling the body’s skeletal muscles. Also called the skeletal nervous system.

autonomic [aw-tuh-NAHM-ik] nervous sys- tem (ANS) peripheral nervous system division controlling the glands and the muscles of the internal organs (such as the heart). Its sympa- thetic subdivision arouses; its parasympathetic subdivision calms.

sympathetic nervous system autonomic ner- vous system subdivision that arouses the body, mobilizing its energy in stressful situations.

parasympathetic nervous system auto- nomic nervous system subdivision that calms the body, conserving its energy.

reflex a simple, automatic response to a sen- sory stimulus, such as the knee-jerk response.

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 35

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awareness of what set them off. When this happens, we need a little time to simmer down.

The endocrine system’s hormones in- fluence many aspects of our lives: growth, reproduction, metabolism, mood. They work with our nervous system to keep everything in balance as we respond to stress, hard work, and our own thoughts. Consider what happens behind the scenes when you hear bur- glar-like noises outside your window. Your ANS may order your adrenal glands to release epinephrine and norepinephrine (also called adrenaline and noradrena- line). In response, your heart rate, blood pressure, and blood sugar will rise, giv- ing you a surge of energy known as the fight-or-flight response. When the “bur- glar” turns out to be a playful friend, the hormones—and your alert, aroused feel- ings—will linger a while.

The endocrine glands’ control center is the pituitary gland. This pea - sized struc-

Some hormones are chemically iden- tical to neurotransmitters. The endo- crine system and nervous system are therefore close relatives. Both produce molecules that act on receptors else- where. Like many relatives, they also differ. The speedy nervous system zips messages from eyes to brain to hand in a fraction of a second. Endocrine mes- sages trudge along in the bloodstream, taking several seconds or more to travel from the gland to the target tissue. The nervous system delivers information to specific receptor sites with text-message speed. The endocrine system is more like sending a letter through the mail.

But slow and steady sometimes wins the race. The effects of endocrine mes- sages tend to outlast those of neural messages. Have you ever felt angry, for no apparent reason? You may have expe- rienced an “endocrine hangover” from lingering emotion-related hormones. Angry feelings can hang on, beyond our

spinal reflex pathway is composed of a single sensory neuron and a single motor neuron. These often communi- cate through an interneuron. The knee- jerk response, for example, involves one such simple pathway. A headless warm body could do it.

What happens when people suf- fer damage to the top of their spinal cord? Their brain is truly out of touch with their body. They lose all sensa- tion and voluntary movement in body regions that connect to the spinal cord below its injury. Given a doctor’s knee- reflex test, their foot would respond with a jerk, but they would not feel the doctor’s tap. Men paralyzed below the waist may be capable of an erection (a simple reflex) if their genitals are stim- ulated (Goldstein, 2000). Women similarly paralyzed may respond with vaginal lubrication. But, depending on where and how completely the spinal cord is severed, people may have no genital responses to erotic images and no geni- tal feeling (Kennedy & Over, 1990; Sipski & Alexander, 1999). To produce physical pain or pleasure, the sensory informa- tion must reach the brain.

The Endocrine System

2-6 How does the endocrine system transmit information and interact with the nervous system?

So far, we have focused on the body’s speedy electrochemical

information system. But your body has a second communication system, the endocrine system (FIGURE 2.5). Glands in this system secrete hormones, another form of chemical messenger, which travel through our bloodstream and influence our behaviors and emotions.

Hypothalamus (brain region controlling

the pituitary gland)

Thyroid gland (affects metabolism)

Pituitary gland (secretes many different hormones, some of which affect other glands)

Parathyroids (help regulate the level of calcium in the blood)

Adrenal glands (inner part helps

trigger the “fight-or-flight”

response) Pancreas (regulates the level of sugar in the blood)

Ovary (secretes female sex hormones)

Testis (secretes male sex

hormones)

FIGURE 2.5 The endocrine system

36 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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emotion and greater mem- ory. In advanced mammals, such as humans, a brain that processes more information also enables the ability to plan ahead.

This increasing com- plexity arises from new brain systems built on top of the old, much as new layers cover old ones in the Earth’s landscape. Digging down, one discov-

ers the fossil remnants of the past—brainstem components performing for us much as they did for our distant ancestors. Let’s start with the brain’s basement and work up.

The Brainstem 2-8 What are the functions of the brainstem and its related structures?

The brain’s oldest and innermost region is the brainstem. It begins where the spinal cord swells slightly after enter- ing the skull. This slight swelling is the

The Brain

When you think about your brain, you’re thinking with your brain— sending billions of neurotransmitter molecules across countless millions of synapses. Indeed, say neuroscientists, “the mind is what the brain does” (Minsky, 1986).

Even in a permanently motionless body, the brain—and mind—may, in some cases, be active. One hospitalized 23-year-old woman showed no out- ward signs of conscious awareness after being in a traffic accident. Nevertheless, when researchers asked her to imagine play- ing tennis or moving around her home, brain scans revealed activity like that of healthy volunteers (Owen et al., 2006). As she imagined playing tennis, for exam- ple, an area of her brain controlling arm and leg movements became active.

Close-Up: Tools of Discovery, on the next page, describes some tools scien- tists use to explore the brain-mind con- nection. For centuries, we had no device high-powered yet gentle enough to reveal a living brain’s activity. Now we are liv- ing in the golden age of brain science, moving closer and closer to understand- ing where and how the mind’s functions are tied to the brain. To be learning about the brain now is like studying geography while the early explorers were mapping the world. Let’s begin our own explora- tion of the brain.

Older Brain Structures Brain structures determine our abilities. In sharks and other primitive vertebrates (animals with backbones), a not-so- complex brain mainly handles basic sur- vival functions: breathing, resting, and feeding. In lower mammals, such as rodents, a more complex brain enables

ture is located in the brain’s core, where it is controlled by a nearby brain area, the hypothalamus (more on that shortly). Among the hormones released by the pituitary is a growth hormone that stim- ulates physical development. Another is oxytocin, which enables contractions dur- ing birthing, milk flow in nursing, and orgasm. Oxytocin also promotes social interactions. Its pleasant release accom- panies couples bonding, feelings of group togetherness, and experiences of social trust (De Dreu et al., 2010).

Pituitary secretions also direct other endocrine glands to release their hor- mones. The pituitary, then, is a mas- ter gland (whose own master is the hypothalamus). For example, under the brain’s influence, the pituitary trig- gers your sex glands to release sex hor- mones. These in turn influence your brain and behavior.

This feedback system (brain → pitu- itary → other glands → hormones → body and brain) reveals the interplay between the nervous and endocrine sys- tems. The nervous system directs endo- crine secretions, which then affect the nervous system. In charge of this whole electrochemical orchestra is that master conductor we call the brain.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Why is the pituitary gland called the “mas- ter gland”?

ANSWER: Responding to signals from the hypothala- mus, the pituitary releases hormones that trigger other endocrine glands to secrete hormones, which in turn influence our brain and our behavior.

• How are the nervous and endocrine sys- tems alike, and how do they differ?

ANSWER: Both of these communication systems produce chemical molecules that act on the body’s receptors to influence our behavior and emotions. The endocrine system, which secretes hormones into the bloodstream, delivers its messages much more slowly than the speedy nervous system, and the effects of the endocrine system’s messages tend to linger much longer than those of the nervous system.

“I am a brain, Watson. The rest of me is a mere appendix.”

Sherlock Holmes, in Arthur Conan Doyle’s “The Adventure of the

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endocrine [EN-duh - krin] system the body’s “slow” chemical communication system; a set of glands that secrete hormones into the blood- stream.

hormones chemical messengers that are manufactured by the endocrine glands, travel through the bloodstream, and affect other tissues.

adrenal [ah - DREEN-el] glands pair of endo- crine glands that sit just above the kidneys and secrete hormones (epinephrine and norepi- nephrine) that help arouse the body in times of stress.

pituitary gland most influential endocrine gland. Under the influence of the hypothalamus, the pituitary regulates growth and controls other endocrine glands.

brainstem the oldest part and central core of the brain, beginning where the spinal cord swells as it enters the skull; responsible for automatic survival functions.

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 37

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CLOSE -UP

Tools of Discovery—Having Our Head Examined 2-7 What are some techniques for studying the brain?

In the past, brain injuries provided clues to brain-mind connections. For example, damage to one side of the brain often caused paralysis on the body’s opposite side. Noting this, physicians guessed that the body’s right side is wired to the brain’s left side, and vice versa. Oth- ers linked vision problems with damage to the back of the brain, and speech problems with damage to the left - front brain. Gradually, a map of the brain began to emerge.

Now a new generation of mapmakers is at work charting for- merly unknown territory, stimulating various brain parts and watching the results. Some use microelectrodes to snoop on the messages of individual neurons. Some attach larger electrodes to the scalp to eavesdrop with an EEG (electroencephalograph) on the chatter of billions of neurons. Others use scans that peer into the thinking, feeling brain and give us a Superman-like ability to see what’s happening.

The PET (positron emission tomography) scan tracks the brain’s favorite food, the sugar glucose. Knowing that active neurons are glucose hogs, researchers give the person a form of temporar- ily radioactive glucose. The PET scan then detects where this “food for thought” goes by locating the radioactivity. Rather like weather radar showing rain activity, PET-scan “hot spots” show which brain areas are most active as the person solves math problems, looks at images of faces, or daydreams.

MRI (magnetic resonance imaging) scans capture images of brain structures by briefly disrupting activity in brain molecules. Researchers first position the person’s head in a strong magnetic field, which aligns the spinning atoms of brain molecules. Then, with a brief pulse of radio waves, they disrupt the spinning. When the atoms return to their normal spin, they give off signals that provide a detailed picture of soft tissues, including the brain. MRI scans have revealed, for example, that some people with schizophrenia, a dis- abling psychological disorder, have enlarged fluid-filled brain areas (FIGURE 2.6).

A special application of MRI, fMRI (functional MRI), also reveals the brain’s functions. Where the brain is especially active, blood goes. By comparing MRI scans taken less than a second apart, researchers can watch parts of the brain activate as a person thinks or acts in certain ways. As the person looks at a photo, for example, the fMRI shows blood rushing to the back of the brain, which processes visual information (see Figure 2.17). The technology enables a very crude sort of mind reading, as some neuroscientists showed. They scanned 129 people’s brains as they did eight different mental tasks (such as reading, gambling, and rhyming). Later, viewing another person’s brain images, they were able, with 80 percent accuracy, to predict which of these mental tasks the person was doing (Poldrack et al., 2009).

What the telescope did for astronomy, these brain-snooping tools are doing for psychology. By revealing how the living, work- ing brain divides its labor, these tools have taught us more about the brain in the past 30 years than we had learned in the prior 30,000 years.

• Match the scanning technique with the correct description.

Technique

1. fMRI scan

2. PET scan

3. MRI scan

Description

a. tracks radioactive glucose to reveal brain activity.

b. tracks successive images of brain tissue to show brain func- tion.

c. uses magnetic fields and radio waves to show brain anat- omy.

ANSWERS: 1. b, 2. a, 3. c

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

EEG (electroencephalograph) device that uses electrodes placed on the scalp to record waves of electrical activity sweep- ing across the brain’s surface. (The record of those brain waves is an electroencephalogram.)

PET (positron emission tomography) scan a view of brain activity showing where a radioactive form of glucose goes while the brain performs a given task.

MRI (magnetic resonance imaging) a technique that uses magnetic fields and radio waves to produce computer - generated images of soft tissue. MRI scans show brain anatomy.

fMRI (functional MRI) a technique for revealing bloodflow and, therefore, brain activity by comparing successive MRI scans. fMRI scans show brain function.

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38 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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The Thalamus Sitting at the top of the brainstem is the thalamus. This joined pair of egg - shaped structures acts as the brain’s sensory control center. The thalamus receives information from all your senses except smell, and it forwards the messages to brain regions that deal with seeing, hear- ing, tasting, and touching. Messages flow through this hub on their way to their final destination. In addition to incom- ing sensory messages, your thalamus receives replies from some higher brain regions. It forwards these replies to other brain areas (your medulla and cerebel- lum) for processing.

The Reticular Formation Inside the brainstem, between your ears, lies your reticular (“netlike”) formation. This neuron network extends upward from your spinal cord, through your brainstem, and into your thalamus (see Figure 2.7). This long structure acts as a filter for some of the sensory messages traveling from your spinal cord to your thalamus, relaying important informa- tion to other brain areas, and controlling arousal.

In 1949, researchers discovered that electrically stimulating the reticular for- mation of a sleeping cat almost instantly produced an awake, alert animal (Moruzzi & Magoun, 1949). When a cat’s reticular formation was cut off from higher brain regions, without damaging the nearby sensory pathways, the effect was equally dramatic. The cat lapsed into a coma and never awakened. The conclusion? The reticular formation enables arousal.

medulla (FIGURE 2.7). Here lie the con- trols for your heartbeat and breathing. As some severely brain-damaged patients illustrate, no higher brain or conscious mind is needed to orchestrate our heart’s pumping and lungs’ breathing. The brainstem handles those tasks.

Just above the medulla sits the pons, a brainstem area that helps coordinate movements. If a cat’s brainstem is sev- ered from the rest of the brain above it, the animal will still breathe. It will even run, climb, and groom (Klemm, 1990). But cut off from the brain’s higher regions, it won’t purposefully run or climb to get food.

The brainstem is a crossover point. Here, you’ll find a peculiar sort of cross- wiring, with most nerves to and from each side of the brain connecting to the body’s opposite side. Thus, the right brain controls the left side of the body, and vice versa (FIGURE 2.8). This cross-wiring is one of the brain’s many surprises.

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• Nerves from the left side of the brain are mostly linked to the side of the body, and vice versa.

ANSWER: right

Reticular formation

Pons

Medulla

Brainstem

Thalamus

FIGURE 2.7 The brainstem and thalamus The brainstem, including the medulla and pons, is an extension of your spinal cord. The thalamus is attached to its top. The reticular formation passes through both structures.

FIGURE 2.8 The body’s cross-wiring Nerves from one side of the brain are mostly linked to the body’s opposite side.

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medulla [muh - DUL-uh] the base of the brain- stem; controls heartbeat and breathing.

thalamus [THAL-uh - muss] area at the top of the brainstem; directs sensory messages to the cortex and transmits replies to the cerebellum and medulla.

reticular formation nerve network running through the brainstem and thalamus; plays an important role in controlling arousal.

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 39

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bral hemispheres (the two halves of the brain). Between the oldest and newest brain areas lies the limbic system (limbus means “border”). The limbic system con- tains the amygdala, the hypothalamus, and the hippocampus (FIGURE 2.10). The hippo- campus processes conscious memories. Animals or humans who lose their hip- pocampus to surgery or injury also lose their ability to form new memories of facts and events. Chapter 7 explains how our two-track mind processes our mem- ories. For now, let’s look at the limbic system’s links to emotions such as fear and anger, and to basic motives such as those for food and sex.

Once again, we see one of our Big Ideas at work: Our two-track brain processes most information outside of our awareness. We are aware of the results of our brain’s labor (say, our current visual experi- ence) but not of how we construct the visual image. Likewise, whether we are asleep or awake, our brainstem man- ages its life- sustaining functions, free- ing our newer brain regions to think, talk, dream, or savor a memory.

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• In what brain region would damage be most likely to (1) disrupt your ability to skip rope? (2) disrupt your ability to hear and taste? (3) perhaps leave you in a coma? (4) cut off the very breath and heartbeat of life?

ANSWER: 1. cerebellum, 2. thalamus, 3. reticular for- mation, 4. medulla

The Limbic System 2-9 What are the structures and functions of the limbic system?

We’ve traveled through the brain’s old- est parts, but we’ve not yet reached its newest and highest regions, the cere-

The Cerebellum At the rear of the brainstem is the cer- ebellum, meaning “little brain,” which is what its two wrinkled halves resemble (FIGURE 2.9). This baseball-sized struc- ture plays an important role in a lot that happens just outside your awareness. Quickly answer these questions. How much time has passed since you woke up this morning? Does your chair feel differ- ent from the back of your hand? How’s your mood? If you answered those ques- tions easily, thank your cerebellum.

Your cerebellum helps you judge time, discriminate sounds and tex- tures, and control your emotions (Bower & Parsons, 2003). It also coordinates vol- untary movement. When soccer player Ronaldo masterfully controls the ball, give his cerebellum some credit. If you injured your cerebellum or drugged it with alcohol, you would have trouble walking, keeping your balance, or shak- ing hands. The cerebellum also helps process and store memories for things we cannot consciously recall, such as how we ride a bicycle. (Stay tuned for more about this in Chapter 7.)

* * * Note: These older brain functions

all occur without any conscious effort.

Cerebellum

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FIGURE 2.9 The brain’s organ of agility Hanging at the back of the brain, the cerebellum coor- dinates our voluntary movements, as when soccer star Cristiano Ronaldo controls the ball.

Hypothalamus

Pituitary gland

Amygdala Hippocampus

FIGURE 2.10 The limbic system This neural system sits between your brain’s older parts and its cerebral hemispheres. The limbic system’s hypothalamus controls the nearby pituitary gland. Elec trical stimulation of a cat’s amygdala provokes reactions such as the one shown here, suggesting its role in emotions such as rage.

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40 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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from exhaustion. Moreover, to get this stimulation, they would even cross an electrified floor that a starving rat would not cross to reach food (FIGURE 2.11).

Similar reward centers in or near the hypothalamus were later discovered in many other species, including goldfish, dolphins, and monkeys. In fact, animal research has revealed both a general reward system that triggers the release of the neurotransmitter dopamine, and specific centers associated with the pleasures of eating, drinking, and sex. Animals, it seems, come equipped with built - in systems that reward activities essential to survival.

Do you and I have limbic centers for pleasure? Indeed we do. When hear- ing or anticipating music that gives

THE HYPOTHALAMUS Just below (hypo) your thalamus is your hypothalamus, an important link in the chain of com- mand for bodily maintenance. Some neural clusters in the hypothalamus influence hunger. Others regulate thirst, body temperature, and sexual behavior. Together, they help you maintain a steady internal state.

As the hypothalamus monitors your body state, it tunes in to your blood chemistry and any incoming orders from other brain parts. For example, picking up signals from your brain’s information-processing center, the cere- bral cortex, that you are thinking about sex, your hypothalamus will secrete hormones. These hormones will in turn trigger the nearby gland of the endocrine system, your pituitary (see Figure 2.10), to influence your sex glands to release their hormones. These will intensify the thoughts of sex in your cerebral cor- tex. Once again, we see the interplay between the nervous and endocrine systems: The brain influences the endo- crine system, which in turn influences the brain.)

A remarkable discovery about the hypothalamus illustrates how progress in science often occurs—when curi- ous, smart-thinking investigators keep an open mind. Two young psycholo- gists, James Olds and Peter Milner (1954), were trying to implant electrodes in rats’ reticular formations when they made a magnificent mistake. In one rat, they placed the electrode incorrectly. Curiously, the rat kept returning to the location where it had been stimulated by this misplaced electrode, as if seek- ing more stimulation. When Olds and Milner discovered that they had actu- ally placed the device in a region of the hypothalamus, they realized they had stumbled upon a brain center that pro- vides pleasurable rewards (Olds, 1975).

In later studies, when rats were allowed to control their own stimulation in these and other areas, they did so at a feverish pace—pressing a pedal up to 7000 times an hour, until they dropped

THE AMYGDALA The amygdala—two lima-bean-sized neural clusters— enable aggression and fear. In 1939, researchers surgically removed a rhe- sus monkey’s amygdala, turning the normally ill - tempered animal into the most mellow of creatures (Klüver & Bucy, 1939).

What, then, might happen if we elec- trically stimulated the amygdala of a normally mellow domestic animal, such as a cat? Do so in one spot and the cat prepares to attack, hissing with its back arched, its pupils wide, its hair on end (see Figure 2.10). Move the electrode only slightly within the amygdala, cage the cat with a small mouse, and now it cow- ers in terror.

These experiments have confirmed the amygdala’s role in emotions, includ- ing the processing of emotional memo- ries and the perception of rage and fear. Consider a woman whose amygdala was destroyed by a rare genetic disease. Whether facing a snake, doing public speaking, or being threatened with a gun, she experiences no fear (Feinstein et al., 2010).

A critical thinker should be careful here. The brain is not neatly organized into structures that reflect our types of behaviors and feelings. When we feel or act in aggressive and fearful ways, there is neural activity in all levels of our brain, not just in the amygdala. If you charge a car’s dead battery, you can activate the engine. Yet the battery is merely one link in the whole working system.

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• Electrical stimulation of a cat’s amygdala provokes angry reactions, suggesting the amygdala’s role in aggression. Which ANS division is activated by such stimulation?

ANSWER: The sympathetic nervous system

Stimulation pedal Electrified grid

FIGURE 2.11 Pain for pleasure This rat has an electrode implanted in a reward center of its hypothalamus. It will cross an electric grid, accepting painful shocks, in order to press a lever that sends impulses to its reward center.

cerebellum [sehr - uh - BELL-um] the “little brain” at the rear of the brainstem; functions include processing sensory input and coordinating movement output and balance.

limbic system neural system (including the hippocampus, amygdala, and hypothalamus) located below the cerebral hemispheres; associ- ated with emotions and drives.

amygdala [uh - MIG-duh - la] two lima-bean - sized neural clusters in the limbic system; linked to emotion.

hypothalamus [hi-po-THAL-uh-muss] a neu- ral structure lying below (hypo) the thalamus; directs several maintenance activities (eating, drinking, body temperature), helps govern the endocrine system via the pituitary gland, and is linked to emotion and reward.

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 41

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cent of the brain’s weight. Covering those hemispheres, like bark on a tree, is the cerebral cortex, a thin surface layer of interconnected neurons. Its newer neural networks form specialized work teams that enable your thinking, sensing, and speaking. The cerebral cortex is your brain’s thinking crown, your body’s ulti- mate control and information - processing center.

Structure of the Cortex 2-10 What are the four lobes of the cerebral cortex, and where are they located?

If you opened a human skull, exposing the brain, you would see a wrinkled organ, shaped somewhat like the meat

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• What are the three key structures of the limbic system, and what functions do they serve?

ANSWER: (1) The amygdala is involved in aggression and fear responses. (2) The hypothalamus is involved in bodily maintenance, pleasurable rewards, and control of the hormonal systems. (3) The hippocampus pro- cesses memory.

The Cerebral Cortex Older brain networks sustain basic life functions and enable memory, emotions, and basic drives. High above these older structures are the two large cerebral hemispheres, which contribute 85 per-

us great pleasure, our brain releases large amounts of dopamine (Salimpoor et al., 2011). To calm violent patients, one neurosurgeon implanted electrodes in such limbic system areas. Stimulated patients reported mild pleasure. Unlike Olds’ rats, however, they were not driven to a frenzy (Deutsch, 1972; Hooper & Teresi, 1986).

* * *

We’ve finished our tour of the older brain structures. FIGURE 2.12 will help you place the key brain areas we’ve dis- cussed, as well as the cerebral cortex, our next topic.

Left hemisphere Right hemisphere

Corpus callosum: axon fibers connecting the two cerebral hemispheres

Thalamus: relays messages between lower brain centers and cerebral cortex

Pituitary: master endocrine gland

Cerebellum: coordinates voluntary movement and balance and supports memories of such

Cerebral cortex Limbic system Brainstem

Cerebral cortex: ultimate control and information-processing center

Hypothalamus: controls maintenance functions such as eating; helps govern endocrine system; linked to emotion and reward

Reticular formation: helps control arousal

Pons: helps coordinate movement

Medulla: controls heartbeat and breathing

Spinal cord: pathway for neural fibers traveling to and from brain; controls simple reflexes

Amygdala: linked to emotion

Hippocampus: linked to memory

FIGURE 2.12 Review: Brain structures and their functions

42 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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behavior links. In 1870, for example, German physicians Gustav Fritsch and Eduard Hitzig made an important dis- covery. By electrically stimulating parts of a dog’s cortex, they could make other parts of its body move. The movement happened only when they stimulated an arch - shaped region at the back of the dog’s frontal lobe, running roughly ear-to-ear across the top of the brain. Moreover, if they stimulated this region in the left hemisphere, the dog’s right leg would move. And if they stimulated part of the right hemisphere, the oppo- site leg—on the left—reacted. Fritsch and Hitzig had discovered what is now called the motor cortex.

Lucky for brain surgeons and their patients, the brain has no sensory recep- tors. Knowing this, Otfrid Foerster and Wilder Penfield were able to map the motor cortex in hundreds of wide - awake patients by stimulating different cortical areas and observing the body’s responses. They dis- covered that body areas requiring precise control, such as the fingers and mouth, occupied the greatest amount of cortical space (FIGURE 2.14, on the next page).

hemisphere has these four lobes. Each lobe carries out many functions. And many functions require the cooperation of several lobes.

Functions of the Cortex 2-11 What are the functions of the motor cortex, somatosensory cortex, and association areas?

More than a century ago, surgeons found damaged areas of the cerebral cortex dur- ing autopsies of people who had been partially paralyzed or speechless. This rather crude evidence was interesting, but it did not prove that specific parts of the cortex control complex functions like movement or speech. After all, if the entire cortex controlled speech and movement, damage to almost any area might produce the same effect. A TV with a cut power cord would go dead, but we would be fooling ourselves if we thought we had “localized” the picture in the cord.

MOTOR FUNCTIONS Early scientists had better luck showing simpler brain-

of an oversized walnut. Without these wrinkles, a flattened cerebral cortex would require triple the area—roughly that of a very large pizza. The brain’s left and right hemispheres are filled mainly with axons connecting the cortex to the brain’s other regions. The cerebral cor- tex—that thin surface layer—contains some 20 to 23 billion nerve cells and 300 trillion synaptic connections (de Courten- Myers, 2005). Being human takes a lot of nerve.

Each hemisphere’s cortex is subdi- vided into four lobes, separated by deep folds (FIGURE 2.13). You can roughly trace the four lobes, starting with both hands on your forehead. The frontal lobes lie directly behind your forehead. As you move your hands over the top of your head, toward the rear, you’re sliding over your parietal lobes. Continuing to move down, toward the back of your head, you’ll slide over your occipital lobes. Now move each hand forward, to the sides of your head, and just above each ear you’ll find your temporal lobes. Each

Frontal lobe Parietal lobe

Occipital lobe

The brain has left and right hemispheres

Temporal lobe

FIGURE 2.13 The cortex and its basic subdivisions Lobes define broad divisions of each hemisphere of the cerebral cortex.

cerebral [seh - REE-bruhl] cortex thin layer of interconnected neurons covering the cerebral hemispheres; the body’s ultimate control and information - processing center.

frontal lobes portion of the cerebral cortex lying just behind the forehead; in volved in speak- ing and muscle movements and in making plans and judgments.

parietal [puh - RYE-uh - tuhl] lobes portion of the cerebral cortex lying at the top of the head and toward the rear; receives sensory input for touch and body position.

occipital [ahk - SIP-uh - tuhl] lobes portion of the cerebral cortex lying at the back of the head; includes areas that receive information from the visual fields.

temporal lobes portion of the cerebral cortex lying roughly above the ears; includes areas that receive information from the ears.

motor cortex cerebral cortex area at the rear of the frontal lobes; controls voluntary movements.

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 43

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As is so often the case in science, new answers triggered new questions. We now know that electrically stimulating the motor cortex can cause body parts to move. What might happen, some researchers are asking, if we implanted a device to detect motor cortex activity? Could brain-controlled computer devices direct a robotic limb to move in soldiers who have lost arms or legs during com- bat? Could they help severely paralyzed people learn to command a cursor to send texts or e-mails or work online? Clinical trials are now under way with people who have suffered paralysis or amputation (Andersen et al., 2010; Nurmikko et al., 2010) (FIGURE 2.15).

Toes

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Neck Brow

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Face

Lips

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Toes

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Foot

Leg

Knee HipTrunk

ArmHand

Fingers

Thumb

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Eye

Nose

Face

Lips

Jaw

Gums Teeth

Tongue

Output: Motor cortex (Left hemisphere section controls the body’s right side)

Input: Somatosensory cortex (Left hemisphere section receives input from the body’s right side)

FIGURE 2.14 Left hemisphere tissue devoted to each body part in the motor cortex and the somatosensory cortex The amount of cortex devoted to a body part is not proportional to that part’s size. Your brain devotes more tissue to sensitive areas and to areas requiring precise control. Thus, your fingers occupy more cortex space than does your upper arm.

FIGURE 2.15 Mind over matter A series of strokes left Cathy paralyzed for 15 years, unable to make even simple arm movements. Now, thanks to a tiny, 96-electrode implant in her brain’s motor cortex, she is learning to direct a robotic arm with her thoughts (Hochberg et al., 2012).

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44 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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• Our brain’s cortex registers and processes body touch and movement sen- sations. The cortex controls our voluntary movements.

ANSWERS: somatosensory; motor

ASSOCIATION AREAS So far, we have pointed out small areas of the cortex that receive messages from our senses, and other small areas that send mes- sages to our muscles. Together, these areas occupy about one-fourth of the human brain’s thin, wrinkled cover. What, then, goes on in the vast remain- ing regions of the cortex? In these association areas (peach colored in

at the back of your brain (FIGURE 2.16). A friend of mine, who lost much of his right occipital lobe when a tumor was removed, became blind to the left half of his field of vision. Stimulated in your occipital lobes, you might see flashes of light or dashes of color. (In a sense, we do have eyes in the back of our head!) From your occipital lobes, visual information goes to other areas that specialize in tasks such as identifying words, detect- ing emotions, and recognizing faces (FIGURE 2.17).

Any sound you now hear is processed by your auditory cortex in your temporal lobes (just above your ears; see Figure 2.16). Most of this auditory information travels a roundabout route from one ear to the auditory receiving area above your opposite ear. If stimulated in your auditory cortex, you alone might hear a sound. People with schizophrenia sometimes have auditory hallucinations (false sensory experiences). MRI scans taken during these hallucinations show active auditory areas in the temporal lobes (Lennox et al., 1999).

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• Try moving your right hand in a circular motion, as if polishing a car. Then start your right foot doing the same motion as your hand. Now reverse the right foot’s motion, but not the hand’s. Finally, try moving the left foot opposite to the right hand.

1. Why is reversing the right foot’s motion so hard?

2. Why is it easier to move the left foot opposite to the right hand?

ANSWER: 1. The right limbs’ activities interfere with each other because both are controlled by the same (left) side of your brain. 2. Opposite sides of your brain control your left and right limbs, so the reversed mo- tion causes less interference.

SENSORY FUNCTIONS The motor cor- tex sends messages out to the body. What parts of the cortex receive incom- ing messages from our senses of touch and movement? Penfield supplied the answer: the somatosensory cortex, which runs parallel to the motor cortex and just behind it at the front of the parietal lobes (see Figure 2.14). Stimulate a point on the top of this band of tissue, and a person reports being touched on the shoulder. Stimulate some point on the side, and the person feels something on the face.

The more sensitive a body region, the larger the somatosensory cortex area devoted to it. Why do we kiss with our lips rather than rub elbows? Our super- sensitive lips project to a larger brain area than do our arms (see Figure 2.14). Similarly, rats have a large brain area devoted to their whisker sensations, and owls to their hearing sensations.

Your somatosensory cortex is a very powerful tool for processing informa- tion from your skin senses and from movements of your body parts. But it isn’t the only area of the cortex that receives input from your senses. If you have normal vision, you are at this moment receiving visual information in the visual cortex in your occipital lobes,

Auditory cortex

Visual cortex

FIGURE 2.16 The visual cortex and au- ditory cortex The visual cortex of the oc- cipital lobes at the rear of your brain receives input from your eyes. The auditory cortex, in your temporal lobes—above your ears—re- ceives information from your ears.

FIGURE 2.17 Watching the brain in action As this person looks at a photo, the fMRI (functional MRI) scan shows increased activity (color represents more bloodflow) in the visual cortex in the oc- cipital lobes. When the person stops look- ing, the region instantly calms down.

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hallucination false sensory experience, such as hearing something in the absence of an exter- nal auditory stimulus.

association areas cerebral cortex areas in- volved primarily in higher mental functions, such as learning, remembering, thinking, and speaking.

CHAPTER 2 The Biology of Mind and Consciousness 45

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ality was not. (Although Gage lost his railroad job, he did, over time, adapt to his injury and find work as a stagecoach driver [Macmillan & Lena, 2010].)

With his frontal lobes ruptured, Gage’s moral compass had disconnected from his behavior. More recent studies of people with damaged frontal lobes have revealed similar losses. Without the fron- tal lobe brakes on their impulses they, too, became less inhibited. Moreover, their moral judgments seem untouched by normal emotions. Would you agree with the idea of pushing someone in front of a runaway train to save five oth- ers? Most people do not, but those with damage to a brain area behind the eyes often do (Koenigs et al., 2007).

Damage to association areas in other lobes would result in different losses. If a stroke or head injury destroyed part of your parietal lobes, you might lose mathematical and spatial reasoning. If the damaged area was on the underside of the right temporal lobe, which lets you recognize faces, you would still be able to describe facial features and to recog- nize someone’s gender and approximate age. Yet you would be strangely unable to identify the person as, say, Lady Gaga or even your grandmother.

noon in 1848, Gage, then 25 years old, was using an iron rod to pack gunpow- der into a rock. A spark ignited the gun- powder, shooting the rod up through his left cheek and out the top of his skull, causing massive damage to his fron- tal lobes (FIGURE 2.19a). To everyone’s amazement, he was immediately able to sit up and speak, and after the wound healed, he returned to work. But the friendly, soft - spoken Phineas Gage was now irritable, profane, and dishonest. This person, said his friends, was “no longer Gage.” His mental abilities and memories were intact, but his person-

FIGURE 2.18), neurons are busy with higher mental functions—many of the tasks that make us human.

Electrically probing an association area won’t trigger any observable re- sponse. So, unlike the sensory and motor areas, association area functions can’t be neatly mapped. Their silence has led to what Donald McBurney (1996, p. 44) called “one of the hardiest weeds in the garden of psychology”—the claim that we really use only 10 percent of our brain. (Time for some critical think- ing: Wouldn’t that mean that there is a 90 percent chance that a bullet to your brain would land in an unused area?) Brain - damaged animals and humans provide evidence that association areas are not unused. Rather, these brain areas interpret, integrate, and act on sensory information and link it with stored memories—a very important part of thinking.

Association areas are found in all four lobes. In the frontal lobes, they enable judgment, planning, and processing of new memories. People with damaged frontal lobes may have intact memories, high intelligence scores, and great cake- baking skills. Yet they would not be able to plan ahead to begin baking a cake for a loved one’s birthday (Huey et al., 2006).

Frontal lobe damage can also alter personality and remove a person’s inhi- bitions. Consider the classic case of rail- road worker Phineas Gage. One after-

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Motor areas

Rat Cat

Chimpanzee

Human

Sensory areas Association areas

FIGURE 2.18 Areas of the cortex in four mammals More intelligent animals have increased “uncommitted” or association areas of the cortex. These vast brain areas interpret, integrate, and act on sensory information and link it with stored memories.

46 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

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sign language before any other may have better-than-average peripheral vision (Bosworth & Dobkins, 1999). Without stimu- lation from sounds, a temporal lobe area normally dedicated to hearing is free to process other signals, such as those from the visual system.

Although the brain often attempts self-repair by reorganizing existing tis- sue, it sometimes tries to mend itself by producing new neurons. This pro- cess, known as neurogenesis, has been found in adult mice, birds, monkeys, and humans (Jessberger et al., 2008). These baby neurons are born deep in the brain. They may then migrate elsewhere and form connections with neighboring neurons (Aimone et al., 2010; Gould, 2007).

Might new drugs spur the production of new nerve cells? Stay tuned. As you read this sentence, companies are work- ing on such possibilities. In the mean- time, we can all benefit from natural aids to neurogenesis, such as exercise, sleep, and nonstressful but stimulating environments (Iso et al., 2007; Pereira et al., 2007; Stranahan et al., 2006).

Our Divided Brain 2-13 What is a split brain, and what does it reveal about the functions of our left and right hemispheres?

Our brain’s look-alike left and right hemispheres serve different functions. This lateralization is clear after some types of brain damage. Language pro- cessing seems to reside mostly in your left hemisphere. More than a century’s research has shown that left hemisphere accidents, strokes, and tumors could leave you unable to read, write, speak, do arithmetic, and understand others. Similar right hemisphere damage seldom has such dramatic effects.

lobes later remained unable to recog- nize faces (Farah et al., 2000).

But there is good news: Thanks to the brain’s impressive plasticity, some brain tissue can reorganize in response to dam- age. Under the surface of our awareness, the brain is constantly changing, building new pathways as it adjusts to little mis- haps and new experiences.

On a larger, more dramatic scale, plasticity sometimes occurs after serious damage, especially in young children (Kolb, 1989). If a slow-growing left- hemisphere tumor disrupts language, the right hemisphere may take over the task (Thiel et al., 2006). If a finger is lost, the somatosensory cortex that received its input will begin to pick up signals from the neighboring fingers, which then become more sensitive (Fox, 1984). Blindness or deafness makes unused brain areas available for other uses (Amedi et al., 2005). This plasticity helps explain why deaf people who learned

Nevertheless, complex mental func- tions don’t reside in any one place. There is no one spot in a rat’s small associa- tion cortex that, when damaged, will wipe out its ability to learn or remember a maze. And as we’ll see in Chapter 8, distinct neural networks in the human brain work together to enable language. Memory, language, and attention are the products of interaction among dis- tinct brain areas (Knight, 2007). Ditto for religious experience. More than 40 brain regions become active in different reli- gious states, such as prayer and medita- tion, indicating that there is no simple “God spot” (Fingelkurts & Fingelkurts, 2009). The point to remember: Our mental expe- riences arise from coordinated brain activity.

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• Why are association areas important? ANSWER: Association areas are involved in higher mental functions—interpreting, integrating, and acting on information processed in other areas.

The Brain’s Plasticity 2-12 When damaged, can the brain repair or reorganize itself?

Our brains are sculpted not only by our genes but also by our experiences. In Chapter 3, we’ll focus more on how expe- rience molds the brain. For now, let’s turn to another aspect of the brain’s plasticity: its ability to modify itself after damage.

Some brain-damage effects described earlier can be traced to two hard facts:

• Severed neurons, unlike cut skin, usually do not repair themselves. (If your spinal cord were severed, you probably would be permanently paralyzed.)

• Some brain functions seem forever linked to specific areas. One newborn who suffered damage to the facial recognition areas on both temporal

plasticity the brain’s ability to change, espe- cially during childhood, by reorganizing after damage or by building new pathways based on experience.

neurogenesis formation of new neurons.

BRAIN PLASTICITY Although the brains of young children show the greatest ability to reorganize and adapt to damage, adult brains also have some capacity for self-repair. Former Arizona Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords lost her ability to speak after suffering a left- hemisphere gunshot wound. Her medical care included music therapy, where she worked on forming words to familiar songs such as “Happy Birthday.” Giffords has since partly recovered her speaking ability. Two years after the shooting, she was able to speak as a sur- prise witness at a 2013 U.S. Senate hearing on gun legislation.

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Knowing these facts, Sperry and Gazzaniga could send information to a patient’s left hemisphere by having the person stare at a dot and by then flash- ing a stimulus (a word or photo) to the right of the dot. To send a message to the right hemisphere, they would flash the item to the left of the dot.

They could do this with you, too, but in your intact brain the hemi- sphere receiving the information would instantly pass the news to the other side. Because the split - brain surgery had cut the communication lines between

So the surgeons operated. The result? The seizures all but disappeared. The patients with these split brains were sur-

prisingly normal, their per- sonality and intellect hardly affected. Waking from sur- gery, one even joked that he had a “splitting head- ache” (Gazzaniga, 1967). By

sharing their experiences with us, these patients have greatly expanded our under- standing of interactions between the in- tact brain’s two hemispheres.

To appreciate these studies, we need to focus for a minute on the peculiar nature of our visual wiring, illustrated in FIGURE 2.21. Note that each eye receives sensory information from the entire visual field. In each eye, information from the left half of your field of vision goes to your right hemisphere, and information from the right half of your visual field goes to your left hemisphere, which usually controls speech. In an intact brain, data received by either hemisphere are quickly transmitted to the other side, across the corpus callo- sum. In a person with a severed corpus callosum, this information sharing does not take place.

Does this mean that the right hemi- sphere is just along for the ride—a silent junior partner or “minor” hemisphere? Many believed this was the case until 1960, when researchers found that the “minor” right hemi- sphere was not so limited after all. The unfolding of this discovery is another one of psychol- ogy’s fascinating stories.

Splitting the Brain: One Skull, Two Minds In 1961, two neurosurgeons believed that the uncontrollable seizures of some patients with severe epilepsy could be caused by abnormal brain activity bounc- ing back and forth between the two cere- bral hemispheres. If so, they wondered, could they put an end to this biological tennis game by cutting through the cor- pus callosum, the wide band of axon fibers connecting the two hemispheres and carrying messages between them (FIGURE 2.20)? The neurosurgeons knew that psychologists Roger Sperry, Ronald Myers, and Michael Gazzaniga had divided cats’ and monkeys’ brains in this manner, with no serious ill effects.

FIGURE 2.20 The corpus callosum This large band of neural fibers connects the two brain hemispheres. To photograph the half brain shown above, a surgeon separated the hemispheres by cutting through the corpus callosum and lower brain regions.

Visual area of left hemisphere

Left visual field

Right visual field

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Visual area of right hemisphere

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FIGURE 2.21 The information highway from eye to brain

“You wouldn’t want to have a date with the right hemisphere.”

Michael Gazzaniga, 2002

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tion (“I’m going into the house to get a Coke”). Thus, Gazzaniga (1989), who has called split-brain patients “the most fascinating people on Earth,” concluded that the conscious left hemisphere is an “interpreter” that instantly constructs theories to explain our behavior. And so it goes for us all. The brain runs largely on autopilot: Often it feels and acts and then explains later (Kahneman, 2011).

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• (1) If we flash a red light to the right hemi- sphere of a person with a split brain, and flash a green light to the left hemisphere, will each observe its own color? (2) Will the person be aware that the colors differ? (3) What will the person verbally report seeing?

ANSWER: 1. yes, 2. no, 3. green

didn’t know what the right hand was doing. One hand might unbutton a shirt while the other buttoned it, or put gro- cery store items back on the shelf after the other hand put them in the cart. It was as if each hemisphere was thinking, “I’ve half a mind to wear my green (blue) shirt today.” Indeed, said Sperry (1964), split - brain surgery leaves people “with two separate minds” (FIGURE 2.23).

Which hemisphere resolves disagree- ments when the “two minds” are at odds? If a split-brain patient follows an order (“Walk”) sent to the right hemi- sphere, the left hemisphere won’t know why it did so. But rather than say “I don’t know,” the left hemisphere does a strange thing. It instantly invents— and apparently believes—an explana-

the hemispheres, the researchers could, with these patients, quiz each hemi- sphere separately.

In an early experiment, Gazzaniga (1967) flashed the word HEART across the screen in such a way that HE appeared to the left of the dot, and ART appeared to the right (FIGURE 2.22b). Asked to say what they saw, the patients reported the letters sent to the left hemisphere— “ART.” Asked to point with their left hand to what they saw, they pointed to the let- ters sent to the right hemisphere—“HE” (Figure 2.22c). One skull was housing two minds.

A few people who have had split-brain surgery have been bothered for a time by the unruly independence of their left hand. It seemed the left hand truly

“Point with your left hand to the word you saw.”

or

“Look at the dot.”

“What word did you see?”

Two words separated by a dot are momentarily projected.

(b)

(c)

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FIGURE 2.22 Testing the divided brain (From Gazzaniga, 1983.)

FIGURE 2.23 Try this! A split - brain pa- tient can simultaneously draw two different shapes.

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corpus callosum [KOR-pus kah - LOW-sum] large band of neural fibers connecting the two brain hemispheres and carrying messages be- tween them.

split brain condition in which the brain’s two hemispheres are isolated by cutting the fibers (mainly those of the corpus callosum) connect- ing them.

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exciting questions. Among the most interesting are those in the subfield of cognitive neuroscience, in which people from many disciplines join forces to study connections between brain activity and mental processes, including states of consciousness.

Consciousness is our awareness of ourselves and our environment. It arises not from any one brain area but from the coordinated activity of the whole brain (Gaillard et al., 2009; Koch & Greenfield, 2007; Schurger et al., 2010). A telltale sign of conscious awareness appears in brain scans as a pattern of strong signals bouncing from one brain area to another (Boly et al., 2011).

Consciousness lets you assemble in- formation from many sources as you reflect on the past, plan for the future, and focus on the present. You’ll encoun- ter aspects of consciousness throughout this text. Conscious awareness forms one track of the dual-track mind, one of the four themes running through this text. In Chapter 5, we’ll consider hypnosis and its use to relieve pain. In Chapter 13,

quickly than the left achieves the solu- tion: camp. As one patient explained after a right - hemisphere stroke, “I understand words, but I’m missing the subtleties.” The right side of the brain is also better than the left at copying drawings, recogniz- ing faces, noticing differences, perceiving emotion, and expressing emotion through the more expressive left side of the face (FIGURE 2.24). Right-hemisphere damage can greatly disrupt these abilities.

Simply looking at the two hemi- spheres, so alike to the naked eye, who would suppose they contribute uniquely to the harmony of the whole? Yet a vari- ety of observations—of people with split brains and those with intact brains, and even of other species’ brains— leaves little doubt that we have unified brains with specialized parts (Hopkins & Cantalupo, 2008; MacNeilage et al., 2009).

Brain States and Consciousness

2-14 What do we mean by consciousness, and how does selective attention direct our perceptions?

In the lively field of neuroscience, researchers are addressing many

Right-Left Differences in Intact Brains So, what about the 99.99+ percent of us with undivided brains? Does each of our hemispheres also perform distinct func- tions? Several different types of stud- ies indicate they do. When a person performs a perceptual task, for example, brain waves, bloodflow, and glucose con- sumption reveal increased activity in the right hemisphere. When the person speaks or calculates, activity increases in the left hemisphere.

If you could peek into an operating room at the beginning of some types of brain surgery, you could watch a dra- matic demonstration of lateralization. To locate the patient’s language centers, the surgeon injects a sedative into the neck artery feeding blood to the left hemi- sphere, which usually controls speech. Before the injection, the patient is lying down, arms in the air, chatting with the doctor. Can you predict what probably happens when the drug puts the left hemisphere to sleep? Within seconds, the patient’s right arm falls limp. If the left hemisphere is controlling language, the patient will be speechless until the drug wears off.

To the brain, language is language, whether spoken or signed. Just as hear- ing people usually use the left hemi- sphere to process spoken language, deaf people usually use the left hemi- sphere to process sign language (Corina et al., 1992; Hickok et al., 2001). Thus, a left- hemisphere stroke disrupts a deaf per- son’s signing, much as it would disrupt a hearing person’s speaking (Corina, 1998). The same brain area is involved in both. (For more on how the brain enables lan- guage, see Chapter 8.)

The left hemisphere is good at mak- ing quick, exact interpretations of lan- guage. But the right hemisphere excels in high-level language processing (Beeman & Chiarello, 1998; Bowden & Beeman, 1998; Mason

& Just, 2004). Given an insight problem— “What word goes with boot, summer, and ground?”—the right hemisphere more

FIGURE 2.24 Which one is happier? Look at the center of one face, then the other. Does one appear happier? Most people say the right face does (Jaynes, 1976, p. 120). Some researchers believe we make this choice because our right hemisphere, which is skilled in emotion processing, receives information from the left half of each face (when looking at its center).

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ALTERED STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS In addition to normal, waking awareness, con- sciousness comes to us in altered states, including meditating, daydreaming, sleeping, and drug-induced hallucinating.

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half the pass-counting viewers failed to see him, too (Simons & Chabris, 1999).

In another follow-up experiment, only 1 in 4 students absorbed in a cell-phone conversation while crossing a campus square noticed a clown-suited unicyclist in their midst (Hyman et al., 2010). (Most of those not on the phone did notice.) (See FIGURE 2.25.)

Given that most of us miss people strolling by in gorilla and clown suits while our attention is focused elsewhere, imagine the fun that magicians can have by distracting us. Misdirect our atten- tion and we will miss the hand slipping into the pocket. “Every time you per- form a magic trick, you’re engaging in experimental psychology,” says magician Teller, a master of mind-messing meth- ods (2009).

Magicians also exploit our change blind- ness. By selectively riveting our attention

tional gears, especially when we shift to com- plex tasks, like notic- ing and avoiding cars around us. The toll is a slight delay in coping (Rubenstein et al., 2001). In experiments that mimicked actual driv- ing conditions, stu- dents talking on cell phones—either hand- held or hands-free— have been slower to detect and respond to traffic signals, bill- boards, and other cars (Horrey & Wickens, 2006;

Strayer & Watson, 2012). Another study tracked long-haul truck drivers for 18 months. The video cam- eras mounted in their cabs showed they were at 23 times greater risk of a colli- sion while texting (VTTI, 2009). Mindful of such findings, the United States in 2010 banned texting by truckers and bus driv- ers while driving (Halsey, 2010). Because our attention is selective—in one place at a time—multitasking comes at a cost. In 28 percent of all U.S. vehicle crashes, people were talking on cell phones or texting (National Safety Council, 2010).

We consciously process only a tiny sliver of the immense ocean of visual stimuli constantly before us. In one famous study, people watched a one - minute video of basketball players, three in black shirts and three in white shirts, tossing a ball (Becklen & Cervone, 1983; Neisser, 1979). Researchers told the view- ers to press a key each time they saw a black shirted player pass the ball. Most were so intent on the game that they failed to notice a young woman carrying an umbrella stroll across the screen mid- way through the clip. During a replay they were amazed to see her! Their attention focused elsewhere, the view- ers suffered from inattentional blind- ness. Would a gorilla - suited assistant thumping his chest and moving through the swirl of players be more visible? No—

we’ll look closely at consciousness- altering drugs and their effects. Here we explore the role of attention and the altered states of consciousness we all experience—sleep and dreams.

Selective Attention Through selective attention, your aware- ness focuses, like a flashlight beam, on a very limited aspect of all that you expe- rience. Until reading this sentence, you have been unaware that your shoes are pressing against your feet or that your nose is in your line of vision. Now, sud- denly, the spotlight shifts. Your feet feel encased, your nose stubbornly intrudes on the words before you. While focusing on these words, you’ve also been block- ing other parts of your environment from awareness, though your peripheral vision would let you see them easily. You can change that. As you stare at the X below, notice what surrounds these sen- tences (the edges of the page, the desk- top, the floor).

X Talk on the phone or attend to a

music player or GPS while driving, and your selective attention will shift back and forth between the road and its elec- tronic competition. But when a demand- ing situation requires it, you’ll probably give the road your full attention. You’ll probably also blink less, as we do when focused on a task (Smilek et al., 2010). So why not use a cell phone while driving? Because we pay a toll for switching atten-

“I wasn’t texting. I was building this ship in a bottle.”

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consciousness our awareness of ourselves and our environment.

selective attention focusing conscious aware- ness on a particular stimulus.

inattentional blindness failure to see visible objects when our attention is directed elsewhere.

change blindness failure to notice changes in the environment.

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CIRCADIAN RHYTHM Try pulling an all- nighter, or working an occasional night shift. You will feel groggiest in the mid- dle of the night but may gain new energy around the time you would normally wake up. Your body is reacting in part to its own wake-up call. The human body is kept roughly in tune with the 24-hour cycle of day and night by an internal

biological clock called the circadian rhythm (from the Latin circa, “about,” and diem, “day”). As morn- ing approaches, body temperature rises, then peaks during the day, dips for a time in early after-

noon (when many people take naps), and begins to drop again in the evening. Thinking is sharpest and memory most accurate when we are at our daily peak in circadian arousal.

Age and experience can alter our circadian rhythm. After about age 20 (slightly earlier for women), we begin to shift from being evening - energized “owls” to being morning - loving “larks” (Roenneberg et al., 2004). Most college students are owls, with performance improving across the day (May & Hasher, 1998). Most older adults are larks, with performance declining as the day wears on. By mid - evening, when the night has hardly begun for many young adults, most retirement homes are quiet.

person’s vivid dream. This never - before- seen mental movie features engaging characters wrapped in a plot that is origi- nal and unlikely, yet seemingly real.

Waking from a dream, we may won- der how our brain can so creatively, col- orfully, and completely construct this inner-space world. Caught for a moment between our dreaming and waking con- sciousness, we may even be unsure which world is real.

Sleep’s mysteries have puzzled scientists for centuries. Now, in labora- tories around the world, some of these myster- ies are being solved as people sleep, attached to recording devices, while oth- ers observe. By recording brain waves and muscle movements, and by watch- ing and sometimes waking sleepers, researchers are glimpsing things that a thousand years of common sense never told us.

Biological Rhythms and Sleep 2-15 What is the circadian rhythm, and what are the stages of our nightly sleep cycle?

Like the ocean, life has its rhythmic tides. Let’s look more closely at two of these biological rhythms—our 24-hour biologi- cal clock and our 90-minute sleep cycle.

on their left hand’s dramatic act, we fail to notice changes made with their other hand. In laboratory experiments, viewers didn’t notice that, after a brief visual inter- ruption, a big Coke bottle had disappeared, a railing had risen, or clothing color had changed (Chabris & Simons, 2010; Resnick et al., 1997). FIGURE 2.26 shows a drawing imi- tating the idea behind one study in which two-thirds of the people giving directions to a construction worker failed to notice when he was replaced by another worker. Out of sight, out of mind.

The point to remember: Attention is pow- erfully selective. Our conscious mind is in one place at a time. But outside our conscious awareness, the other track of our two-track mind remains active— even during sleep, as we see next.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Explain three attentional principles that magicians may use to fool us.

ANSWER: Our selective attention allows us to focus on only a limited portion of our surroundings. Inatten- tional blindness explains why we don’t perceive some things when we are distracted by others. And change blindness happens when we fail to notice a relatively unimportant change in our environment. All these principles help magicians fool us, as they direct our at- tention elsewhere to perform their tricks.

Sleep and Dreams Now playing at an inner theater near you: the premiere showing of a sleeping

FIGURE 2.26 Change blindness While a man (white hair) provides directions to a construction worker, two experimenters rudely pass between them carrying a door. During this interruption, the original worker switches places with another person wearing different colored clothing. Most people, focused on their direction giving, do not notice the switch.

“I love to sleep. Do you? Isn’t it great? It really is the best of both worlds. You get to be alive and unconscious.”

Comedian Rita Rudner, 1993

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ken? As the night pro- ceeded and the activity recurred, Aserinsky real- ized that the periods of fast, jerky eye move- ments were accompa- nied by energetic brain activity. Awakened dur- ing one such episode, Armond reported hav- ing a dream. Aserinsky had discovered what

we now know as REM sleep (rapid eye movement sleep).

Similar procedures used with thou- sands of volunteers showed the cycles were a normal part of sleep (Kleitman, 1960). To appreciate these studies, imag- ine yourself as a participant. As the hour grows late, you feel sleepy and get ready for bed. A researcher comes in and tapes electrodes to your scalp (to detect your brain waves), on your chin (to detect muscle tension), and just outside the corners of your eyes (to detect eye move- ments) (FIGURE 2.27). Other devices will record your heart rate, respiration rate, and genital arousal.

When you are in bed with your eyes closed, the researcher in the next room sees on the EEG the relatively slow alpha waves of your awake but relaxed state (FIGURE 2.28). As you adapt to all this

SLEEP STAGES Sooner or later, sleep overtakes us and consciousness fades as different parts of our brain’s cortex stop communicating (Massimini et al., 2005). But rather than emitting a constant dial tone, the sleeping brain has its own bio- logical rhythm.

About every 90 minutes, we cycle through distinct sleep stages. This basic fact apparently was unknown until 8-year - old Armond Aserinsky went to bed one night in 1952. His father, Eugene, needed to test an electroen- cephalograph he had repaired that day (Aserinsky, 1988; Seligman & Yellen, 1987). Placing electrodes near Armond’s eyes to record the rolling eye movements then believed to occur during sleep, Aserinsky watched the machine go wild, tracing deep zigzags on the graph paper. Could the machine still be bro-

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circadian [ser - KAY-dee - an] rhythm internal biological clock; regular bodily rhythms (for example, of temperature and wakefulness) that occur on a 24-hour cycle.

REM (rapid eye movement) sleep recurring sleep stage during which vivid dreams commonly occur. Also known as paradoxical sleep, be- cause the muscles are relaxed (except for minor twitches) but other body systems are active.

alpha waves relatively slow brain waves of a relaxed, awake state.

FIGURE 2.27 Measuring sleep activity As this man sleeps, attached electrodes are picking up weak electrical signals from his brain, eyes, and facial muscles. (From Dement, 1978.)

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facial twitch, you are essentially para- lyzed. Moreover, you cannot easily be awakened. REM sleep is thus some- times called paradoxical sleep: The body

dream—often emotional, usually story- like, and richly hallucinatory.

Except during very scary dreams, your genitals become aroused during REM sleep. You have an erection or increased vaginal lubrication and clitoral engorge- ment, regardless of whether the dream’s content is sexual (Karacan et al., 1966). Men’s common “morning erection” stems from the night’s last REM period, often just before waking. (Many men trou- bled by erectile disorder [impotence] still have sleep-related erections, suggest- ing the problem is not between their legs.)

Your brain’s motor cortex is active during REM sleep, but your brainstem blocks its messages. This leaves your muscles relaxed, so much so that, except for an occasional finger, toe, or

equipment, you grow tired and, in a moment you won’t remember, you slip into sleep. The transition is marked by the slowed breathing and the irregular brain waves of non-REM stage 1 sleep. In the new American Academy of Sleep Medicine classification of sleep stages, this stage is called NREM-1 sleep (Silber et al., 2008).

During this brief NREM-1 sleep you may experience fantastic images resem- bling hallucinations. You may have a sensation of falling (at which moment your body may suddenly jerk) or of float- ing weightlessly. These hypnagogic sensa- tions may later be incorporated into your memories. (“Hypnagogic” comes from the Greek root words meaning “leading to sleep.”) People who claim to have been abducted by aliens—often shortly after getting into bed—commonly recall being floated off (or pinned down on) their beds (Clancy, 2005).

You then relax more deeply and begin about 20 minutes of NREM-2 sleep, with its bursts of rapid, rhythmic brain- wave activity (see Figure 2.28). Although you could still be awakened without too much difficulty, you are now clearly asleep.

Then you enter the deep sleep of NREM-3. During this slow - wave sleep, which lasts for about 30 minutes, your brain emits large, slow delta waves. You would be hard to awaken. (It is at the end of the deep, slow-wave NREM-3 sleep that children may wet the bed.)

REM SLEEP About an hour after you first dive into sleep, a strange thing happens. You reverse course. From NREM-3, then back through NREM-2 (where you spend about half your night), you enter the most puzzling sleep phase—REM sleep (FIGURE 2.29). And the show begins. For about 10 minutes, your brain waves become rapid and saw - toothed, more like those of the nearly awake NREM-1 sleep. But unlike NREM-1, during REM sleep your heart rate rises and your breathing becomes rapid and irregular. Every half - minute or so, your eyes dart around in a brief burst of activity behind closed lids. These eye movements announce the beginning of a

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FIGURE 2.29 The stages in a typical night’s sleep People pass through a multistage sleep cycle several times each night. As the night goes on, the periods of deep sleep diminish and REM sleep in- creases. For older adults, sleep becomes more fragile and awakenings more common (Kamel & Gammack, 2006; Neubauer, 1999).

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Why Do We Sleep? 2-16 How do our sleep patterns differ? What five theories describe our need to sleep?

The idea that “everyone needs 8 hours of sleep” is untrue. Newborns often sleep two - thirds of their day, most adults no more than one - third. Still, there is more to our sleep differences than age. Some of us thrive with fewer than 6 hours a night. Others regularly rack up 9 hours or more (Coren, 1996). Heredity influences sleep patterns (Hor & Tafti, 2009). In studies of fraternal and identical twins, only the identical twins had strikingly similar pat- terns (Webb & Campbell, 1983).

But we should not overstress biol- ogy. Remember another of this book’s themes: Individual and social-cultural forces also affect behavior. Sleep patterns are culturally influenced. In industri- alized nations, people now sleep less than they did a century ago. Thanks to modern lighting, shift work, and social diversions, those who would have gone to bed at 9:00 p.m. are now up until 11:00 p.m. or later.

Bright light at night can disrupt our biological clock, tricking the brain into thinking it’s morning. The process begins in the retinas in our eyes, which con- tain light-sensitive proteins. Normally, morning light sets off an internal alarm by activating these proteins, which then signal neural clusters in the brain (Foster, 2004). The brain interprets these signals as orders to decrease production of the sleep - inducing hormone melatonin. In sleep as in waking behavior, environ- ment and biology interact.

SLEEP THEORIES So our sleep patterns differ from person to person and from culture to culture. But why do we need to

reported rarely or never having dreams “that you can remember the next morning” (Moore, 2004). Yet even they, more than 80 percent of the time, will recall a dream if awakened during REM sleep. Each year, we spend about 600 hours experiencing some 1500 dreams. Over a typi- cal lifetime, this adds up to more than 100,000 dreams—all swallowed by the night but not acted out, thanks to REM’s pro- tective paralysis.

is internally aroused and externally calm—except for those darting eyes.

The sleep cycle repeats itself about every 90 min- utes for younger adults (somewhat more often for older adults). As the night wears on, deep NREM-3 sleep grows shorter and disappears. REM and NREM-2 sleep periods get longer (see Figure 2.29). By morning, we have spent 20 to 25 percent of an average night’s sleep— some 100 minutes—in REM sleep. Thirty - seven percent of people have

• Why would communal sleeping provide added protection for these soldiers?

ANSWER: With each soldier cycling through the sleep stages independently, it is very likely that at any given time at least one of them will be awake or easily wakened in the event of a threat.

• What are the four sleep stages, and in what order do we normally travel through those stages?

ANSWER: REM, NREM-1, NREM-2, NREM-3; normally we move through NREM-1, then NREM-2, then NREM-3, then back up through NREM-2 before we experience REM sleep.

• Can you match the cognitive experience with the sleep stage?

1. NREM-1

2. NREM-3

3. REM

a. story-like dreams

b. fleeting images

c. minimal awareness

ANSWERS: 1. b, 2. c, 3. a

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Horses, which spend 92 percent of each day standing and can sleep standing, must lie down for muscle-paralyzing REM sleep (Morrison, 2003).

2004 Gallup poll: “Usually, how many hours of sleep do you get at night?” 5 or less 14% 6 26% 7 28% 8 25% 2004 average = 6.8 hours 1942 average = 7.6 hours

sleep periodic, natural loss of consciousness— as distinct from unconsciousness resulting from a coma, general anesthesia, or hibernation. (Adapted from Dement, 1999.)

delta waves the large, slow brain waves associ- ated with deep sleep.

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Given all the benefits of sleep, it’s no wonder that sleep loss hits us so hard.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What five theories explain our need for sleep?

ANSWER: (1) Sleep has survival value. (2) Sleep helps restore and repair brain tissue. (3) During sleep we strengthen memory traces. (4) Sleep fuels creativity. (5) Sleep plays a role in the growth process.

Sleep Deprivation and Sleep Disorders 2-17 How does sleep loss affect us, and what are the major sleep disorders?

Sleep commands roughly one-third of our lives—some 25 years, on average.

When our body yearns for sleep but does not get it, we feel terrible. Trying to stay awake, we will even- tually lose. In the tiredness battle, sleep always wins.

THE EFFECTS OF SLEEP LOSS Today, more than ever, our sleep patterns leave us not only sleepy but drained of energy and feelings of well - being. After a series of 5-hour nights, we run up a sleep debt that can’t be repaid with one long sleep. “The brain keeps an accurate count of sleep debt for at least two weeks,” reported sleep researcher William Dement (1999, p. 64).

With enough sleep, we awake re- freshed and in a better mood. We work more efficiently and accurately. College and university students are especially

ory traces and makes them more stable (Racsmány et al., 2010; Rasch & Born,

2008). After sleeping well, older people remember more. And the neural activity that takes place during slow-wave sleep seems to let humans (and rats) relive earlier experi- ences, and to remember them better (Peigneux et al.,

2004; Ribeiro et al., 2004). Sleep, it seems, strengthens memories in a way that being awake does not.

4. Sleep feeds creative thinking. A full night’s sleep boosts our thinking and learning. After working on a task, then sleeping on it, people solve problems more insightfully than do those who stay awake (Wagner et al., 2004). They also are better at spotting connections among novel pieces of information (Ellenbogen et al., 2007). To think smart and see connections, it often pays to sleep on it.

5. Sleep supports growth. During deep sleep, the pituitary gland releases a hormone we need for muscle devel- opment. A regular full night’s sleep can “dramatically improve your ath- letic ability” (Maas & Robbins, 2010). Well-rested athletes have faster reac- tion times, more energy, and greater endurance. Teams that build 8 to 10 hours of daily sleep into their training show improved performance.

sleep? Psychologists offer five possible reasons why sleep evolved.

1. Sleep protects. When darkness shut down the day’s hunting, food gathering, and travel, our distant ancestors were better off asleep in a cave, out of harm’s way. Those who didn’t try to navigate around rocks and cliffs at night were more likely to leave descendants. This fits a broader principle: A species’ sleep patterns tend to suit its place in nature. Animals with the great- est need to graze and the least ability to hide tend to sleep less (see FIGURE 2.30).

2. Sleep helps us recover. Sleep helps restore and repair brain tissue. Bats and many other small animals burn a lot of calories, producing a lot of free radicals, molecules that are toxic to neurons. Sleeping a lot gives rest- ing neurons time to repair and reor- ganize themselves (Gilestro et al., 2009; Siegel, 2003). Think of it this way: When consciousness leaves your house, brain construction workers come in for a makeover.

3. Sleep helps us remember. During sleep, we restore and rebuild our memo- ries of the day’s experiences. People trained to perform tasks recall them better after a night’s sleep, or even after a short nap, than after several hours awake (Stickgold & Ellenbogen, 2008). Sleep strengthens neural mem-

One study of a decade’s 24,121 Major League Baseball games found a circadian disadvantage. Teams that had crossed three time zones before playing a multiday series had nearly a 60 percent chance of losing their first game (Winter et al., 2009).

FIGURE 2.30 Animal sleep times Would you rather be a brown bat and sleep 20 hours a day or a giraffe and sleep 2 hours (data from NIH, 2010)? Kruglov_Orda/Shutterstock; Courtesy of Andrew D. Myers; © Anna63/Dreamstime.com; Steffen Foerster Photography/Shutterstock; The Agency Collection/Punchstock; Eric Isselée/Shutterstock; pandapaw/Shutterstock.

20 hours 16 hours 12 hours 10 hours 8 hours 4 hours 2 hours

“Sleep faster, we need the pillows.”

Yiddish proverb

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On the Monday after daylight savings time begins, entertainment-related Google searches have been 3.1 percent higher than on the preceding Monday, and 6.4 higher than on the following Monday (Wagner, 2012). In another study, researchers had students wear a sleep- monitoring bracelet overnight. Those who were sleep deprived spent more time cyberloafing during a 42-minute video lecture.

Another effect of chronic sleep loss is immune system suppression. With sleep deprivation, we produce fewer immune cells, which battle viral infections and cancer (Beardsley, 1996; Irwin et al., 1994). One experiment exposed volunteers to a cold virus. Those who had been aver- aging less than 7 hours of sleep a night were three times more likely to develop the cold than were those sleeping 8 or more hours a night (Cohen et al., 2009).

Sleep loss can also predict depres- sion. In a study of 15,500 young people (12 to 18 years old) the risk of depres- sion among those who slept 5 or fewer hours a night was 71 percent higher than among others who slept 8 hours or more

immediately after the time change that shortened sleep (FIGURE 2.31). The bottom line: Less sleep can mean more accidents.

When tired, the trouble people have concentrating leads to more “cyber- loafing”—frittering away time online.

sleep deprived. In one national survey, 69 percent reported “feeling tired” or “hav- ing little energy” on several or more days in the last two weeks (AP, 2009). Small wonder so many fall asleep in class. When the going gets boring, the students start snoring. Even when awake, they often function below their peak.

Sleep deprivation slows reactions and increases errors on some visual attention tasks (Lim & Dinges, 2010). When sleepy frontal lobes confront an unex- pected situation, slow responses can spell disaster. Driver fatigue has con- tributed to an estimated 20 percent of American traffic accidents (Brody, 2002). One two-year study examined the driv- ing accident rates of more than 20,000 Virginia 16- to 18-year-olds in two major cities. In one city, the high schools started 75 to 80 minutes later than in the other. The late starters had about 25 per- cent fewer crashes (Vorona et al., 2011).

Twice each year, most Americans par- ticipate in a sleep - manipulation experi- ment—the “spring forward” to daylight savings time and “fall backward” to standard time. A search of millions of records showed that in both Canada and the United States, accidents increased

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SLEEPLESS AND SUFFERING These fatigued, sleep-deprived earthquake rescue workers in China may experience a depressed immune system, impaired concentration, and greater vulnerability to accidents.

2800

2700

2600

2500

2400 Spring time change (hour of sleep lost)

Monday before time change

Number of accidents

4200

4000

3800

3600 Fall time change

(hour of sleep gained)

Monday after time change

Less sleep, more accidents

More sleep, fewer accidents

Number of accidents

FIGURE 2.31 Canadian traffic accidents On the Monday after the spring time change, when people lose one hour of sleep, accidents increased, as compared with the Monday before. In the fall, traffic accidents normally increase because of greater snow, ice, and darkness, but they diminished after the time change. (Adapted from Coren, 1996.)

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are a typical college- age student, often going to bed near 2:00 a.m. and dragged out of bed 6 hours later by the dreaded alarm, the treatment is simple: Each night just add an hour to your sleep.

MAJOR SLEEP DISORDERS To man- age your life with enough sleep to awaken natu- rally and well rested is to be more alert, produc- tive, happy, healthy, and safe. But for many peo- ple, that goal is hard to achieve. The major sleep

disorders include insomnia; narcolepsy; sleep apnea; and sleepwalking, sleeptalking, and night terrors.

No matter what their normal need for sleep, some 1 in 10 adults, and 1 in 4 older adults, complain of insomnia. These people have ongoing problems in falling or staying asleep, not just an occasional loss of sleep when anxious or excited.

Many who complain of insomnia overestimate their actual sleep loss and underestimate their sleep time (Harvey & Tang, 2012). Many others with true insom- nia turn to popular quick fixes, such as sleeping pills and alcohol. Far from “fix- ing” the problem, these substances can make things worse because they reduce REM sleep and leave the person with the next-day blahs. They can also lead to tolerance—a state in which increasing doses are needed to produce an effect. An ideal sleep aid would mimic the nat- ural chemicals abundant during sleep, reliably producing sound sleep without side effects. Until scientists can sup- ply this magic pill, experts have offered some tips for getting better quality sleep (TABLE 2.2).

Falling asleep is not the problem for people with narcolepsy (from narco, “numbness,” and lepsy, “seizure”), who have sudden attacks of overwhelming sleepiness, usually lasting less than 5 min- utes. Narcolepsy attacks can occur at the worst times, perhaps just after taking a terrific swing at a softball or when laugh- ing loudly, shouting angrily, or having

adults deprived of sleep had increased appetites and ate more (Nixon et al., 2008; Patel et al., 2006; Spiegel et al., 2004; Van

Cauter et al., 2007). This may help explain the common weight gain among sleep- deprived college students.

FIGURE 2.32 summarizes these and other effects of sleep deprivation. But there is good news! Psychologists have discovered a treat- ment that strengthens memory, increases con- centration, boosts mood, moderates hunger and

obesity, fortifies the disease - fighting immune system, and lessens the risk of fatal accidents. Even better news: The treatment feels good, it can be self- administered, the supplies are limit- less, and it’s free! If you

(Gangwisch et al., 2010). Studies of nearly 70,000 adults have revealed a doubled risk of future depression among people with ongoing problems going to sleep or staying asleep (Baglioni et al., 2011). REM sleep’s processing of emotional experi- ences helps protect against depression (Walker & van der Helm, 2009). After a good night’s sleep, we often feel better the next day.

Can lack of sleep make you gain weight? Yes, by increasing ghrelin, a hun- ger-arousing hormone, and decreasing its hunger-suppressing partner, leptin. Sleep deprivation also increases corti- sol, a stress hormone that triggers fat production. Sure enough, children and adults who sleep less than normal are fatter than those who sleep more (Chen et al., 2008; Knutson et

al., 2007; Schoenborn & Adams,

2008). And in experiments,

Some students have a sleep schedule like that of the fellow who stayed up all night to see where the Sun went. (Then it dawned on him.)

Heart Increased risk of high blood pressure

Stomach Increase in hunger-arousing ghrelin; decrease in hunger-suppressing leptin

Muscle Reduced strength; slower reaction time and motor learning

Joints Increased inflammation and arthritis

Fat cells Increased production; greater risk of obesity

Immune system Decreased production of immune cells; increased risk of viral infections, such as colds

Brain Decreased ability to focus attention and process and store memories; increased risk of depression

FIGURE 2.32 How sleep deprivation affects us

“Sleep is like love or happiness. If you pursue it too ardently it will elude you.”

Wilse Webb (1992)

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family member, few sleepwalkers recall their trip the next morning.

Sleepwalking happens during NREM-3 sleep. So do night terrors, which are not nightmares. During an attack, a child may sit up or walk around, talk non- sense, and appear terrified. The child’s heart and breathing rates may double. Luckily, children remember little or nothing of the fearful event the next day (Hartmann, 1981). Children have the deep- est and longest NREM-3 sleep, so it’s no surprise that they most often have night terrors and sleepwalk. As deep NREM-3 sleep decreases with age, these disor- ders become more and more rare.

the treatment—a masklike device with an air pump that keeps the sleeper’s air- way open (imagine a snorkeler at a slum- ber party)—can effectively relieve apnea symptoms.

Sleepwalking and sleeptalking are usu- ally childhood disorders, and they run in families. If a fraternal twin sleepwalks, the odds are about 1 in 3 that the other twin will also sleepwalk. But if twins are genetically identical, the odds increase to 1 in 2. The same is true for sleeptalk- ing (Hublin et al., 1997, 1998). Sleepwalking is usually harmless. After returning to bed on their own or with the help of a

sex (Dement, 1978, 1999). In severe cases, the person collapses directly into a brief period of REM sleep, with loss of mus- cle control. People with narcolepsy—1 in 2000 of us, estimated the Stanford University Center for Narcolepsy (2002)— must therefore live with extra caution. As a traffic menace, “snoozing is sec- ond only to boozing,” said the American Sleep Disorders Association, and those with narcolepsy are especially at risk (Aldrich, 1989).

Sleep apnea also puts millions of peo- ple—1 in 20 of us—at increased risk of traffic accidents (Teran - Santos et al., 1999). Apnea means “with no breath,” and dur- ing sleep, people with this condition stop breathing over and over again. After an airless minute or so, their blood oxygen drops enough to jolt them awake, and they snort in air for a few seconds. This happens hundreds of times each night, depriving these people of slow - wave sleep and leaving them feeling fatigued and depressed the next day. Because they don’t recall these episodes the next day, many apnea sufferers are unaware of their disorder (Peppard et al., 2006).

Sleep apnea is linked with obesity, particularly among overweight men, including some football players (Keller, 2007). In addition to loud snoring, other warning signs are daytime sleepiness, irritability, and (possibly) high blood pressure (Dement, 1999). If one doesn’t mind looking a little goofy in the dark,

TABLE 2.2 Looking for a Better Night’s Sleep?

• Exercise regularly, but not in the late evening. (Late afternoon is best.)

• Avoid caffeine after early afternoon, and avoid food and drink near bedtime. The exception would be a glass of milk, which provides raw materials for the manufacture of serotonin, a neurotrans- mitter that promotes sleep.

• Relax before bedtime, using dimmer light.

• Sleep on a regular schedule (rise at the same time even after a restless night) and avoid naps.

• Hide the clock face so you aren’t tempted to check it repeatedly.

• Reassure yourself that temporary loss of sleep causes no great harm.

• Realize that for any stressed organism, being vigilant is natural and adaptive. A personal conflict during the day often means a fitful sleep that night.

• If all else fails, settle for less sleep, either going to bed later or getting up earlier.

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ECONOMIC RECESSION AND STRESS CAN ROB SLEEP: A National Sleep Foundation (2009) survey found 27 percent of people reporting sleeplessness related to the economy, their personal finances, and employment, as seems evident in this man looking for work.

insomnia recurring problems in falling or stay- ing asleep.

narcolepsy sleep disorder in which a person has uncontrollable sleep attacks, sometimes lapsing directly into REM sleep.

sleep apnea a sleep disorder in which a sleep- ing person repeatedly stops breathing until blood oxygen is so low it awakens the person just long enough to draw a breath.

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WHY WE DREAM Dream theorists have proposed several explanations of why we dream, including these five:

1. To satisfy our own wishes. In 1900, Sigmund Freud offered what he thought was “the most valuable of all the discoveries it has been my good for- tune to make.” He pro-

posed that dreams act as a safety valve, discharging feelings that can- not be expressed in public. He called the dream’s remembered story line its manifest content. For Freud, this apparent content was a censored, symbolic version of the dream’s under- lying meaning—the latent content, or unconscious drives and wishes that would be threatening if expressed directly. Most dreams have no openly sexual imagery. Freud neverthe- less believed that most adult dreams could be “traced back by analysis to erotic wishes.” Thus, a gun appear- ing in a dream could be a penis in disguise.

Freud’s critics say it is time to wake up from Freud’s dream theory, which is a scientific nightmare. Scientific studies offer “no reason to believe

confuse them with reality. Awakening from a night- mare, a 4-year - old may scream in fear of the bear in the house.

Few dreams are sweet. For both women and men, 8 in 10 dreams are bad dreams (Domhoff, 2007). Common themes are failing in an attempt to do something; being attacked, pursued, or rejected; or expe- riencing misfortune (Hall et al., 1982). Dreams with sexual imagery occur less often than you might think. In one study, only 1 in 10 dreams among young men and 1 in 30 among young women had sexual overtones (Domhoff, 1996). More commonly, our dreams feature people and places from the day’s nonsexual experiences (De Koninck, 2000).

Our two-track mind is monitoring our environment even while we sleep. Sensory stimuli—a particular odor or a phone’s ringing—may be instantly woven into a dream story. In a classic experiment, researchers lightly sprayed cold water on dreamers’ faces (Dement & Wolpert, 1958). Compared with sleepers who did not get the cold - water treat- ment, these people were more likely to dream about a waterfall, a leaky roof, or even about being sprayed by someone.

Dreams 2-18 What do we dream about, and what are five theories of why we dream?

Our two-track mind is clearly at work during sleep. Consider all the events happening outside our waking conscious awareness. We may stop breathing (sleep apnea), stroll around (sleepwalk- ing), talk to imaginary people (sleeptalk- ing), or dream.

Each of us spends about six years of our life in dreams—adventures that remain locked behind our moving eyelids and usually vanish with the new day. The discovery of the link between REM sleep and dreaming gave us a key to that lock. Now, instead of relying on a dreamer’s hazy recall hours or days after waking, researchers can catch dreams as they happen. They can awaken people dur- ing or within 3 minutes after a REM sleep period and hear a vivid account.

WHAT WE DREAM REM dreams—the sleeping mind’s hallucinations—are viv- id, emotional, and often bizarre (Loftus & Ketcham, 1994). Unlike daydreams, the dreams of REM sleep are so vivid we may

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A popular sleep myth: If you dream you are falling and hit the ground (or if you dream of dying), you die. Unfortunately, those who could confirm these ideas are not around to do so. Many people, how ever, have had such dreams and are alive to report them.

DID BRAHMS NEED HIS OWN LULLABIES? Cranky, overweight, and nap-prone, classical composer Johannes Brahms exhibited com- mon symptoms of sleep apnea (Margolis, 2000).

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2009). Our ever-alert brain attempts to make sense of the activity, pasting the random bits of information into a meaningful image, much as children construct storybooks from snippets of magazine photos.

5. To reflect cognitive development. Some dream researchers see dreams as a reflection of brain maturation and cognitive development (Domhoff, 2010, 2011; Foulkes, 1999). For example, before age 9, children’s dreams seem more like a slide show and less like an active story in which the child is an actor. Dreams at all ages tend to fea- ture the kind of thinking and talking we demonstrate when awake. They seem to draw on our current knowl- edge and concepts we understand.

TABLE 2.3 compares these major dream theories. There is one thing today’s dream researchers agree on: We need REM sleep. Deprived of it in sleep labs or in real life, people return more and more

stuff, you won’t integrate it effectively into your memories.” In one study, high-achieving secondary students with top grades averaged 25 min- utes more sleep a night and went to bed 40 minutes earlier than their lower-achieving classmates (Wolfson & Carskadon, 1998).

Brain scans have confirmed the link between REM sleep and mem- ory. Brain regions that were active as rats learned to navigate a maze (or as people learned to perform a visual- discrimination task) were active again later during REM sleep (Louie & Wilson, 2001; Maquet, 2001). So precise were these activity patterns that scientists could tell where in the maze the rat would be if awake.

3. To develop and preserve neural path- ways. Dreams, or the brain activity linked to REM sleep, may give the sleeping brain a workout that helps it develop. As we’ll see in Chapter 3, stimulating experiences preserve and expand the brain’s neural pathways. Infants, whose neural networks are fast developing, spend much of their abundant sleep time in REM sleep.

4. To make sense of neural static. Other theories propose that dreams are born when random neural activ- ity spreads upward from the brain- stem (Antrobus, 1991; Hobson, 2003, 2004,

any of Freud’s specific claims about dreams and their purposes,” said dream researcher William Domhoff (2000). Maybe a dream about a gun is really just a dream about a gun. Legend has it that even Freud, who loved to smoke cigars, agreed that “sometimes, a cigar is just a cigar.” Other critics have noted that dreams may be interpreted in many different ways.

2. To file away memories. The informa- tion-processing perspective proposes that dreams may help sift, sort, and fix the day’s events in our memory. Some studies support this view. When tested the day after learning a task, those who had slept undis- turbed did better than those who had been deprived of both slow - wave and REM sleep (Stickgold et al., 2000, 2001).

Students, take note. Sleep re- searcher Robert Stickgold (2000) be- lieves many students suffer from a kind of sleep bulimia, binge sleep- ing on the weekend. The weekday sleep deprivation leaves not enough time for memory consolidation (the sleep-aided processing and stor- ing of memories). From Stickgold’s information-processing perspective he warns, “If you don’t get good sleep and enough sleep after you learn new

TABLE 2.3 Dream Theories

Theory Explanation Critical Considerations

Wish satisfaction

Dreams provide a “psychic safety valve”—expressing otherwise unacceptable feelings; contain manifest (re- membered) content and a deeper layer of latent content (a hidden meaning).

Lacks any scientific support; dreams may be interpreted in many different ways.

Information processing Dreams help us sort out the day’s events and consoli- date our memories.

But why do we sometimes dream about things we have not experienced?

Neural preservation and development Regular brain stimulation from REM sleep may help de- velop and preserve neural pathways.

This does not explain why we experience meaningful dreams.

Neural activation REM sleep triggers neural activity that evokes random visual memories, which our sleeping brain weaves into stories.

The individual’s brain is weaving the stories, which still tells us something about the dreamer.

Cognitive development Dream content reflects dreamers’ cognitive develop- ment—their knowledge and understanding.

Does not address the neuroscience of dreams.

dream sequence of images, emotions, and thoughts passing through a sleeping person’s mind.

manifest content according to Freud, the re- membered story line of a dream.

latent content according to Freud, the under- lying meaning of a dream.

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tuce give rise to a feeling of joy, a cre- ative idea, or a crazy dream?

The mind seeking to understand the brain—that is indeed among the ulti- mate scientific challenges. And so it will always be. To paraphrase scientist John Barrow, a brain simple enough to be understood is too simple to produce a mind able to understand it.

* * * We have glimpsed the truth of this chapter’s overriding principle: Every- thing psychological is simultaneously bio- logical. You and I are privileged to live in a time when the pace of discoveries about the interplay of our biology and our behavior and mental processes is truly breathtaking. Yet what is un- known still dwarfs what is known. We can describe the brain. We can learn the functions of its parts. We can study how the parts communicate. We can observe sleeping and waking brains. But how do we get mind out of meat? How does the electrochemical whir in a hunk of tissue the size of a head of let-

The Biology of Mind and Consciousness Test yourself by taking a moment to answer each of these Learning Objective Questions (repeated here from within the chapter). Then turn to Appendix D, Complete Chapter Reviews, to check your answers. Research suggests that trying to answer these questions on your own will improve your long-term memory of the concepts (McDaniel et al., 2009).

Biology and Behavior 2-1: Why are psychologists concerned with human biology?

Neural Communication 2-2: What are the parts of a neuron?

2-3: How do neurons communicate?

2-4: How do neurotransmitters affect our mood and behavior?

The Nervous System 2-5: What are the two major divisions of the nervous system, and

what are their basic functions?

The Endocrine System 2-6: How does the endocrine system transmit information and

interact with the nervous system?

The Brain 2-7: What are some techniques for studying the brain?

2-8: What are the functions of the brainstem and its related structures?

2-9: What are the structures and functions of the limbic system?

2-10: What are the four lobes of the cerebral cortex, and where are they located?

2-11: What are the functions of the motor cortex, somatosensory cortex, and association areas?

2-12: When damaged, can the brain repair or reorganize itself?

2-13: What is a split brain, and what does it reveal about the func- tions of our left and right hemispheres?

Brain States and Consciousness 2-14: What do we mean by consciousness, and how does selective

attention direct our perceptions?

2-15: What is the circadian rhythm, and what are the stages of our nightly sleep cycle?

2-16: How do our sleep patterns differ? What five theories describe our need to sleep?

2-17: How does sleep loss affect us, and what are the major sleep disorders?

2-18: What do we dream about, and what are five theories of why we dream?

CHAPTER REVIEW

quickly to the REM stage when finally allowed to sleep undisturbed. They lit- erally sleep like babies—with increased REM sleep, known as REM rebound. Withdrawing REM-suppressing sleep- ing pills also increases REM sleep, often with nightmares.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What five theories explain why we dream?

ANSWER: (1) Freud’s wish fulfillment (dreams as a psy- chic safety valve), (2) information processing (dreams sort the day’s events and form memories), (3) physi- ological function (dreams pave neural pathways), (4) neural activation (REM sleep triggers random neural activity that the mind weaves into stories), (5) cogni- tive development (dreams reflect the dreamer’s devel- opmental stage)

REM rebound the tendency for REM sleep to increase following REM sleep deprivation.

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Test yourself repeatedly throughout your studies. This will not only help you figure out what you know and don’t know; the testing itself will help you learn and remember the information more effectively thanks to the testing effect.

1. The neuron fiber that passes messages through its branches to other neurons or to muscles and glands is the .

2. The tiny space between the axon of one neuron and the dendrite or cell body of another is called the

a. axon terminal.

b. branching fiber.

c. synaptic gap.

d. threshold.

3. Regarding a neuron’s response to stimulation, the inten- sity of the stimulus determines

a. whether or not an impulse is generated.

b. how fast an impulse is transmitted.

c. how intense an impulse will be.

d. whether reuptake will occur.

4. In a sending neuron, when an action potential reaches an axon terminal, the impulse triggers the release of chemi- cal messengers called .

5. Endorphins are released in the brain in response to

a. morphine or heroin.

b. pain or vigorous exercise.

c. the all-or-none response.

d. all of the above.

6. The autonomic nervous system controls internal func- tions, such as heart rate and glandular activity. The word autonomic means

a. calming.

b. voluntary.

c. self-regulating.

d. arousing.

7. The sympathetic nervous system arouses us for action and the parasympathetic nervous system calms us down. Together, the two systems make up the nervous system.

Test yourself on these terms by trying to write down the definition in your own words before flipping back to the referenced page to check your answer.

biological psychology, p. 30

neuron, p. 30

dendrites, p. 30

axon, p. 30

action potential, p. 30

glial cells (glia), p. 30

synapse [SIN-aps], p. 30

threshold, p. 31

all-or-none response, p. 31

neurotransmitters, p. 31

opiate, p. 32

endorphins [en - DOR-fins], p. 32

nervous system, p. 33

central nervous system (CNS), p. 33

peripheral nervous system (PNS), p. 33

nerves, p. 33

sensory neuron, p. 33

motor neuron, p. 33

interneuron, p. 33

somatic nervous system, p. 34

autonomic [aw - tuh - NAHM-ik] nervous system (ANS), p. 34

sympathetic nervous system, p. 34

parasympathetic nervous system, p. 34

reflex, p. 35

endocrine [EN-duh - krin] sys- tem, p. 36

hormones, p. 36

adrenal [ah - DREEN-el] glands, p. 36

pituitary gland, p. 36

brainstem, p. 37

EEG (electroencephalograph), p. 38

PET (positron emission tomography) scan, p. 38

MRI (magnetic resonance imaging), p. 38

fMRI (functional MRI), p. 38

medulla [muh-DUL-uh], p. 39

thalamus [THAL-uh-muss], p. 39

reticular formation, p. 39

cerebellum [sehr - uh - BELL-um], p. 40

limbic system, p. 40

amygdala [uh - MIG-duh - la], p. 41

hypothalamus [hi - po - THAL-uh - muss], p. 41

cerebral [seh - REE-bruhl] cortex, p. 42

frontal lobes, p. 43

parietal [puh - RYE-uh - tuhl] lobes, p. 43

occipital [ahk - SIP-uh - tuhl] lobes, p. 43

temporal lobes, p. 43

motor cortex, p. 43

somatosensory cortex, p. 45

hallucination, p. 45

association areas, p. 45

plasticity, p. 47

neurogenesis, p. 47

corpus callosum [KOR-pus kah - LOW-sum], p. 48

split brain, p. 48

consciousness, p. 50

selective attention, p. 51

inattentional blindness, p. 51

change blindness, p. 51

circadian [ser - KAY-dee - an] rhythm, p. 52

REM (rapid eye movement) sleep, p. 53

alpha waves, p. 53

sleep, p. 54

delta waves, p. 54

insomnia, p. 58

narcolepsy, p. 58

sleep apnea, p. 59

dream, p. 60

manifest content, p. 60

latent content, p. 60

REM rebound, p. 62

CHAPTER TEST

TERMS AND CONCEPTS TO REMEMBER

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8. The neurons of the spinal cord are part of the nervous system.

9. The most influential endocrine gland, known as the mas- ter gland, is the

a. pituitary.

b. hypothalamus.

c. thyroid.

d. pancreas.

10. The secrete(s) epineph- rine and norepinephrine, helping to arouse the body dur- ing times of stress.

11. The part of the brainstem that controls heartbeat and breathing is the

a. cerebellum.

b. medulla.

c. cortex.

d. thalamus.

12. The thalamus functions like a

a. memory bank.

b. balance center.

c. breathing regulator.

d. sensory control center.

13. The lower brain structure that governs arousal is the

a. spinal cord.

b. cerebellum.

c. reticular formation.

d. medulla.

14. The part of the brain that coordinates voluntary move- ment and balance is the .

15. Two parts of the limbic system are the amygdala and the

a. cerebral hemispheres.

b. hippocampus.

c. thalamus.

d. pituitary.

16. A cat’s ferocious response to electrical brain stimulation would lead you to suppose the electrode had touched the .

17. The neural structure that most directly regulates eating, drinking, and body temperature is the

a. endocrine system.

b. hypothalamus.

c. hippocampus.

d. amygdala.

18. The initial reward center discovered by Olds and Milner was located in the .

19. If a neurosurgeon stimulated your right motor cortex, you would most likely

a. see light.

b. hear a sound.

c. feel a touch on the right arm.

d. move your left leg.

20. How do different neural networks communicate with one another to let you respond when a friend greets you at a party?

21. Which of the following body regions has the greatest rep- resentation in the somatosensory cortex?

a. Upper arm

b. Toes

c. Lips

d. All regions are equally represented.

22. Judging and planning are enabled by the lobes.

23. What would it be like to talk on the phone if you didn’t have temporal lobe association areas? What would you hear? What would you understand?

24. The “uncommitted” areas that make up about three- fourths of the cerebral cortex are called .

25. Plasticity is especially evident in the brains of

a. split-brain patients.

b. young adults.

c. young children.

d. right-handed people.

26. An experimenter flashes the word HERON across the visual field of a man whose corpus callosum has been sev- ered. HER is transmitted to his right hemisphere and ON to his left hemisphere. When asked to indicate what he saw, the man says he saw but points to .

27. Studies of people with split brains and brain scans of those with undivided brains indicate that the left hemisphere excels in

a. processing language.

b. visual perceptions.

c. making inferences.

d. neurogenesis.

28. Damage to the brain’s right hemisphere is most likely to reduce a person’s ability to

a. recite the alphabet rapidly.

b. make inferences.

c. understand verbal instructions.

d. solve arithmetic problems.

64 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

Multiple-format self-tests and more may be found at www.worthpublishers.com/myers.

experience more of the

testing effect

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29. Failure to see visible objects because our attention is occu- pied elsewhere is called .

30. Inattentional blindness and change blindness are forms of attention.

31. Our body temperature tends to rise and fall in sync with a biological clock, which is referred to as our .

32. During the NREM-1 sleep stage, a person is most likely to experience

a. deep sleep.

b. hallucinations.

c. night terrors or nightmares.

d. rapid eye movements.

33. The brain emits large, slow delta waves during sleep.

34. As the night progresses, what happens to the REM stage of sleep?

35. Which of the following is NOT one of the theories that have been proposed to explain why we need sleep?

a. Sleep has survival value.

b. Sleep helps us recuperate.

c. Sleep rests the eyes.

d. Sleep plays a role in the growth process.

36. What is the difference between narcolepsy and sleep apnea?

37. In interpreting dreams, Freud was most interested in their

a. information-processing function.

b. physiological function.

c. manifest content, or story line.

d. latent content, or hidden meaning.

38. What is the neural activation theory of dreaming?

39. “For what one has dwelt on by day, these things are seen in visions of the night” (Menander of Athens, Fragments). How might the information-processing perspective on dream- ing interpret this ancient Greek quote?

40. The tendency for REM sleep to increase following REM sleep deprivation is referred to as .

Find answers to these questions in Appendix E, in the back of the book.

IN YOUR EVERYDAY LIFE

Answering these questions will help you make these concepts more per- sonally meaningful, and therefore more memorable.

1. Can you think of a time when endorphins may have saved you or a friend from feeling intense pain? What happened?

2. Think back to a time when you felt your autonomic nervous system kick in. What was your body preparing you for?

3. Do you remember feeling the lingering effects of hormones after a really stressful event? How did it feel? How long did it last?

4. In what ways has learning about the physical brain influenced your thoughts about human nature?

5. If most information in the brain is processed outside of our aware- ness, how can we ever really know ourselves?

6. Why do you think humans are not driven to a frenzy, as the rats were, by stimulation of their “reward centers” in the limbic system?

7. Why do you think our brain evolved into so many interconnected structures with varying functions?

8. How would you respond if your friend complained, “I wish I were more right-brained”?

9. Can you think of a time when you focused your attention on one thing so much that you did not notice something else? What happened?

10. Do you ever text, watch TV, or talk on the phone while studying? What impact do you think this multitasking has on your learning?

11. What have you learned about sleep that you could apply to yourself?

12. Which explanation for why we dream makes the most sense to you? How well does it explain your own dreams?

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C H A

P T E R

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VE RVIEW

Prenatal Development and the Newborn

Conception

Prenatal Development

CLOSE-UP: Twin and Adoption Studies

The Competent Newborn

Infancy and Childhood Physical Development

Cognitive Development

Social Development

Thinking About Nature and Nurture

Adolescence Physical Development

Cognitive Development

Social Development

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: How Much Credit or Blame Do Parents Deserve?

Emerging Adulthood

Thinking About Continuity and Stages

Adulthood Physical Development

Cognitive Development

Social Development

Thinking About Stability and Change

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3 Developing Through the Life Span L

ife is a journey, from womb to tomb. So it is for me, and so it will be for you. My story, and yours, began when a man and a woman contributed 20,000+ genes to an egg that became a unique person. Those genes contained the codes for the build-

ing blocks that, with astonishing precision, formed our bodies and predisposed our traits. My grandmother gave to my mother a rare hearing-loss pattern, which she, in turn, passed on to me (the least of her gifts). My father was a good-natured extravert, and sometimes I forget to stop talking. As a child, my talking was slowed by painful stuttering, for which Seattle Public Schools gave me speech therapy.

Along with my parents’ nature, I also received their nurture. Like you, I was born into a particular family and culture, with its own way of viewing the world. My values have been shaped by a family culture filled with talking and laughter, by a religious culture that speaks of love and justice, and by an aca- demic culture that encourages critical thinking (asking, What do you mean? How do you know?).

We are formed by our genes, and by our contexts, so our stories will dif- fer. But in many ways we are each like nearly everyone else on Earth. Being human, you and I have a need to belong. My mental video library, which began after age 4, is filled with scenes of social attachment. Over time, my attach- ments to parents loosened as peer friendships grew. After lacking confidence to date in high school, I fell in love with a college classmate and married at age 20. Natural selection disposes us to survive and pass on our genes. Sure enough, two years later a child entered our lives and I experienced a new form of love that surprised me with its intensity.

But life is marked by change. That child now lives 2000 miles away, and one of his two siblings calls South Africa her home. The tight rubber bands linking parent and child have loosened, as yours likely have as well.

Change marks most vocational lives as well. I spent my teen years working in the family insurance agency, then became a premed chemistry major and a hospital aide. After discarding my half-completed medical school applications, I found my calling as a psychology professor and author. I predict that in 10 years you, too, will be doing things not in your current plan.

Stability also marks our development. When I look in the mirror I do not see the person I once was, but I feel like the person I have always been. I am the same person who, as a late teen, played basketball and discovered love. A half- century later, I still play basketball. And I still love—with less passion but more security—the life partner with whom I have shared life’s griefs and joys.

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Prenatal Development and the Newborn

Conception 3-2 How does conception occur, and what are chromosomes, DNA, genes, and the genome? How do genes and the environment interact?

Nothing is more natural than a species reproducing itself, yet nothing is more wondrous. For humans, the process begins when a woman’s ovary releases a mature egg, a cell roughly the size of the period at the end of this sentence. The 200 million or more sperm deposited by the man then begin their race upstream. Like space voyagers approaching a huge planet, the sperm approach a cell 85,000 times their own size. Only a small num- ber will reach the egg. Those that do will release enzymes that eat away the egg’s protective coating (FIGURE 3.1a). As soon as one sperm breaks through that coat- ing (Figure 3.1b), the egg’s surface will block out the others. Before half a day passes, the egg nucleus and the sperm nucleus will fuse. The two have become

We experience a continuous self, but that self morphs through stages—typi- cally growing up, raising children, en- joying a career, and, eventually, life’s final stage, which will demand my presence. As I make my way through this cycle of life to death, I am mind- ful that life’s journey is a continuing process of development. That process is seeded by nature and shaped by nur- ture, animated by love and focused by work, begun with wide-eyed curiosity and completed, for those blessed to live to a good old age, with peace and never- ending hope.

* * * Across the life span, we grow from

newborn to toddler to teen to mature adult. At each stage of life’s journey there are physical, cognitive, and social mile- stones. Let’s begin at the very beginning.

3-1 What are the three major issues studied by developmental psychologists?

Developmental psychology examines our physical, cognitive, and social devel- opment across the life span, with a focus on three major issues:

1. Nature and nurture: How does our genetic inheritance (our nature) inter- act with our experiences (our nurture) to influence our development?

2. Continuity and stages: What parts of development are gradual and continu- ous, like riding an escalator? What parts change abruptly in separate stages, like climbing rungs on a ladder?

3. Stability and change: Which of our traits persist through life? What changes as we age?

You will read about these issues throughout this chapter. At the end of our infancy and childhood discussion, we will focus on nature and nurture. At the end of our adolescence discussion, we will focus on continuity and stages. At the end of our adulthood discussion, we will focus on stability and change.

one. Consider it your most fortunate of moments. Among 200 million sperm, the one needed to make you, in combination with that one particular egg, won the race, and so also for each of your ancestors through all human history. Lucky you.

Contained within the new single cell is a master code. This code will interact with your experience, creat- ing you—a being in many ways like all other humans, but in other ways like no other human. Each of your trillions of cells carry this code in its chromosomes. These threadlike structures contain the DNA we hear so much about. Genes are pieces of DNA, and they can be active (expressed) or inactive. External influ- ences can “turn on” genes much as a cup of hot water “turns on” a teabag and lets it “express” its flavor.

When turned on, your genes will provide the code for creating protein molecules, your body’s building blocks. FIGURE 3.2 summarizes these elements that make up your heredity.

Genetically speaking, every other human is close to being your identi- cal twin. It is our shared genetic pro- file—our human genome—that makes us humans, rather than chimpanzees or tulips. “Your DNA and mine are 99.9 percent the same,” noted former Human Genome Project director Francis Collins

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(2007). “At the DNA level, we are clearly all part of one big worldwide family.”

The slight person-to- person variations found at particular gene sites in the DNA give clues to our uniqueness. They help ex- plain why one person has a disease that another does not, why one person is short and another tall, why one is outgoing and another shy.

Most of our traits are influenced by many genes. How tall you are, for example,

reflects the height of your face, the length of your leg bones, and so forth. Each of those is influenced by different genes. Complex traits such as intelligence, happiness, and aggres-

siveness are similarly influenced by a whole orchestra of genes (Holden, 2008).

Our human differences are also shaped by our environment—by every external influence, from maternal nutri- tion while in the womb, to social sup- port while nearing the tomb. Your height, for example, may be influenced by your diet.

How do heredity and environment interact? Let’s imagine two babies with two different sets of genes. Malia is a beautiful child and is also socia- ble and easygoing. Kalie is plain, shy, and colicky. Malia’s pretty, smiling

Cell

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FIGURE 3.2 The genes: Their location and composition Contained in the nucleus of each cell in your body are chromosomes. Each chromosome contains a coiled chain of the molecule DNA. Genes are DNA segments that, when expressed (turned on), direct the production of proteins and influence our individual biological development.

“Thanks for almost everything, Dad.”

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THE NURTURE OF NATURE Parents everywhere wonder: Will my baby grow up to be peaceful or aggressive? Homely or attractive? Successful or struggling at every step? What comes built in, and what is nurtured—and how? Research reveals that nature and nurture together shape our development—every step of the way.

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developmental psychology branch of psychology that studies physical, cognitive, and social change throughout the life span.

chromosomes threadlike structures made of DNA molecules that contain the genes.

DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) a molecule containing the genetic information that makes up the chromosomes.

genes the biochemical units of heredity that make up the chromosomes; segments of DNA.

heredity the genetic transfer of characteristics from parents to offspring.

genome the complete instructions for making an organism, consisting of all the genetic material in that organism’s chromosomes.

environment every external influence, from prenatal nutrition to social support in later life.

interaction the interplay that occurs when the effect of one factor (such as environment) depends on another factor (such as heredity).

CHAPTER 3 Developing Through the Life Span 69

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Prenatal Development 3-3 How does life develop before birth, and how do teratogens put prenatal development at risk?

Fertilized eggs, fewer than half of which survive beyond two weeks, are called zygotes. For the survivors, one cell becomes two, then four—each just like the first—until this cell division has pro- duced some 100 identical cells within the first week. Then the cells begin to spe- cialize. How identical cells do this—as if one decides “I’ll become a brain, you become intestines!”—is a puzzle that sci- entists are just beginning to solve.

About 10 days after conception, the zygote attaches to the wall of the moth- er’s uterus. So begins about 37 weeks of the closest human relationship. The tiny clump of cells forms two parts. The inner cells become the embryo (FIGURE 3.4). The outer cells become the placenta, the life-link transferring nutrition and oxygen between embryo and mother. Over the next 6 weeks, the embryo’s organs begin to form and function. The heart begins to beat.

For about 1 in 270 sets of parents there is a bonus. Two heartbeats will reveal that the zygote, during its early days of development, has split into two (FIGURE 3.5). If all goes well, some eight months

face attracts more affectionate and stimulating care. This in turn helps her develop into an even warmer and more outgoing person. Kalie’s fussi- ness often leaves her care takers tired and stressed. As the two children grow older, Malia, the more naturally out- going child, often seeks activities and friends that increase her social confi- dence. Shy Kalie has few friends and becomes even more withdrawn. Our genetically influenced traits affect how others respond. And vice versa, our environments trigger gene activity.

The growing field of epigenetics ex- plores the nature–nurture meeting place. Epigenetics means “in addition to” or “above and beyond” genetics. This field studies how the environment can cause genes to be either active (expressed) or inactive (not expressed). Genes can influ- ence development, but the environment can switch genes on or off.

The molecules that trigger or block genetic expression are called epigenetic marks. When one of these molecules attaches to part of a DNA strand, it instructs the cell to ignore any gene present in that DNA stretch (FIGURE 3.3). Diet, drugs, stress, and other experi- ences can affect these epigenetic mol- ecules. Thus, from conception onward, heredity and experience dance together.

Genes

Gene expression blocked by epigenetic molecules

Prenatal

Postnatal

Juvenile

drugs, toxins, nutrition, stress

neglect, abuse, variations in care

social contact, environmental complexity

FIGURE 3.3 How environment influences gene expression Beginning in the womb, life experiences lay down epigenetic marks, which are often organic molecules. These molecules can block the expression of any gene in the DNA segment they affect. (From Frances Champagne, 2010.)

FIGURE 3.4 Prenatal development (a) The embryo grows and develops rapidly. At 40 days, the spine is visible and the arms and legs are beginning to grow. (b) By the end of the second month, when the fetal period begins, facial features, hands, and feet have formed. (c) As the fetus enters the fourth month, its 3 ounces could fit in the palm of your hand.

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basis of reflexes.) New parents are often in awe of the finely tuned set of reflexes by which their baby gets food. When some- thing touches their cheek, babies turn toward that touch, open their mouth, and

actively root for a nipple. Finding one, they quickly close on it and begin suck- ing. Sucking has its own set of reflexes—tonguing, swallowing, and breathing. Failing to find satisfaction, the hungry baby may cry— a behavior parents find

highly unpleasant, and very rewarding to relieve.

Even as newborns, we search out sights and sounds linked with other humans. We turn our heads in the direc- tion of human voices. We prefer to look at objects 8 to 12 inches away. Wonder of wonders, that just happens to be the

Remember: Heredity and environment interact. This is true even in the prenatal period. In addition to transferring nutri- ents and oxygen from mother to fetus, the placenta screens out many harmful substances. But some slip by. Teratogens are agents such as viruses and drugs that can damage an embryo or fetus. This is one reason pregnant women are advised not to drink alcoholic bever- ages. A pregnant woman never drinks alone. As alcohol enters her bloodstream—and her fetus’—it depresses activity in both their central nervous systems.

Even light drinking or occasional binge drinking can affect the fetal brain (Braun, 1996; Ikonomidou et al., 2000; Sayal et

al., 2009). Persistent heavy drinking puts the fetus at risk for birth defects and for future behavior and intelligence problems. For 1 in about 800 infants, the effects are visible as fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), marked by lifelong physical and mental abnormalities (May & Gossage, 2001). The fetal damage may occur because alcohol has an epigenetic effect. It leaves chemical marks on DNA that switch genes to abnormal on or off states (Liu et al., 2009).

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• The first two weeks of prenatal development is the period of the . The period of the lasts from 9 weeks after conception until birth. The time between those two prenatal periods is considered the period of the .

ANSWER: zygote; fetus; embryo

The Competent Newborn 3-5 What are some of the newborn’s abilities and traits?

Having survived prenatal hazards, we arrive as newborns with automatic reflex responses ideally suited for our survival. (Recall Chapter 2’s discussion of the neural

later two genetically identical babies will emerge from their underwater world.

Identical (monozygotic) twins are nature’s own human clones. They develop from a single fertilized egg, and they share the same genes. They also share the same uterus, and usually the same birth date and cultural his- tory. Fraternal (dizygotic) twins develop from separate fertilized eggs. As womb- mates, they share the same prenatal environment but not the same genes. Genetically, they are no more similar than non-twin brothers and sisters. (For more on how psychologists use twin studies to judge the influences of hered- ity and environment see Close-Up: Twin and Adoption Studies, on the next page.)

By 9 weeks after conception, an embryo looks unmistakably human. It is now a fetus (Latin for “offspring” or “young one”). During the sixth month, organs will develop enough to give the fetus a good chance of survival if born prematurely.

Prenatal development zygote: conception to 2

weeks embryo: 2 weeks through

8 weeks fetus: 9 weeks to birth

Fraternal twins

Identical twins

Same sex only

Same or opposite sex

FIGURE 3.5 Same fertilized egg, same genes; different eggs, different genes Identical twins develop from a single fertilized egg, fraternal twins from two different eggs.

epigenetics the study of environmental influences on gene expression that occur without a DNA change.

zygote the fertilized egg; it enters a 2-week period of rapid cell division and develops into an embryo.

embryo the developing human organism from about 2 weeks after fertilization through the second month.

identical twins (monozygotic twins) twins who develop from a single fertilized egg that splits in two, creating two genetically identical siblings.

fraternal twins (dizygotic twins) twins who develop from separate fertilized eggs. They are genetically no closer than non-twin brothers and sisters, but they share a prenatal environment.

fetus the developing human organism from 9 weeks after conception to birth.

teratogen [tuh-RAT-uh-jen] an agent, such as a chemical or virus, that can reach the embryo or fetus during prenatal development and cause harm.

fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) physical and mental abnormalities in children caused by a pregnant woman’s heavy drinking. In severe cases, signs include a small, out-of-proportion head and abnormal facial features.

reflex a simple, automatic response to a sensory stimulus.

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CLOSE -UP

Twin and Adoption Studies 3-4 How do twin and adoption studies help us understand the effects of nature and nurture?

In procreation, a woman and a man shuffle their gene decks and deal a life-forming hand to their child-to-be, who is then subjected to count- less influences beyond their control. How might researchers tease apart the influences of nature and nurture? To do so, they would need to

• vary the home environment while controlling heredity. • vary heredity while controlling the home environment.

Happily for our purposes, nature has done this work for us.

Identical Versus Fraternal Twins Identical twins have identical genes. Do these shared genes mean that identical twins also behave more similarly than fraternal twins (Bouchard, 2004)? Studies of some 800,000 twin pairs worldwide provide a con- sistent answer. Identical twins are more similar than fraternal twins in their abilities, personal traits, and interests (Johnson et al., 2009; Loehlin & Nichols, 1976).

Next question: Could shared experiences rather than shared genes ex- plain these similarities? Again, studies of twin pairs give some answers.

Separated Twins On a chilly February morning in 1979, some time after divorcing his first wife, Linda, Jim Lewis awoke next to his second wife, Betty. Determined that this marriage would work, Jim left love notes to Betty around the house. As he lay there he thought about his son, James Alan, and his faithful dog, Toy.

Jim loved his basement woodworking shop where he built furniture, including a white bench circling a tree. Jim also liked to drive his Chevy, watch stock - car racing, and drink Miller Lite beer. Except for an occa- sional migraine, Jim was healthy. His blood pressure was a little high, perhaps related to his chain - smoking. He had gained weight but had shed some of the extra pounds. After a vasectomy, he was done having children.

What was extraordinary about Jim Lewis, however, was that at that moment (I am not making this up) there was another man named Jim for whom all these things were also true.1 This other Jim—Jim Springer— just happened, 38 years earlier, to have been Jim Lewis’ womb - mate. Thirty - seven days after their birth, these genetically identical twins were separated and adopted by two blue - collar families. They grew up with no contact until the day Jim Lewis received a call from his genetic clone (who, having been told he had a twin, set out to find him).

One month later, the brothers became the first of 137 separated twin pairs tested by psychologist Thomas Bouchard and his colleagues (Miller, 2012). Given tests measuring their personality, intelligence, heart rate, and brain waves, the Jim twins were virtually as alike as the same person tested twice. Their voice patterns were so similar that, hearing a playback of an earlier interview, Jim Springer guessed “That’s me.” Wrong—it was his brother.

This and other research on separated identical twins supports the idea that genes matter.

Twin similarities do not impress Bouchard’s critics, however. If any two strangers were to spend hours comparing their behaviors and life histories, wouldn’t they also discover many coincidental similarities? Moreover, critics note, identical twins share an appearance and the responses it evokes, so they have probably had similar experiences. Bouchard replies that the life choices made by separated fraternal twins are not as dramatically similar as those made by separated iden- tical twins.

Biological Versus Adoptive Relatives The separated-twin studies control heredity while varying environ- ment. Nature’s second type of real - life experiment—adoption—con- trols environment while varying heredity. Adoption creates two groups: genetic relatives (biological parents and siblings) and environmental relatives (adoptive parents and siblings). For any given trait we study, we can therefore ask three questions:

• How much do adopted children resemble their biological parents, who contributed their genes?

• How much do they resemble their adoptive parents, who contribute a home environment?

• While sharing a home environment, do adopted siblings also come to share traits?

By providing children with loving, nurturing homes, adoption mat- ters. Yet researchers asking these questions about personality agree on one stunning finding, based on studies of hundreds of adoptive fami- lies. Non-twin siblings who grow up together, whether biologically re- lated or not, do not much resemble one another in personality (McGue & Bouchard, 1998; Plomin et al., 1998; Rowe, 1990). In traits such as outgoingness and agreeableness, adoptees are more similar to their biological parents than to their caregiving adoptive parents. This heredity effect shows up in macaque monkeys’ personalities as well (Maestripieri, 2003).

In the pages to come, twin and adoption study results will shed light on how nature and nurture interact to influence intelligence, disordered behavior, and many other traits.

TRUE BROTHERS The identical friars Julian and Adrian Reister—two “quiet, gentle souls”—both died of heart failure, at age 92, on the same day in 2011.

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This effect can be seen in identical twins, who have more similar personali- ties—including temperament—than do fraternal twins.

Infancy and Childhood

As a flower develops in accord with its genetic instructions, so do we humans. Maturation—the orderly sequence of biological growth—dictates much of our shared path. We stand before we walk. We use nouns before adjectives. Severe deprivation or abuse can slow our devel- opment, but the genetic growth tenden- cies are inborn. Maturation (nature) sets the basic course of development; experi- ence (nurture) adjusts it. Once again, we see genes and scenes interacting.

Physical Development 3-6 How do the brain and motor skills develop during infancy and childhood?

Brain Development In your mother’s womb, your developing brain formed nerve cells at the explosive rate of nearly one - quarter million per minute. From infancy on, your brain and your mental abilities developed together. On the day you were born, you had most of the brain cells you would ever have. However, the wiring among these cells— your nervous system—was immature. After birth, these neural networks had a wild growth spurt, branching and linking in patterns that would eventually enable you to walk, talk, and remember.

From ages 3 to 6, the most rapid brain growth was in your frontal lobes, the seat of reasoning and planning. During

2010). Twenty-one months later, their tod- dlers preferred playing with chamomile- scented toys! Other toddlers who had not sniffed the scent while breast feeding did not show this preference. (This makes me wonder: Will adults, who as babies associated chamomile scent with their mother’s breast, become devoted chamo- mile tea drinkers?)

Very young infants are competent, indeed. They smell and hear well. They see what they need to see. They are already using their sensory equipment to learn. Guided by biology and experi- ence, those sensory and perceptual abil- ities will continue to develop steadily over the next months.

Yet, as most parents will tell you after having their second child, babies differ. One clear difference is in temperament, or emotional excitability—whether in- tense and fidgety, or easygoing and quiet. From the first weeks of life, some babies are difficult: irritable, intense, and unpre- dictable. Others are easy: cheerful and relaxed, with predictable feeding and sleeping schedules (Chess & Thomas, 1987). Temperament is genetically influenced, and the effect appears in physical dif- ferences. Anxious, inhibited infants have high and variable heart rates. They become very aroused when facing new or strange situations (Kagan & Snidman, 2004).

Our biologically rooted temperament also helps form our enduring personal- ity (McCrae et al., 2000, 2007; Rothbart, 2007).

approximate distance between a nurs- ing infant’s eyes and its mother’s eyes (Maurer & Maurer, 1988). We gaze longer at a drawing of a face-like image (FIGURE 3.6).

We seem especially tuned in to that human who is our mother. Can newborns distinguish their own mother’s smell in a sea of others? Indeed they can. Within days after birth, our brain has picked up and stored the smell of our mother’s body (MacFarlane, 1978). What’s more, that smell preference lasts. One experiment was able to show this, thanks to some French nursing mothers who had used a chamomile-scented balm to prevent nipple soreness (Delaunay-El Allam et al.,

FIGURE 3.6 Newborns’ preference for faces When shown these two images with the same three elements, newborns spent nearly twice as long looking at the face- like image on the left (Johnson & Morton, 1991). Newborns—average age just 53 minutes in one study—seem to have an inborn preference for looking toward faces (Mondloch et al., 1999).

PREPARED TO FEED AND EAT Animals, including humans, are predisposed to respond to their offspring’s cries for nourishment.

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temperament a person’s characteristic emotional reactivity and intensity.

maturation biological growth processes leading to orderly changes in behavior, mostly independent of experience.

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as the accent and correct order of words of another language. We seem to have a critical period for some skills. Lacking any exposure to spoken, written, or signed language before adolescence, a person will never master any language (see Chapter 8). Likewise, lacking visual experience during the early years, a person whose vision is restored by cata- ract removal will never achieve normal perceptions (more on this in Chapter 5). Without stimulation, the brain cells normally assigned to vision will die during the pruning process or be used for other purposes. For normal brain development, early stimulation is criti- cal. The maturing brain’s rule: Use it or lose it.

The brain’s development does not, however, end with childhood. Through- out life, whether we are learning to text friends or write textbooks, we perform with increasing skill as our learning changes our brain tissue (Ambrose, 2010).

Motor Development As their nervous system and muscles mature, babies gain greater control over their movements. Motor skills emerge, and with occasional exceptions, their sequence is universal. Babies roll over before they sit unsupported. They usu- ally crawl on all fours before they walk. The recommended infant back - to - sleep position (putting babies to sleep on their backs to reduce the risk of a smother- ing crib death) has been associated with somewhat later crawling but not with later walking (Davis et al., 1998; Lipsitt, 2003).

There are, however, individual differ- ences in timing. Consider walking. In the United States, 90 percent of all babies walk by age 15 months. But 25 percent walk by 11 months, and 50 percent within a week after their first birthday (Frankenburg et al., 1992).

Genes guide motor development. Identical twins typically begin walking on nearly the same day (Wilson, 1979). The rapid development of the cerebellum (at the back of the brain; see Chapter 2) helps create our eagerness to walk

The environment’s effect was so great that if you viewed brief video clips, you could tell from the rats’ activity and curiosity whether they had lived in soli-

tary confinement or in the enriched setting (Renner & Renner, 1993). After 60 days in the enriched environ- ment, some rats’ brain weight increased 7 to 10 percent. The number of synapses, forming the

networks between the cells (see Figure 3.7), mushroomed by about 20 percent (Kolb & Whishaw, 1998).

Touching or massaging infant rats and premature human babies has similar benefits (Field, 2010). In hospital intensive care units, medical staff now massage premature infants to help them develop faster neurologically, gain weight more rapidly, and go home sooner.

Nature and nurture together sculpt our synapses. Brain maturation provides us with a wealth of neural connections. Experience—sights and smells, touches and tugs—activate and strengthen some neural pathways while others weaken from disuse. Similar to paths through a forest, less-traveled neural pathways gradually disappear and popular ones are broadened.

During early childhood—while excess connections are still available—young- sters can most easily master such skills

those years, your ability to control your attention and behavior developed rap- idly (Garon et al., 2008; Thompson-Schill et al., 2009). Your frontal lobes continued developing into adoles- cence and beyond. Last to develop are the associa- tion areas—those linked with thinking, memory, and language. As they develop, mental abilities surge (Chugani & Phelps, 1986; Thatcher et al., 1987).

The neural pathways supporting lan- guage and agility continue their rapid growth into puberty. Then, a use-it-or- lose-it pruning process shuts down unused links and strengthens others (Paus et al., 1999; Thompson et al., 2000).

Your genes laid down the basic design of your brain, rather like the lines of a coloring book, but experience fills in the details (Kenrick et al., 2009). So how do early experiences shape the brain? Researchers opened a window on that process in experiments that separated young rats into two groups (Rosenzweig, 1984; Renner & Rosenzweig, 1987). Rats in one group lived alone, with little to interest or distract them. The other rats shared a cage, complete with objects and activi- ties that might exist in a natural “rat world” (FIGURE 3.7). In this enriched envi- ronment, rats developed a heavier and thicker brain cortex.

Impoverished environment

Impoverished rat brain cell

Enriched environment

Enriched rat brain cell

FIGURE 3.7 Experience affects brain development In this experiment, some rats lived alone in an environment without playthings. Others lived together in an environment enriched with playthings changed daily. In 14 of 16 repetitions of the experiment, rats in the enriched setting developed more cerebral cortex (relative to the rest of the brain’s tissue) than was found in those raised in the impoverished environment (Renner & Rosenzweig, 1987; Rosenzweig, 1984).

“It is a rare privilege to watch the birth, growth, and first feeble struggles of a living human mind.”

Annie Sullivan, in Helen Keller’s The Story of My Life, 1903

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Hindi or Zulu sound contrasts that other people could not learn (Bowers et al., 2009). What the conscious mind does not know and cannot express in words, the ner- vous system and our two-track mind somehow remembers.

Cognitive Development 3-7 How did Piaget view the developmental stages of a child’s mind, and how does current thinking about cognitive development differ?

Cognition refers to all the mental activi- ties associated with thinking, know- ing, remembering, and communicating. Somewhere on your journey from egg- hood to childhood you became con- scious. When was that, and how did your mind unfold from there? Psychologist Jean Piaget [Pee - ah - ZHAY] spent a half- century searching for answers to such

by moving a mobile hung above his crib. Weary of hitting the mobile, she strung a cloth ribbon connecting the mobile to Benjamin’s foot. Soon, he was kicking his foot to move the mobile.

Thinking about her unintended home experiment, Rovee-Collier realized that, contrary to popular opinion in the 1960s, babies are capable of learning. To know for sure that little Benjamin wasn’t just a whiz kid, Rovee-Collier repeated the experiment with other infants (Rovee- Collier, 1989, 1999). Sure enough, they, too, soon kicked more when hitched to a mobile, both on the day of the experi- ment and the day after. They had learned the link between a moving leg and a moving mobile. If, however, she hitched them to a different mobile the next day, the infants showed no learning. Their actions indicated that they remembered the original mobile and recognized the difference. Moreover, when tethered to the familiar mobile a month later, they remembered the association and again began kicking.

Traces of forgotten childhood lan- guages may also persist. One study tested English-speaking British adults who had spoken Hindi (an Indian lan- guage) or Zulu (an African language) in their childhood. Although they had no conscious memory of those languages, they could, up to age 40, relearn subtle

at about age 1. Maturation is likewise important for mastering other physical skills, including bowel and bladder con- trol. Before a child’s muscles and nerves mature, no amount of pleading or pun- ishment will produce successful toilet training.

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• The biological growth process, called , explains why most children begin walking by about 12 to 15 months.

ANSWER: maturation

Brain Maturation and Infant Memory Can you recall your first day of preschool or your third birthday party? Most peo- ple cannot. Psychologists call this blank space in our conscious memory infantile amnesia. Although we consciously recall lit- tle from before age 4, our brain was pro- cessing and storing information during that time. How do we know that? To see how developmental psychologists study thinking and learning in very young chil- dren, consider a surprise discovery.

In 1965, Carolyn Rovee-Collier was finishing her doctoral work in psychol- ogy. She was a new mom, whose colicky 2-month-old, Benjamin, could be calmed

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PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT Sit, crawl, walk, run—the sequence of these motor development milestones is the same the world around, though babies reach them at varying ages.

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INFANT AT WORK Babies only 3 months old can learn that kicking moves a mobile, and they can retain that learning for a month. (From Rovee-Collier, 1989, 1997.)

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JEAN PIAGET (1896–1980) “If we examine the intellectual development of the individual or of the whole of humanity, we shall find that the human spirit goes through a certain number of stages, each different from the other” (1930).

critical period a period early in life when exposure to certain stimuli or experiences is needed for proper development.

cognition all the mental activities associated with thinking, knowing, remembering, and communicating.

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Piaget’s Theory and Current Thinking Piaget believed that children construct their understanding of the world as they interact with it. Their minds go through spurts of change, he believed, followed by greater stability as they move from one level to the next. In his view, cogni- tive development consisted of four major stages—sensorimotor, preoperational, con- crete operational, and formal operational.

SENSORIMOTOR STAGE The senso- rimotor stage begins at birth and lasts to nearly age 2. In this stage, babies take in the world through their senses and actions—through looking, hearing, touching, mouthing, and grasping. As their hands and limbs begin to move, they learn to make things happen.

Very young babies seem to live in the present. Out of sight is out of mind. In one test, Piaget showed an infant an appealing toy and then flopped his hat over it. Before the age of 6 months, the infant acted as if the toy no longer existed. Young infants lack object per- manence—the awareness that objects continue to exist when out of sight (FIGURE 3.9). By about 8 months, infants begin to show that they do remember things they can no longer see. If you hide a toy, an 8-month-old will briefly look for it. Within another month or two, the infant will look for it even after several seconds have passed.

So does object permanence in fact blossom at 8 months, much as tulips blossom in spring? Today’s researchers think not. They believe object perma- nence unfolds gradually, and they view development as more continuous than Piaget did.

They also think that young children are more competent than Piaget and his followers believed. For example, infants seem to have an inborn grasp of simple physical laws —they have “baby phys- ics.” Like adults staring in disbelief at a magic trick (the “Whoa!” look), infants look longer at an unexpected and unfa- miliar scene of a car seeming to pass

too small for sliding, or that a miniature car is much too small to get into? (See FIGURE 3.8.) No. But an adult mind like- wise can reason in ways that an 8-year- old won’t understand.

Piaget believed that the force driv- ing us up this intellectual ladder is our struggle to make sense of our experi- ences. His core idea was that “children are active thinkers, constantly trying to construct more advanced understand- ings of the world” (Siegler & Ellis, 1996). Part of this active thinking is building schemas, which are concepts or mental molds into which we pour our experi- ences. By adulthood we have built count- less schemas, ranging from what a dog is to what love is.

To explain how we use and adjust our schemas, Piaget proposed two more concepts. First, we assimilate new experiences—we interpret them in terms of our current understandings (schemas). Having a simple schema for dog, for example, a toddler may call all four-legged animals dogs. But as we interact with the world, we also adjust, or accommodate, our schemas to incorporate information provided by new experiences. Thus, the child soon learns that the original dog schema is too broad and accommodates by refin- ing the category.

questions. Thanks partly to his pioneer- ing work, we now understand that a child’s mind is not a miniature model of an adult’s. Children reason differently, in “wildly illogical ways about prob- lems whose solutions are self - evident to adults” (Brainerd, 1996).

Piaget’s interest began in 1920, when he was developing questions for children’s intelligence tests in Paris. Looking over the test results, Piaget noticed something interesting. At cer- tain ages, children made strikingly similar mistakes. Where others saw childish mistakes, Piaget saw intelli- gence at work.

Piaget’s studies led him to believe that a child’s mind develops through a series of stages. This upward march begins with the newborn’s simple reflexes, and it ends with the adult’s abstract reason- ing power. Moving through these stages, Piaget believed, is like climbing a lad- der. A child can’t easily move to a higher rung without first having a firm footing on the one below.

Tools for thinking and reasoning dif- fer in each stage. Thus, you can tell an 8-year -old that “getting an idea is like having a light turn on in your head,” and the child will understand. A 2-year-old won’t get the analogy. Would a 2-year- old understand that a miniature slide is

FIGURE 3.8 Scale errors Children age 18 to 30 months may fail to take the size of an object into account when trying to perform impossible actions with it. At left, a 21-month - old attempts to slide down a miniature slide. At right, a 24-month - old opens the door to a miniature car and tries to step inside (DeLoache et al., 2004).

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into the tall glass. Before about age 6, said Piaget, young children lack the concept of conservation—the idea that the amount remains the same even if it changes shape (FIGURE 3.10).

Pretend Play A child who can perform mental operations can think in sym- bols and therefore begins to enjoy pre- tend play. Contemporary researchers have found symbolic thinking at an earlier age than Piaget supposed. One researcher showed children a model of a room and hid a miniature stuffed dog behind its miniature couch (DeLoache & Brown, 1987). The 21⁄2-year - olds easily remembered where to find the minia- ture toy in the model, but that knowl- edge didn’t transfer to the real world. They could not use the model to locate an actual stuffed dog behind a couch

through a solid object. They also stare longer at a ball stopping in midair, or at an object that seems to magically dis- appear (Baillargeon, 1995, 2008; Wellman & Gelman, 1992). Even as babies, we had a lot on our minds.

PREOPERATIONAL STAGE Piaget be- lieved that until about age 6 or 7, chil- dren are in a preoperational stage—too young to perform mental operations (such as imagining an action and mentally reversing it).

Conservation Consider a 5-year - old, who objects that there is too much milk in a tall, narrow glass. “Too much” may become an acceptable amount if you pour that milk into a short, wide glass. Focusing only on the height dimension, the child cannot perform the opera- tion of mentally pouring the milk back

FIGURE 3.9 Object permanence Infants younger than 6 months seldom understand that things continue to exist when they are out of sight. But for this older infant, out of sight is definitely not out of mind.

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FIGURE 3.10 Piaget’s test of conservation This preoperational child does not yet understand the principle of conservation. When the milk is poured into a tall, narrow glass, it suddenly seems like “more” than when it was in the shorter, wider glass. In another year or so, she will understand that the amount stays the same even though it looks different.

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schema a concept or framework that organizes and interprets information.

assimilation interpreting our new experiences in terms of our existing schemas.

accommodation adapting our current understandings (schemas) to incorporate new information.

sensorimotor stage in Piaget’s theory, the stage (from birth to nearly 2 years of age) during which infants know the world mostly in terms of their sensory impressions and motor activities.

object permanence the awareness that things continue to exist even when not perceived.

preoperational stage in Piaget’s theory, the stage (from about 2 to 6 or 7 years of age) in which a child learns to use language but cannot yet perform the mental operations of concrete logic.

conservation the principle (which Piaget believed to be a part of concrete operational reasoning) that properties such as mass, volume, and number remain the same despite changes in shapes.

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Children with autism spectrum disor- der (ASD) have an impaired theory of mind (Rajendran & Mitchell, 2007; Senju et al., 2009). They have difficulty reading other peo- ple’s thoughts and feelings. Most chil- dren learn that another child’s pouting mouth signals sadness, and that twin- kling eyes mean happiness or mischief. A child with ASD fails to understand these signals (Frith & Frith, 2001).

ASD has differing levels of severity. “High-functioning” individuals generally have normal intelligence, and they often have an exceptional skill or talent in a specific area. But they lack social and communication skills, and they tend to become distracted by minor and unim- portant stimuli (Remington et al., 2009). Those at the spectrum’s lower end are unable to use language at all.

Biological factors, including genetic influences and abnormal brain devel- opment, contribute to ASD (State and S̆estan, 2012). Childhood measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccinations do not (Demicheli et al., 2012). Based on a fraudu- lent 1998 study—“the most damag- ing medical hoax of the last 100 years” (Flaherty, 2011)—some parents were mis- led into thinking that the childhood MMR vaccine increased risk of ASD. The unfortunate result was a drop in vac- cination rates and an increase in cases of measles and mumps. Some unvacci- nated children suffered long-term harm or even death.

ASD afflicts four boys for every girl. Psychologist Simon Baron-Cohen believes this hints at another way to understand this disorder. He has argued that ASD represents an “extreme male brain” (2008, 2009). Although there is some overlap between the sexes, he believes that boys are better “systemizers.” They understand things according to rules or laws, for example, as in mathemati- cal and mechanical systems. Children exposed to high levels of the male sex hormone testosterone in the womb may develop more masculine and ASD- related traits (Auyeung et al., 2009).

2005)? As children, we were even more prone to such egocentricism.

Theory of Mind When Little Red Riding Hood realized her “grandmother” was really a wolf, she swiftly revised her ideas about the creature’s intentions and raced away. Preschoolers develop this ability to read others’ mental states when they begin forming a theory of mind.

When children can imagine another person’s viewpoint, all sorts of new skills emerge. They can tease, because they now understand what makes a playmate angry. They may be able to convince a sibling to share. Knowing what might make a parent buy a toy, they may try to persuade.

Between about 31⁄2 and 41⁄2, children worldwide use their new theory-of-mind skills to realize that others may hold false beliefs (Callaghan et al., 2005; Sabbagh et al., 2006). One research team asked pre- schoolers what was inside a Band-Aids box (Jenkins & Astington, 1996). Expecting Band-Aids, the children were surprised to see that the box contained pencils. Then came the theory-of-mind question. Asked what a child who had never seen the box would think was inside, 3-year - olds typically answered “pencils.” By age 4 to 5, children knew better. They antici- pated their friends’ false belief that the box would hold Band-Aids.

in a real room. Three - year - olds—only 6 months older—usually went right to the actual stuffed animal in the real room, showing they could think of the model as a symbol for the room. Piaget did not view the change from one stage to another as an abrupt shift. Even so, he probably would have been surprised to see symbolic thinking at such a young age.

Egocentrism Piaget also believed that preschool children are egocentric: They have difficulty imagining things from another’s point of view. Asked to “show Mommy your picture,” 2-year - old Gabriella holds the picture up facing her own eyes. Told to hide, 3- year - old Gray puts his hands over his eyes, assuming

that if he can’t see you, you can’t see him. Contemporary research supports pre-

schoolers’ egocentrism. This is helpful information when a TV-watching pre- schooler blocks your view of the screen. The child probably assumes that you see what she sees. At this age, children simply are not yet able to take another’s viewpoint. Even we adults may overes- timate the extent to which others share our views. Have you ever mistakenly assumed that something would be clear to a friend because it was clear to you? Or sent a text mistakenly thinking that the receiver would “hear” your “just kid- ding” intent (Epley et al., 2004; Kruger et al.,

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“It’s too late, Roger—they’ve seen us.”

Roger has not outgrown his early childhood egocentrism.

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AUTISM SPECTRUM DISORDER This therapist is using music to help a young man with ASD to improve his language skills. ASD is marked by limited communication ability and difficulty understanding others’ states of mind.

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to include abstract thinking. We are no longer limited to purely concrete rea- soning, based on actual experience. As children approach adolescence, many become capable of abstract if . . . then thinking: If this happens, then that will happen. Piaget called this new system- atic reasoning ability formal operational thinking. (Stay tuned for more about adolescents’ thinking abilities later in this chapter.) TABLE 3.1 summarizes the four stages in Piaget’s theory.

take another’s viewpoint. This effect appears to result from ASD-related genes interacting with the environment (State & Šestan, 2012).

CONCRETE OPERATIONAL STAGE By age 6 or 7, said Piaget, children enter the concrete operational stage. Given con- crete (physical) materials, they begin to grasp conservation. Understanding that change in form does not mean change in quantity, they can mentally pour milk back and forth between glasses of different shapes. They also enjoy jokes that allow them to use this new understanding:

Mr. Jones went into a restaurant and ordered a whole pizza for his dinner. When the waiter asked if he wanted it cut into 6 or 8 pieces, Mr. Jones said, “Oh, you’d better make it 6, I could never eat 8 pieces!” (McGhee, 1976)

Piaget believed that during the con- crete operational stage, children become able to understand simple math and conservation. When my daughter, Laura, was 6, I was astonished at her inabil- ity to reverse simple arithmetic. Asked, “What is 8 plus 4?” she required 5 sec- onds to compute “12,” and another 5 sec- onds to then compute 12 minus 4. By age 8, she could answer a reversed ques- tion instantly.

FORMAL OPERATIONAL STAGE By age 12, said Piaget, our reasoning expands

In contrast, girls are naturally predis- posed to be “empathizers,” Baron-Cohen contends. They are better at reading facial expressions and gestures, though less so if given testosterone (van Honk et al., 2011). Why is reading faces such a challenging task for those with ASD? The underlying cause seems to be poor communication among brain regions that normally work together to let us

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“AUTISM” CASE NUMBER 1 In 1943, Donald Gray Triplett, an “odd” child with unusual gifts and social weaknesses, was the first person to receive the diagnosis of “autism.” (After a 2013 change in the diagnosis manual, his condition is now called autism spectrum disorder.) In 2010, at age 77, Triplett was still living in his family home and Mississippi town, where he often played golf (Donvan & Zucker, 2010).

TABLE 3.1 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Typical Age Range Stage and Description New Developments

Birth to nearly 2 years

Sensorimotor Experiencing the world through senses and actions (looking, hearing, touching, mouthing, and grasping)

• Object permanence

• Stranger anxiety

About 2 to 6 or 7 years Preoperational Representing things with words and images; using intuitive rather than logical reasoning

• Pretend play

• Egocentrism

6 or 7 to 11 years

Concrete operational Thinking logically about concrete events; grasping concrete analogies and performing arithmetical operations

• Conservation

• Mathematical transformations

About 12 through adulthood

Formal operational Reasoning abstractly

• Abstract logic

• Potential for mature moral reasoning

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egocentrism in Piaget’s theory, the preoperational child’s difficulty taking another’s point of view.

theory of mind people’s ideas about their own and others’ mental states—about their feelings, perceptions, and thoughts, and the behaviors these might predict.

autism spectrum disorder (ASD) a disorder that appears in childhood and is marked by significant deficiencies in communication and social interaction, and by rigidly fixated interests and repetitive behaviors.

concrete operational stage in Piaget’s theory, the stage of cognitive development (from about 6 or 7 to 11 years of age) during which children gain the mental operations that enable them to think logically about concrete events.

formal operational stage in Piaget’s theory, the stage of cognitive development (normally beginning about age 12) during which people begin to think logically about abstract concepts.

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However, today’s researchers see development as more continuous than did Piaget. By detecting the beginnings of each type of thinking at earlier ages, they have revealed conceptual abili- ties Piaget missed. Moreover, they view formal logic as a smaller part of cogni- tion than he did. Piaget would not be surprised that today, as part of our own cognitive development, we are adapting his ideas to accommodate new findings.

Piaget’s insights can nevertheless help teachers and parents understand young children. Remember this: Young children cannot think with adult logic and cannot take another’s viewpoint. What seems simple and obvious to us— getting off a teeter-totter will cause a friend on the other end to crash—may never occur to a 3-year-old. Also remem- ber that children are not empty contain- ers waiting to be filled with knowledge. By building on what children already know, we can engage them in concrete demonstrations and stimulate them to think for themselves. Finally, accept children’s cognitive immaturity as adap- tive. It is nature’s strategy for keeping children close to protective adults and providing time for learning and social- ization (Bjorklund & Green, 1992).

and others provide a temporary scaffold from which children can step to higher levels of thinking (Renninger & Granott, 2005). Language is an important ingredi- ent of social guidance, and it provides the building blocks for thinking, noted Vygotsky. (For more on children’s devel- opment of language, see Chapter 8.)

Reflecting on Piaget’s Theory What remains of Piaget’s ideas about the child’s mind? Plenty. Time magazine sin- gled him out as one of the twentieth cen- tury’s 20 most influential scientists and thinkers. And a survey of British psychol- ogists rated him as the greatest twentieth - century psychologist (Psychologist, 2003). Piaget identified significant cognitive milestones and stimulated worldwide interest in how the mind develops. His emphasis was less on the ages at which children typically reach specific mile- stones than on their sequence. Studies around the globe, from Algeria to North America, have confirmed that human cognition unfolds basically in the sequence Piaget described (Lourenco & Machado, 1996; Segall et al., 1990).

An Alternative Viewpoint: Vygotsky and the Social Child As Piaget was forming his theory of cog- nitive development, Russian psycholo- gist Lev Vygotsky was also studying how children think and learn. He noted that by age 7, children are more able to think and solve problems with words. They do this, he said, by no longer thinking aloud. Instead they internalize their cul- ture’s language and rely on inner speech (Fernyhough, 2008). Parents who say “No, no!” when pulling a child’s hand away from a cake are giving the child a self- control tool. When the child later needs to resist temptation, he may likewise think “No, no!” Talking to themselves, whether out loud or inside their heads, helps children to control their behavior and emotions and to master new skills.

Piaget emphasized how the child’s mind grows through interaction with the physical environment. Vygotsky emphasized how the child’s mind grows through interaction with the social environment. If Piaget’s child was a young scientist, Vygotsky’s was a young apprentice. By guiding children and giving them new words, parents

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LEV VYGOTSKY (1896–1934) Vygotsky, pictured here with his daughter, was a Russian developmental psychologist. He studied how children’s minds feed on the language of social interaction.

• Object permanence, pretend play, conservation, and abstract logic are developmental milestones for which of Piaget’s stages, respectively?

ANSWER: Object permanence for the sensorimotor stage, pretend play for the preoperational stage, conservation for the concrete operational stage, and abstract logic for the formal operational stage.

• Match each developmental ability (1–6) to the correct cognitive developmental stage (a–d).

a. Sensorimotor

b. Preoperational

c. Concrete operational

d. Formal operational

1. Thinking about abstract concepts, such as “freedom.”

2. Enjoying imaginary play (such as dress-up).

3. Understanding that physical properties stay the same even when objects change form.

4. Having the ability to reverse math operations.

5. Understanding that something is not gone for good when it disappears from sight, as when Mom “disappears” behind the shower curtain.

6. Having difficulty taking another’s point of view (as when blocking someone’s view of the TV).

ANSWERS: 1. d, 2. b, 3. c, 4. c, 5. a, 6. b

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the contact comfort of the blanket by creating two artificial mothers. One was a bare wire cylinder with a wooden head and an attached feeding bottle. The other was a cylinder wrapped with terry cloth.

For the monkeys, it was no contest. They overwhelmingly preferred the comfy cloth mother (FIGURE 3.11). Like anxious infants clinging to their live mothers, the monkey babies would cling to their cloth mothers when anxious. When exploring their environment, they used her as a secure base. They acted as though they were attached to her by an invisible elastic band that stretched only so far before pulling them back. Researchers soon learned that other qualities—rocking, warmth, and feed- ing—made the cloth mother even more appealing.

Human infants, too, become attached to parents who are soft and warm and

apart, they shower the parent with smiles and hugs. No social behavior is more striking than this intense and mutual infant - parent bond. This attachment bond is a powerful survival impulse that keeps infants close to their caregivers.

Infants become attached to people— typically their parents—who are com- fortable and familiar. For many years, psychologists reasoned that infants grew attached to those who satisfied their need for nourishment. It made sense. But an accidental finding over- turned this idea.

During the 1950s, University of Wisconsin psychologists Harry Harlow and Margaret Harlow bred monkeys for their learning studies. Shortly after birth, they separated the infants from their mothers and placed each infant in a sanitary individual cage with a cheese- cloth baby blanket (Harlow et al., 1971). Then came a surprise: When their soft blankets were taken to be laundered, the infant monkeys became distressed.

Imagine yourself as one of the Harlows, trying to figure out why the monkey infants were so intensely attached to their blankets. Psychologists believed that infants became attached to those who nourish them. Might comfort instead be the key? How could you test that idea? The Harlows decided to pit the drawing power of a food source against

Social Development From birth, babies all over the world are social creatures, developing an intense bond with their caregivers. Infants come to prefer familiar faces and voices, then to coo and gurgle when given their moth- er’s or father’s attention. Have you ever wondered why tiny infants can happily be handed off to admiring visitors, but after a certain age pull back? By about 8 months, soon after object permanence emerges and children become mobile, a curious thing happens: They develop stranger anxiety. When handed to a stranger they may cry and reach for a parent. “No! Don’t leave me!” their dis- tress seems to say. At about this age, children have schemas for familiar faces—mental images of how caretak- ers should look. When the new face does not fit one of these remembered images, they become distressed (Kagan, 1984). Once again, we see an important principle: The brain, mind, and social - emotional behavior develop together.

Origins of Attachment 3-8 How do the bonds of attachment form between caregivers and infants?

One-year-olds typically cling tightly to a parent when they are frightened or expect separation. Reunited after being

STRANGER ANXIETY A newly emerging ability to evaluate people as unfamiliar and possibly threatening helps protect babies 8 months and older. Babies display this same adaptive response, whether in the United States or Togo, West Africa.

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FIGURE 3.11 The Harlows’ mothers The Harlows’ infant monkeys much preferred contact with a comfortable cloth mother, even while feeding from a wire nourishing mother.

stranger anxiety the fear of strangers that infants commonly display, beginning by about 8 months of age.

attachment an emotional tie with another person; shown in young children by their seeking closeness to the caregiver, and showing distress on separation.

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characteristic emotional reactivity and intensity—affect attachment style? As we saw earlier in this chapter, tempera- ment is genetically influenced. Some babies tend to be difficult—irritable, intense, and unpredictable. Others are easy—cheerful, relaxed, and feeding and sleeping on predictable schedules (Chess & Thomas, 1987). Parenting studies that neglect such inborn differences, critics say, might as well be “comparing foxhounds reared in kennels with poo- dles reared in apartments” (Harris, 1998). To separate the effects of nature and nurture on attachment, we would need to vary parenting while controlling tem- perament. (Pause and think: If you were the researcher, how might you do this?)

One researcher’s solution was to randomly assign 100 temperamentally difficult infants to two groups. Half of the 6- to 9-month -olds were in the experimental group, in which mothers received personal training in sensitive responding. The other half were in a control group, in which mothers did not receive this training (van den Boom, 1990, 1995). At 12 months of age, 68 percent of the infants in the first group were rated

sponsive artificial mothers, produced even more striking effects. When put in strange situations without their artificial mothers, the deprived infants were terri- fied (FIGURE 3.12).

Today’s climate of greater respect for animal welfare would prevent pri- mate studies like the Harlows’. Many now remember Harry Harlow especially as the researcher who tortured help- less monkeys. But others support the Harlows’ work. “Harry Harlow, whose name has [come to mean] cruel mon- key experiments, actually helped put an end to cruel child-rearing practices,” said primatologist Frans de Waal (2011). Harry Harlow defended their meth- ods: “Remember, for every mistreated monkey there exist a million untreated children.” He expressed the hope that this research would sensitize people to child abuse and neglect. His biogra- pher agreed. “No one who knows [the Harlows’] work could ever argue that babies do fine without companionship, that a caring mother doesn’t matter. And since we . . . didn’t fully believe that before . . . , then perhaps we needed— just once—to be smacked really hard with that truth so that we could never again doubt” (Blum, 2010, pp. 292, 307).

So caring parents matter. But is attachment style the result of parenting? Or are other factors also at work?

TEMPERAMENT AND ATTACHMENT How does temperament—a person’s

who rock, pat, and feed. Much parent - infant emotional communication occurs via touch (Hertenstein et al., 2006), which can be either soothing (snuggles) or arousing (tickles). The human parent also provides a safe haven for a dis- tressed child and a secure base from which to explore.

Attachment Differences 3-9 Why do secure and insecure attachments matter, and how does an infant develop basic trust?

Children’s attachments differ. To study these differences, Mary Ainsworth (1979) designed the strange situation experi- ment. She observed mother- infant pairs at home during their first six months. Later she observed the 1-year - old infants in a strange situation (usually a labora- tory playroom) without their mothers. Such research shows that about 60 per- cent of infants display secure attachment. In their mother’s presence, they play comfortably, happily exploring their new environment. When she leaves, they become upset. When she returns, they seek contact with her.

Other infants avoid attachment or show insecure attachment, marked by either anxiety or avoidance of trusting relationships. They are less likely to explore their surroundings. Anxiously attached infants may cling to their mother. When she leaves, they might cry loudly and remain upset. Avoidantly attached infants seem not to notice or care about her departure and return (Ainsworth, 1973, 1989; Kagan, 1995; van

IJzendoorn & Kroonenberg, 1988). Ainsworth and others found that sen-

sitive, responsive mothers—those who noticed what their babies were doing and responded appropriately—had infants who were securely attached (De Wolff & van IJzendoorn, 1997). Insensitive, unresponsive mothers—mothers who attended to their babies when they felt like doing so but ignored them at other times—often had infants who were insecurely attached. The Harlows’ monkey studies, with unre-

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FIGURE 3.12 Social deprivation and fear In the Harlows’ experiments, monkeys raised with artificial mothers were terror - stricken when placed in strange situations without those mothers.

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FULL-TIME DAD Financial analyst Walter Cranford, shown here with his baby twins, is one of a growing number of stay-at-home dads. Cranford says the experience has made him appreciate how difficult the work can be: “Sometimes at work you can just unplug, but with this you’ve got to be going all the time.”

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The Harlows’ monkeys bore similar scars if raised in total isolation, with- out even an artificial mother. As adults, when placed with other monkeys their age, they either cowered in fright or lashed out in aggression. When they reached sexual maturity, most were incapable of mating. Females who did have babies were often neglectful, abu- sive, even murderous toward them.

In humans, too, the unloved some- times become the unloving. Some 30 percent of those who have been abused do later abuse their own children. This is four times the U.S. national rate of child abuse (Dumont et al., 2007; Widom, 1989a,b). Abuse victims have a doubled risk of later depression (Nanni et al., 2012). They are especially at risk for depression if they carry a gene variation that spurs stress-hormone production (Bradley et al., 2008). As we will see again and again, behavior and emotion arise from a par- ticular environment interacting with particular genes.

Recall that, depending on our experience, genes may or may not

attachment; or the avoidance of attach- ment (Feeney, 2008; Shaver & Mikulincer, 2007). Feeling insecurely attached to others during childhood, for example, may take two main forms in adulthood (Fraley et al., 2011). One is anxiety, in which peo- ple constantly crave acceptance but are overly alert to signs of possible rejection. The other is avoidance, in which people experience discomfort getting close to others and use avoidant strategies to maintain distance from others.

Deprivation of Attachment If secure attachment fosters social trust, what happens when circumstances pre- vent a child from forming attachments? In all of psychology, there is no sadder research literature. Some of these babies were raised in institutions without a reg- ular caregiver’s stimulation and atten- tion. Others were locked away at home under conditions of abuse or extreme neglect. Most were withdrawn, fright- ened, even speechless. Those abandoned in Romanian orphanages during the 1980s looked “frighteningly like Harlow’s monkeys” (Carlson, 1995). The longer they were institutionalized, the more they bore lasting emotional scars (Chisholm, 1998; Nelson et al., 2009).

securely attached, as were only 28 per- cent of the control group infants. Other studies support the idea that such pro- grams can increase parental sensitivity and, to some extent, infant attachment security (Bakermans - Kranenburg et al., 2003; Van Zeijl et al., 2006).

Children’s anxiety over separation from parents peaks at around 13 months, then gradually declines (Kagan, 1976). This happens whether they live with one par- ent or two, are cared for at home or in a day - care center, live in North America, Guatamala, or the Kalahari Desert. As the power of early attachment relaxes, we humans begin to move out into a wider range of situations. We communi- cate with strangers more freely. And we stay attached emotionally to loved ones despite distance.

At all ages, we are social creatures. But as we mature, our secure base and safe haven shift—from parents to peers and partners (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999). We gain strength when someone offers, by words and actions, a safe haven: “I will be here. I am interested in you. Come what may, I will actively support you” (Crowell & Waters, 1994).

ATTACHMENT STYLES AND LATER

RELATIONSHIPS Developmental theo- rist Erik Erikson (1902–1994), working with his wife, Joan Erikson, believed that securely attached children approach life with a sense of basic trust—a sense that the world is predictable and reli- able. This lifelong attitude of trust rather than fear, they said, flows from chil- dren’s interactions with sensitive, loving caregivers.

Do our early attachments form the foundation for adult relationships, including our comfort with intimacy? Many researchers now believe they do (Birnbaum et al., 2006; Fraley et al., 2013). People who report that they had secure relationships with their parents tend to enjoy secure friendships (Gorrese & Ruggieri, 2012). Our adult styles of roman- tic love likewise exhibit either secure, trusting attachment; insecure, anxious

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THE DEPRIVATION OF ATTACHMENT In this 1980s Romanian orphanage, the 250 children between ages 1 and 5 outnumbered caregivers 15 to 1. When such children were tested after Romania’s dictator was assassinated, they had lower intelligence scores and double the 20 percent rate of anxiety symptoms found in children assigned to quality foster care settings (Nelson et al., 2009).

basic trust according to Erik Erikson, a sense that the world is predictable and trustworthy; said to be formed during infancy by appropriate experiences with responsive caregivers.

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CULTURE AND CHILD RAISING Culture, as we noted in Chapter 1, is the set of enduring behaviors, ideas, attitudes, values, and traditions shared by a group of people and handed down from one generation to the next (Brislin, 1988). In Chapter 4, we’ll explore the effects of culture on gender. In later chapters we’ll consider the influence of culture on psychological disorders and social interactions. For now, let’s look at the way that child-raising practices reflect cultural values.

Cultural values vary from place to place and, even in the same place, from one time to another. Do you prefer chil- dren who are independent, or children who comply with what others think? The Westernized culture of the United States today favors independence. “You are responsible for yourself,” Western families and schools tell their children. “Follow your conscience. Be true to your- self. Discover your gifts. Think through your personal needs.” A half - century ago and more, however, Western cul- tural values placed greater priority on obedience, respect, and sensitivity to others (Alwin, 1990; Remley, 1988). “Be true to your traditions,” parents then taught their children. “Be loyal to your heritage and country. Show respect toward your parents and other superiors.” Cultures can change.

Children across place and time have thrived under various child - raising

kiss. Do parenting-style differences affect children?

The most heavily researched aspect of parenting has been how, and to what extent, parents seek to control their chil- dren. Investigators have identified three parenting styles:

1. Authoritarian parents set the rules and expect obedience: “Don’t interrupt.” “Keep your room clean.” “Don’t stay out late or you’ll be grounded.” “Why? Because I said so.”

2. Permissive parents give in to their children’s desires. They make few demands and use little punishment.

3. Authoritative parents are both demanding and responsive. They exert control by setting rules, but especially with older children, they encourage open discussion and allow exceptions.

Too hard, too soft, and just right, these styles have been called. Studies reveal that children with authoritarian parents tend to have less social skill and self - esteem, and those with permissive parents tend to be more aggressive and immature. The children with the high- est self - esteem, self - reliance, and social competence usually have warm, con- cerned, authoritative parents (Baumrind, 1996; Buri et al., 1988; Coopersmith, 1967). Two studies of thousands of Germans found that the parenting-competence link extended far into the future. Young adults whose parents had imposed a childhood curfew were better adjusted and had achieved more, compared with those who had permissive parents (Haase et al., 2008).

A word of caution: The association between certain parenting styles (being firm but open) and certain childhood outcomes (social competence) is correla- tional. Correlation is not causation. Perhaps you can imagine other possible explana- tions for this parenting-competence link.

Remember, too, that parenting doesn’t happen in a vacuum. One of the forces that influences parenting styles is culture.

be “expressed” (active), and that epi- genetics studies how experience puts molecular marks on genes that influence their expression. Severe child abuse, for example, can affect the expression of genes (Labonté et al., 2012). Extreme child- hood trauma can also leave footprints on the brain. Normally placid golden hamsters that are repeatedly threatened and attacked while young grow up to be cowards when caged with same - sized hamsters, or bullies when caged with weaker ones (Ferris, 1996). Young chil- dren who are terrorized through physi- cal abuse or wartime atrocities (being beaten, witnessing torture, and living in constant fear) often suffer other last- ing wounds. Many have reported night- mares, depression, and an adolescence troubled by substance abuse, binge eat- ing, or aggression (Kendall - Tackett et al., 1993, 2004; Polusny & Follette, 1995; Trickett &

McBride - Chang, 1995). So too with child- hood sexual abuse. Especially if severe and prolonged, it places children at increased risk for health problems, psychological disorders, substance abuse, and criminality (Freyd et al., 2005; Tyler, 2002).

Still, many children successfully sur- vive abuse. It’s true that most abusive parents—and many condemned mur- derers—were indeed abused. It’s also true that most children growing up in harsh conditions don’t become violent criminals or abusive parents. Indeed, hardship short of trauma often boosts mental toughness (Seery, 2011). When you face adversity, consider the silver lining. Your coping may strengthen your resil- ience—your ability to bounce back and go on to lead a better life.

Parenting Styles 3-10 What are three primary parenting styles, and what outcomes are associated with each?

Child-raising practices vary. Some par- ents are strict, some are lax. Some show little affection, some liberally hug and

“To be frank, officer, my parents never set boundaries.”

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Thinking About Nature and Nurture The unique gene combination created when our mother’s egg engulfed our father’s sperm helped form us as individ- uals. Genes predispose both our shared humanity and our individual differences.

But it also is true that our experiences form us. In the womb, in our families, and in our peer relationships, we learn ways of thinking and acting. Even dif- ferences initiated by our nature may be amplified by our nurture. We are not formed by either nature or nurture, but by the interaction between them. Biological, psychological, and social- cultural forces interact (FIGURE 3.13).

Mindful of how others differ from us, however, we often fail to notice the similarities stemming from our shared biology. Regardless of our culture, we humans share the same life cycle. We speak to our infants in similar ways and respond similarly to their coos and cries (Bornstein et al., 1992a,b). All over the world, the children of warm and supportive parents feel better about themselves and are less hostile than are the children of punishing and rejecting parents (Rohner, 1986; Scott et al., 1991). Although Hispanic, Asian, Black, and White Americans differ

that our culture’s way is the only way to raise children successfully.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• The three parenting styles have been called “too hard, too soft, and just right.” Which one is “too hard,” which one “too soft,” and which one “just right,” and why?

ANSWER: The authoritarian style would be too hard, the permissive style too soft, and the authoritative style just right. Parents using the authoritative style tend to have children with high self-esteem, self- reliance, and social competence.

systems. Upper - class British parents traditionally handed off routine care- giving to nannies, then sent their 10-year-olds away to boarding school. Many Americans now give children their own bedrooms and entrust them to day care.

Many Asian and African cultures place less value on independence and more on a strong sense of family self. They feel that what shames the child shames the family, and what brings honor to the family brings honor to the self. These cultures also value emotional closeness, and infants and toddlers may sleep with their mothers and spend their days close to a family member (Morelli et al., 1992; Whiting & Edwards, 1988). Sending children away would be shocking to an African Gusii family. Their babies nurse freely but spend most of the day on their mother’s back, with lots of body con- tact but little face - to - face and language interaction. If the mother becomes preg- nant again, the toddler is weaned and handed over to another family member. Westerners may wonder about the nega- tive effects of the lack of verbal interac- tion, but then the African Gusii may in turn wonder about Western mothers pushing their babies around in strollers and leaving them in playpens and car seats (Small, 1997). Such diversity in child raising cautions us against presuming

CULTURES VARY Parents everywhere care about their children, but raise and protect them differently depending on the surrounding culture. In metropolitan centers, such as New York City, parents keep children close. In smaller, close-knit communities, such as Stromness, Scotland, social trust has enabled parents to park their toddlers outside shops.

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Individual development

Biological influences: Psychological influences:

Parental influences Peer influences Cultural emphasis on group or individual Chance events Other social influences

Social-cultural influences: • • • • •

Shared human genome Individual genetic variations Prenatal environment

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Gene-environment interaction Neurological effect of early experiences Responses evoked by our own traits Beliefs, feelings, and expectations

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FIGURE 3.13 The bio psycho social approach to development

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An adolescent’s brain is also a work in progress. This is the time when unused neurons and their connections are pruned (Blakemore, 2008). What we don’t use, we lose.

As teens mature, their frontal lobes also continue to develop. But frontal lobe maturation lags behind the development of the emotional limbic system. When puberty’s hormonal surge combines with limbic system development and unfinished frontal lobes, it’s no won- der teens feel stressed. Impulsiveness, risky behaviors, and emotional storms— slamming doors and turning up the music—happen (Casey et al., 2008). Not yet fully equipped for making long - term plans and curbing impulses, young teens may give in to the lure of smok- ing. (Adult smokers often tell them that they will later regret that move.) Teens typically know the risks of smoking, fast driving, unprotected sex. They just, rea- soning from their gut, weigh the ben- efits of risky behaviors more heavily (Reyna & Farley, 2006; Steinberg, 2010). They seek thrills and rewards, but they can’t always locate the brake pedal control- ling their impulses.

follows a surge of hormones, which may intensify moods and which trigger a series of bodily changes, outlined in Chapter 4, Gender and Sexuality.

Just as in the earlier life stages, we all go through the same sequence of changes in puberty. All girls, for example, develop breast buds and pubic hair before men- arche, their first menstrual period. The timing of such changes is less predictable. Some girls start their growth spurt at 9, some boys as late as age 16. Maturing earlier or later than your peers has little effect on adult physical features, such as your final height. It is not when we mature that counts, but how people react to our physical development.

For boys, early maturation has mixed effects. Boys who are stronger and more athletic during their early teen years tend to be more popular, self - assured, and independent, though also more at risk for alcohol use, delinquency, and premature sexual activity (Conley & Rudolph, 2009; Copeland et al., 2010; Lynne et al.,

2007). For girls, early maturation can be a challenge (Mendle et al., 2007). If a young girl’s body and hormone-fed feelings are too far beyond her emotional maturity and her friends’ physical development and experiences, she may search out older teens or may suffer teasing or sex- ual harassment (Ge & Natsuaki, 2009).

in school achievement and delinquency, the differences are “no more than skin deep” (Rowe et al., 1994). To the extent that family structure, peer influences, and parental education predict behavior in one of these ethnic groups, they do so for the others as well. Compared with the person-to-person differences within groups, the differences between groups are small. We share a human nature.

Adolescence During adolescence we morph from child to adult. Adolescence starts with a physi- cal event—bodily changes that mark the beginning of sexual maturity. It ends with a social event—independent adult status, which means that in cultures where teens are self-supporting, adoles- cence hardly exists.

Physical Development 3-11 What defines adolescence, and what major physical changes occur during adolescence?

Adolescence begins with puberty, the time when we mature sexually. Puberty

HEIGHT DIFFERENCES Throughout childhood, boys and girls are similar in height. At puberty, girls surge ahead briefly, but then boys overtake them at about age 14. (Data from Tanner, 1978.)

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At a five - year high school reunion, former best friends may be surprised at their differences; a decade or more later, they may have trouble sustaining a conversation.

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Developing Morality Two crucial tasks of childhood and ado- lescence are determining right from wrong and developing character—the psychological muscles for controlling impulses. To be a moral person is to think morally and act accordingly. Jean Piaget and Lawrence Kohlberg proposed that moral reasoning guides moral actions. A more recent view builds on psychology’s game-changing new recognition that much of our functioning occurs not on the “high road” of deliberate, conscious thinking but on the “low road” of uncon- scious, automatic thinking.

MORAL THINKING Piaget (1932) believed that children’s moral judgments build on their cognitive development. Agreeing with Piaget, Lawrence Kohlberg (1981, 1984) sought to describe the development of moral reasoning, the thinking that occurs as we consider right and wrong. Kohlberg posed moral dilemmas—for example, should a person steal medicine to save a loved one’s life? He then asked children,

During the early teen years, reason- ing is often self - focused. Adolescents may think their private experiences are unique, something parents just couldn’t understand: “But, Mom, you don’t really know how it feels to be in love” (Elkind, 1978). Capable of thinking about their own thinking and about other people’s think- ing, they also begin imagining what other people are thinking about them. (They might worry less if they understood their peers’ similar self - focus.) Gradually, though, most begin to reason more abstractly.

Developing Reasoning Power When adolescents achieve the intel- lectual peak Jean Piaget called formal operations, they apply their new abstract thinking tools to the world around them. They may debate human nature, good and evil, truth and justice. Having left behind the concrete images of early childhood, they may search for a deeper meaning of life (Elkind, 1970; Worthington, 1989). They can now reason logically. They can spot hypocrisy and detect incon- sistencies in others’ reasoning (Peterson et al., 1986). (Can you remember having a heated debate with your parents? Did you perhaps even vow silently never to lose sight of your own ideals?)

So, when Junior drives recklessly and academically self - destructs, should his parents reassure themselves that “he can’t help it; his frontal cortex isn’t yet fully grown”? They can at least take hope: The brain with which Junior begins his teens differs from the brain with which he will end his teens. Unless he slows his brain development with heavy drinking, his frontal lobes will continue maturing until about age 25 (Beckman, 2004). Better communication between the frontal lobes and other brain regions will bring improved judg- ment, impulse control, and the ability to plan for the long term.

In 2004, the American Psychological Association joined seven other medical and mental health associations in fil- ing U.S. Supreme Court briefs arguing against the death penalty for 16- and 17-year-olds. They presented evidence for the teen brain’s immaturity “in areas that bear upon adolescent decision making.” Teens are “less guilty by reason of adolescence,” suggested psychologist Laurence Steinberg and law professor Elizabeth Scott (2003; Steinberg et al., 2009). In 2005, by a 5-to - 4 margin, the Court agreed, declaring juvenile death penal- ties unconstitutional.

Cognitive Development 3-12 How did Piaget, Kohlberg, and later researchers describe cognitive and moral development during adolescence?

“Young man, go to your room and stay there until your cerebral cortex matures.”

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DEMONSTRATING THEIR REASONING ABILITY Although they supported different candidates in the 2012 U.S. presidential election, these teens were all demonstrating their ability to think logically about abstract topics. According to Piaget, they were in the final cognitive stage, formal operations.

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adolescence the transition period from childhood to adulthood, extending from puberty to independence.

puberty the period of sexual maturation, during which a person becomes capable of reproducing.

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have become more socially responsible, academically successful, and produc- tive (Funder & Block, 1989). In one of psy- chology’s famous experiments, Walter Mischel (1988, 1989) gave 4-year-old pre- schoolers a choice between one marsh- mallow now, or two marshmallows when he returned a few minutes later. The children who had the willpower to delay gratification went on to have higher college completion rates and incomes, and less often suffered addic- tion problems.

In service-learning programs, where teens have tutored, cleaned up their neighborhoods, and assisted older adults, every one has benefited. The teens’ sense of competence and their desire to serve have increased, and their school absen- teeism and drop - out rates have decreased (Andersen, 1998; Piliavin, 2003). Moral action feeds moral attitudes.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• According to Kohlberg, morality focuses on upholding laws and social rules, morality focuses on self- interest, and morality focuses on self-defined ethical principles.

ANSWER: conventional; preconventional; postconventional

will kill one person. Should you throw the switch? Most say Yes. Kill one, save five.

Now imagine the same dilemma, with one change. This time, your opportunity to save the five requires you to push a large stranger onto the tracks, where he will die as his body stops the trolley. Kill one, save five? The logic is the same, but most say No. Seeking to understand why, researchers used brain imaging to spy on people’s neural responses as they considered such problems (Greene, 2001). Despite the identical logic, only the body- pushing type of moral choice acti- vated their brain’s emotion areas. The point: Emotions feed moral intuitions.

While the new research shows that moral intuitions can beat moral reason- ing, other research reaffirms the impor- tance of moral reasoning. The religious and moral reasoning of the Amish, for example, shapes their practices of for- giveness, communal life, and modesty (Narvaez, 2010). Joshua Greene (2010) lik- ens our moral cognition to a camera. Usually, we rely on the automatic point- and-shoot mode. But sometimes we use reason to manually override the cam- era’s automatic impulse.

MORAL ACTION Today’s character- education programs focus both on moral reasoning and on doing the right thing. They teach children empathy for oth- ers’ feelings. They also teach the self - discipline needed to restrain one’s own impulses—to delay small pleasures now to earn bigger rewards later. Those who have learned to delay gratification

adolescents, and adults whether the action was right or wrong. He believed their answers would give evidence of stages of moral thinking. His findings led him to propose three basic levels of moral thinking, preconventional, conventional, and postconventional (TABLE 3.2). Kohlberg claimed these levels form a moral ladder. As with all stage theories, the sequence never changes. We begin on the bot- tom rung and rise to varying heights. Kohlberg’s critics have noted that his postconventional level is culturally lim- ited. It appears mostly among people who prize individualism—giving priority to one’s own goals (Eckensberger, 1994; Miller & Bersoff, 1995). This theory, add its critics, is biased against collectivist (group-centered) societies, such as China and India, which place more value on group goals.

MORAL INTUITION According to psy- chologist Jonathan Haidt (2002, 2006, 2010) much of our morality is rooted in moral intuitions—“quick gut feelings.” In this view, the mind makes moral judgments quickly and automatically. We feel eleva- tion—a tingly, warm, glowing feeling in the chest—when seeing people display exceptional generosity, compassion, or courage. Such feelings in turn trigger moral reasoning, says Haidt.

This viewpoint on morality finds support in a study of moral decisions. Imagine seeing a runaway trolley headed for five people. All will certainly be killed unless you throw a switch that diverts the trolley onto another track, where it

TABLE 3.2 Kohlberg’s Levels of Moral Thinking

Level (approximate age) Focus Example

Preconventional morality (before age 9)

Self-interest; obey rules to avoid punishment or gain concrete rewards.

“If you save your dying wife, you’ll be a hero.”

Conventional morality (early adolescence)

Uphold laws and rules to gain social approval or maintain social order.

“If you steal the drug for her, everyone will think you’re a criminal.”

Postconventional morality (adolescence and beyond)

Actions reflect belief in basic rights and self- defined ethical principles.

“People have a right to live.” Ad

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MORAL REASONING Some Staten Island, New York, residents faced a moral dilemma in 2012 when Superstorm Sandy caused disastrous flooding. Should they risk their lives to try to rescue family, friends, and neighbors in dangerously flooded areas? Their reasoning likely reflected different levels of moral thinking, even if they behaved similarly.

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ualist Western cultures, young people may continue to try out possible roles well into their late teen years, when many people begin attending college or working full time. During the early to mid - teen years, self - esteem falls and, for girls, depression scores often increase. Then, during the late teens and twenties,

But not always. Erikson noticed that some adolescents bypass this period. Some forge their identity early, simply by taking on their parents’ values and expectations. Others may adopt the identity of a particular peer group— jocks, preps, geeks, goths.

Cultural values may influence teens’ search for an identity. Traditional, more collectivist cultures teach adolescents who they are, rather than encouraging them to decide on their own. In individ-

Social Development 3-13 According to Erikson, what stages— and accompanying tasks and challenges— mark our psychosocial development?

Erik Erikson (1963) believed that we must resolve a specific crisis at each stage of life. Thus, each stage has its own psy- chosocial task. Young children wrestle with issues of trust, then autonomy (inde- pendence), then initiative. School - age children strive for competence—feeling able and productive. The adolescent’s task is to blend past, present, and future possibilities into a clearer sense of self. Adolescents wonder, “Who am I as an individual? What do I want to do with my life? What values should I live by? What do I believe in?” Such ques- tions, said Erikson, are part of the ado- lescent’s search for identity (TABLE 3.3).

Forming an Identity To refine their sense of identity, ado- lescents in Western cultures usually try out different “selves” in different situa- tions. They may act out one self at home, another with friends, and still another at school or on Facebook. Sometimes these separate worlds overlap. Do you remem- ber having your friend world and family world bump into each other, and won- dering, “Which self should I be? Which is the real me?” Most of us make peace with our various selves. In time, we blend them into a stable and comfortable sense of who we are—an identity.

For both adolescents and adults, our group identities are often formed by how we differ from those around us. When living in Britain, I become conscious of my Americanness. When spending time with my daughter in Africa, I be- come conscious of my minority White race. When surrounded by women, I am mindful of my gender identity. For international students, for those of a minority ethnic group, for people with a disability, for gays and lesbians, a social identity often forms around their distinctiveness.

TABLE 3.3 Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development

Stage (approximate age) Issues Description of Task

Infancy (to 1 year)

Trust vs. mistrust If needs are dependably met, infants develop a sense of basic trust.

Toddlerhood (1 to 3 years)

Autonomy vs. shame and doubt

Toddlers learn to exercise their will and do things for themselves, or they doubt their abilities.

Preschool (3 to 6 years)

Initiative vs. guilt Preschoolers learn to initiate tasks and carry out plans, or they feel guilty about their efforts to be independent.

Elementary school (6 years to puberty)

Competence vs. inferiority

Children learn the pleasure of applying themselves to tasks, or they feel inferior.

Adolescence (teen years into 20s)

Identity vs. role confusion

Teenagers work at refining a sense of self by testing roles and then blending them to form a single identity, or they become confused about who they are.

Young adulthood (20s to early 40s)

Intimacy vs. isolation

Young adults struggle to form close relationships and to gain the capacity for intimate love, or they feel socially isolated.

Middle adulthood (40s to 60s)

Generativity vs. stagnation

In middle age, people discover a sense of contributing to the world, usually through family and work, or they may feel a lack of purpose.

Late adulthood (late 60s and up)

Integrity vs. despair

Reflecting on his or her life, an older adult may feel a sense of satisfaction or failure.

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identity our sense of self; according to Erikson, the adolescent’s task is to solidify a sense of self by testing and blending various roles.

social identity the “we” aspect of our self- concept; the part of our answer to “Who am I?” that comes from our group memberships.

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Positive parent-teen relations and positive peer relations often go hand in hand. High school girls who had the most affectionate relationships with their mothers tended also to enjoy the most intimate friendships with girl- friends (Gold & Yanof, 1985). And teens who felt close to their parents have tended to be healthy and happy and to do well in school (Resnick et al., 1997). But pause now to think critically. Look what happens if you state this association another

way: Teens in trouble are more likely to have tense relationships with par- ents and other adults. Re- member: Correlations don’t prove cause and effect.

As we saw earlier, heredity does much of the heavy lift- ing in forming individual temperament and personality differences. Parents and peers influence teens’ behaviors and attitudes. (See Thinking Critically About: How Much Credit or Blame Do Parents Deserve?)

Most teens are herd animals. They talk, dress, and act more like their peers than their parents. What their friends are, they often become, and what “every- body’s doing,” they often do. Part of what everybody’s doing is networking—a lot. On a typical day, the average U.S. teen sends 60 text messages (Pew, 2012). Many become absorbed by social networking, sometimes with a compulsive use that produces “Facebook fatigue.” Online communication prompts intimate self- disclosure, both for better (support groups) and for worse (online predators and extremist groups) (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 2008; Valkenburg & Peter, 2009).

For those who feel excluded by their peers, the pain is acute. “The social atmosphere in most high schools is poi- sonously clique - driven and exclusion- ary,” observed social psy chol o gist Elliot Aronson (2001). Most excluded teens “suffer in silence. . . . A small number act out in violent ways against their class- mates.” Those who withdraw are vul- nerable to loneliness, low self - esteem,

animal.” At all ages, but especially during childhood and the teen years, we seek to fit in with our groups and are influenced by them (Harris, 1998, 2000). Consider:

• Children who hear English spoken with one accent at home and another in the neighborhood and at school will adopt the accent of the peers, not the parents. Accents (and slang) reflect culture, “and children get their culture from their peers,” noted Judith Rich Harris (2007).

• Teens who start smoking typically have friends who model smoking, suggest its pleasures, and offer cigarettes (J. S. Rose et al., 1999; R. J. Rose et al., 2003). Part of this peer similarity may result from a selection effect, as kids seek out peers with similar attitudes and interests. Those who smoke (or don’t) may select as friends those who also smoke (or don’t).

• When researchers used a beeper to sample the daily experiences of American teens, they found them unhappiest when alone and happiest when with friends (Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003).

By adolescence, parent-child argu- ments occur more often, usually over ordinary things—household chores, bed- time, homework (Tesser et al., 1989). For a minority of families, these arguments lead to real splits and great stress (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). But most dis- agreements are at the level of harmless bickering. With sons, the issues often are behavior problems, such as act- ing out or hygiene. For daughters, the conflict commonly involves relation- ships, such as dating and friendships (Schlomer et al., 2011). Nevertheless, most adolescents—6000 of them in 10 coun- tries, from Australia to Bangla desh to Turkey—have said they like their par- ents (Offer et al., 1988). They often report, “We usually get along but . . .” (Galambos, 1992; Steinberg, 1987).

self-image bounces back (Erol & Orth, 2011; Robins et al., 2002; Twenge & Nolen- Hoeksema,

2002). Agreeableness and emotional sta- bility also increase during late adoles- cence and early adulthood (Klimstra et al., 2009; Lucas and Donnellan, 2011).

Erikson believed that the adolescent identity formation (which continues into adulthood) is followed in young adult- hood by a developing capacity for inti- macy, the ability to form emotionally close relationships. With a clear and comfortable sense of who you are, said Erikson, you are ready for close relation- ships. Such relationships are, for most of us, a source of great pleasure.

Parent and Peer Relationships 3-14 To what extent are adolescent lives shaped by parental and peer influences?

As adolescents in Western cultures seek to form their own identities, they begin to pull away from their parents (Shanahan et al., 2007). The preschooler who can’t be close enough to her mother, who loves to touch and cling to her, becomes the 14-year - old who wouldn’t be caught dead holding hands with Mom. The transi- tion occurs gradually, but this period is typically a time when parental influ- ence wanes and peer influence grows. As ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle long ago recognized, we humans are “the social

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“She says she’s someone from your past who gave birth to you, and raised you, and sacrificed

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“Men resemble the times more than they resemble their fathers.”

Ancient Arab proverb

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Parents are more important when it comes to education, discipline, respon- sibility, orderliness, charitableness, and ways of interacting with authority figures. Peers are more important for learning cooperation, for finding the road to popularity, for inventing styles of interaction among people of the same age. Youngsters may find their peers more interesting, but they will

and depression (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Peer approval matters.

Teens see their parents as hav- ing more influence in other areas—for example, in shaping their religious faith and in thinking about college and career choices (Emerging Trends, 1997). A Gallup Youth Survey revealed that most share their parents’ political views (Lyons, 2005).

Howard Gardner (1998) has con- cluded that parents and peers are complementary:

THINKING CRIT ICALLY ABOUT

How Much Credit or Blame Do Parents Deserve? 3-15 Does parenting matter?

Parents usually feel enormous satisfaction in their children’s successes, and feel guilt or shame over their failures. They beam over the child who wins an award. They wonder where they went wrong with the child who is repeatedly called into the principal’s office. Freudian psy- chiatry and psychology have been among the sources of such ideas, by blaming problems from asthma to schizophrenia on “bad mothering.” Society has reinforced parent blaming. Believing that parents shape their offspring as a potter molds clay, people readily praise parents for their children’s virtues and blame them for their children’s vices.

But do parents really damage these future adults by being (take your pick from the toxic - parenting lists) overbearing—or uninvolved? Pushy—or weak? Overprotective—or distant? Are children really so easily wounded? If so, should we then blame our parents for our fail- ings, and ourselves for our children’s failings? Or does all the talk of wounding fragile children through normal parental mistakes trivialize the brutality of real abuse?

Parents do matter. The power of parenting is clearest at the ex- tremes: the abused who become abusive, the neglected who become neglectful, the loved but firmly handled children who become self - confident and socially competent. The power of the family environment also appears in the remarkable academic and vocational successes of children of people who fled from Vietnam and Cambodia—successes

attributed to close-knit, sup- portive, even demanding fami- lies (Caplan et al., 1992).

Yet in personality measures, shared environmental influ- ences from the womb onward typically account for less than 10 percent of children’s person- ality differences. In the words of Robert Plomin and Denise Daniels (1987; Plomin, 2011), “Two children in the same family are [apart from their shared genes] as different from one another as are pairs of children selected ran- domly from the population.” To developmental psychologist Sandra Scarr (1993), this meant that “parents should be given less credit for kids who turn out great and blamed less for kids who don’t.” Knowing that children are not easily sculpted by parental nurture, perhaps parents can relax a bit more and love their children for who they are.

The genetic leash may limit the family environment’s influence on personality, but does it mean that adoptive parenting is a fruitless ven- ture? No. Parents do influence their children’s attitudes, values, man- ners, faith, and politics (Brodzinsky & Schechter, 1990). A pair of adopted children or identical twins will, if raised together, have more similar re- ligious beliefs, especially during adolescence (Kelley & De Graaf, 1997; Koenig et al., 2005; Rohan & Zanna, 1996).

Child neglect, abuse, and parental divorce are rare in adoptive homes, in part because adoptive parents are carefully screened. De- spite a somewhat greater risk of psychological disorder, most adopted children thrive, especially when adopted as infants (Benson et al., 1994; Wi- erzbicki, 1993). Seven in eight report feeling strongly attached to one or both adoptive parents. As children of self-giving parents, they them- selves grow up to be more self-giving than average (Sharma et al., 1998). Many score higher than their biological parents on intelligence tests, and most grow into happier and more stable adults. Regardless of per- sonality differences between parents and their adoptees, children ben- efit from adoption. Parenting matters!

“It’s you who don’t understand me—I’ve been fifteen, but you have

never been forty-eight.”

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ADOPTION MATTERS As country music singer Faith Hill and Apple co-founder Steve Jobs have known, children benefit from one of the biggest gifts of love: adoption.

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intimacy in Erikson’s theory, the ability to form close, loving relationships; a primary developmental task in early adulthood.

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men have met these five milestones (Henig, 2010).

Delayed independence has over- lapped with an earlier onset of puberty, widening the once - brief gap between child and adult (FIGURE 3.14). In well-off communities, the time from 18 to the mid - twenties is an increasingly not- yet - settled phase of life, which some now call emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2006, 2007). No longer adolescents, these emerging adults, having not yet assumed adult responsibilities and independence, feel “in between.” Those in college or the job market after high school may be set- ting their own goals and managing their own time more than ever before. Yet they may still be living in their parents’ home, unable to afford their own place and perhaps still emotionally depen- dent as well. Recognizing today’s more gradually emerging adulthood, the U.S. government now allows children up to age 26 to remain on their parents’ health insurance (Cohen, 2010).

careers. In 1960, three-quarters of all U.S. women and two-thirds of all U.S. men had, by age 30, finished school, left home, become financially independent,

married, and had a child. Today, fewer than half of 30-year-old women and one-third of 30-year-old

look to their parents when contemplat- ing their own futures. Moreover, par- ents [often] choose the neighborhoods and schools that supply the peers.

The investment in rais- ing a child buys many years not only of joy and love but of worry and irri- tation. Yet for most people who become parents, a child is one’s biological and social leg- acy—one’s personal investment in the human future. To paraphrase psychia- trist Carl Jung, we reach backward into our parents and forward into our chil- dren, and through their children into a future we will never see, but about which we must therefore care.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What is the selection effect, and how might it affect a teen’s decision to join sports teams at school?

ANSWER: Adolescents tend to select similar others and to sort themselves into like-minded groups. For an athletic teen, this could lead to finding other athletic teens and joining school teams together.

Emerging Adulthood 3-16 What are the characteristics of emerging adulthood?

In the Western world, adolescence now roughly equals the teen years. At earlier times, and in other parts of the world today, this slice of life has been much smaller (Baumeister & Tice, 1986). Shortly after sexual maturity, teens would assume adult responsibilities and status. The event might be celebrated with an elaborate initiation—a public rite of pas- sage. The new adult would then work, marry, and have children.

Where schooling became compulsory, independence was put on hold until after graduation. And as educational goals rose, so did the age of indepen- dence. Now, from Europe to Australia, adolescents are taking more time to fin- ish college, leave the nest, and establish

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“I love u guys.” Emily Keyes’ final text message to her

parents before dying in a Colorado school shooting, 2006.

Age

12.5-year interval

10 20 30

Menarche

1995, WOMEN

Marriage

Age

7.2-year interval

10 20 30

Menarche (First period)

1890, WOMEN

Marriage

FIGURE 3.14 Transition to adulthood is being stretched from both ends In the 1890s, the average time between a woman’s first menstrual period and marriage, which typically marked a transition to adulthood, was about 7 years. By 1995 in industrialized countries, that gap had widened to about 12 years (Guttmacher, 1994, 2000). Although many adults are unmarried, later marriage combines with prolonged education and earlier menarche to help stretch out the transition to adulthood.

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ist worldview and emphasized thinking over acting. And, as you will see in the next section, adult life does not prog- ress through a fixed, predictable series of steps. Chance events can influence us in ways we would never have predicted.

Although research casts doubt on the idea that life proceeds through neatly defined, age - linked stages, the concept of stage remains useful. The human brain does experience growth spurts during childhood and puberty that correspond

a series of stages or steps, guided by instructions programmed into our genes. Progress through the various stages may be quick or slow, but we all pass through the stages in the same order.

Are there clear - cut stages of psy- chological development, as there are physical stages such as walking before running? We have considered the stage theories of Jean Piaget on cognitive development, Lawrence Kohlberg on moral development, and Erik Erikson on psychosocial development (summarized in FIGURE 3.15). And we have seen their stage theories criticized. Young chil- dren have some abilities Piaget believed they developed only in later stages. Kohlberg’s work reflected an individual-

Thinking About Continuity and Stages Let’s stop now and consider the second developmental issue introduced at the beginning of this chapter—continuity and stages. Do adults differ from infants as a giant redwood differs from its seedling— differences mostly created by constant, gradual growth? Or do we change in some ways as a caterpillar differs from a butterfly—in distinct stages?

Generally speaking, researchers who focus on experience and learning view development as a slow, ongoing process. Those who emphasize the influence of our biology tend to see development as a pro- cess of maturation, as we pass through

• Match the psychosocial development stage below (1–8) with the issue that Erikson believed we wrestle with at that stage (a–h).

1. Infancy

2. Toddlerhood

3. Preschool

4. Elementary school

5. Adolescence

6. Young adulthood

7. Middle adulthood

8. Late adulthood

a. Generativity vs. stagnation

b. Integrity vs. despair

c. Initiative vs. guilt

d. Intimacy vs. isolation

e. Identity vs. role confusion

f. Competence vs. inferiority

g. Trust vs. mistrust

h. Autonomy vs. shame and doubt

ANSWERS: 1. g, 2. h, 3. c, 4. f, 5. e, 6. d, 7. a, 8. b

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

“First, I did things for my parents’ approval, then I did things for my parents’ disapproval,

and now I don’t know why I do things.”

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Jean Piaget

Lawrence Kohlberg

Preconventional morality Conventional morality Postconventional morality?

Erik Erikson

Sensorimotor Preoperational Concrete operational

Formal operational

Initiative Competence Identity Intimacy Genera- tivity

Integrity

Birth Death1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

AutonomyBasic Trust

Years

FIGURE 3.15 Comparing the stage theories (With thanks to Dr. Sandra Gibbs, Muskegon Community College, for inspiring this.)

emerging adulthood a period from about age 18 to the mid-twenties, when many in Western cultures are no longer adolescents but have not yet achieved full independence as adults.

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ness, and cardiac output—all crest by our mid - twenties. Like the declining daylight at the end of summer, the pace of our physical decline is a slow creep. Athletes are often the first to notice. World - class sprinters and swimmers peak by their

early twenties. Women, who mature earlier than men, also peak earlier. But few of us notice. Unless our daily lives require us to be in top physical condi- tion, we hardly perceive the early signs of decline.

Middle Adulthood During early and middle adulthood, physical vigor has less to do with age than with a person’s health and exer- cise habits. Many of today’s sedentary 25-year- olds find themselves huffing and puffing up two flights of stairs. When they make it to the top and glance out the window, they may see their physi- cally fit 50-year - old neighbor jog by on a daily 4-mile run.

Physical decline is gradual, but as most athletes know, the pace of that decline gradually picks up. As a lifelong basketball player, I find myself increas- ingly not racing for that loose ball. The good news is that even diminished vigor is enough for normal activities.

Aging also brings a gradual decline in fertility. For a 35- to 39-year-old woman, the chances of getting pregnant after a single act of intercourse are only half

Physical Development 3-17 How do our bodies and sensory abilities change from early to late adulthood?

Early Adulthood Our physical abilities—our muscular strength, reaction time, sensory keen-

roughly to Piaget’s stages (Thatcher et al., 1987). And stage theories help us focus our attention on the forces and inter- ests that affect us at different points in the life span. This close attention can help us understand how people of one age think and act differently when they arrive at a later age.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What findings in psychology support the stage theory of development? What findings challenge these ideas?

ANSWER: Stage theory is supported by the work of Piaget (cognitive development), Kohlberg (moral development), and Erikson (psychosocial development), but it is challenged by findings that change is more gradual and less culturally universal than these theorists supposed.

Adulthood The unfolding of people’s adult lives continues across the life span. Earlier in this chapter, we considered what we all share in life’s early years. Making such statements about the adult years is much more difficult. If we know that James is a 1-year - old and Jamal is a 10-year - old, we can say a great deal about each child. Not so with adults who differ by a decade. A 20-year - old may be a parent who sup- ports a child or a child who gets an allow- ance. A new mother may be 25 or 45. A boss may be 30 or 60.

Nevertheless, our life courses are in some ways similar. Physically, cogni- tively, and especially socially, we differ at age 60 from our 25-year - old selves. In the discussion that follows, we rec- ognize these differences and use three terms: early adulthood (roughly twenties and thirties), middle adulthood (to age 65), and late adulthood (the years after 65). Remember, though, that within each of these stages, people vary widely in physical, psychological, and social development.

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ADULT ABILITIES VARY WIDELY Ninety- seven-year - olds: Don’t try this. In 2012, George Blair maintained his place in the record books as the world’s oldest barefoot water skier. (He is shown here in 2002 when he first set the record, at age 87!)

“I just don’t know what to do with myself in that long stretch after

college but before social security.”

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Stages of the life cycle

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Poon, 1987). At video games, most 70-year - olds are no match for a 20-year - old.

Some good news: As noted earlier, exercise slows aging. Fit bodies support fit minds. Physical exercise enhances muscles, bones, and energy and helps to prevent obesity and heart disease. It also stimulates brain cell development and neural connections, thanks perhaps to increased oxygen and nutrient flow (Erickson et al., 2010; Pereira et al., 2007). That

may help explain why sedentary older adults randomly assigned to aerobic exercise programs

exhibit enhanced memory, sharpened judgment, and reduced risk of neurocog- nitive disorder (formerly called “demen- tia”) (Colcombe et al., 2004; Liang et al., 2010; Nazimek, 2009). Exercise promotes neuro- genesis (the birth of new nerve cells) in the hippocampus, a brain region impor- tant for memory.

Exercise also helps maintain the telo- meres, which protect the ends of chro- mosomes (Cherkas et al., 2008; Erickson, 2009;

when reading or driving, a 65-year - old needs three times as much light—a rea- son for buying cars with untinted wind- shields. This also explains why older people sometimes ask younger people, “Don’t you need better light for reading?”

Aging also levies a tax on the brain. The small, gradual net loss of brain cells begins in early adulthood. By age 80, the brain has lost about 5 percent of its former weight. This loss is a bit slower in women, who world- wide live an average 3.5 years longer than men (Salomon et al., 2012). But in both women and men, some of the brain regions that shrink during aging are the areas important for memory (Schacter, 1996). The frontal lobes, which help restrain impulsivity, also shrink, which helps explain older people’s occasional blunt comments and questions (“Have you put on weight?”) (von Hippel, 2007).

Up to the teen years, we process infor- mation with greater and greater speed (Fry & Hale, 1996; Kail, 1991). But compared with teens and young adults, older peo- ple take a bit more time to react, to solve perceptual puzzles, even to remember names (Bashore et al., 1997; Verhaeghen & Salthouse, 1997). This neural processing lag is greatest on complex tasks (Cerella, 1985;

those of a woman 19 to 26 (Dunson et al., 2002). Women experience menopause, the end of the menstrual cycle, usually within a few years of age 50. Does she see this as a sign that she is losing her femininity and growing old? Or does she view it as liberation from menstrual periods and fears of pregnancy? The answer depends on her expectations and attitudes.

There is no male menopause—no end of fertility or sharp drop in sex hormones. Men experience a more gradual decline in sperm count, testos- terone level, and speed of erection and ejaculation.

Late Adulthood Is old age “more to be feared than death” (Juvenal, Satires)? Or is life “most delight- ful when it is on the downward slope” (Seneca, Epistulae ad Lucilium)? What is it like to grow old?

Although physical decline begins in early adulthood, we are not usu- ally acutely aware of it until later life. Vision changes. We have trouble seeing fine details, and our eyes take longer to adapt to changes in light levels. As the eye’s pupil shrinks and its lens grows cloudy, less light reaches the retina—the light-sensitive inner portion of the eye. In fact, a 65-year - old retina receives only about one - third as much light as its 20-year - old counterpart (Kline & Schieber, 1985). Thus, to see as well as a 20-year - old

menopause the end of menstruation. In everyday use, it can also mean the biological transition a woman experiences from before until after the end of menstruation.

“I am still learning.” Michelangelo, 1560, at age 85

“Happy fortieth. I’ll take the muscle tone in your upper arms, the girlish timbre of your voice, your amazing tolerance for caffeine, and your ability to digest french fries. The

rest of you can stay.”

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WORLD RECORD FOR LONGEVITY? Frenchwoman Jeanne Calment, the oldest human in history with authenticated age, died in 1998 at age 122. At age 100, she was still riding a bike. At age 114, she became the oldest film actor ever, by portraying herself in Vincent and Me.

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Larry.” Then those strangers reappeared and gave additional details. For example, they said “I’m from Philadelphia,” which gave viewers more visual and voice cues

for remembering the per- son’s name. After a sec- ond and third replay of the introductions, every- one remembered more names, but younger adults were consistently better than older adults.

Perhaps it is not sur- prising, then, that nearly

two - thirds of people over age 40 say their memory is worse than it was 10 years ago (KRC, 2001). In fact, how well older people remember depends on the task. When asked to recognize words they had earlier tried to memorize, people showed only a slight decline in memory. When asked to recall that information without clues, the decline was greater (FIGURE 3.16).

No matter how quick or slow we are, remembering seems also to depend on the type of information we are trying to retrieve. If the information is meaning- less—nonsense syllables or unimport- ant events—then the older we are, the more errors we make. If the information is meaningful, older people’s rich web of existing knowledge will help them to hold it. But they may take longer than younger adults to produce the words and things they know: Quick - thinking game show winners are usually young or middle- aged adults (Burke & Shafto, 2004).

workers have lower absenteeism rates (Rhodes, 1983).

For both men and women, sexual activity also remains satisfying after middle age. When does sexual desire diminish? In one sexuality survey, age 75 was the point when most women and nearly half the men reported little sexual desire (DeLamater, 2012; DeLamater & Sill, 2005). In another study, 75 percent of those surveyed nevertheless reported being sexually active into their eighties (Schick et al., 2010).

Cognitive Development Aging and Memory 3-18 How does memory change with age?

As we age, we remember some things well. Looking back in later life, people asked to recall the one or two most important events over the last half - century tend to name events from their teens or twenties (Conway et al., 2005; Rubin et al., 1998). Whatever people expe-

rienced around this time of life—World War II, the civil rights movement, the Vietnam war, or the Iraq war—gets remembered (Pillemer, 1998; Schuman &

Scott, 1989). Our teens and twenties are also the time when we experience

many of our big “firsts”—first date, first job, first day at college, first meeting with parents - in - law.

Early adulthood is indeed a peak time for some types of learn- ing and remembering. Consider one experiment in which 1205 people were invited to learn some names (Crook & West, 1990). They watched video clips in which 14 strangers said their names, using a common format: “Hi, I’m

Pereira et al., 2007). With age, telomeres wear down, much as the tip of a shoe- lace frays. Smoking, obesity, or stress can speed up this wear. As telomeres shorten, aging cells may die without being replaced with perfect genetic cop- ies (Epel, 2009).

The message for seniors is clear: We are more likely to rust from disuse than to wear out from overuse.

Muscle strength, reaction time, and stamina also diminish noticeably in late adulthood. The fine-tuned senses of smell, hearing, and distance perception that we took for granted in our twenties and thirties will become distant memo- ries. In later life, the stairs get steeper, the print gets smaller, and other people seem to mumble more.

Clever manufacturers have found a new market in this age-related dif- ference in hearing. Some stores have reduced teen loitering by installing a device that emits a shrill, high-pitched sound that almost no one over 30 can hear (Barr, 2008; Lyall, 2005). Other teens have learned they can use that pitch to their advantage with cell-phone ring- tones their instructors cannot hear (Vitello, 2006).

For those growing older, there is both bad and good news about health. The bad news: The body’s disease - fighting immune system weakens, putting older adults at higher risk for life - threatening ailments, such as can- cer and pneumonia. The good news: Thanks partly to a lifetime’s collection of antibodies, those over 65 suffer fewer short - term ailments, such as common flu and cold viruses. One study found they were half as likely as 20-year - olds and one - fifth as likely as preschoolers to suffer upper respira- tory flu each year (National Center for Health Statistics,

1990). No wonder older

“For some reason, possibly to save ink, the restaurants had started printing their menus in letters the height of bacteria.”

Dave Barry, Dave Barry Turns Fifty, 1998

“The things that stop you having sex with age are exactly the same as those that stop you riding a bicycle (bad health, thinking it looks silly, no bicycle).”

Alex Comfort, The Joy of Sex, 2002

If you are within five years of 20, what experiences from your last year will you likely never forget? (When you are 70, this is the time of your life you may best remember.)

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Social Development 3-19 What are adulthood’s two primary commitments, and how do chance events and the social clock influence us?

Adulthood’s Commitments Two basic aspects of our lives dominate adulthood. Erik Erikson called them inti- macy (forming close relationships) and generativity (being productive and sup- porting future generations). Sigmund Freud (1935) put it most simply: The healthy adult, he said, is one who can love and work.

LOVE We typically flirt, fall in love, and commit—one person at a time. “Pair - bonding is a trademark of the human animal,” observed anthropologist Helen Fisher (1993). From an evolutionary per- spective, this pairing makes sense. Parents who cooperated to nurture their children to maturity were more likely to have their gene-carrying children sur- vive and reproduce.

Romantic attraction is often influ- enced by chance encounters (Bandura, 1982). Psychologist Albert Bandura (2005) recalled the true story of a book edi- tor who came to one of Bandura’s lec- tures on the “Psychology of Chance Encounters and Life Paths”—and ended up marrying the woman who happened to sit next to him.

Consider one study of identical twins and their spouses. Twins, especially identical twins, make similar choices of friends, clothes, vacations, jobs, and so on. So, if your identical twin became engaged to someone, wouldn’t you (being in so many ways the same as your twin) expect to also feel attracted to this person? Surprisingly, only half the identical twins recalled really lik- ing their co - twin’s selection, and only 5 percent said, “I could have fallen for my twin’s partner.” This finding fits one explanation of romantic love: Given repeated exposure to someone after childhood, you may become attached to almost any available person who has

ing our minds? “At every point in life, the brain’s natural plasticity gives us the ability to improve how our brains func- tion,” says one neuroscientist-entrepreneur (Merzenich, 2007). One study of nearly 3000 people found that 10 cognitive training sessions, with follow-up booster sessions, led to improved cognitive scores on tests related to their training (Boron et al., 2007; Willis et al., 2006).

Based on such findings, some com- puter-game makers are marketing daily brain-exercise programs for older people. But a veteran researcher of cog- nitive aging advises caution (Salthouse, 2010). The available evidence, he argues, does not indicate that the benefits of brain-mind exercise programs gener- alize to other tasks. A British study of 11,430 people who either completed one of two sets of brain-training activities over six weeks, or instead completed a control task, confirms the limited bene- fits. Although the training improved the practiced skills, it did not boost over- all cognitive fitness (Owens et al., 2010). More encouraging results come from an impressive body of experiments show- ing that mental abilities gain a boost from aerobic exercise (Hertzog et al., 2008).

Chapter 8 explores another dimen- sion of cognitive development: intel- ligence. As we will see, cross-sectional studies (comparing people of different ages) and longitudinal studies (restudy- ing the same people over time) have identified mental abilities that do and do not change as people age. Age is less a predictor of memory and intelligence than is the nearness of death. Tell me whether someone is 8 months or 8 years from death and, regardless of age, you’ve given me a clue to that person’s mental ability. Especially in the last three or four years of life, the rate of cognitive decline typically increases (Wilson et al., 2007). Researchers call this near-death drop ter- minal decline (Backman & MacDonald, 2006).

Sustaining Mental Abilities Recently, psychologists who study the aging mind have been debating whether “brain-fitness” computer-training pro- grams can build “mental muscles” and hold off cognitive decline. Given what we know about the brain’s plasticity, can exercising our brains—with mem- ory, visual tracking speed, and problem- solving exercises—prevent us from los-

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FIGURE 3.16 Recall and recognition in adulthood In this experiment, the ability to recall new information declined during early and middle adulthood. The ability to recognize new information did not. (From Schonfield & Robertson, 1966.)

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(Whitehead & Popenoe, 2001). In reality, in Europe, Canada, and the United States, those living together before marriage have had higher rates of divorce and mari- tal troubles than those who have not lived together (Jose et al., 2010). The risk appears greatest for those who live together before becoming engaged (Goodwin et al., 2010; Rhoades et al., 2009). These couples tend to be initially less committed to the ideal of enduring marriage, and they become even less marriage - supporting while liv- ing together.

Nonetheless, the institution of mar- riage endures. Worldwide, reports the United Nations, 9 in 10 heterosexual adults marry. And marriage is a predic- tor of happiness, sexual satisfaction, income, and mental health (Scott et al., 2010). Neighborhoods with high marriage rates typically have low rates of crime, delinquency, and emotional disorders among children. Since 1972, surveys of nearly 50,000 Americans have revealed that 40 percent of married adults report being “very happy,” compared with 23 percent of unmarried adults. Lesbian couples, too, report greater well - being than those who are alone (Peplau & Fingerhut, 2007; Wayment & Peplau, 1995).

and offer mutual emotional and mate- rial support. One of the ties that binds couples is self-disclosure—revealing inti- mate aspects of oneself to others (see Chapter 12).

The chances that a marriage will last also increase when couples marry after age 20 and are well educated. Shouldn’t this mean that fewer marriages would end in divorce today? Compared with their counterparts of 60 years ago, peo- ple in Western countries are better edu- cated and marrying later. But in fact, they are nearly twice as likely to divorce today. (Both Canada and the United States now have about one divorce for every two marriages. In Europe, divorce is only slightly less common.) The divorce rate partly reflects women’s increased ability to support themselves, but it also reflects other changes. Both men and women now expect more than an enduring bond when they marry. Most hope for a mate who is a wage earner, caregiver, intimate friend, and warm and responsive lover.

Might test - driving life together in a “trial marriage” reduce divorce risk? In one Gallup survey of American twenty- somethings, 62 percent thought it would

a roughly similar background and level of attractiveness and who returns your affections (Lykken & Tellegen, 1993).

Bonds of love are most satisfy- ing and enduring when two adults share similar interests and values

JOB SATISFACTION AND LIFE SATISFACTION Work can provide us with a sense of identity and competence and opportunities for accomplishment. Perhaps this is why challenging and interesting occupations enhance people’s happiness.

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LOVE Intimacy, attachment, commitment— love by whatever name—is central to healthy and happy adulthood.

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FIGURE 3.17 Age and life satisfaction The Gallup Organization asked 142,682 people worldwide to rate their lives on a ladder, from 0 (“the worst possible life”) to 10 (“the best possible life”). Age gave no clue to life satisfaction (Crabtree, 2010).

From the teens to midlife, people’s sense of identity, confidence, and self- esteem typically grows stronger (Huang, 2010; Robins & Trzesniewski, 2005). In later

life, challenges arise. Income often shrinks. Work is often taken away. The body declines. Recall fades. Energy wanes. Family members and friends die or move away. The great enemy,

death, looms ever closer. Small wonder that most believe that

happiness declines in later life (Lacey et al., 2006; Lachman et al., 2008). Data collected from nearly 170,000 people in 16 nations show otherwise (Inglehart, 1990). People over 65 report as much happi- ness and satisfaction with life as younger people do (FIGURE 3.17).

If anything, positive feelings, supported by better emotional control, grow after midlife, and nega-

Well - Being Across the Life Span 3-20 What factors affect our well-being in later life?

To live is to grow older. This moment marks the oldest you have ever been and the youngest you will henceforth be. That means we all can look back with satisfac- tion or regret, and for- ward with hope or dread. When asked what they would have done differently if they could relive their lives, people most often answer, “Taken my education more seriously and worked harder at it” (Kinnier & Metha, 1989; Roese

& Summerville, 2005). Other regrets—“I should have told my father I loved him,” “I regret that I never went to Europe”—have also focused less on mis- takes made than on the things one failed to do (Gilovich & Medvec, 1995).

Often, love bears children. For most people, this most enduring of life changes is a happy event. “I feel an overwhelming love for my children unlike anything I feel for anyone else,” said 93 percent of American mothers in a national survey (Erickson & Aird, 2005). Many fathers feel the same. A few weeks after the birth of my first child I was sud- denly struck by a realization: “So this is how my parents felt about me!”

Children eventually leave home. This departure is a significant and some- times difficult event. For most people, however, an empty nest is a happy place (Adelmann et al., 1989; Gorchoff et al., 2008). Many parents experience a “post- launch honeymoon,” especially if they maintain close relationships with their children (White & Edwards, 1990). As Daniel Gilbert (2006) concluded, “The only known symptom of ‘empty nest syn- drome’ is increased smiling.”

WORK Having work that fits your inter- ests provides a sense of competence and accomplishment. For many adults, the answer to “Who are you?” depends a great deal on the answer to “What do you do?” Choosing a career path is dif- ficult, especially during bad economic times. (See Appendix B: Psychology at Work for more on building work satisfaction.)

For both men and women, there exists a social clock—a culture’s defini- tion of “the right time” to leave home, get a job, marry, have children, and retire. It’s the expectation people have in mind when saying “I married early” or “I started college late.” Today the clock still ticks, but people feel freer about keeping their own time.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Freud defined the healthy adult as one who is able to and to .

ANSWERS: love; work

social clock the culturally preferred timing of social events such as marriage, parenthood, and retirement.

How will you look back on your life 10 years from now? Are you making choices that someday you will recollect with satisfaction?

“At 20 we worry about what others think of us. At 40 we don’t care what others think of us. At 60 we discover they haven’t been thinking about us at all.”

Anonymous

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tive feelings decline (Stone et al., 2010; Urry & Gross, 2010). Older adults increasingly express positive emotions (Pennebaker & Stone, 2003). Compared with younger adults, they pay more attention to posi- tive news and are slower to perceive negative faces (Carstensen & Mikels, 2005; Scheibe & Carstensen, 2010). Older adults report less anger, stress, and worry, and have fewer problems in their social relationships (Fingerman & Charles, 2010). Like people of all ages, they are happiest when not alone (FIGURE 3.18).

Throughout the life span, the bad feelings tied to negative events fade faster than the good feelings linked with positive events (Walker et al., 2003). This contributes to most older people’s com- forting sense that life, on balance, has been mostly good. As the years go by, feelings mellow (Costa et al., 1987; Diener et al., 1986). Highs become less high, lows less low.

Death and Dying 3-21 How do people vary in their responses to a loved one’s death?

Warning: If you begin reading the next paragraph, you will die.

But of course, if you hadn’t read this, you would still die in due time. Death is our unavoidable end. Most of us will also have to suffer and cope with the death of a close relative or friend. Usually, the most difficult separation is from one’s spouse or partner—a loss suffered by five times more women than men. When, as usually happens, death comes at an expected late - life time—the “right time” on the social clock—the grieving usually passes. (FIGURE 3.19 shows the typical emotional path before and after a spouse’s death.)

Grief is especially severe when a loved one’s death comes suddenly and before its expected time. The sudden illness or accident that claims a 45-year- old life partner or a child may trigger a year or more of memory-filled mourning.

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FIGURE 3.19 Life satisfaction before, during the year of, and after a spouse’s death In periodic lifetime surveys of more than 30,000 Germans, researchers identified 513 widowed people who had not remarried after the death of a spouse. They found that life satisfaction began to dip during the year before the spouse’s death, dropped significantly during the year of the death itself, and then eventually rebounded to nearly the earlier level (Lucas et al., 2003).

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FIGURE 3.18 Humans are social creatures Both younger and older adults report greater happiness when spending time with others. (Note: This correlation could also reflect happier people being more social.) Gallup survey data reported by Crabtree (2011).

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more evidence for stability or change? If reunited with a long - lost grade-school friend, do we instantly realize that “it’s the same old Andy”? Or do people we befriend during one period of life seem like total strangers at a later period? (At least one man I know would choose the second option. He failed to recognize a former classmate at his 40-year college reunion. That upset classmate eventually pointed out that she was his long-ago first wife!)

Developmental psychologists’ research reveals that we experience both stability and change. Some of our characteristics, such as temperament, are very stable. As we noted earlier in this chapter, tem- perament seems to be something we’re born with. When a research team stud- ied 1000 people from age 3 to 32, they were struck by the consistency of tem- perament and emotionality across time (Slutske et al., 2012). Out-of-control 3-year- olds were the most likely, at age 32, to be out-of-control gamblers. In other studies, 5-year-olds who demanded a lot of teacher attention tended to become 12-year-olds who still demanded a lot of teacher attention (Houts et al., 2010). And the widest smilers in childhood and col- lege photos were, years later, the adults most likely to enjoy enduring marriages (Hertenstein et al., 2009).

life’s meaningfulness and unity—the sense that their existence has been good

and that life and death are parts of an ongoing cycle. Although death may be unwelcome, life itself can be affirmed even at death. This is especially so for people who review their lives not with despair but with what Erik Erikson called a sense of integ- rity—a feeling that one’s life has been meaningful

and worthwhile.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What are some of the most significant challenges and rewards of growing old?

ANSWER: Challenges: decline of muscular strength, reaction times, stamina, sensory keenness, cardiac output, and immune system functioning. Rewards: positive feelings tend to grow, negative emotions are less intense, and anger, stress, worry, and social- relationship problems decrease.

Thinking About Stability and Change It’s time to address our third develop- mental issue. As we follow lives through time (in longitudinal studies), do we find

Eventually, this may give way to a mild depression (Lehman et al., 1987).

For some, however, the loss is unbearable. One study tracked more than 17,000 people who had suffered the death of a child under 18. In the five years following that death, 3 percent of them were hospitalized for the first time in a psychiatric unit. This rate is 67 per- cent higher than the rate recorded for parents who had not lost a child (Li et al., 2005).

Why do grief reactions vary so widely? Some cultures encourage pub- lic weeping and wailing. Others expect mourners to hide their emotions. In all cultures, some individuals grieve more intensely and openly. Some popular beliefs, however, are not confirmed by scientific studies.

• Those who immediately express the strongest grief do not purge their grief faster (Bonanno & Kaltman, 1999; Wortman & Silver, 1989).

• Grief therapy and self - help groups offer support, but there is similar healing power in the passing of time, the support of friends, and the act of giving support and help to others (Baddeley & Singer, 2009; Brown et al.,

2008; Neimeyer & Carrier, 2009). After a spouse’s death, those who talk often with others or who receive grief counseling adjust about as well as those who grieve more privately (Bonanno, 2009; Stroebe et al., 2005).

• Terminally ill and grief-stricken people do not go through identical stages, such as denial before anger (Friedman & James, 2008; Nolen - Hoeksema

& Larson, 1999). Given similar losses, some people grieve hard and long, others grieve less (Ott et al., 2007).

We can be grateful for the waning of death - denying attitudes. Facing death with dignity and openness helps people complete the life cycle with a sense of

“Love—why, I’ll tell you what love is: It ’s you at 75 and her at 71, each of you listening for the other’s step in the next room, each afraid that a sudden silence, a sudden cry, could mean a lifetime’s talk is over.”

Brian Moore, The Luck of Ginger Coffey, 1960

SMILES PREDICT MARITAL STABILITY In one study of 306 college graduates, 1 in 4 with yearbook expressions like the one on the left later divorced. Only 1 in 20 with smiles like the one on the right divorced (Hertenstein et al., 2009).

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Life requires both stability and change. Stability increasingly marks our personality as we age (Ferguson, 2010; Hopwood et al., 2011; Kandler et al., 2010). (“As at 7, so at 70,” says a Jewish prov- erb.) And stability gives us our identity. It lets us depend on others and be con- cerned about the healthy development of the children in our lives. Our trust in our ability to change gives us hope for a brighter future and lets us adapt and grow with experience.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What findings in psychology support the idea of stability in personality across the life span? What findings challenge these ideas?

ANSWER: Some traits, such as temperament, do exhibit remarkable stability across many years. But we do change in other ways, such as in our social attitudes, especially during life’s early years.

delinquent children later have high rates of work problems, substance abuse, and crime, but many confused and troubled children have blossomed into mature, successful adults (Moffitt et al., 2002; Roberts et al., 2001; Thomas & Chess, 1986). Happily for them, life is a process of becoming.

In some ways, we all change with age. Most shy, fearful toddlers begin opening up by age 4. In the years after adolescence, most people become more conscientious, self- disciplined, agree- able, and self - confident (Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; Roberts et al., 2003, 2006; Shaw et al., 2010). Conscientiousness increases especially during the twenties, and agreeable- ness during the thirties (Srivastava et al., 2003). Many a 20-year - old goof - off has matured into a 40-year - old business or cultural leader. (If you are the former, you aren’t done yet.) Such changes can occur without changing a person’s posi- tion relative to others of the same age. The hard - driving young adult may mellow by later life, yet still be a relatively hard - driving senior citizen.

We cannot, however, predict all of our eventual traits based on our early years (Kagan et al., 1978, 1998). Some traits, such as social attitudes, are much less stable than temperament, especially during the impressionable late adolescent years (Krosnick & Alwin, 1989; Moss & Susman, 1980). And older children and adolescents can learn new ways of coping. It is true that

CHAPTER REVIEW

Developing Through the Life Span Test yourself by taking a moment to answer each of these Learning Objective Questions (repeated here from within the chapter). Then turn to Appendix D, Complete Chapter Reviews, to check your answers. Research suggests that trying to answer these questions on your own will improve your long-term memory of the concepts (McDaniel et al., 2009).

3-1: What are the three major issues studied by developmental psychologists?

Prenatal Development and the Newborn 3-2: How does conception occur, and what are chromosomes, DNA,

genes, and the genome? How do genes and the environment interact?

3-3: How does life develop before birth, and how do teratogens put prenatal development at risk?

3-4: How do twin and adoption studies help us understand the effects of nature and nurture?

3-5: What are some of the newborn’s abilities and traits?

Infancy and Childhood 3-6: How do the brain and motor skills develop during infancy and

childhood?

3-7: How did Piaget view the developmental stages of a child’s mind, and how does current thinking about cognitive development differ?

3-8: How do the bonds of attachment form between caregivers and infants?

3-9: Why do secure and insecure attachments matter, and how does an infant develop basic trust?

3-10: What are three primary parenting styles, and what outcomes are associated with each?

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Test yourself on these terms by trying to write down the definition in your own words before flipping back to the referenced page to check your answer.

developmental psychology, p. 68

chromosomes, p. 68

DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid), p. 68

genes, p. 68

heredity, p. 68

genome, p. 68

environment, p. 69

interaction, p. 69

epigenetics, p. 70

zygote, p. 70

embryo, p. 70

identical twins (monozygotic twins), p. 71

fraternal twins (dizygotic twins), p. 71

fetus, p. 71

teratogen [tuh-RAT-uh-jen], p. 71

fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), p. 71

reflex, p. 71

temperament, p. 73

maturation, p. 73

critical period, p. 74

cognition, p. 75

schema, p. 76

assimilation, p. 76

accommodation, p. 76

sensorimotor stage, p. 76

object permanence, p. 76

preoperational stage, p. 77

conservation, p. 77

egocentrism, p. 78

theory of mind, p. 78

autism spectrum disorder (ASD), p. 78

concrete operational stage, p. 79

formal operational stage, p. 79

stranger anxiety, p. 81

attachment, p. 81

basic trust, p. 83

adolescence, p. 86

puberty, p. 86

identity, p. 89

social identity, p. 89

intimacy, p. 90

emerging adulthood, p. 92

menopause, p. 95

social clock, p. 99

TERMS AND CONCEPTS TO REMEMBER

Adolescence 3-11: What defines adolescence, and what major physical changes

occur during adolescence?

3-12: How did Piaget, Kohlberg, and later researchers describe cognitive and moral development during adolescence?

3-13: According to Erikson, what stages—and accompanying tasks and challenges—mark our psychosocial development?

3-14: To what extent are adolescent lives shaped by parental and peer influences?

3-15: Does parenting matter?

3-16: What are the characteristics of emerging adulthood?

Adulthood 3-17: How do our bodies and sensory abilities change from early to

late adulthood?

3-18: How does memory change with age?

3-19: What are adulthood’s two primary commitments, and how do chance events and the social clock influence us?

3-20: What factors affect our well-being in later life?

3-21: How do people vary in their responses to a loved one’s death?

CHAPTER TEST

Test yourself repeatedly throughout your studies. This will not only help you figure out what you know and don’t know; the testing itself will help you learn and remember the information more effectively thanks to the testing effect.

1. The three major issues that interest developmental psychologists are nature/nurture, stability/change, and / .

2. Body organs first begin to form and function during the period of the ; within 6 months, during the period of the , the organs are sufficiently functional to allow a good chance of survival.

a. zygote; embryo

b. zygote; fetus

c. embryo; fetus

d. placenta; fetus

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3. Chemicals that pass through the placenta’s screen and may harm an embryo or fetus are called .

4. Stroke a newborn’s cheek and the infant will root for a nipple. This illustrates

a. a reflex.

b. nurture.

c. differentiation.

d. continuity.

5. Between ages 3 and 6, the human brain experiences the greatest growth in the lobes, which we use for rational planning, and which continue developing at least into adolescence.

6. Which of the following is true of motor-skill development?

a. It is determined solely by genetic factors.

b. The sequence, but not the timing, is universal.

c. The timing, but not the sequence, is universal.

d. It is determined solely by environmental factors.

7. Why can’t we consciously recall how we learned to walk when we were infants?

8. Use Piaget’s first three stages of cognitive development to explain why young children are not just miniature adults in the way they think.

9. Although Piaget’s stage theory continues to inform our understanding of children’s thinking, many researchers believe that

a. Piaget’s “stages” begin earlier and development is more continuous than he realized.

b. children do not progress as rapidly as Piaget predicted.

c. few children really progress to the concrete operational stage.

d. there is no way of testing much of Piaget’s theoretical work.

10. An 8-month-old infant who reacts to a new babysitter by crying and clinging to his father’s shoulder is showing .

11. In a series of experiments, the Harlows found that monkeys raised with artificial mothers tended, when afraid, to cling to their cloth mother, rather than to a wire mother holding the feeding bottle. Why was this finding important?

12. From the very first weeks of life, infants differ in their characteristic emotional reactions, with some infants being intense and anxious, while others are easygoing and relaxed. These differences are usually explained as differences in .

13. Adolescence is marked by the onset of

a. an identity crisis.

b. puberty.

c. separation anxiety.

d. parent-child conflict.

14. According to Piaget, a person who can think logically about abstractions is in the stage.

15. In Erikson’s stages, the primary task during adolescence is

a. attaining formal operations.

b. forging an identity.

c. developing a sense of intimacy with another person.

d. living independent of parents.

16. Some developmental psychologists now refer to the period that occurs in some Western cultures from age 18 to the mid-twenties and beyond (up to the time of social independence) as .

17. Developmental researchers who emphasize learning and experience are supporting ; those who emphasize biological maturation are supporting .

a. nature; nurture

b. continuity; stages

c. stability; change

d. randomness; predictability

18. By age 65, a person would be most likely to experience a cognitive decline in the ability to

a. recall and list all the important terms and concepts in a chapter.

b. select the correct definition in a multiple-choice question.

c. recall their own birth date.

d. practice a well-learned skill, such as knitting.

19. Freud defined the healthy adult as one who is able to love and work. Erikson agreed, observing that the adult struggles to attain intimacy and .

20. Contrary to what many people assume,

a. older people are much happier than adolescents.

b. men in their forties express much greater dissatisfaction with life than do women of the same age.

c. people of all ages report similar levels of happiness.

d. those whose children have recently left home—the empty nesters—have the lowest level of happiness of all groups.

21. Although development is lifelong, there is stability of personality over time. For example,

a. most personality traits emerge in infancy and persist throughout life.

b. temperament tends to remain stable throughout life.

c. few people change significantly after adolescence.

d. people tend to undergo greater personality changes as they age.

Find answers to these questions in Appendix E, in the back of the book.

104 PSYCHOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE

Multiple-format self-tests and more may be found at www.worthpublishers.com/myers.

experience more of the

testing effect

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IN YOUR EVERYDAY LIFE

Answering these questions will help you make these concepts more per- sonally meaningful, and therefore more memorable.

1. What impresses you the most about infants’ abilities, and why?

2. What do you think about the idea that, genetically speaking, we are all nearly identical twins?

3. What kinds of mistakes do you think parents of the past made? What mistakes do you think today’s parents might be making?

4. What skills did you practice the most as a child? Which have you continued to use? How do you think this affected your brain development?

5. Imagine your friend says, “Personality (or intelligence) is in the genes.” How would you respond?

6. What are the most positive or most negative things you remember about your own adolescence? Who do you credit or blame more— your parents or your peers?

7. Think about a difficult decision you had to make as a teenager. What did you do? Would you do things differently now?

8. What do you think makes a person an adult? Do you feel like an adult? Why or why not?

9. Imagining the future, how do you think you might change? How might you stay the same?

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Gender Development How Are We Alike? How Do We Differ?

The Nature of Gender: Our Biological Sex

The Nurture of Gender: Our Culture and Experiences

Human Sexuality The Physiology of Sex

The Psychology of Sex

CLOSE-UP: The Sexualization of Girls

Sexual Orientation: Why Do We Differ?

Environment and Sexual Orientation

Biology and Sexual Orientation

An Evolutionary Explanation of Human Sexuality

Gender Differences in Sexuality

Natural Selection and Mating Preferences

Critiquing the Evolutionary Perspective

Reflections on Gender, Sexuality, and Nature–Nurture Interaction

CLOSE-UP: For Those Troubled by the Scientific Understanding of Human Origins

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4 Gender and SexualityA note to our readers: I am delighted to welcome Nathan DeWall as co-author for this edition of Psychology in Everyday Life. He led our shared revision work for this chapter and three others (Chapters 10, 11, and 14).

C ultures change, and their ideas about gender change also. Several decades apart, this text’s two authors had similar ex- periences with different outcomes.

In 1972, as the young chair of our psychology department, I [DM] was proud to make the announcement: We had concluded our search for a new colleague. We had found just who we were looking for—a bright, warm, enthusiastic woman about to receive her Ph.D. in developmental psychology. The vote was unanimous. Alas, our aging chancellor rejected our recommen- dation. “As a mother of a preschooler,” he said, “she should be home with her child, not working full time.” No amount of pleading or arguing (for example, that it might be possible to parent a child while employed) could change his mind. So, with a heavy heart, I drove to her city to explain, face to face, my em- barrassment in being able to offer her only a temporary position.

This case ended well. She accepted the temporary position and quickly be- came a beloved, tenured colleague. She also went on to found our college’s women’s studies program. Today, she and I marvel at how swiftly our culture’s thinking about gender has changed.

In 2011, I [ND] experienced something quite different. We, too, were con- cluding our search for a new colleague. Our department faculty had assessed several candidates, and the top two vote-getters were a man and a woman. Our faculty hiring committee would make the final choice. Before they announced their decision, a senior committee member spoke out. “Look around the table. We’re all men. We need to consider that.” The accomplished woman was of- fered the position.

Our ideas about the “proper” behavior for women and men have under- gone an extreme makeover. More and more women work in formerly male- dominated professions, and more and more men work in formerly female- dominated professions (England, 2010). Yet women still earn less than men. Women continue to struggle to reach the top of the ladder. In 2011, only 2 per- cent of the chief executives of Fortune 500 companies were women. And ex- pectant parents in many cultures still hope for a son. Nevertheless, our views of women and men continue to evolve.

In this chapter, we’ll consider some ways nature and nurture interact to form our unique gender identities. We’ll see what researchers tell us about how

alike we are as males and females, and how and why we differ. And we’ll gain insight from psychological science about the psychology

and biology of sexual attraction and sexual intimacy. As part of the journey, we’ll see how evolutionary psychologists explain our sexuality.

Let’s start at the beginning. What is gender, and how does it develop?

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women needed to survive, reproduce, and avoid predators, and so today we are in most ways alike. Tell me whether you are male or female and you give me no clues to your vocabulary, happiness, or ability to see, hear, learn, and remember. Women and men, on average, are simi- larly creative and intelligent and feel the same emotions and longings. Our simi- larities as male and female cannot be overstressed. Our “opposite” sex is, in reality, our very similar sex.

But in some areas, males and females do differ, and differences command attention. Some much talked-about gender differences (like the difference in self-esteem shown in FIGURE 4.1) are actually quite modest (Hyde, 2005). Other differences are more striking. The average woman enters puberty 2 years sooner than the average man, and her life span is 5 years longer. She car- ries 70 percent more fat, has 40 percent less muscle, and is 5 inches shorter. She expresses emotions more freely, can detect fainter odors, and receives offers of help more often. She also has twice the risk of developing depression and anxiety and 10 times the risk of devel- oping an eating disorder. Yet the aver- age man is 4 times more likely to die by

Gender Development

We humans share an irresistible urge to organize our worlds into

simple categories (Chapter 8). Among the ways we classify people—as tall or short, young or old, smart or dull—one stands out. Before or after your birth, everyone wanted to know, “Boy or girl?” The simple answer described your sex, your biologi- cal status, defined by your chromosomes and anatomy. For most people, those biological traits help define their gender, their culture’s expectations about what it means to be male or female. (You may recall from Chapter 1 that culture refers to everything that is shared by a group and transmitted across generations.)

Consider baby outfits. If you cel- ebrate the birth of a boy with a gift of a pink outfit, his parents may frown at you. But in 1918, you probably would have received a big smile. “The gener- ally accepted rule is pink for the boy and blue for the girl,” declared the pub- lication Earnshaw’s Infants’ Department in June 1918 (Maglaty, 2011). “The reason is that pink being a more decided and stronger color is more suitable for the boy, while blue, which is more delicate and dainty, is prettier for the girls.” The way cultures define male and female var- ies, and it can change over time.

How Are We Alike? How Do We Differ? 4-1 What are some gender similarities and differences in aggression, social power, and social connectedness?

Whether male or female, each of us receives 23 chromosomes from our mother and 23 from our father. Of those 46 chromosomes, 45 are shared by men and women. Our similar biology helped our evolutionary ancestors face simi- lar adaptive challenges. Both men and

suicide or to develop alcohol use dis- order. His “more likely” list includes a childhood diagnosis of autism spectrum disorder, color - blindness, or attention- deficit/hyperactivity disorder. And as an adult, he is more at risk for antisocial personality disorder. Each gender has its share of risks.

Gender differences are well stud- ied, with 6500 related research articles appearing each year (Eagly et al., 2012). Let’s take a closer look at some differ- ences in aggression, social power, and social connectedness.

Gender and Aggression Are men more aggressive than women? Think of the most aggressive people you heard about last year. Were most of them men? Chances are good that they were. Men generally admit to more aggression. They also commit more extreme physical violence (Bushman & Huesmann, 2010). In romantic relationships between men and women, minor acts of physical aggression, such as slaps, are roughly equal, but extremely violent acts are mostly committed by men (Archer, 2000; Johnson, 2008).

Here’s another question: Think of stories about people harming others by

Females

Males Number

of people

Self-esteem scores Lower scores Higher scores

FIGURE 4.1 Different? Yes, but not by much The two bell-shaped curves in this graph show the distribution of self-esteem scores for women (red) and men (blue). These are average scores based on all available samples (Hyde, 2005). As you can see, the variation among women or among men is much greater than the difference between the average woman (highest point on red line) and the average man (highest point on blue line.)

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passing along hurtful gossip, or by shut- ting someone out of a social group or sit- uation. Were most of those people men? Perhaps not. Those behaviors are acts of relational aggression, and women are slightly more likely than men to commit them (Archer, 2004, 2006, 2009).

Laboratory experiments have demon- strated a gender gap in aggression. Men have been more willing to blast people with what they believed was intense and prolonged noise (Bushman et al., 2007). They have more readily zapped strang- ers with what they believed were intense electric shocks (Giancola, 2003). The gen- der gap also appears in real-life vio- lent crime. Who commits more violent crimes worldwide? Men do (Antonaccio et al., 2011; Caddick & Porter, 2012; Frisell et al.,

2012). Men also take the lead in hunting, fighting, warring, and supporting war (Wood & Eagly, 2002, 2007). More American men than American women, for exam- ple, consistently supported the Iraq war (Newport et al., 2007).

Gender and Social Power Imagine walking into a job interview. You sit down and peer across the table at your two interviewers. The unsmiling person on the left oozes self-confidence and independence and maintains steady eye contact with you. The person on

the right gives you a warm, welcoming smile but makes less eye contact and seems to expect the other interviewer to take the lead.

Which interviewer is male? If you said the person on the left,

you’re not alone. Around the world, from Nigeria to New Zealand, people have perceived gender differences in power (Williams & Best, 1990). Indeed, in most soci- eties men do place more importance on power and achievement and are socially dominant (Schwartz & Rubel- Lifschitz, 2009).

1. When groups form, whether as juries or companies, leadership tends to go to males (Colarelli et al., 2006).

2. When salaries are paid, those in traditionally male occupa- tions receive more.

3. When people run for election, women who appear hungry for political power experience less success than their power-hungry male counterparts (Oki- moto & Brescoll, 2010).

4. When political leaders are elected, they usually are men, who held 80 percent of the seats in the world’s gov- erning parliaments in 2011 (IPU, 2011).

Men and women also lead differ- ently. Men tend to be more directive, tell- ing people what they want and how to achieve it. Women tend to be more dem- ocratic, more welcoming of others’ input in decision making (Eagly & Carli, 2007; van Engen & Willemsen, 2004). When interact- ing, men are more likely to offer opin- ions, women to express support (Aries, 1987; Wood, 1987). In everyday behavior, men tend to act as powerful people often do: talking assertively, interrupt-

ing, initiating touches, and staring. And they smile and apologize less (Leaper & Ayres, 2007; Major

et al., 1990; Schumann &

Ross, 2010). Such behav- iors help sustain men’s greater social power.

Gender and Social Connections Whether male or female, we humans cherish social connections. We all have a need to belong (more on this in Chapter 9). But males and females satisfy this need in different ways (Baumeister, 2010). Males tend to be independent. Females tend to be more interdependent. This difference in social connectedness surfaces in children’s play. Boys typically form large groups. Their games tend to be active and com- petitive, with little intimate discussion (Rose & Rudolph, 2006). Girls usually play in small groups, often with one friend. They compete less and imitate social relation- ships more (Maccoby, 1990; Roberts, 1991).

Gender differences in the way we interact continue in our adult years. Women’s social networks are larger than men’s (Igarsh et al., 2005). Women take more pleasure in talking face to face,

Women’s 2011 representation in national parliaments ranged from 11 percent in the Arab States to 42 percent in Scandinavia (IPU, 2011).

EVERY MAN FOR HIMSELF, OR TEND AND BEFRIEND? Gender differences in the way we interact with others begin to appear at a very young age.

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gender the roles and characteristics that a culture expects from those defined as male and female.

aggression any act intended to harm someone physically or emotionally.

relational aggression an act of aggression (physical or verbal) intended to harm a person’s relationship or social standing.

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traits. They prefer having a mate who is “kind,” “honest,” and “intelligent.” But according to evolutionary psychologists, in mating-related domains, males differ from females whether they’re chimpan- zees or elephants, rural peasants or cor- porate presidents (Geary, 2010). Our biology may influence our gender differences in two ways: genetically, through our differ- ing sex chromosomes, and physiologically, through our differing concentrations of sex hormones.

Our gender is a product of the inter- play among our biological makeup, our developmental experiences, and our current situations (Eagly & Wood, 2013). Biology does not dictate gender, but it can influence it in two ways:

• Genetically—males and females have differing sex chromosomes.

• Physiologically—males and females have differing concentrations of sex hormones.

These two sets of influences began to form you long before you were born, when your tiny body started developing in ways that determined your sex.

Prenatal Sexual Development Six weeks after you were conceived, you and someone of the other sex looked much the same. Then, as your genes kicked in, your biological sex became more apparent. Whether you are male or female, your mother’s contribution to your twenty-third chromosome pair— the two sex chromosomes—was an

lescence and early adulthood—the prime years for dating and mating. Teenage girls become less assertive and more flirtatious, and boys appear more domi- nant and less expressive. Gender differ- ences in attitudes and behavior often peak after the birth of a child. Mothers

especially may become more traditional (Ferriman et al., 2009; Katz-Wise, 2010). By age 50, most parent- related gender differences subside. Men become less domineering and more empathic, and women—

especially those with paid employment— become more assertive and self-confident (Kasen et al., 2006; Maccoby, 1998).

Is gender an either-or characteristic, or do we vary in the extent to which we are male or female? Does biology dic- tate gender? How much do our cultures and other experiences shape us? Read on.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

•

(Men/Women) are more likely to commit relational aggression, and

(men/women) are more

likely to commit physical aggression.

ANSWERS: Women; men

• Worldwide,

(men/women) have tended to express more personal and professional interest in people and less interest in things.

ANSWER: women

The Nature of Gender: Our Biological Sex 4-2 How is our biological sex determined, and how do sex hormones influence prenatal and adolescent development?

Men and women use similar solutions when faced with challenges: sweating to cool down, guzzling an energy drink or coffee to get going in the morning, or finding darkness and quiet to sleep. When looking for a mate, men and women also prize many of the same

and they more often use conversation to explore relationships. Men enjoy doing activities side by side and tend to use conversation to find solutions to prob- lems (Tannen, 1990; Wright, 1989). Given these differences, perhaps it’s not sur- prising that the average U.S. teen girl sends and receives twice as many text messages as the average teen boy (Lenhart, 2010).

Worldwide, women’s interests and occupa- tions reflect this focus on people rather than things (Eagly, 2009; Lippa, 2005, 2006, 2008). One study analyzed responses from more than half a million people. The results showed that “men prefer working with things and women prefer working with people” (Su et al., 2009). One of the things men seem to prefer working with is computers. American college men are seven times more likely than women to declare an interest in computer science (Pryor et al., 2011).

At home, women have been five times more likely than men to claim primary responsibility for taking care of children (Time, 2009). This may help explain why women in the workplace have been less driven by money and status and more often opted for reduced work hours (Pinker, 2008).

When searching for understand- ing from someone who will share their worries and hurts, people usually turn to women. Both men and women have reported their friendships with women to be more intimate, enjoyable, and nur- turing (Rubin, 1985; Sapadin, 1988). In one study, 69 percent said they had a close relationship with their father, while 90 percent said they felt close to their mother (Hugick, 1989).

But how do they cope with their own stress? Compared with men, women are more likely to turn to others for support. They are said to tend and befriend (Tamres et al., 2002; Taylor, 2002).

Gender differences in both social con- nectedness and power peak in late ado-

“In the long years liker must they grow; The man be more of woman, she of man.”

Alfred Lord Tennyson, The Princess, 1847

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In girls, the landmark is the first men- strual period (menarche—meh- NAR-key), usually within a year of age 12½ (Anderson et al., 2003). Early menarche is more likely following stresses related to father absence, sexual abuse, insecure attach- ments, or a history of a mother’s smok- ing during pregnancy (Belsky et al., 2010; Shrestha et al., 2011; Vigil et al., 2005; Zabin et

al., 2005). In various countries, girls are developing breasts earlier (sometimes before age 10) and reaching puberty earlier than in the past. Suspected trig- gers include increased body fat, more hormone-mimicking chemicals in their diet, and greater stress due to family dis- ruption (Biro et al., 2010).

Girls who are prepared for menarche usually experience it positively (Chang et al., 2009). Most women recall their first menstrual period with mixed emo- tions—pride, excitement, embarrass- ment, and apprehension (Greif & Ulman,

ment. A variety of changes begin at about age 11 in girls and at about age 13 in boys. A year or two before that, boys and girls often feel the first stirrings of sexual attraction (McClintock & Herdt, 1996).

Girls’ slightly earlier entry into puberty can at first propel them to greater height than boys of the same age (FIGURE 4.2). But boys catch up when they begin puberty and by age 14 are usually taller than girls. During these growth spurts, the primary sex characteristics—

the reproductive organs and external genitalia— develop dramatically. So do the secondary sex characteristics. Girls de- velop breasts and larger hips. Boys’ facial hair

begins growing and their voices deepen. Pubic and underarm hair emerges in both girls and boys (FIGURE 4.3 on the next page).

For boys, puberty’s landmark is the first ejaculation, which often occurs first during sleep (as a “wet dream”). This event, called spermarche (sper- MAR-key), usually happens by about age 14.

X chromosome. It was your father’s contribution that determined your sex. From him, you received the one chromo- some that is not unisex—either another X chromosome, making you a girl, or a Y chromosome, making you a boy.

About seven weeks after concep- tion, a single gene on the Y chromo- some throws a master switch. “Turned on,” this switch triggers the testes to develop and to produce testosterone, the principal male hormone that promotes development of male sex organs. Females also have testosterone, but less of it. Later, during the fourth and fifth prenatal months, sex hormones will bathe the fetal brain and tilt its wiring toward female or male patterns (Hines, 2004; Udry, 2000).

Adolescent Sexual Development During adolescence, boys and girls enter puberty and mature sexually. Pronounced physical differences emerge as a surge of hormones triggers a two- year period of rapid physical develop-

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FIGURE 4.2 Height differences Throughout childhood, boys and girls are similar in height. At puberty, girls surge ahead briefly, but then boys overtake them at about age 14. (Data from Tanner, 1978.) Recent studies suggest that sexual development and growth spurts are beginning somewhat earlier than was the case a half - century ago (Herman - Giddens et al., 2001).

X chromosome the sex chromosome found in both men and women. Females have two X chromosomes; males have one. An X chromosome from each parent produces a female child.

Y chromosome the sex chromosome found only in males. When paired with an X chromosome from the mother, it produces a male child.

testosterone the most important male sex hormone. Both males and females have it, but the additional testosterone in males stimulates the growth of the male sex organs in the fetus and the development of the male sex characteristics during puberty.

puberty the period of sexual maturation, during which a person becomes capable of reproducing.

primary sex characteristics the body structures (ovaries, testes, and external genitalia) that make sexual reproduction possible.

secondary sex characteristics nonreproductive sexual traits, such as female breasts and hips, male voice quality, and body hair.

spermarche [sper-MAR-key] first ejaculation.

menarche [meh - NAR-key] the first menstrual period.

Pubertal boys may not at first like their sparse beard. (But then it grows on them.)

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matter too, as we will see next. Nature and nurture work together.

had undergone early sex - reassignment surgery and had been raised as girls. Of those cases, 6 had later declared them- selves male, 5 were living as females, and 3 reported an unclear gender iden- tity (Reiner & Gearhart, 2004).

Sex-reassignment surgery can create confusion and distress among those not born with an intersex condition. In one famous case, a little boy lost his penis during a botched circumcision. His par- ents followed a psychiatrist’s advice to raise him as a girl rather than as a dam- aged boy. Alas, “Brenda” Reimer was not like most other girls. “She” didn’t like dolls. She tore her dresses with rough- and - tumble play. At puberty she wanted no part of kissing boys. Finally, Brenda’s parents explained what had happened, whereupon “Brenda” immediately re- jected the assigned female identity. He cut his hair and chose a male name, David. He eventually married a woman and became a stepfather. And, sadly, he later committed suicide (Colapinto, 2000).

The bottom line: “Sex matters,” con- cluded the National Academy of Sciences (2001), insofar as sex - related genes and physiology “result in behavioral and cognitive differences between males and females.” Yet environmental factors

1982; Woods et al., 1983). Men report mostly positive emotional reactions to sper- marche (Fuller & Downs, 1990).

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Adolescence is marked by the onset of

.

ANSWER: puberty

Variations on Sexual Development

Sometimes nature blurs the biological line between males and females. When a fetus is exposed to unusual levels of sex hormones or is especially sensitive to those hormones, the individual may develop characteristics of both sexes. These intersex individuals may be born with combinations of male and female physical features. A genetic male, for example, may have normal male hor- mones and testes but no penis or a very small one.

In the past, medical professionals often recommended surgery to create a female identity for these children. One study reviewed 14 cases of boys who

Pituitary gland releases

hormones that stimulate

Facial and underarm hair growth

To release hormones that stimulate

Adrenal glands

Testes

Adrenal glands

Ovaries

Underarm hair growth

Breast development

Enlargement of uterus

Beginning of menstruation

Pubic hair growth

Larynx enlargement

Pubic hair growth

Growth of penis and testes

Beginning of ejaculation

FIGURE 4.3 Body changes at puberty At about age 11 in girls and age 13 in boys, a surge of hormones triggers a variety of physical changes.

GENDER IN THE SPOTLIGHT Dramatic improvements in South African track star Caster Semenya’s race times prompted the International Association of Athletics Federations to undertake sex testing in 2009. Semenya was reported to be intersex—with physical characteristics of both males and females. She was officially cleared to continue competing as a woman. Semenya declared, “God made me the way I am and I accept myself. I am who I am” (YOU, 2009).

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Scandinavian countries offer the great- est gender equity, Middle Eastern and North African countries the least (Social Watch, 2006).

How Do We Learn to Be Male or Female? A gender role describes how others expect us to act. Our gender identity is our per- sonal sense of being male or female. How do we develop that personal viewpoint?

Social learning theory assumes that we acquire our gender identity in child- hood, by observing and imitating others’ gender-linked behaviors and by being

(Alsharif, 2011). More U.S. women than men now graduate from college, and nearly half the U.S. workforce is female (Fry & Cohn, 2010). The modern economy has produced jobs that rely not on brute strength but on social intelligence, open communication, and the ability to sit still and focus (Rosin, 2010). What changes might the next hundred years bring?

Our gender roles are not everyone’s gender roles. In nomadic societies of food- gathering people, there is little division of labor by sex. Boys and girls receive much the same upbringing. In agricul- tural societies, where women work in the nearby fields and men roam while herding livestock, the culture has shaped children to assume more distinct gender roles (Segall et al., 1990; Van Leeuwen, 1978).

Take a minute to check your own gender expectations. Would you agree that “When jobs are scarce, men should have more rights to a job”? In the United States, Britain, and Spain, a little over 12 percent of adults agree. In Nigeria, Pakistan, and India, about 80 percent of adults agree (Pew, 2010). This ques- tion taps people’s views on the idea that men and women should be treated equally. We’re all human, but my, how our views differ. Australia and the

The Nurture of Gender: Our Culture and Experiences 4-3 How do gender roles and gender typing influence gender development?

In many cases, biological sex and gen- der exist together in harmony. Biology draws the outline, and culture provides the details.

Gender Roles Cultures shape our behaviors by defin- ing how we ought to behave in a partic- ular social position, or role. We can see this shaping power in gender roles—the social expectations that guide our behav- ior as men or as women.

Gender roles shift over time and place. A century ago, North American women could not vote in national elec- tions, serve in the military, or divorce a husband without cause. And if a woman worked for pay outside the home, she might have been a servant or a seamstress.

Gender roles can change dramatically in a thin slice of history. At the begin- ning of the twentieth century, only one country in the world—New Zealand— granted women the right to vote (Briscoe, 1997). Today, worldwide, only Saudi Arabia denies women the right to vote. Even there, the culture shows signs of shifting toward women’s voting rights

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THE GENDERED TSUNAMI In Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and India, the gendered division of labor helps explain the excess of female deaths from the 2004 tsunami. In some villages, 80 percent of those killed were women, who were mostly at home while the men were more likely to be at sea fishing or doing out- of - the - home chores (Oxfam, 2005).

intersex possessing biological sexual characteristics of both sexes.

role a set of expectations (norms) about a social position, defining how those in the position ought to behave.

gender role a set of expected behaviors for males or for females.

gender identity our sense of being male or female.

social learning theory the theory that we learn social behavior by observing and imitating and by being rewarded or punished.

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and females should act (Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). For transgender people, how- ever, comparisons with their culture’s concept of gender produces feelings of confusion and discord. For transgender

persons, gender identity (one’s sense of being male or female) or gender expres- sion (behavior or appear- ance) differs from what’s typical for one’s birth sex (APA, 2010). A trans-

gender person may feel like a man in a woman’s body, or a woman in a man’s body. Some transgender people are also transsexual: They prefer to live as mem- bers of the other sex. Some transsexual people (about three times as many men as women) may seek medical treatment (including sex-reassignment surgery) to achieve their preferred gender identity (Van Kesteren et al., 1997).

identity, about who you are. Your gender schema organizes your experiences of male-female characteristics (Bem, 1987, 1993; Martin et al., 2002).

Gender schemas form early in life. As a young child, you (like other children) were a “gender detective” (Martin & Ruble, 2004). Before your first birthday, you knew the difference between a male and female voice or face (Martin et al., 2002). After you turned 2, language forced you to label the world in terms of gender. English classifies people as he and she. Other languages classify objects as masculine (“le train”) or feminine (“la table”).

Once children grasp that two sorts of people exist—and that they are of one sort—they search for clues about gender. Hints arise not only from language, but also from clothes, toys, books, shows, and games. Having divided the human world in half, 3-year - olds will then like their own kind better and seek them out for play. “Girls,” they may decide, are the ones who watch Dora the Explorer and have long hair. “Boys” watch battles from Kung Fu Panda and don’t wear dresses. Armed

with their newly col- lected “proof,” they then adjust their behaviors to fit their concept of gen- der. These rigid stereo- types peak at about age 5 or 6. If the new neighbor is a boy, a 6-year- old girl may assume that she cannot share his inter- ests. For young children, gender looms large.

Parents help to trans- mit their culture’s views on gender. In one analy- sis of 43 studies, parents with traditional gender schemas were more likely to have gender-typed children who shared their culture’s expecta- tions about how males

rewarded or punished for acting in cer- tain ways. (“Tatiana, you’re such a good mommy to your dolls”; “Big boys don’t cry, Armand.”) Some critics think there’s more to gender identity than imitating parents and being repeatedly rewarded for certain behaviors. They ask us to consider how much gender typing—tak- ing on the traditional male or female role—varies from child to child (Tobin et al., 2010). No matter how much parents encourage or discourage traditional gen- der behavior, children may drift toward what feels right to them. Some organize themselves into “boy worlds” and “girl worlds,” each guided by rules. Others seem to prefer androgyny: A blend of male and female roles feels right to them. Androgyny has benefits. Androgynous people are more adaptable. They show greater flexibility in behavior and career choices (Bem, 1993). They tend to be more resilient and self-accepting and experi- ence less depression (Lam & McBride-Chang, 2007; Mosher & Danoff-Burg, 2008; Ward, 2000).

How you feel matters, but so does how you think. As you grew up, you formed schemas, or concepts that helped you make sense of your world. You use many of these schemas to think about your

THE SOCIAL LEARNING OF GENDER Children observe and imitate parental models.

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“The more I was treated as a woman, the more woman I became.”

Writer Jan Morris, male-to-female transsexual

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TRANSGENDER CONTESTANT In 2012, Jenna Talackova became the first transgender beauty pageant contestant in this Miss Universe Canada contest in Toronto. Talackova was born a male but had sex-reassignment surgery.

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inant-seeming men varies across the menstrual cycle (Gildersleeve et al., 2013; Wood et al., 2012). Among women with mates, sexual desire rises slightly at ovulation (Pillsworth et al., 2004). One study invited women with partners to keep a diary of their sexual activity. On the days around ovulation, intercourse was 24 percent more frequent (Wilcox et al., 2004).

Research by Kristina Durante, Eliza- beth Pillsworth, and others also sug- gests that ovulation motivates women to attract male partners by wearing sexier clothing and choosing products that enhance their sexual features (Durante et al., 2011; Pillsworth & Haselton, 2006). Small wonder, then, that men tend to rate ovu- lating women as more attractive.

More than other mammalian females, women are responsive to their own tes- tosterone levels (van Anders & Dunn, 2009). (Recall that women have testosterone, though less than men have.) If a wom- an’s natural testosterone level drops, as happens with the removal of the ovaries or adrenal glands, her sexual interest may plummet (Davison & Davis, 2011; Lindau et al., 2007). But testosterone - replacement therapy can often restore sexual desire, arousal, and activity (Braunstein et al., 2005; Buster et al., 2005;

Petersen & Hyde, 2011).

this: The pleasure we take in eating is nature’s method of getting our body nourishment. The desires and pleasures of sex are nature’s clever way of enabling our species’ survival. Sex is part of life. Had this not been so for all your ances- tors, you would not be reading this book. Life is sexually transmitted.

Hormones and Sexual Behavior 4-4 How do hormones influence human sexual motivation?

Among the forces driving sexual behav- ior are the sex hormones. The main male sex hormone is testosterone. The main female sex hormones are the estrogens, such as estradiol. Sex hormones influ- ence us at many points in the life span:

• During the prenatal period, they direct our development as males or females.

• During puberty, a sex hormone surge ushers us into adolescence.

• After puberty and well into the late adult years, sex hormones help activate sexual behavior.

In most mammals, sexual interest and fertility overlap. Females become sexually receptive when their estrogen levels peak at ovulation. By injecting female animals with estrogens, researchers can increase their sexual interest. Hormone injections

do not manipulate male animals’ sexual behav- ior as easily because male hormone levels are more constant (Piekarski et al., 2009). Nevertheless, male hamsters that have had their testes (which manu- facture testosterone) sur-

gically removed will gradually lose much of their interest in receptive females. They gradually regain it if injected with testosterone.

Hormones also influence human sex- ual behavior, but in a looser way, and researchers are debating whether wom- en’s preferences for masculine or dom-

Note that gender identity is distinct from sexual orientation (the direction of one’s sexual attraction). Transgender people may be sexually attracted to people of the opposite birth sex (hetero- sexual), the same birth sex (homosexual), both sexes (bisexual), or to no one at all (asexual).

Transgender people may express their gender identity by dressing as a person of the other biological sex typi- cally would. Most who dress this way are biological males who are attracted to women (APA, 2010). The British come- dian Eddie Izzard, who regularly dresses in women’s clothes during his perfor- mances, explains: “Most transvestites fancy girls.”

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What are gender roles, and what do their variations tell us about our human capacity for learning and adaptation?

ANSWER: Gender roles are sets of expected behaviors for females or for males. Gender roles vary widely in different cultures, which is proof that we are very capable of learning and adapting to the social demands of different environments.

Human Sexuality As you’ve probably noticed, we can hard-

ly talk about gender with- out talking about our sexuality. For all but the tiny fraction of us consid- ered asexual, dating and mating become a priority from puberty on. Both our body and our mind affect our sexual feel- ings and behaviors.

The Physiology of Sex Unlike hunger, sex is not an actual need. (Without it, we may feel like dying, but we will not.) Yet sex and hunger share

In a British survey of 18,876 people, 1 percent were seemingly asexual, having “never felt sexually attracted to anyone at all” (Bogaert, 2004, 2006b).

gender typing the acquisition of a traditional masculine or feminine role.

androgyny displaying both traditional masculine and feminine psychological characteristics.

transgender an umbrella term describing people whose gender identity or expression differs from that associated with their birth sex.

asexual having no sexual attraction to others.

estrogens sex hormones that contribute to female sex characteristics and are secreted in greater amounts by females than by males. In nonhuman female mammals, estrogen levels peak during ovulation, promoting sexual receptivity.

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ues to increase, and her clitoris retracts. Orgasm feels imminent.

3. Orgasm: Muscles contract all over the body. Breathing, pulse, and blood pressure rates continue to climb. (Later studies showed that a woman’s arousal and orgasm aid conception. They help propel semen from the penis, posi- tion the uterus to receive sperm, and draw the sperm further inward [Furlow & Thornhill, 1996].) Men and women don’t differ much in the delight they receive from sexual release. PET scans have shown that the same brain regions are active in men and women during orgasm (Holstege et al., 2003a,b).

4. Resolution: The body gradually re- turns to its unaroused state as genital blood vessels release their accumulated

blood. This happens rela- tively quickly if orgasm has occurred, relatively slowly otherwise. (It’s like the nasal tickle that goes away rapidly if you have sneezed, slowly other- wise.) Men then enter a refractory period, a rest- ing period that lasts from a few minutes to a day or more. During this time, they cannot achieve an- other orgasm. Women have a much shorter refractory period, enabling them to have another orgasm if restimulated during or soon after resolution.

Sexual Dysfunctions and Paraphilias Masters and Johnson had two goals: to describe the human sexual response cycle, and to understand and treat prob- lems that prevent people from complet- ing that cycle. Sexual dysfunctions impair sexual arousal or function- ing. Some involve sexual motivation, especially lack of sexual energy and arousability. For men, one common problem (and the subject of many TV commercials) is erectile disorder, an

cannot fully explain human sexual behavior. Hormones may fuel our sex drive, but psychological stimuli turn on the engine, keep it running, and shift it into high gear. Let’s now see just where that drive usually takes us.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• The primary male sex hormone is

. The primary female sex

hormones are the

.

ANSWERS: testosterone; estrogens

The Sexual Response Cycle 4-5 What is the human sexual response cycle, and how do sexual dysfunctions and paraphilias differ?

In the 1960s, two research- ers—gynecologist-obste- trician William Masters, and his colleague, Virginia Johnson (1966)—made head- lines with their studies of sexual behavior. They recorded the physiological responses of 382 female and 312 male volunteers who came to their lab to masturbate or have inter- course. With the help of this atypical sample of people able and willing to display arousal and orgasm while scientists observed, the researchers identified a four-stage sexual response cycle:

1. Excitement: The genital areas fill with blood, causing a woman’s clitoris and a man’s penis to swell. A woman’s vagina expands and secretes lubricant. Her breasts and nipples may enlarge.

2. Plateau: Excitement peaks as breathing, pulse, and blood pressure rates continue to rise. A man’s penis becomes fully engorged. Some fluid— frequently containing enough live sperm to enable conception—may appear at its tip. A woman’s vaginal secretion contin-

Testosterone - replacement therapy also increases sexual functioning in men with abnormally low testosterone levels (Khera et al., 2011). But normal ups and downs in testosterone levels (from man to man and hour to hour) have little effect on sexual drive (Byrne, 1982). In fact, male hormones sometimes vary in response to sexual stimulation. One Australian study tested whether the presence of an attractive woman would affect heterosexual male skateboarders’ performance. The result? Their testos- terone surged, as did their riskier moves and crash landings (Ronay & von Hippel, 2010). Thus, sexual arousal can be a cause as well as a result of increased testos- terone levels.

Large hormonal surges or declines do affect men and women’s desire. These shifts take place at two predictable points in the life span, and sometimes at an unpredictable third point:

1. During puberty, the surge in sex hormones triggers development of sex characteristics and interests. If this hormonal surge is prevented, sex characteristics and sexual desire do not develop normally (Peschel & Peschel, 1987). This happened in Europe during the 1600s and 1700s, when boy sopranos were castrated to preserve their voices for Italian opera.

2. In later life, estrogen and testosterone lev- els fall. As sex hormone levels decline, the frequency of sexual fantasies and intercourse declines as well (Leitenberg & Henning, 1995).

3. For some, surgery or drugs may cause hormonal shifts. After surgical castra- tion, men’s sex drive typically falls as testosterone levels decline sharply (Hucker & Bain, 1990). When male sex offenders took a drug that reduced their testosterone level to that of a boy before puberty, they also lost much of their sexual urge (Bilefsky, 2009; Money et al., 1983).

To recap, as sex hormones rise and fall, they influence our sexual character- istics and behaviors. But biology alone

A nonsmoking 50-year- old male has about a 1-in-a-million chance of a heart attack during any hour. This increases to merely 2-in-a-million in the two hours during and following sex (with no increase for those who exercise regularly). Compared with risks associated with heavy exertion or anger (see Chapter 10), this risk seems not worth losing sleep (or sex) over (Jackson, 2009; Muller et al., 1996).

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man. A man’s semen can carry more of the virus than can a woman’s vagi- nal and cervical secretions. The HIV- infected semen can also linger for days in a woman’s vagina and cervix, increas- ing her exposure time (Allen & Setlow, 1991; WHO, 2004).

Most Americans with AIDS have been in midlife and younger—ages 25 to 44 (U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2007). Given AIDS’ long incu- bation period, this means that many of these young people were infected as teens. In 2011, the death of 1.7 million people with AIDS worldwide left behind countless grief-stricken partners and millions of orphaned children (UNAIDS, 2013). In sub-Saharan Africa, home to two-thirds of those with HIV, medical treatment and care for the dying are sap- ping social resources. AIDS can be trans- mitted by other means, such as needle sharing during drug use, but its sexual transmission is most common.

Although many people think oral sex is “safe sex,” there is a significant link

Sexually Transmitted Infections 4-6 How can sexually transmitted infections be prevented?

Life is sexually transmitted, but so are STIs—sexually transmitted infections. Rates of STIs (also called STDs, for sexually transmitted diseases) have ballooned in recent years, especially in people under 25 (CASA, 2004). Teenage girls, because of their less mature biological development and lower levels of protective antibodies, are especially at risk (Dehne & Riedner, 2005; Guttmacher, 1994). A Centers for Disease Control study of sexually experienced 14- to 19-year-old U.S. females found 39.5 percent had STIs (Forhan et al., 2008).

To understand the mathematics of infection, imagine this scenario. Over the course of a year, Pat has sex with 9 people. Over the same period, each of Pat’s partners has sex with 9 other peo- ple, who in turn have sex with 9 others. How many “phantom” sex partners (past partners of partners) will Pat have? The actual number—511—is more than five times the estimate given by the average student (Brannon & Brock, 1993).

Condoms are very effective in block- ing the spread of some STIs. When Thailand promoted 100 percent condom use by commercial sex workers, condom use soared from 14 to 94 percent over a four-year period. During that time, the number of bacterial STIs reported each year plummeted 93 percent—from 410,406 to 27,362 (WHO, 2000).

Condoms offer only limited pro- tection against certain skin - to - skin STIs, such as herpes. But their ability to reduce other risks has saved lives (Medical Institute, 1994; NIH, 2001). When used by people with an infected partner, condoms have been 80 percent effec- tive in preventing transmission of HIV (human immunodeficiency virus—the virus that causes AIDS) (Weller & Davis-Beaty, 2002; WHO, 2003). Women’s AIDS rates are increasing fastest, partly because the virus is passed from man to woman much more often than from woman to

inability to have or maintain an erec- tion. Another is premature ejaculation, reaching a sexual climax before the man or his partner wishes. For some women, pain during attempted intercourse may prevent them from completing the sex- ual response cycle. Others may experience female orgasmic disorder, distress over infrequently or never having an orgasm. In surveys of some 35,000 American women, about 4 in 10 reported a sexual problem, such as female orgasmic dis- order or low desire. Only about 1 in 8 said that the problem caused them per- sonal distress (Lutfey et al., 2009; Shifren et al., 2008). Most women who have re- ported sexual distress have connected it with their emotional relationship with their sexual partner (Bancroft et al., 2003).

Therapy can help men and women with sexual dysfunction. Behaviorally oriented therapy, for example, can help men learn ways to control their urge to ejaculate, or help women learn to bring themselves to orgasm. Starting with the introduction of Viagra in 1998 and now including Levitra and Cialis, erectile disorder has been routinely treated by taking a pill. Equally effective drug treat- ments for female sexual interest/arousal disorder are not yet available.

Sexual dysfunction involves problems with arousal or sexual functioning. People with paraphilias do experience sexual desire, but they direct it in unusual ways. The American Psychiatric Association only classifies such behavior as disor- dered if

• a person experiences distress from his or her unusual sexual interest or

• it entails harm or risk of harm to others.

The serial killer Jeffrey Dahmer had necrophilia, a sexual attraction to corpses. People with the paraphilic disorder pedo- philia experience sexual arousal toward children who haven’t entered puberty. Those with exhibitionism derive pleasure from exposing themselves sexually to others, without consent.

sexual response cycle the four stages of sexual responding described by Masters and Johnson—excitement, plateau, orgasm, and resolution.

refractory period a resting period after orgasm, during which a man cannot achieve another orgasm.

sexual dysfunction a problem that consistently impairs sexual arousal or functioning.

erectile disorder inability to develop or maintain an erection due to insufficient blood- flow to the penis.

premature ejaculation sexual climax that occurs before the man or his partner wishes.

female orgasmic disorder distress due to infrequently or never experiencing orgasm.

paraphilias sexual arousal from fantasies, behaviors, or urges involving nonhuman objects, the suffering of self or others, and /or nonconsenting persons.

AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome) a life-threatening, sexually transmitted infection caused by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). AIDS depletes the immune system, leaving the person vulnerable to infections.

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lus, our response lessens—we habituate. During the 1920s, when Western wom- en’s rising hemlines first reached the knee, many male hearts fluttered when viewing a woman’s leg. Today, many men wouldn’t notice.

Imagined Stimuli Sexual arousal and desire can also be products of our imagination. People who are left with no genital sensation after a spinal cord injury can still feel sexual desire (Sipski et al., 1999; Willmuth, 1987). Three years after experiencing a spinal cord injury, 90 percent of men in one study were engaging in sexual inter- course (Donohue & Gebhard, 1995).

Wide-awake people become sexu- ally aroused not only by memories of prior sexual activities but also by fanta- sies. About 95 percent of both men and women report having sexual fantasies. The sexual fantasies of men—whether straight or gay—tend to be more fre- quent, more physical, and less roman- tic than women’s. In books and videos, men also prefer less personal and faster- paced sexual content (Leitenberg & Henning, 1995).

Does fantasizing about sex indicate a sexual problem or dissatisfaction? No. If anything, sexually active people have more sexual fantasies.

Teen Pregnancy 4-8 What factors influence teenagers’ sexual behaviors and use of contraceptives?

Compared with European teens, American teens have a higher rate of STIs and also

of teen pregnancy (Call et al., 2002; Sullivan/Anderson,

2009). What environmental factors contribute to teen pregnancy?

1. Minimal communication about birth control  Many teenagers feel uncomfortable discussing con- traception. But those who talk freely with their parents, and who are in an exclusive relationship with a

with women than when they watch men having sex with men. Homosexual men show the opposite pattern.

Women’s arousal is more compli- cated, and the context and the inten- sity of the sexual experience matter more than the gender of the people they watch (Both et al., 2005; Laan et al., 1995b). Women—whether heterosexual or les- bian—become aroused when watching men having sex with women or watch- ing women having sex with women (Chivers et al., 2004; Laan et al., 1995a).

Does viewing pornography produce any lingering effects? In some studies, people have viewed scenes in which women were forced to have sex and appeared to enjoy it. Those viewers were more accepting of the false idea that women like to be raped. Male viewers were also more willing to hurt women and to commit rape (Allen et al., 1995, 2000; Foubert et al., 2011; Malamuth

& Check, 1981; Zillmann, 1989). Viewing pornography may also decrease people’s sat- isfaction with their own sexual partner (Lambert et al., 2012). What is more, the erotic mate- rial that increases arousal today won’t produce the same level of arousal a year from now. With repeated exposure to any stimulus, including an erotic stimu-

between oral sex and STIs, such as the human papilloma virus (HPV) (Ballini et al., 2012). Risks rise with the number of sex- ual partners (Gillison et al., 2012). Thanks to a relatively new vaccine, most HPV infections can now be prevented if peo- ple are vaccinated before they become sexually active.

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• The inability to complete the sexual response cycle may be considered a

. Exhibitionism

would be considered a

.

ANSWERS: sexual dysfunction; paraphilic disorder.

• From a biological perspective, AIDS is passed more readily from women to men than from men to women. True or false?

ANSWER: False. AIDS is transmitted more easily and more often from men to women.

The Psychology of Sex 4-7 How do external and imagined stimuli contribute to sexual arousal?

Biological factors powerfully influence our sexual motivation and behavior. But despite the shared biology that underlies sexual motivation, the 281 expressed rea- sons for having sex (at last count) ranged widely—from “to get closer to God” to “to get my boyfriend to shut up” (Buss, 2008; Meston & Buss, 2007).

Our most important sex organ may be the one resting above our shoul- ders: our brain. Our sophisticated brain allows us to experience sexual arousal both from what is real and from what is imagined.

External Stimuli Men and women become aroused when they see, hear, or read erotic mate- rial (Heiman, 1975; Stockton & Murnen, 1992). Gender matters. Men generally become aroused when erotic material aligns with the direction of their own sexual inter- ests. Thus, heterosexual men’s arousal is greater when they watch men having sex

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risk factors for teen pregnancy. A father’s presence was linked to lower sexual activity before age 16 and to lower teen pregnancy rates (Ellis et al., 2003).

• Participation in service learning programs  Teens who have volunteered as tutors or teachers’ aides, or participated in community projects, have had lower pregnancy

rates than other teens randomly assigned to control groups (Kirby, 2002; O’Donnell et al., 2002). Does service learning promote a sense of personal competence, control, and responsibility? Does it encourage more future- oriented thinking? Or does it simply reduce opportunities for unprotected

sex? Researchers don’t have those answers yet.

* * * We have considered some bio- logical, psychological, and social- cultural influences on human sex- uality. Because of these influences,

sexual motivation and behavior vary widely over time, across place, and among individuals (FIGURE 4.4 on next page).

It’s important to remember that scien- tific research on human sexuality does not aim to define the personal meaning of sex in our own lives. We could know every available fact about sex—that the initial spasms of male and female orgasm come at 0.8-second intervals, that systolic blood pressure rises some 60 points and respiration rate to 40 breaths per minute, that the female nipples expand 10 milli- meters at the peak of sexual arousal—but fail to understand the human signifi- cance of sexual intimacy.

Sex is a socially significant act. Men and women can achieve orgasm alone. Yet most people find greater satisfac- tion—and experience a much greater surge in the prolactin hormone associated with sexual satisfaction and satiety— after intercourse and orgasm with their

(like most of the game players). The female characters were much more likely than the male characters to be hypersexualized—partially nude or revealingly clothed, with large breasts and tiny waists (Downs & Smith, 2010). Television has freely modeled sexual activity in which partners were unmarried, with no prior romantic relationship, and little concern for birth control or STIs (Brown et al., 2002; Kunkel, 2001; Sapolsky & Tabarlet, 1991). Adolescents learn from these scripts. Con-trolled studies show that the more sexual content adolescents view, the more likely they are to perceive their peers as sexually active, to develop sexually permissive atti- tudes, and to experience early intercourse (Escobar-Chaves et al., 2005; Martino et al., 2005; Ward &

Friedman, 2006).

What are the characteristics of teens who delay having sex?

• High intelligence In two dozen studies, intelligence was associated with delaying immediate pleasure for the sake of one’s future (Shamosh & Gray, 2008). Smarter teens often delay the here- and-now pleasures of sex in order to focus on future achievements.

• Religious engagement  Many religious teachings encourage followers to restrain their sexual impulses. Actively religious teens, especially young women, often reserve sexual activity for adulthood (Štulhofer et al., 2011). The most common reason U.S. teens give for not having sex is that it conflicts with their “religion or morals” (Guttmacher Institute, 2012).

• Father presence  Studies that followed hundreds of New Zealand and U.S. girls from age 5 to 18 found that having Dad around reduces

partner with whom they communi- cate openly, are more likely to use contraceptives (Aspy et al., 2007; Milan & Kilmann, 1987). Jamie Lynn Spears, for- mer television star and younger sister of pop icon Britney Spears, said she didn’t use birth control (and became pregnant at age 16) because “like many young girls, I was really scared to go to the doctor . . . I was on the Nickelodeon show, and it felt especially embarrassing to ask someone to put me on birth control.”

2. Passion overwhelming self-control When sexually aroused, people perform poorly on measures of impulse con- trol (Macapagal et al., 2006). Teens who intend to delay sexual activity may also delay using contraceptives. Sexual arousal reduces intentions to use contraception, such as condoms (Ariely & Loewenstein, 2006). If passion overwhelms intentions, unexpected sexual activity may result in preg- nancy (Gerrard & Luus, 1995; MacDonald & Hynie, 2008). In one survey, 72 percent of sexually active 12- to 17-year - old American girls said they regretted having had sex (Reuters, 2000).

3. Alcohol use  Sexually active teens are typically alcohol - using teens (Mason et al., 2010; Zimmer-Gembeck & Helfand,

2008). And those who use alcohol prior to sex are less likely to use condoms (Kotchick et al., 2001). Alcohol disarms normal restraints by depressing the brain centers that control judgment, inhibition, and self - awareness.

4. Mass media norms of unprotected pro- miscuity  Media help write the social scripts that shape our expectations about how to act in social situations. So what sexual scripts do today’s media write on our minds? One script portrays the sexualization of girls (see Close-Up: The Sexualization of Girls on the next page). Another script plays out in video and online games. An analysis of the 60 top-selling video games found 489 characters, 86 percent of whom were males

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R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• What factors influence our sexual motivation and behavior?

ANSWER: Influences include biological factors such as sexual maturity and sex hormones, psychological factors such as environmental stimuli and fantasies, and social-cultural factors such as the values and expectations absorbed from family and the surrounding culture.

• Which THREE of the following five factors contribute to unplanned teen pregnancies?

a. Alcohol use

b. Higher intelligence level

c. Unprotected sex

d. Mass media models

e. Increased communication about options

ANSWERS: a, c, d

Sexual Orientation: Why Do We Differ?

4-9 What has research taught us about sexual orientation?

As noted earlier in this chapter, we express the direction of our sexual

interest in our sexual orientation—our

loved one (Brody & Tillmann, 2006). One study of 2035 married people found that couples who reported being in a deeply committed relationship before having sex also reported greater relationship satisfaction and stability—and better sex (Busby et al., 2010). Sex at its human best is life uniting and love renewing.

* * * In the rest of this chapter, we will

consider two special topics: sexual orien- tation (the direction of our sexual inter- ests), and evolutionary psychology’s explanation of our sexual motivation.

CLOSE-UP

Surely you’ve noticed. Just about all media—TV, the In- ternet, music videos and lyrics, movies, magazines, sports media, and advertising—share a tendency. They portray women and even girls as sexual objects. The frequent re- sult, according to the 2007 American Psychological Asso- ciation (APA) Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls, is harm to their self-image and unhealthy sexual develop- ment. In 2010, the Scottish Parliament agreed.

Sexualization occurs when girls

• are led to value themselves in terms of their sexual appeal.

• compare themselves to narrowly defined beauty standards.

• see themselves as sexual beings for others’ use.

The Sexualization of Girls

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Biological influences: • sexual maturity • sex hormones, especially testosterone

Sexual motivation

Psychological influences: • exposure to stimulating conditions • sexual fantasies

Social-cultural influences: • family and society values • religious and personal values • cultural expectations • media Pe

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FIGURE 4.4 Levels of analysis for sexual motivation Our sexual motivation is influenced by biological factors, but psychological and social-cultural factors play an even bigger role.

In experiments, the APA Task Force reported, being made self-conscious about one’s body, such as by wearing a swim- suit, disrupts thinking when doing math computations or logical reasoning. Sexualization also contributes to eating dis- orders, to depression, and to unrealistic expectations regard- ing sexuality.

Mindful of today’s sexualizing media, the APA has some suggestions for countering these messages. Parents, teach- ers, and others can teach girls “to value themselves for who they are rather than how they look.” They can teach boys “to value girls as friends, sisters, and girlfriends, rather than as sexual objects.” And they can help girls and boys develop media literacy skills that enable them

to recognize and resist the message that women are sexual objects and that a thin, sexy look is all that matters.

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SHARING LOVE For most adults, a sexual relationship fulfills not only a biological motive but also a social need for intimacy.

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Sexual orientation usually endures, especially for men (Chivers, 2005; Diamond, 2008; Peplau & Garnets, 2000). Women’s sexual orientation tends to be less strongly felt and more variable (Baumeister et al., 2000). This may help explain why more women than men report having had at least one same-sex sexual contact, even though the male homosexuality rate exceeds the female rate (Chandra et al., 2011).

Heterosexuals may wonder what it feels like to be the “odd man out” in a straight culture. Imagine that you have found “the one”—a perfect partner of the other sex. How would you feel if you weren’t sure who you could trust with knowing you had these feelings? How would you react if most movies, TV shows, and advertisements showed only same-sex relationships? How would you like hearing that many people wouldn’t vote for a political candidate who favors other-sex marriage? And how would you feel if children’s organizations and adop- tion agencies thought you might not be safe or trustworthy because you’re attracted to people of the other sex?

Facing such reactions, homosexual people may at first try to ignore or deny their desires, hoping they will go away. They may even try to change, through psychotherapy, willpower, or prayer. But the feelings typically persist, as do those of heterosexual people—who are similarly unable to become homosexual on command (Haldeman, 1994, 2002; Myers & Scanzoni, 2005).

Most psychologists view sexual ori- entation as neither willfully chosen nor willfully changed. “Efforts to change sexual orientation are unlikely to be suc- cessful and involve some risk of harm,” declared a 2009 American Psychological Association report. In 1973, the Amer- ican Psychiatric Association dropped homosexuality from its list of “mental illnesses.” In 1993, The World Health Organization did the same, as did Japan’s and China’s psychiatric associations in 1995 and 2001.

Some have noted that rates of depres- sion and attempted suicide are higher among gays and lesbians. Many psychol- ogists believe, however, that these symp- toms may result from experiences with bullying and discrimination (Sandfort et al., 2001; Warner et al., 2004). “Homosexuality, in and of itself, is not associated with mental disorders or emotional or social problems,” declared the American Psychological Association (2007).

enduring sexual attraction toward oth- ers. Sexual orientation appears to exist along a continuum, ranging from exclu- sive interest in our own sex to complete interest in the other sex. Those of us attracted to people of

• our own sex have a homosexual (gay or lesbian) orientation.

• the other sex have a heterosexual (straight) orientation.

• both sexes have a bisexual orientation.

As far as we know, in all cultures, het- erosexuality has prevailed and bisexuality and homosexuality have endured. But as survey results show, cultures vary widely in their social norms for acceptable part- ners. In Kenya and Nigeria, 98 percent have said that homosexuality is “never justified” (Pew, 2006). In the United States, 60 percent of people say that homosexual- ity should be accepted, which lags behind countries such as Spain (88 percent), Germany (87 percent), France (77 percent), and Britain (76 percent) (Pew, 2013). In the United States, a smaller but increasing majority (60 percent) have recently sup- ported accepting homosexuality.

A large number of Americans—13 per- cent of women and 5 percent of men—say they have had some same-sex sexual con- tact during their lives (Chandra et al., 2011). Still more have had an occasional same- sex fantasy. Far fewer (3.4 percent) iden- tify themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (Gates & Newport, 2012).

How many people in Europe and the United States are exclusively homo- sexual? About 10 percent, as the popu- lar press has often assumed? Nearly 25 percent, as Americans, on average, esti- mated in a 2011 Gallup survey (Morales, 2011)? The most accurate figure seems to be about 3 percent of men and 1 or 2 percent of women (Chandra et al., 2011; Herbenick et al., 2010a; Wells et al., 2011). Active bisexuality is rarer (less than 1 percent). In one survey of 7076 Dutch adults, only 12 people said they were actively bisexual (Sandfort et al., 2001).

sexual orientation an enduring sexual attraction toward members of either one’s own sex (homosexual orientation), the other sex (heterosexual orientation), or both sexes (bisexual orientation).

DRIVEN TO SUICIDE In 2010, Rutgers University student Tyler Clementi jumped off this bridge after his intimate encounter with another man reportedly became known. Reports then surfaced of other gay teens who had reacted in a similarly tragic fashion after being taunted. Since 2010, Americans— especially those under 30—have been increasingly supportive of those with same-sex orientations.

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searchers to explore several lines of bio- logical evidence:

• Same-sex attraction in other species • Gay-straight brain differences • Genetic influences • Prenatal influences • Gay-straight trait differences Same-Sex Attraction in Other Species In Boston’s Public Gardens, caretakers solved the mystery of why a much-loved swan couple’s eggs never hatched. Both swans were female. In New York City’s Central Park Zoo, penguins Silo and Roy spent several years as devoted same-sex partners. Same- sex sexual behaviors have also been observed in several hun- dred other species, including grizzlies, gorillas, monkeys, flamingos, and owls (Bagemihl, 1999). Among rams, for exam- ple, some 7 to 10 percent (to sheep- breeding ranchers, the “duds”) display same - sex attraction by shunning ewes and seeking to mount other males (Perkins & Fitzgerald, 1997). Homosexual behavior seems a natural part of the ani- mal world.

Gay-Straight Brain Differences Might the structure and function of het- erosexual and homosexual brains differ? With this question in mind, researcher Simon LeVay (1991) studied sections of the hypothalamus taken from deceased heterosexual and homosexual people. (The hypothalamus is a brain structure linked to sexual behavior.) As a homo- sexual man, LeVay wanted to do “some- thing connected with my gay identity.” To avoid biasing the results, he did a blind study: He didn’t know which donors were gay or straight. After nine months of peering through his microscope at a cell cluster that came in different sizes, he consulted the donor records. The cell cluster was reliably larger in hetero- sexual men than in women and homo- sexual men. “I was almost in a state of shock,” LeVay said (1994). “I took a walk by myself on the cliffs over the ocean. I

wise sexually victimized by an adult homosexual?

Hundreds of studies have indicated that the answers to these questions have been No, No, No, and No (Storms, 1983). In a search for possible environ- mental influences on sexual orientation, Kinsey Institute investigators inter- viewed nearly 1000 homosexual and 500 heterosexual people. They assessed

almost every imaginable psychological cause of homosexuality—parental relationships, childhood sexual experiences, peer relationships, and dat- ing experiences (Bell et al., 1981; Hammersmith, 1982). Their findings: Homo- sexual people were no more likely than hetero- sexual people to have been smothered by ma- ternal love or neglected by their father. And con-

sider this: If “distant fathers” were more likely to produce homosexual sons, then shouldn’t boys growing up in father - absent homes more often be gay? (They are not.) And shouldn’t the rising num-

ber of such homes have led to a noticeable increase in the gay population? (It has not.) Most children raised by gay or lesbian parents grow up to be heterosexual and well-adjusted adults (Gartrell & Bos, 2010).

What have we learned from a half - century’s theory and research? If there are environmental factors that influence sexual orientation, we haven’t yet found them.

Biology and Sexual Orientation The lack of evidence for en- vironmental influences on homosexuality has led re-

Environment and Sexual Orientation So, if we do not choose our sexual ori- entation and (especially for males) seem unable to change it, where do these preferences come from? See if you can predict the answers (Yes or No) to these questions:

1. Is homosexuality linked with prob- lems in a child’s rela- tionships with parents, such as with an over- powering mother and a weak father, or a pos- sessive mother and a hostile father?

2. Does homosexuality in- volve a fear or hatred of people of the other sex, leading individu- als to direct their de- sires toward members of their own sex?

3. Is sexual orientation linked with lev- els of sex hormones currently in the blood?

4. As children, were most homosexu- als molested, seduced, or other-

Note that the scientific question is not “What causes homosexuality?” (or “What causes heterosexuality?”) but “What causes differing sexual orientations?” In pursuit of answers, psychological science compares the backgrounds and physiology of people whose sexual orientations differ.

PERSONAL VALUES AFFECT SEXUAL ORIENTATION LESS THAN THEY AFFECT OTHER FORMS OF SEXUAL BEHAVIOR Compared with people who rarely attend religious services, for example, those who attend regularly are one-third as likely to have lived together before marriage. They also report having had many fewer sex partners. But (if male) they are just as likely to be homosexual (Smith, 1998).

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Genetic Influences Findings from three sets of studies suggest a genetic influence on sexual orientation.

• Family studies: Human sexuality researchers report that homo- sexuality appears to run in families (Mustanski & Bailey, 2003) and that male homosexuality is often transmitted through the mother’s side of the family (Plomin et al., 1997).

• Twin studies: Twin studies show that a homosexual orientation is somewhat more likely to be shared by identical twins (who have identical genes) than by fraternal twins (whose genes are not identical) (Alanko et al., 2010; Lángström et al., 2008,

2010). However, sexual orientation differs in many identical twin pairs (especially female twins). This means that other factors besides genes must play a role.

• Fruit fly studies: Laboratory experiments on fruit flies have changed their sexual orientation and behavior by altering a single gene (Dickson, 2005). During courtship, females acted like males (pursuing other females) and males acted like females (Demir & Dickson, 2005).

It’s likely that multiple genes, possibly interacting with other influences, shape human sexual orientation. In search of such genetic markers, one study financed by the U.S. National Institutes of Health is analyzing the genes of more than 1000 gay brothers.

Prenatal Influences Twins share not only genes, but also a prenatal environment. In explaining sexual orientation, two sets of findings indicate that the prenatal environment matters.

HORMONAL ACTIVITY A critical period for human brain development occurs between the middle of the second and fifth months after conception (Ellis & Ames, 1987; Gladue, 1990; Meyer - Bahlburg, 1995).

attraction and the 90+ percent attracted to females (Larkin et al., 2002; Roselli et al., 2002, 2004). Moreover, such differences seem to develop soon after birth, per- haps even before birth (Rahman & Wilson, 2003).

Since LeVay’s brain structure discov- ery, other researchers have replicated his study with similar results (Byne et al., 2001). Still others have reported addi- tional differences in the way that gay and straight brains function. Gay men

show the greatest brain arousal when they view images of other men, straight men when view- ing women (Safron et al., 2007). When straight women

were given a whiff of a scent derived from men’s sweat (which contains traces of male hormones), an area of their hypothalamus became active (Savic et al., 2005). Gay men’s brains responded simi- larly to the men’s scent. Straight men’s brains did not. For them, only a female scent triggered the arousal response. In a similar study, lesbians’ responses differed from those of straight women (Kranz & Ishai, 2006; Martins et al., 2005). Clearly, the brain is a sex organ.

sat for half an hour just thinking what this might mean.”

It should not surprise us that brains differ with sexual orientation. Remember, everything psychological is simultaneously biological. But when did the brain difference begin? At concep- tion? During childhood or adolescence? Did experience produce the difference? Or was it genes or prenatal hormones (or genes via prenatal hormones)?

LeVay does not view this cell cluster as an “on-off button” for sexual orientation. Rather, he believes it is part of a brain pathway that is active during sexual behavior. He agrees that sexual behavior patterns could influ- ence the brain’s anatomy. Neural path- ways in our brain do grow stronger with use. In fish, birds, rats, and humans, brain structures vary with experience— including sexual experience (Breedlove, 1997). But LeVay believes it more likely that brain anatomy influences sexual orientation. His hunch seems confirmed by the discovery of a similar differ- ence found between the 7 to 10 percent of male sheep that display same - sex

JULIET AND JULIET Boston’s beloved swan couple, “Romeo and Juliet,” were discovered actually to be, as are many other animal partners, a same-sex pair.

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A fetus (either male or female) exposed to typical female hor- mone levels during this period may be attracted to males in later life. When pregnant sheep were injected with tes- tosterone during a simi- lar critical period, their female offspring later showed homosexual be- havior (Money, 1987).

MATERNAL  IMMUNE  SYSTEM  RE- 

SPONSES Men who have older broth- ers are somewhat more likely to be gay—about one-third more likely for each additional older brother (Blanchard, 1997, 2008; Bogaert, 2003) (FIGURE 4.5). If the odds of homosexuality are roughly 2 percent among first sons, they would rise to nearly 3 percent among second sons, 4 percent for third sons, and so on for each additional older brother. This curious effect is called the older-brother or fraternal birth-order effect. Its cause seems biological: The effect does not occur among adopted brothers (Bogaert, 2006). Researchers suspect the mother’s immune system may have a defensive response to substances produced by male fetuses. After each pregnancy with a male fetus, antibodies in her system may grow stronger and may prevent the fetal brain from developing in a typical male pattern. Curiously, the older-

brother effect is found only among right- handed men.

Gay-Straight Trait Differences On several traits, gays and lesbians appear to fall mid- way between straight fe- males and males (LeVay, 2011; Rahman & Koerting, 2008). Gay men tend to be shorter and lighter than straight

men—a difference that appears even at birth. Women in same-sex marriages were mostly heavier than average at birth (Bogaert, 2010; Frisch & Zdravkovic, 2010). Data from 20 studies have also revealed handedness differences: Homosexual participants were 39 percent more likely not to be right - handed (Blanchard, 2008; Lalumière et al., 2000).

Beyond physical differences, gay- straight spatial abilities also differ. On mental rotation tasks such as the one illustrated in FIGURE 4.6, straight men tend to outscore straight women. The scores of gay men and lesbians fall in between (Rahman et al., 2003, 2008). But both straight women and gay men outperform straight men at remembering objects’ spatial locations in tasks like those found in memory games (Hassan & Rahman, 2007).

TABLE 4.1 summarizes these and other gay-straight differences.

* * *

Taken together, the brain, genetic, and prenatal find- ings offer strong support for a biological explana- tion of sexual orientation

(LeVay, 2011; Rahman & Koerting, 2008). Although “much remains to be discovered,” con- cludes Simon LeVay (2011, p. xvii), “the same processes that are involved in the biologi- cal development of our bodies and brains as male or female are also involved in the development of sexual orientation.”

“Modern scientific research indicates that sexual orientation is . . . partly determined by genetics, but more specifically by hormonal activity in the womb.”

Glenn Wilson and Qazi Rahman, Born Gay: The Psychobiology of Sex

Orientation, 2005

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FIGURE 4.5 The fraternal birth-order effect Researcher Ray Blanchard (2008) offered these approximate curves depicting a man’s likelihood of homosexuality as a function of his number of older brothers. This correlation has been found in several studies, but only among right-handed men (as about 9 in 10 men are).

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FIGURE 4.6 Spatial abilities and sexual orientation Which of the four figures can be rotated to match the target figure at the top? Straight males tend to find this an easier task than do straight females, with gays and lesbians intermediate. (From Rahman et al., 2003, with 60 people tested in each group.)

Answer: Figures a and d.

“There is no sound scientific evidence that sexual orientation can be changed.”

UK Royal College of Psychiatrists, 2009

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R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• Which THREE of the following five factors have researchers found to have an effect on sexual orientation?

a. An overpowering mother

b. Size of certain cell clusters in the hypothalamus

c. Prenatal hormone exposure

d. A weak or distant father

e. For men, having multiple older biological brothers

ANSWERS: b, c, e

An Evolutionary Explanation of Human Sexuality

4-10 How might evolutionary psychologists explain gender differences in sexuality and mating preferences?

Having faced many similar chal- lenges throughout history, men

and women have adapted in similar ways. Whether male or female, we eat the same foods, avoid the same preda- tors, and perceive, learn, and remember in much the same way. It is only in areas where we have faced differing adaptive challenges—most obviously in behaviors

related to reproduction—that we differ, say evolutionary psychologists.

Gender Differences in Sexuality And differ we do. Consider women’s and men’s sex drives. Who desires more frequent sex? Thinks more about sex? Masturbates more often? Sacrifices more to gain sex? Initiates more sex? The answers—men, men, men, men, and men (Baumeister et al., 2001). To see if you can predict such gender differences, take the quiz in TABLE 4.2 on the next page.

Compared with lesbians, gay men (like straight men) report more interest in uncommitted sex, more responsive- ness to visual sexual stimuli, and more concern with their partner’s physical attractiveness (Bailey et al., 1994; Doyle, 2005; Schmitt, 2007). Gay male couples report having sex more often than do lesbian couples (Peplau & Fingerhut, 2007). And in the first year of Vermont’s same-sex civil unions, and among the first 12,000 Massachusetts same-sex marriages, a striking fact emerged. Although men are roughly two-thirds of the gay popu- lation, they were only about one-third of those electing legal partnership (Crary, 2009; Rothblum, 2007).

TABLE 4.1 Biological Correlates of Sexual Orientation

Gay-straight trait differences Sexual orientation is part of a package of traits. Studies—some in need of replication—indicate that homosexuals and heterosexuals differ in the following biological and behavioral traits:

• spatial abilities

• fingerprint ridge counts

• auditory system development

• handedness

• occupational preferences

• relative finger lengths

• gender nonconformity

• age of onset of puberty in males

• birth weight and size

• sleep length

• physical aggression

• walking style

On average (the evidence is strongest for males), results for gays and lesbians fall between those of straight men and straight women. Three biological influences—brain, genetic, and prenatal—may contribute to these differences.

Brain differences

• One hypothalamic cell cluster is smaller in women and gay men than in straight men.

• Gay men’s hypothalamus reacts as do straight women’s to the smell of sex - related hormones.

Genetic influences

• Shared sexual orientation is higher among identical twins than among fraternal twins.

• Sexual attraction in fruit flies can be genetically manipulated.

• Male homosexuality often appears to be transmitted from the mother’s side of the family.

Prenatal influences

• Altered prenatal hormone exposure may lead to homosexuality in humans and other animals.

• Men with several older biological brothers are more likely to be gay, possibly due to a maternal immune-system reaction.

“Not tonight, hon, I have a concussion.”

evolutionary psychology the study of how our behavior and mind have changed in adaptive ways over time due to natural selection.

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protection. Heterosexual women also prefer men who appear mature, domi- nant, bold, and wealthy (Asendorpf et al., 2011; Gangestad & Simpson, 2000; Singh,

1995). One study of hundreds of Welsh pedestrians asked people to rate a driver pictured at the wheel of a humble Ford Fiesta or a swanky Bentley. Men said a female driver was equally attractive in both cars. Women, however, found a male driver more attractive if he was in the luxury car (Dunn & Searle, 2010). If you put a man in a mating mind-set, how will he try to show he is a “catch”? He’ll buy showy items, express aggressive intentions, and take risks (Baker & Maner, 2009; Griskevicius et al., 2009; Shan et al., 2012;

Sundie et al., 2011). Thus, argue evolution- ary psychologists, men pair widely; women pair wisely.

For heterosexual men, some desired traits, such as a woman’s smooth skin and youthful shape, cross place and time (Buss, 1994). To evolutionary psy- chologists, these traits convey health and fertility. A man who mates with such women thus stands a better chance of sending his genes into the future. And sure enough, men feel most attracted to women whose waists (thanks to their genes or their surgeons) are roughly a

boardroom. Our natural yearnings, they say, are our genes’ way of reproducing themselves. “Humans are living fossils— collections of mechanisms produced by

prior selection pressures” (Buss, 1995).

Why do women tend to be choosier than men when selecting sexual partners? Women have more at stake. To send their genes into the future, a woman must—at a

minimum —nurture and protect the fetus growing inside her body for up to nine (often uncomfortable) months. And unlike men, women are limited in how many children they can have between puberty and meno- pause. No sur- prise, then, that women prefer part- ners who will stick around and offer their joint offspring support and

Natural Selection and Mating Preferences The principle of natural selection pro- poses that nature selects traits and appetites that contribute to survival and reproduction. Evolutionary psychologists use this prin- ciple to explain how men and women differ more in the bedroom than in the

TABLE 4.2 Predict the Responses

Researchers asked samples of U.S. men and women whether they agreed or disagreed with the following statements. For each item below, give your best guess about the percentage of men and women who agreed with the statement.

Statement 1. If two people really like each other, it’s all right for them

to have sex even if they’ve known each other for a very short time.

2. I can imagine myself being comfortable and enjoying “casual” sex with different partners.

3. Affection was the reason I first had intercourse.

4. I think about sex every day, or several times a day.

Percentage of men

who agreed

Percentage of women

who agreed

Sources: (1) Pryor et al., 2005; (2) Bailey et al., 2000; (3 and 4) Adapted from Laumann et al., 1994.

Answers: (1) men, 58 percent; women, 34 percent. (2) men, 48 percent; women, 12 percent. (3) men, 25 percent; women, 48 percent. (4) men, 54 percent; women, 19 percent.

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Steven Pinker, How the Mind Works, 1997

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According to the evolutionary explana- tion of genetic differences in sexual- ity, women will be choosier than men in selecting their sexual partners and will be less willing to hop in bed with a complete stranger. In fact, not a single woman—and 70 percent of men—agreed to question 3. A recent repeat of this study produced a similar result in France (Guéguen, 2011). The research seemed to support an evolutionary explanation.

Or did it? Critics note that evolution- ary psychologists start with an effect— in this case, that men are more likely to accept casual sex offers—and work backward to explain what happened. What if research showed the opposite effect? If men refused an offer for casual sex, might we not reason that men who partner with one woman for life make better fathers, whose children more often survive?

Other critics ask why we should try to explain today’s behavior based on deci- sions our ancestors made thousands of years ago. They believe social learning theory offers a better, more immediate explanation for these results. Perhaps women learn scripts by watching and imitating others in their cultures. Those scripts may teach them that sexual encounters with strangers are danger- ous, and that men who ask for casual sex will not offer women much sexual plea- sure (Conley, 2011). This explanation of the study’s effects proposes that women react to sexual encounters in ways that their modern culture teaches them.

A third criticism focuses on the social consequences of accepting an evolutionary explanation. Are hetero- sexual men truly hard-wired to have sex with any woman who approaches them? If so, does this mean that men have no moral responsibility to remain faithful to their partners? Does this explanation

Critiquing the Evolutionary Perspective 4-11 What are the key criticisms of evolutionary explanations of human sexuality, and how do evolutionary psychologists respond?

Most psychologists agree that natural selection prepares us for survival and reproduction. But critics say there is a weakness in the reasoning evolutionary psychologists use to explain our mat- ing preferences. Let’s consider how an evolutionary psychologist might explain the findings in a startling study (Clark & Hatfield, 1989), and how a critic might object.

Participants were approached by a “stranger” of the other sex (someone working for the experimenter). The stranger remarked, “I have been noticing you around campus. I find you to be very attractive,” and then asked one of three questions:

1. Would you go out with me tonight?

2. Would you come over to my apart- ment tonight?

3. Would you go to bed with me tonight?

What percentage of men and women do you think agreed to each offer?

third narrower than their hips—a sign of future fertility (Perilloux et al., 2010). Even blind men show this preference for women with a low waist-to-hip ratio (Karremans et al., 2010).

There is a principle at work here, say evolutionary psychologists: Nature selects behaviors that increase the like- lihood of sending one’s genes into the future. As mobile gene machines, we are designed to prefer whatever worked for our ancestors in their environments. They were predisposed to act in ways that would produce grandchildren. Had they not been, we wouldn’t be here. And as carriers of their genetic legacy, we are similarly predisposed.

Why might “gay genes” persist? Same- sex couples cannot naturally reproduce. Evolutionary psychologists suggest a possible answer: the fertile female theory. The theory goes like this. In genera- tions before the birth of a homosexual man, women in that family have tended to have larger-than-normal families (Camperio-Caini et al., 2004; Iemmola & Camperio-

Caini, 2009). Might the genes that dispose women to be strongly attracted to men, and therefore to have more children, also dispose some men to be attracted to men (LeVay, 2011)? If so, this could help explain why “gay genes” exist.

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THE MATING GAME Evolutionary psychologists are not surprised that older men, including Bruce Willis, 58 (pictured here with his wife Emma Heming, 34), often prefer younger women whose features suggest fertility.

natural selection the principle that, among the range of inherited trait variations, those that lead to increased reproduction and survival will most likely be passed on to succeeding generations.

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We are the product of nature and nurture, but we’re also an open sys- tem. Genes are all -pervasive but not all- powerful. People may reject their evo- lutionary role as transmitters of genes and choose not to reproduce. Culture, too, is all - pervasive. Culture bends the genders. But culture is not all -powerful. People may rebel against peer pressures and do the opposite of the expected.

We can’t excuse our failings by blaming them solely on bad genes or bad influences. In reality, we are both the creatures and the creators of our worlds. So many things about us— including our gender identity and mat- ing behaviors—are the products of our genes and environments. Yet the future-shaping stream of causation runs through our present choices. Our decisions today design our environ- ments tomorrow. Mind matters. The human environment is not like the weather—something that just hap- pens randomly. We are its architects. Our hopes, goals, and expectations influence our future. And that is what enables cultures to vary and to change.

Reflections on Gender, Sexuality, and Nature–Nurture Interaction

Our ancestral history helped form us as a species. Where there is

variation, natural selection, and heredity, there will be evolution. Our genes form us. This is a great truth about human nature.

But our culture and experiences also shape us. If their genes and hormones predispose males to be more physically aggressive than females, culture can amplify this gender difference by sup- porting norms that shower benefits on macho men and on gentle women. If men are encouraged toward roles that demand physical power, and women toward more nurturing roles, each may act accordingly. By exhibiting the actions expected of those who fill such roles, men and women shape their own traits. Presidents in time become more presi- dential, servants more servile. Gender roles similarly shape us.

In many modern cultures, gen- der roles are merging. Brute strength is becoming increasingly less impor- tant for power and status (think Mark Zuckerberg and Hillary Clinton). From 1960 into the next century, women soared from 6 percent to 50 percent of U.S. medical school students (AMA, 2010). In the mid-1960s, U.S. married women devoted seven times as many hours to housework as did their husbands; by 2003 this gap had shrunk to twice as many (Bianchi et al., 2000, 2006). Such swift changes signal that biology does not fix gender roles.

If nature and nurture jointly form us, are we “nothing but” the product of nature and nurture? Are we rigidly determined?

excuse men’s sexual aggression—“boys will be boys”—because of our evolution- ary history?

Evolutionary psychologists agree that much of who we are is not hard-wired. “Evolution forcefully rejects a genetic determinism,” insisted one research team (Confer et al., 2010). Evolutionary psy- chologists also remind us that men and women, having faced similar adaptive problems, are far more alike than differ- ent. Natural selection has prepared us to be flexible. We humans have a great capacity for learning and social prog- ress. We adjust and respond to varied environments. We adapt and survive, whether we live in the Arctic or the desert.

Evolutionary psychologists also agree with their critics that some traits and behaviors, such as suicide, are hard to explain in terms of natural selection (Barash, 2012; Confer et al., 2010). But they ask us to remember evolutionary psy- chology’s testable predictions. We can, for example, scientifically test hypothe- ses such as: Do we tend to favor others to the extent that they share our genes or can later return our favors? (The answer is Yes.) And they remind us that the study of how we came to be need not dic- tate how we ought to be. Understanding our tendencies sometimes helps us over- come them.

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• How do evolutionary psychologists explain gender differences in sexuality?

ANSWER: Evolutionary psychologists theorize that women have inherited their ancestors’ tendencies to be more cautious sexually, because of the challenges associated with incubating and nurturing offspring. Men have inherited an inclination to be more casual about sex, because their act of fathering requires a smaller investment.

• What are the three main criticisms of the evolutionary explanation of human sexuality?

ANSWER: (1) It starts with an effect and works backward to propose an explanation. (2) Unethical and immoral men could use such explanations to rationalize their behavior toward women. (3) This explanation may overlook the effects of cultural expectations and socialization.

CULTURE MATTERS As this exhibit at San Diego’s Museum of Man illustrates, children learn their culture. A baby’s foot can step into any culture.

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CHAPTER REVIEW

Gender and Sexuality Test yourself by taking a moment to answer each of these Learning Objective Questions (repeated here from within the chapter). Then turn to Appendix D, Complete Chapter Reviews, to check your answers. Research suggests that trying to answer these questions on your own will improve your long-term memory of the concepts (McDaniel et al., 2009).

Gender Development 4-1: What are some gender similarities and differences in

aggression, social power, and social connectedness?

4-2: How is our biological sex determined, and how do sex hormones influence prenatal and adolescent development?

4-3: How do gender roles and gender typing influence gender development?

Human Sexuality 4-4: How do hormones influence human sexual motivation?

4-5: What is the human sexual response cycle, and how do sexual dysfunctions and paraphilias differ?

4-6: How can sexually transmitted infections be prevented?

4-7: How do external and imagined stimuli contribute to sexual arousal?

4-8: What factors influence teenagers’ sexual behaviors and use of contraceptives?

Sexual Orientation: Why Do We Differ? 4-9: What has research taught us about sexual orientation?

An Evolutionary Explanation of Human Sexuality 4-10: How might evolutionary psychologists explain gender

differences in sexuality and mating preferences?

4-11: What are the key criticisms of evolutionary explanations of human sexuality, and how do evolutionary psychologists respond?

Reflections on Gender, Sexuality, and Nature– Nurture Interaction

CLOSE -UP

For Those Troubled by the Scientific Understanding of Human Origins I [DM] know from my mail that some readers feel troubled by the natu- ralism and evolutionism of contemporary science. They worry that a science of behavior (and evolutionary science in particular) will de- stroy our sense of the beauty, mystery, and spiritual significance of the human creature. For those concerned, I offer some reassuring thoughts.

When Isaac Newton explained the rainbow in terms of light of dif- fering wavelengths, British poet John Keats feared that Newton had destroyed the rainbow’s mysterious beauty. Yet, nothing about the sci- ence of optics need diminish our appreciation for the drama of a rain- bow arching across a rain - darkened sky.

When Galileo assembled evidence that the Earth revolved around the Sun, not vice versa, he did not offer absolute proof for his theory. Rather he offered an explanation that pulled together a variety of ob- servations, such as the changing shadows cast by the Moon’s moun- tains. His explanation eventually won the day because it described and explained things in a way that made sense, that hung together. Dar- win’s theory of evolution likewise offers an organizing principle that makes sense of many observations.

Some people of faith may find the scientific idea of human origins troubling. Many others find that it fits with their own spirituality. Pope John Paul II in 1996 welcomed a science - religion dialogue, finding it noteworthy that evolutionary theory “has been progressively accepted by researchers, following a series of discoveries in various fields of knowledge.”

Meanwhile, many people of science are awestruck at the emerging understanding of the universe and the human creature. It boggles the

mind—the entire universe popping out of a point some 14 billion years ago, and instantly inflating to cosmological size. Had the energy of this Big Bang been the tiniest bit less, the universe would have collapsed back on itself. Had it been the tiniest bit more, the result would have been a soup too thin to support life. Had gravity been a teeny bit stron- ger or weaker, or had the weight of a carbon proton been a wee bit dif- ferent, our universe just wouldn’t have worked.

What caused this almost - too - good - to - be - true, finely tuned uni- verse? Why is there something rather than nothing? How did it come to be, in the words of Harvard - Smithsonian astrophysicist Owen Ging- erich (1999), “so extraordinarily right, that it seemed the universe had been expressly designed to produce intelligent, sentient beings”? Is there a benevolent superintelligence behind it all? On such matters, a humble, awed, scientific silence is appropriate, suggested philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein: “Whereof one cannot speak, thereof one must be silent.”

Rather than fearing science, we can welcome its enlarging our un- derstanding and awakening our sense of awe. In a short 4 billion years, life on Earth has come from nothing to structures as complex as a 6-billion - unit strand of DNA and the incomprehensible intricacy of the human brain. Nature seems cunningly and ingeniously devised to pro- duce extraordinary, self - replicating, information - processing systems— us (Davies, 1992, 1999, 2004). Although we appear to have been created from dust, over eons of time, the end result is a priceless creature, one rich with potential beyond our imagining.

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Test yourself on these terms by trying to write down the definition in your own words before flipping back to the referenced page to check your answer.

gender, p. 108

aggression, p. 108

relational aggression, p. 109

X chromosome, p. 111

Y chromosome, p. 111

testosterone, p. 111

puberty, p. 111

primary sex characteristics, p. 111

secondary sex characteristics, p. 111

spermarche, p. 111

menarche [meh - NAR-key], p. 111

intersex, p. 112

role, p. 113

gender role, p. 113

gender identity, p. 113

social learning theory, p. 113

gender typing, p. 114

androgyny, p. 114

transgender, p. 114

asexual, p. 115

estrogens, p. 115

sexual response cycle, p. 116

refractory period, p. 116

sexual dysfunction, p. 116

erectile disorder, p. 117

premature ejaculation, p. 117

female orgasmic disorder, p. 117

paraphilias, p. 117

AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome), p. 117

sexual orientation, p. 121

evolutionary psychology, p. 125

natural selection, p. 126

TERMS AND CONCEPTS TO REMEMBER

Test yourself repeatedly throughout your studies. This will not only help you figure out what you know and don’t know; the testing itself will help you learn and remember the information more effectively thanks to the testing effect.

  1.  Females and males are very similar to each other. But one way they differ is that

a. women are more physically aggressive than men.

b. men are more democratic than women in their leadership roles.

c. girls tend to play in small groups, while boys tend to play in large groups.

d. women are more likely to commit suicide.

  2.  The fertilized egg will develop into a boy if it receives a(n) chromosome from its father.

  3.  Primary sex characteristics relate to ; secondary sex characteristics refer to .

a. ejaculation; menarche

b. breasts and facial hair; ovaries and testes

c. emotional maturity; hormone surges

d. reproductive organs; nonreproductive traits

  4.  On average, girls begin puberty at about the age of , boys at about the age of .

  5.  Those born with sexual anatomy that differs from “standard” male or female babies may be considered .

  6.  Gender role refers to our

a. sense of being male or female.

b. expectations about the way males and females should behave.

c. biological sex.

d. unisex characteristics.

  7.  When children have developed a , they have a sense of being male or female.

  8.  A striking effect of hormonal changes on human sexual behavior is the

a. end of sexual desire in men over 60.

b. sharp rise in sexual interest at puberty.

c. decrease in women’s sexual desire at the time of ovulation.

d. increase in testosterone levels in castrated males.

  9.  In describing the sexual response cycle, Masters and Johnson noted that

a. a plateau phase follows orgasm.

b. men experience a refractory period during which they cannot experience orgasm.

c. the feeling that accompanies orgasm is stronger in men than in women.

d. testosterone is released equally in women and men.

 10.  What is the difference between sexual dysfunctions and paraphilias?

CHAPTER TEST

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IN YOUR EVERYDAY LIFE

Answering these questions will help you make these concepts more per- sonally meaningful, and therefore more memorable.

  1.  How gender-typed are you? What has influenced your feelings of masculinity or femininity?

  2.  What do you think would be an effective strategy for reducing teen pregnancy?

  3.  Especially among younger people, there is increasing acceptance of homosexual orientation. Yet some disapproval of same-sex relationships persists in the population at large. Why do you think this is the case?

  4.  How has reading about the causes of sexual orientation influenced your views?

  5.  What do you think about the evolutionary perspective on sexual behavior? To what extent do you think genetics affects our sexual behavior?

Multiple-format self-tests and more may be found at www.worthpublishers.com/myers.

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 11.  The use of condoms during sex (does/doesn’t) reduce the risk of getting HIV and (does/doesn’t) fully protect against skin-to-skin STIs.

 12.  An example of an external stimulus that might influence sexual behavior is

a. blood level of testosterone.

b. the onset of puberty.

c. a sexually explicit film.

d. an erotic fantasy or dream.

 13.  Factors contributing to unplanned teen pregnancies include

a. low levels of testosterone during adolescence.

b. higher intelligence level.

c. too much communication.

d. alcohol use.

 14.  Which factors have researchers thus far found to be unrelated to the development of our sexual orientation?

 15.  Evolutionary psychologists are most likely to focus on

a. how we differ from one another.

b. the social consequences of sexual behaviors.

c. natural selection of the fittest adaptations.

d. cultural expectations about the “right” ways for men and women to behave.

Find answers to these questions in Appendix E, in the back of the book.

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Basic Principles of Sensation and Perception

From Outer Energy to Inner Brain Activity

Thresholds

THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: Can Subliminal Messages Control Our Behavior?

Sensory Adaptation

Perceptual Set

Context Effects

Vision Light Energy: From the Environment Into the Brain

The Eye

Visual Information Processing

Color Vision

Visual Organization

Visual Interpretation

The Nonvisual Senses Hearing

Touch

Taste

Smell

Body Position and Movement

Sensory Interaction THINKING CRITICALLY ABOUT: ESP—Perception

Without Sensation?

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5 Sensation and Perception M

y friend, Heather Sellers, an acclaimed writer and teacher, cannot recognize faces. Her vision is perfect, but her per- ception is not. In her book, You Don’t Look Like Anyone I Know (2010), she tells of awkward moments resulting from her

lifelong prosopagnosia—face blindness. In college . . . I returned from the bathroom and plunked myself down in the wrong booth, facing the wrong man. I remained unaware he was not my date even as my date (a stranger to me) accosted Wrong Booth Guy, and then stormed out. . . . I do not recognize myself in photos or videos. I can’t recognize my stepsons in the soccer pick-up line; I failed to determine which husband was mine at a party, in the mall, at the market.

People sometimes see Sellers as snobby or cold. “Why did you walk past me?” a neighbor might later ask. Hoping to avoid offending others, Sellers sometimes fakes recognition. She smiles at people she passes, in case she knows them. She may pretend to know the person with whom she is talking. But there is an up- side to these perception failures. When she runs into someone who previously irritated her, she typically feels no ill will. She doesn’t recognize the person.

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her brain. And her perception—the pro- cesses by which her brain organizes and interprets the sensory input—is almost normal. Thus, she may recognize people from their hair, walk, voice, or peculiar build, just not from their face. Her expe- rience is much like the struggle you or I would have trying to recognize a specific

penguin. In our everyday expe-

riences, sensation and per- ception blend into one process. In this chapter, we

slow down that process to study its parts. In real life, our sensory and per- ceptual processes work together to help us decipher the world around us.

• Our bottom-up processing starts at the very basic level of sensory receptors (more on those below) and works up to higher levels of processing.

• Our top-down processing constructs perceptions from the sensory input by drawing on our experience and expectations.

As your brain absorbs the informa- tion in FIGURE 5.1, bottom - up processing enables your sensory systems to detect the lines, angles, and colors that form the flower and leaves. Using top - down processing, you interpret what your senses detect.

But how do you do it? How do you cre- ate meaning from the blizzard of sensory stimuli bombarding your body 24 hours a day? Meanwhile, in a silent, cushioned, inner world, your brain floats in utter darkness. By itself, it sees nothing. It hears nothing. It feels nothing. So, how does the world out there get in? To phrase the ques- tion scientifically: How do we construct our representations of the external world? How do a campfire’s flicker, crackle, and smoky scent activate neural (brain) con- nections? And how, from this living neu- rochemistry, do we create our conscious experience of the fire’s motion and tem- perature, its aroma and beauty? In search of answers to such questions, let’s look at some processes that cut across all our sensory systems.

Unlike Sellers, most of us have an area on the underside of our brain’s right hemisphere that helps us recog- nize a familiar human face as soon as we detect it—in only one-seventh of a second (Jacques & Rossion, 2006). This abil- ity is an example of a broader principle. Nature’s sensory gifts enable each animal to obtain essential information. Some examples:

• Frogs, which feed on flying insects, have cells in their eyes that fire only in response to small, dark, moving objects. A frog could starve to death knee - deep in motionless flies. But let one zoom by and the frog’s “bug detector” cells snap awake.

• Male silkworm moths’ odor receptors can detect one-billionth of an ounce of sex attractant per second released by a female one mile away. That is why there continue to be silkworms.

• Human ears are most sensitive to sound frequencies that include human voices, especially a baby’s cry.

In this chapter, we’ll look more closely at what psychologists have learned about how we sense and perceive the world around us. We begin with some basic principles.

Basic Principles of Sensation and Perception

5-1 What are sensation and perception? What do we mean by bottom-up processing and top-down processing?

Sellers’ curious mix of “perfect vision” and face blindness illus-

trates the distinction between sensation and perception. When she looks at a friend, her sensation is normal: Her senses detect the same information yours would, and they transmit that information to

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• What is the rough distinction between sensation and perception?

ANSWER: Sensation is the bottom-up process by which the physical sensory system receives and represents stimuli. Perception is the top-down mental process of organizing and interpreting sensory input.

From Outer Energy to Inner Brain Activity 5-2 What three steps are basic to all our sensory systems?

Every second of every day, your sensory systems perform an amazing feat: They convert one form of energy into another. Vision processes light energy. Hearing processes sound waves. All your senses

• receive sensory stimulation, often using specialized receptor cells.

• transform that stimulation into neural impulses.

FIGURE 5.1 What’s going on here? Our sensory and perceptual processes work together to help us sort out the complex images, including the hidden couple in Sandro Del-Prete’s drawing, The Flowering of Love.

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• deliver the neural information to your brain.

The process of converting one form of energy into another form that your brain can use is called transduction. Later in this chapter, we’ll focus on indi- vidual sensory systems. How do we see? Hear? Feel pain? Taste? Smell? Keep our balance? In each case, we’ll consider these three steps—receiving, transforming, and delivering the information to the brain.

First, though, let’s explore some strengths and weaknesses in our ability to detect and inter- pret stimuli in the vast sea of energy around us.

Thresholds 5-3 How do absolute thresholds and difference thresholds differ, and what is Weber’s law?

At this moment, you and I are being struck by X - rays and radio waves, ultra- violet and infrared light, and sound waves of very high and very low fre- quencies. To all of these we are blind and deaf. Other animals with differing needs detect a world that lies beyond our experience (Hughes, 1999). Migrating birds stay on course aided by an inter- nal magnetic compass. Bats and dol- phins locate prey using sonar, bouncing sounds off objects. Bees navigate on cloudy days by detecting aspects of sun- light we cannot see.

The shades on our senses are open just a crack, giving us only a tiny glimpse of the energy around us. But for our needs, this is enough.

Absolute Thresholds To some kinds of stimuli we are amaz- ingly sensitive. Standing atop a moun- tain on an utterly dark, clear night, most of us could see a candle flame atop another mountain 30 miles away. We could feel the wing of a bee falling on

be negative (a werewolf, a dead body). You will consciously perceive these images only as flashes of light. Will they affect your ratings?

In this real experiment, people some- how looked nicer if their photo imme-

our cheek. We could smell a single drop of perfume in a three - room apartment (Galanter, 1962).

Our awareness of these faint stimuli illustrates our absolute thresholds—the minimum stimulation needed to detect a particular light, sound, pressure, taste, or odor 50 percent of the time. To test your absolute threshold for sounds, a hearing specialist would send tones, at varying levels, into each of your ears. The tester would then record whether or not you could hear each tone. The test results would show the point where half the time you could detect the sound and half the time you could not. That 50-50 point would define your absolute thresh- old for that sound.

Stimuli you cannot detect 50 percent of the time are subliminal—below your absolute threshold (FIGURE 5.2). Under certain conditions, you can be affected by stimuli so weak that you don’t notice them. An unnoticed image or word can briefly prime your response to a later question. Let’s see how this might work in a laboratory experiment. You’ve been asked to view slides of people and to give them either positive or negative ratings. But the trickster researchers also flash another image an instant before show- ing you each slide. Some of the flashed images will be emotionally positive (kit- tens, a romantic couple) and some will

sensation the process by which our sensory receptors and nervous system receive and represent stimulus energies from our environment.

perception the process by which our brain organizes and interprets sensory information, transforming it into meaningful objects and events.

bottom - up processing analysis that begins with the sensory receptors and works up to the brain’s integration of sensory information.

top - down processing information processing guided by higher - level mental processes, as when we construct perceptions drawing on our experience and expectations.

transduction changing one form of energy into another. In sensation, the transforming of stimulus energies, such as sights, sounds, and smells, into neural impulses our brain can interpret.

absolute threshold the minimum stimulation needed to detect a particular stimulus 50 percent of the time.

subliminal below our absolute threshold for conscious awareness.

priming activating, often unconsciously, associations in our mind, thus setting us up to perceive, remember, or respond to objects or events in certain ways.

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FIGURE 5.2 Absolute threshold Can I detect this sound? An absolute threshold is the intensity at which a person can detect a stimulus half the time. Hearing tests locate these thresholds for various frequency levels. Stimuli below your absolute threshold are subliminal.

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directly to the baa of their lamb amid the chorus of other distressed lambs.

Many of life’s important decisions de- pend on our ability to detect such small differences. The minimum difference a person can detect between any two stim- uli half the time is called a difference threshold (or a just noticeable difference [jnd]). That detectable difference increases with the size of the stimulus. Thus, if you add 1 ounce to a 10-ounce weight, you will detect the difference. If you add 1 ounce to a 100-ounce weight, you probably will not.

In the nineteenth century, Ernst Weber noted something so simple and so useful that we still refer to it as Weber’s law. This law states that for an average person

to perceive a difference, two stim- uli must differ by a con- stant minimum percentage (not a constant amount).

The exact percentage varies, depending on the stimulus. Two

lights, for example, must differ in intensity by 8 percent. Two ob- jects must differ in weight by 2 per- cent. And two tones must differ in frequency by only 0.3 percent (Teghtsoonian, 1971).

ferences when tuning an instru- ment. Parents must detect the sound of their own child’s voice amid other children’s voices. Even after I had lived two years in Scotland, sheep baa’s all sounded alike to my ears. But not to those of ewes, as I observed. After shearing, they would streak

diately followed unperceived kittens rather than an unperceived werewolf (Krosnick et al., 1992). This priming effect happened even though the viewer’s brain did not have enough time to con- sciously perceive the flashed images. As other experiments confirm, we may evaluate a stimulus even when we are not consciously aware of it (Ferguson & Zayas, 2009). Once again, we see the two- track mind at work: Much of our informa- tion processing occurs automatically, out of sight, off the radar screen of our conscious mind. Our conscious minds are upstairs executives who have delegated routine tasks to downstairs mental workers.

Can we be controlled by sublimi- nal messages? For more on that ques- tion, see Thinking Critically About: Can Subliminal Messages Control Our Behavior?

Difference Thresholds To function effectively, we need abso- lute thresholds low enough to allow us to detect important sights, sounds, textures, tastes, and smells. We also need to detect small differences among stimuli. A musician must detect tiny dif-

THINKING CRIT ICALLY ABOUT

Can Subliminal Messages Control Our Behavior? 5-4 Can we be persuaded by subliminal stimuli?

Hoping to penetrate our unconscious, marketers offer audio and video programs to help us lose weight, stop smoking, or improve our mem- ories. Soothing ocean sounds may mask messages we cannot con- sciously hear, such as “I am thin,” “Cigarette smoke tastes bad,” or “I do well on tests. I have total recall of information.” These subliminal mes- sages, below our absolute threshold of awareness, supposedly change our lives. Such claims make two assumptions: (1) We can unconsciously sense subliminal stimuli. (2) Without our awareness, these stimuli have extraordinary persuasive powers. Can we? Do they?

As we have seen, subliminal sensation is a fact. Remember that an “absolute” threshold is merely the point at which we can detect a stimulus half the time. At or slightly below this threshold, we will still detect the stimulus some of the time.

But does this mean that claims of subliminal persuasion are also facts? Can subliminal recordings really help us make lasting behavioral changes, such as eating less or quitting smoking? Research results from 16 experiments on the influence of subliminal self- help recordings all reached one conclusion. The effect of subliminal stimuli is subtle and

fleeting, with no powerful, enduring influence on behavior. Not one of the recordings helped more than a placebo (Greenwald et al., 1991, 1992). And placebos work only because we believe they will work.

SUBLIMINAL PERSUASION? Although subliminally presented stimuli can subtly influence people, experiments discount attempts at subliminal advertising and self - improvement. (The playful message here is not actually subliminal—because you can easily perceive it.)

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THE DIFFERENCE THRESHOLD In this world literature classic poem, the “Twenty - third Psalm,” each line of the typeface increases slightly. How many lines did you read before detecting a just noticeable difference?

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tion. Even TV researchers marvel at its attention - grabbing power. One noted that even during interesting conversa- tions, “I cannot for the life of me stop from periodically glancing over to the screen” (Tannenbaum, 2002).

Sensory adaptation even influences our perceptions of emotions. By creating a 50-50 morphed blend of an angry and a scared face, researchers showed that our visual system adapts to a static facial expression by becoming less respon- sive to that expression (Butler et al., 2008) (FIGURE 5.4 on the next page).

Sensory adaptation and sensory thresh- olds are important ingredients in our perceptions of the world around us. But much of what we perceive comes not just from what’s “out there” but also from the expectations that live behind our eyes and between our ears.

(FIGURE 5.3a). When Mary’s eye moves, the image from the projector moves as well. So everywhere that Mary looks, the scene is sure to go.

If we project images through this instrument, what will Mary see? At first, she will see the complete image. But within a few seconds, as her sensory system begins to tire, things will get weird. Bit by bit, the image will vanish, only to

reappear and then disappear—often in fragments (Figure 5.3b).

Although sensory adaptation reduces our sensitivity, it offers an important benefit. It frees us to focus on informa- tive changes in our environment without being distracted by background chatter. Stinky or heavily perfumed people don’t notice their odor because, like you and me, they adapt to what’s constant and detect only change. Our sensory recep- tors are alert to novelty; bore them with repetition and they free our attention for more important things. We will see this principle again and again: We perceive the world not exactly as it is, but as it is useful for us to perceive it.

Our sensitivity to changing stimula- tion helps explain television’s attention- getting power. Cuts, edits, zooms, pans, and sudden noises demand our atten-

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• Using sound as your example, show how these concepts differ: absolute thresholds, subliminal stimulation, and difference thresholds.

ANSWER: Absolute threshold is the minimum stimulation needed to detect a particular sound (such as an approaching bike on the sidewalk behind us) 50 percent of the time. Subliminal stimulation happens when, without our awareness, our sensory system processes the sound of the approaching bike (when it is below our absolute threshold). A difference threshold is the minimum difference needed to distinguish between two sounds (such as between the familiar hum of a friend’s bike and the unfamiliar sound of a different bike).

Sensory Adaptation 5-5 What is the function of sensory adaptation?

Entering your neighbors’ living room, you smell a musty odor. You wonder how they can stand it, but within minutes you no longer notice it. Sensory adaptation has come to your rescue. When we are constantly exposed to a stimulus that does not change, we become less aware of it because our nerve cells fire less frequently. (To experience sensory adaptation, move your watch up your wrist an inch. You will feel it—but only for a few moments.)

Why, then, if we stare at an object without flinching, does it not vanish from sight? Because, unnoticed by us, our eyes are always moving. This con- tinual flitting from one spot to another ensures that stimulation on the eyes’ receptors is always changing.

What if we actually could stop our eyes from moving? Would sights seem to vanish, as odors do? To find out, psy- chologists have designed clever instru- ments that maintain a constant image on the eye’s inner surface. Imagine that we have fitted a volunteer, Mary, with one of these instruments—a miniature projector mounted on a contact lens

“My suspicion is that the universe is not only queerer than we suppose, but queerer than we can suppose.” J.B.S. Haldane, Possible Worlds, 1927

(b)(a)

FIGURE 5.3 Sensory adaptation: Now you see it, now you don’t! (a) A projector mounted on a contact lens makes the projected image move with the eye. (b) At first, the person sees the whole image, but soon it begins to break into fragments that fade and reappear. (From “Stabilized images on the retina,” by R. M. Pritchard. Copyright © 1961, Scientific American, Inc. All Rights Reserved.)

difference threshold the minimum difference between two stimuli required for detection 50 percent of the time. We experience the difference threshold as a just noticeable difference (or jnd).

Weber’s law the principle that, to be perceived as different, two stimuli must differ by a constant minimum percentage (rather than a constant amount).

sensory adaptation reduced sensitivity in response to constant stimulation.

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ing motionless, with ripples outward in all directions around it—hardly what we would expect of a lively monster.

Perceptual set can also affect what we hear. Consider the kindly airline pilot who, on a takeoff run, looked over at his unhappy co - pilot and said, “Cheer up.” Expecting to hear the usual “Gear up,” the co-pilot promptly raised the wheels—before they left the ground (Reason & Mycielska, 1982).

Perceptual set similarly affects taste. One experiment invited bar patrons to sample free beer (Lee et al., 2006). When researchers added a few drops of vine-

gar to a brand-name beer, the tasters preferred it— unless they had been told they were drink- ing vinegar-laced beer. Then they expected, and usually experienced, a worse taste. In another experiment, preschool children, by a 6 to 1 mar- gin, thought french fries

tasted better when served in a McDonald’s bag rather than a plain white bag (Robinson et al., 2007).

Context Effects The effects of perceptual set show how experience helps us construct percep- tion. But the immediate context also plays a role. Some examples:

• What is above the woman’s head in FIGURE 5.6? In one study, most East Africans who were asked this question said that the woman was balancing a metal box or can on her head and that the family was sitting under a tree. Most Westerners, for whom head-carrying is less common and boxlike architecture is more common, said the woman was sitting under a window, indoors with her family. Cultural context helps form our perceptions.

• Does the pursuing dog in FIGURE 5.7 look larger than the pursued one? If so, you experienced a context effect.

set, a set of mental ten- dencies and assumptions that affects (top-down) what we perceive.

Perceptual set can in- fluence what we hear, taste, feel, and see. In 1972, a British newspaper pub- lished “the most amazing pictures ever taken”—of a lake “monster” in Scotland’s Loch Ness. If this information creates in you the same expectations it did in most of the paper’s readers, you, too, will see the monster in a similar photo in FIGURE 5.5. But when a skeptical researcher approached the pho- tos with different expectations, he saw a curved tree limb—as had others the day the photo was shot (Campbell, 1986). With this different perceptual set, you may now notice that the object is float-

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• Why is it that after wearing shoes for a while, you cease to notice them (until questions like this draw your attention back to them)?

ANSWER: The shoes provide constant stimulation. Sensory adaptation allows us to focus on changing stimuli.

Perceptual Set 5-6 How do our expectations, assumptions, contexts, and even our motivations and emotions affect our perceptions?

As everyone knows, to see is to believe. As we also know, but less fully appreciate, to believe is to see. Through experience, we come to expect certain results. Those expectations may give us a perceptual

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FIGURE 5.5 Believing is seeing What do you perceive? Is this Nessie, the Loch Ness monster, or a log?

When shown the phrase Mary had a a little lamb many people perceive what they expect and miss the repeated word. Did you?

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you to hit them, but when you’re walking you hate drivers?” (Jaffe, 2004).

* * * The processes we’ve discussed so far are features shared by all our sensory sys- tems. Let’s turn now to the ways those systems are unique. We’ll start with our most prized and complex sense, vision.

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• In the context of sensation and perception, what does it mean to say that “believing is seeing”?

ANSWER: Because of perceptual set, our experiences, assumptions, and expectations shape our views of reality.

• Does perceptual set involve bottom-up or top-down processing? Why?

ANSWER: It involves top-down processing, drawing on our experiences, assumptions, and expectations.

Vision Your eyes receive light energy and transform it into neural messages

that your brain then processes into what you consciously see. How does such a taken - for - granted yet remarkable thing happen?

Light Energy: From the Environment Into the Brain 5-7 What are the characteristics of the energy we see as light?

When you look at a bright red tomato, what strikes your eyes are not bits of the color red but pulses of energy that your visual system perceives as red. What we see as visible light is but a thin slice of the wide spectrum of electro-

they really were (Balcetis & Dunning, 2010). Angry people more often per- ceive neutral objects as guns (Baumann & DeSteno, 2010). In each case, moti- vation creates a bias that energizes people’s perception.

Emotions can simi- larly shove our social perceptions in one direc- tion or another. Spouses who feel loved and ap- preciated perceive less threat in stressful mari- tal events—“He’s just hav- ing a bad day” (Murray et

al., 2003). Professional referees, if told a soccer team has a history of aggressive behavior, will assign more penalty cards when watching recorded play (Jones et al., 2002). Lee Ross has invited us to recall our own perceptions in different contexts: “Ever notice that when you’re driving you hate pedestrians, the way they saunter through the crosswalk, almost daring

• How tall is the shorter player in FIGURE 5.8? Here again, context creates expectations.

Context can even influence the mean- ing of spoken words. Hearing sad rather than happy music can tilt the mind toward hearing mourning rather than morning, die rather than dye, pain rather than pane (Halberstadt et al., 1995).

Perceptions are also influenced, top- down, by our motivations and emo- tions. In experiments, objects people desired, such as a water bottle when they were thirsty, seemed closer than

FIGURE 5.6 Culture and context effects What is above the woman’s head? East African and Western viewers have responded differently to this question, reflecting their experiences in their own cultures. (Adapted from Gregory & Gombrich, 1973.)

FIGURE 5.7 Context and emotional perception The context makes the pursuing dog look larger than the pursued. It isn’t.

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FIGURE 5.8 Big and “little” The “little guy” shown here is actually a 6'9" former Hope College basketball center who towers over most of us. But he seemed like a short player when matched in a semi-pro game against the world’s tallest basketball player at that time—7'9" Sun Ming Ming from China.

perceptual set a mental predisposition to perceive one thing and not another.

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magnetic energy shown in FIGURE 5.9. On one end of this spectrum are the short gamma waves, no longer than the diameter of an atom. On the spectrum’s other end are the mile-long waves of radio transmission. In between is the narrow band most of us can see as vis- ible light. Other portions are visible to other animals. Bees, for instance, can- not see what we perceive as red but can see ultraviolet light.

Light travels in waves, and the shape of those waves influences what we see. Light’s wavelength—the distance from one wave peak to the next (FIGURE 5.10a)—determines its hue (the color we experience, such as a tomato’s red skin). A light wave’s amplitude, or height, determines its intensity—the amount of energy it contains. Intensity influences brightness (FIGURE 5.10b).

Understanding the characteristics of the physical energy we see as light is one part of understanding vision. But to appreciate how we transform that energy into color and meaning, we need to know more about vision’s window, the eye.

The Eye 5-8 How does the eye transform light energy into neural messages?

What color are your eyes? Asked this question, most people describe the color of their irises. This doughnut-shaped ring of muscle adjusts the size of your pupil, the small opening that controls the amount of light entering your eye. After passing through your cornea (the eyeball’s protective covering) and pupil, light hits the lens in your eye. The lens then focuses the light rays into an image on your eyeball’s inner surface, the retina.

For centuries, scientists knew that when an image of a candle passes through a small opening, it casts an upside-down mirror image on a dark wall behind. They wondered how, if the eye’s structure casts this sort of image on the retina (as in FIGURE 5.11), can we see the world right side up?

White light

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Infrared rays

Radar X-rays

Wavelength in nanometers (billionths of a meter)

Part of spectrum visible to humans

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FIGURE 5.9 The wavelengths we see What we see as light is only a tiny slice of a wide spectrum of electromagnetic energy. The wavelengths visible to the human eye (shown enlarged) extend from the shorter waves of blue - violet light to the longer waves of red light.

Short wavelength = high frequency (bluish colors; high-pitched sounds)

Long wavelength = low frequency (reddish colors; low-pitched sounds)

Great amplitude (bright colors; loud sounds)

Small amplitude (dull colors; quiet sounds)

FIGURE 5.10 The physical properties of waves (a) Waves vary in wavelength, the distance between successive peaks. Frequency, the number of complete wavelengths that can pass a point in a given time, depends on the length of the wave. The shorter the wavelength, the higher the frequency. Wavelength determines the perceived color of light (and also the pitch of sound). (b) Waves also vary in amplitude, the height from peak to trough (top to bottom). Wave amplitude determines the brightness of colors (and also the loudness of sounds).

(b)(a)

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through your retina’s outer layer of cells. As the particle reaches the retina’s bur- ied receptor cells, the rods and cones, the light energy triggers chemical changes (FIGURE 5.12). Those changes activate nearby bipolar cells, causing them to send out neural signals. These signals in turn activate neighboring ganglion cells. The ganglion cells’ axons twine together like strands of a rope to form the optic nerve that will carry the information from your eye to your brain. After a momen- tary stopover at the thalamus, rather like changing planes in Chicago, the informa- tion flies on to its final destination, your visual cortex, at the back of your brain.

The optic nerve can send nearly 1 million messages at once through its nearly 1 million ganglion fibers. We pay a small price for this high-speed eye-to- brain highway. Where the optic nerve leaves the eye, there are no receptor cells—creating a blind spot (FIGURE 5.13 on the next page). Close one eye and you won’t see a black hole on your TV screen, however. Without seeking your approval, your brain fills in the hole.

forward those to the brain. The brain reassembles them into what we perceive as an upright object.

The Retina Let’s follow a single light-energy particle as it makes its way to the back of your eye. Having traveled through your eye’s cor- nea, pupil, and lens, the particle passes

Eventually the answer became clear: The retina doesn’t “see” a whole image. Rather, its millions of receptor cells behave like the prankster engineering students who make news by taking a car apart and rebuilding it in a friend’s third-floor bedroom. The retina’s mil- lions of cells convert the particles of light energy into neural impulses and

Optic nerve to brain’s visual cortex

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FIGURE 5.11 The eye Light rays reflected from a candle pass through the cornea, pupil, and lens. The curve and thickness of the lens change to bring nearby or distant objects into focus on the retina. Rays from the top of the candle strike the bottom of the retina. Those from the left side of the candle strike the right side of the retina. The candle’s image appears on the retina upside down and reversed.

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FIGURE 5.12 The retina’s reaction to light

wavelength the distance from the peak of one light or sound wave to the peak of the next.

hue the dimension of color that is determined by the wavelength of light; what we know as the color names blue, green, and so forth.

intensity the amount of energy in a light wave or sound wave, which influences what we perceive as brightness or loudness. Intensity is determined by the wave’s amplitude (height).

retina the light - sensitive inner surface of the eye; contains the receptor rods and cones plus layers of neurons that begin the processing of visual information.

rods retinal receptors that detect black, white, and gray; necessary for peripheral and twilight vision, when cones don’t respond.

cones retinal receptor cells that are concentrated near the center of the retina; in daylight or well - lit conditions, cones detect fine detail and give rise to color sensations.

optic nerve the nerve that carries neural impulses from the eye to the brain.

blind spot the point at which the optic nerve leaves the eye; this part of the retina is “blind” because it has no receptor cells.

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Visual Information Processing 5-9 What roles do feature detection and parallel processing play in the brain’s visual information processing?

The retina’s receptor cells don’t just pass along electrical impulses. They begin processing sensory information by cod- ing and analyzing it. By the time visual information travels up your optic nerve to your brain, it is on a pathway headed toward a specific location in your visual cortex, in the back of your brain. In an important stop on that journey, the optic nerve links up with neurons in the thal- amus (FIGURE 5.14).

Feature Detection In your brain’s visual cortex, special- ized nerve cells receive the information sent by individual ganglion cells in your retina. These specialized cells are called feature detectors. David Hubel and Torsten Wiesel (1979) received a Nobel Prize for their discovery that these cells respond to a scene’s specific features— to particular edges, lines, and angles. Feature detector cells pass this infor- mation to other cortical areas, where teams of cells respond to more complex patterns, such as recognizing faces. The resulting brain activity varies depending on what’s viewed. Thus, with the help of brain scans, “we can tell if a person is looking at a shoe, a chair, or a face,” noted one researcher (Haxby, 2001).

One temporal lobe area by your right ear (FIGURE 5.15) enables you to perceive faces and, thanks to a specialized neu- ral network, to recognize them from many viewpoints (Connor, 2010). If this region is damaged, people still may rec- ognize other forms and objects, but, like Heather Sellers, they cannot recognize familiar faces. How do we know this? In part because in laboratory experiments, researchers have used magnetic pulses to disrupt that brain area, producing a temporary loss of face recognition.

world looks colorless at night. Cones cluster around the retina’s area of cen- tral focus (the fovea). Many have their own hotline to the brain. Each of those cones transmits to a single bipolar cell that helps relay that cone’s individual message to the visual cortex. These direct connections preserve the cones’ precise information, which is why cones are better at detecting fine details.

Rods are located around the outer regions (the periphery) of your retina. Rods enable black- and - white vision, and they remain sensitive in dim light. Rods have no hotlines to the brain. Several rods pool their faint energy output and funnel it onto a single bipolar cell.

Thus, cones and rods each provide a special sensitivity:

• Cones are sensitive to detail and color. • Rods are sensitive to faint light.

Stop for a minute and experience the rod-cone difference in sensitivity to details. Pick a word in this sentence and stare directly at it, focusing its image on the cones in the center of your eye. Notice that words a few inches off to the side appear blurred? Their image lacks details because it is striking your retina’s outer regions, where most rods are found.

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• Some night-loving animals, such as toads, mice, rats, and bats, have impressive night vision thanks to having many more (rods/cones) than (rods/cones) in their retinas. These creatures probably have very poor (color/black-and-white) vision. ANSWERS: rods; cones; color

• Cats are able to open their much wider than we can, which allows more light into their eyes so they can see better at night. ANSWER: pupils

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• There are no receptor cells where the optic nerve leaves the eye. This creates a blind spot in your vision. To demonstrate, first close your left eye, look at the spot in Figure 5.13, and move your face away from the page to a distance at which one of the cars disappears. (Which one do you predict it will be?) Repeat with your right eye closed—and note that now the other car disappears. Can you explain why?

ANSWER: Your blind spot is on the nose side of each retina, which means that objects to your right may fall onto the right eye’s blind spot. Objects to your left may fall on the left eye’s blind spot. The blind spot does not normally impair your vision, because with but one eye open, your brain still fills in the blank spot.

Rods and cones differ in what they do and where they’re found (TABLE 5.1). Cones enable you to see fine details and to perceive color. In dim light, cones don’t function well, which is why the

FIGURE 5.13 The blind spot

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TABLE 5.1 Receptors in the Human Eye: Rod- Shaped Rods and Cone-Shaped Cones

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a cup is a challenge because the fluid appears frozen—she cannot perceive it rising in the cup.

Color Vision 5-10 What theories help us understand color vision?

We talk as though objects possess color: “A tomato is red.” Perhaps you have heard the old question, “If a tree falls in the forest and no one hears it, does it make a sound?” We can ask the same of color: If no one sees the tomato, is it red?

The answer is No. First, the tomato is everything but red, because it rejects (reflects) the long wavelengths of red. Second, the tomato’s color is our mental construction. As the famous physicist Sir Isaac Newton (1704) observed more than three centuries ago, “The [light] rays are not colored.” Color, like all aspects of vision, resides not in the object but in the theater of our brain. Even while dream- ing, we may perceive things in color.

One of vision’s most basic and intrigu- ing mysteries is how we see the world in color. How, from the light energy strik- ing your retina, does your brain manu-

form, depth, and color (FIGURE 5.16). You then construct your perceptions by inte- grating the work of these different visual teams (Livingstone & Hubel, 1988).

Destroy or disable the neural work- station for a visual subtask, and some- thing peculiar results, as happened to “Mrs. M.” (Hoffman, 1998). Since a stroke damaged areas near the rear of both sides of her brain, she has been unable to perceive movement. People in a room seem “suddenly here or there but I have not seen them moving.” Pouring tea into

Parallel Processing One of the most amazing aspects of visual information processing is the brain’s ability to divide a scene into its parts. Using parallel processing, your brain assigns different teams of nerve cells the separate tasks of simultane- ously processing a scene’s movement,

Visual area of the thalamus

Optic nerve

Retina

Visual cortex

FIGURE 5.14 Pathway from the eyes to the visual cortex The retina’s ganglion axons form the optic nerve. In the thalamus, the optic nerve axons connect with other neurons that run to the visual cortex.

Face recognition area

FIGURE 5.15 Face recognition processing In social animals such as humans, a large right temporal lobe area (shown here in a right-facing brain) is dedicated to the crucial task of face recognition.

Motion Form Depth Color

FIGURE 5.16 Parallel processing Studies of patients with brain damage suggest that the brain delegates the work of processing a scene’s motion, form, depth, and color to different areas. After taking the scene apart, the brain integrates these parts into a whole perceived image.

feature detectors nerve cells in the brain that respond to specific features of a stimulus, such as edges, lines, and angles.

parallel processing the processing of many aspects of a problem or scene at the same time; the brain’s natural mode of information processing for many functions, including vision.

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How does opponent-process theory help us understand afterimages, such as in the flag demonstration? Here’s the answer (for the green changing to red):

• First, you stared at green bars, which tired the green part of the green-red pairing in your eyes.

• Then you stared at a white area. White contains all colors, including red.

• Because you had tired your green response, only the red part of the green - red pairing fired normally.

The present solution to the mystery of color vision is therefore roughly this: Color processing occurs in two stages.

1. The retina’s red, green, and blue cones respond in varying degrees to different color stimuli, as the Young- Helmholtz trichromatic the- ory suggested.

2. The cones’ responses are then pro- cessed by opponent - process cells, as Hering’s theory proposed.

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• What are two key theories of color vision? Do they contradict each other, or do they make sense together? Explain.

ANSWER: The Young-Helmholtz trichromatic theory shows that the retina contains color receptors for red, green, and blue. The opponent-process theory shows that we have opponent-process cells in the retina and thalamus for red-green, yellow-blue, and white-black. These theories make sense together. They outline the two stages of color vision: (1) The retina’s receptors for red, green, and blue respond to different color stimuli. (2) The receptors’ signals are then processed by the opponent- process cells on their way to the visual cortex in the brain.

matic theory leaves some parts of the color vision mystery unsolved.

Hering, a physiologist, had found a clue in afterimages. Stare at a green square for a while and then look at a white sheet of paper, and you will see red, green’s opponent color. Stare at a

yellow square and its opponent color, blue, will appear on the white paper. (To experience this, try the flag demonstra- tion in FIGURE 5.17.) Hering proposed that there must be two other color processes: One must be responsible for red- versus- green perception, and the other for blue - versus - yellow.

A century later, researchers con- firmed Hering’s proposal, which is now called the opponent - process theory. They found that color vision depends on three sets of opponent retinal processes— red-green, yellow-blue, and white-black. Recall that impulses from the retina are relayed to the thalamus on their way to the visual cortex. In both the retina and the thalamus, some neurons are “turned on” by red but “turned off” by green. Others are turned on by green but off by red (DeValois & DeValois, 1975). Like red and green marbles sent down a narrow tube, “red” and “green” messages cannot both travel at once. Red and green are thus opponents, which explains why we don’t experience mixed red and green light stimuli as a reddish green. But red and blue travel in separate channels, so we can see a reddish-blue, or purple.

facture your experience of color—and of so many colors? By one estimate, we can see differences among more than 1 million color variations (Neitz et al., 2001). At least most of us can. About 1 in 50 of us is “color-blind.” That person is usually male, because the defect is genetically sex linked. Most people with this condi- tion are not actually blind to all colors. They simply have trouble perceiving the difference between red and green. To understand why, we need to understand how normal color vision works.

Modern detective work on the mystery of color vision began in the nineteenth century, when Hermann von Helmholtz built on the insights of an English physi- cist, Thomas Young. The clue that led to their break- through was the knowl- edge that any color can be created by combining the light waves of three pri- mary colors—red, green, and blue. Young and von Helmholtz inferred that the eye must have three types of receptors, one for each color.

Years later, researchers measured the response of various cones to different color stimuli. Their results confirmed the Young - Helmholtz trichromatic (three - color) theory: The eye’s receptors do their color magic in teams of three. Indeed, the retina has three types of color receptors, each especially sensi- tive to the wavelengths of one of three colors. And those colors are, in fact, red, green, and blue. When light stimulates combinations of these cones, we see other colors. For example, when red and green wavelengths stimulate both red - sensitive and green- sensitive cones, we see yellow. The retina has no separate receptors especially sensitive to yel- low. In most people with color-deficient vision, the red- and/or green-sensitive cones do not function properly. They do not have three-color vision.

Why, then, does yellow appear to be a pure color, not a mixture of red and green, the way purple is of red and blue? As Ewald Hering soon noted, trichro-

“Only mind has sight and hearing; all things else are deaf and blind.”

Epicharmus, Fragments, 550 b.c.e.

FIGURE 5.17 Afterimage effect Stare at the center of the flag for a minute and then shift your eyes to the dot in the white space beside it. What do you see? (After tiring your neural response to black, green, and yellow, you should see their opponent colors.) Stare at a white wall and note how the size of the flag grows with the projection distance!

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Visual Organization 5-11 What was the main message of Gestalt psychology, and how do figure- ground and grouping principles help us perceive forms?

It’s one thing to understand how we see shapes and colors. But how do we orga- nize and interpret those sights (or sounds

or tastes or smells) so that they become meaning- ful perceptions—a rose in bloom, a familiar face, a sunset? First, let’s explore how we perceive form

and depth, and how in changing condi- tions our perceptions remain stable.

Early in the twentieth century, a group of German psychologists noticed that people who are given a cluster of sensations tend to organize them into a gestalt, a German word meaning a “form” or a “whole.” For example, look at FIGURE 5.19. Note that the individual ele- ments of this figure, called a Necker cube, are really nothing but eight blue circles, with three white lines meeting near the center. When we view these elements all together, however, we see a cube that sometimes reverses direction. The Necker cube nicely illustrates a favorite saying of Gestalt psychologists: In per- ception, the whole may exceed the sum of its parts.

Over the years, the Gestalt psycholo- gists demonstrated some principles we use to organize our sensations into per- ceptions. Underlying all of them is a basic truth: Our brain does more than register

Parallel processing: Brain cell teams

process combined information about color, movement, form, and depth

Feature detection: Brain’s detector cells respond to specific

features—edges, lines, and angles

Recognition: Brain interprets the constructed image

based on information from stored images

Retinal processing: Receptor rods and

cones bipolar cells ganglion cells

Scene

FIGURE 5.18 A simplified summary of visual information processing

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* * * Think about the wonders of visual pro- cessing. As you look at that tiger in the zoo, information enters your eyes, where it is taken apart and turned into millions of neural impulses sent to your brain. As your brain buzzes with activity, various areas focus on different aspects of the tiger’s image. Finally, in some mysterious yet magnificent way, these separate teams pool their work to produce a meaningful image. You compare this with previ- ously stored images and recognize it—a crouching tiger (FIGURE 5.18).

Think, too, about what is happen- ing as you read this page. The letters are reflecting light rays into your ret- ina, which is sending formless nerve impulses to several areas of your brain, which integrates the information and discovers meaning. And that is how we transfer information across time and space from my mind to yours. That all of this happens instantly, effortlessly, and continuously is awe-inspiring.

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• What is the rapid sequence of events that occurs when you see and recognize a friend?

ANSWER: Light waves reflect off the person and travel into your eye, where the receptor cells in your retina convert the light waves’ energy into neural impulses sent to your brain. Your brain processes the different parts of this visual input—including color, depth, movement, and form—separately but simultaneously. It interprets this information based on previously stored information and your expectations into a conscious perception of your friend.

“I am fearfully and wonderfully made.”

King David, Psalm 139:14 FIGURE 5.19 A Necker cube What do you see: circles with white lines, or a cube? If you stare at the cube, you may notice that it reverses location, moving the tiny X in the center from the front edge to the back. At times the cube may seem to float in front of the page, with circles behind it. At other times, the circles may become holes in the page through which the cube appears, as though it were floating behind the page. There is far more to perception than meets the eye. (From Bradley et al., 1976.)

Young - Helmholtz trichromatic (three- color) theory the theory that the retina contains three different color receptors—one most sensitive to red, one to green, one to blue. When stimulated in combination, these cells can produce the perception of any color.

opponent - process theory the theory that opposing retinal processes (red - green, yellow- blue, white - black) enable color vision. For example, some cells are “turned on” by green and “turned off” by red; others are turned on by red and off by green.

gestalt an organized whole. Gestalt psychologists emphasized our tendency to integrate pieces of information into meaningful wholes.

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• In terms of perception, a band’s lead singer would be considered (figure/ ground), and the other musicians would be considered (figure/ground).

ANSWERS: figure; ground

• What do we mean when we say that, in perception, “the whole is greater than the sum of its parts”?

ANSWER:Gestalt psychologists used this saying to describe our perceptual tendency to organize clusters of sensations into meaningful forms or groups.

Depth Perception 5-12 How do we use binocular and monocular cues to see the world in three dimensions?

From the two-dimensional images fall- ing on our retinas, our amazing brain creates three-dimensional perceptions. Depth perception lets us estimate an object’s distance from us. At a glance, we can estimate the distance of an oncom- ing car or the height of a house. This ability is partly present at birth. Eleanor Gibson and Richard Walk (1960) discov- ered this using a model of a cliff with a drop - off area (which was covered by sturdy glass). These experiments were a product of Gibson’s scientific curiosity, which kicked in while she was picnick- ing on the rim of the Grand Canyon. She wondered: Would a toddler peering over the rim perceive the dangerous drop - off and draw back?

Back in their laboratory, Gibson and Walk placed 6- to 14-month - old infants on the edge of a safe canyon—a visual cliff (FIGURE 5.21). Their mothers then coaxed them to crawl out onto the glass. Most infants refused to do so, indicating that they could perceive depth.

Had they learned to perceive depth? Learning seems to be part of the answer, because crawling, no matter when it begins, seems to increase an infant’s fear of heights (Campos et al., 1992). Yet, as the researchers observed, mobile newborn animals come prepared to

system) also organize the figure into a meaningful form. Some basic features of a scene—such as color, movement, and light-dark contrast—we process instantly and automatically (Treisman, 1987). Our mind brings order and form to stimuli by following certain rules for grouping. These rules, identified by the Gestalt psychologists, and applied even by infants, illustrate how the perceived whole differs from the sum of its parts (Quinn et al., 2002; Rock & Palmer, 1990). Three examples:

Proximity

Proximity We group nearby figures together. We see not six separate lines, but three sets of two lines.

Continuity

Continuity We perceive smooth, continuous patterns rather than discontinuous ones. This pattern could be a series of alternating semicircles, but we perceive it as two continuous lines— one wavy, one straight.

Closure

Closure We fill in gaps to create a complete, whole object. Thus, we assume that the circles on the left are complete but partially blocked by the (illusory) triangle. Add nothing more than little lines to close off the circles, and your brain stops constructing a triangle.

information about the world. Perception is not just opening a camera’s shutter and letting a picture print itself on the brain. We filter incoming information and we construct perceptions. Mind matters.

Form Perception Imagine designing a video-computer sys- tem that, like your eye-brain system, could recognize faces at a glance. What abilities would it need?

FIGURE AND GROUND To start with, the video-computer system would need to separate faces from their backgrounds. Likewise, in our eye-brain system, our first perceptual task is to perceive any object (the figure) as distinct from its surroundings (the ground). As you hear voices at a party, the one you attend to becomes the figure; all others are part of the ground. As you read, the words are the figure; the surrounding white space is the ground. Sometimes, the same stimulus can trigger more than one perception. In FIGURE 5.20, for example, the figure- ground relation- ship continually reverses as we see the arrows, then the firefighters running. But always we perceive a figure stand- ing out from a ground.

GROUPING While telling figure from ground, we (and our video-computer

FIGURE 5.20 Reversible figure and ground.

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away? Retinal disparity won’t help us here, because there won’t be much dif- ference between the images cast on our right and left retinas. At such distances, we depend on monocular cues (depth cues available to each eye separately). See FIGURE 5.23 on the next page for some examples.

images, the closer the object. Try it. Hold your two index fin- gers, with the tips about half an inch apart, directly in front of your nose, and your retinas will receive quite different views. If you close one eye and then the other, you can see the dif- ference. (You may also create a finger sausage, as in FIGURE 5.22.) At a greater distance— say, when you hold your fingers at arm’s length—the disparity is smaller.

We could very easily build this feature into our video- computer system. Moviemakers can exaggerate retinal dispar- ity by filming a scene with two cameras placed a few inches apart. Viewers then wear glasses that allow the left eye to see only the image from the left

camera, and the right eye to see only the image from the right camera. The resulting 3-D effect, as 3-D movie fans know, mimics or exaggerates normal retinal disparity.

MONOCULAR CUES How do we judge whether a person is 10 or 100 yards

perceive depth. Even those with no visual experience—including young kit- tens, a day - old goat, and newly hatched chicks—will not venture across the visual cliff. Thus, it seems that biology prepares us to be wary of heights, and experience amplifies that fear.

How do we do it? How do we per- ceive depth—transforming two differ- ing two - dimensional retinal images into a single three - dimensional perception? Our brain constructs these perceptions using information supplied by one or both eyes.

BINOCULAR CUES People who see with two eyes perceive depth thanks partly to binocular cues. Here’s an example. With both eyes open, hold two pens or pen- cils in front of you and touch their tips together. Now do so with one eye closed. A more difficult task, yes?

We use binocular cues to judge the distance of nearby objects. One such cue is retinal disparity. Because your eyes are about 21⁄2 inches apart, your retinas receive slightly different images of the world. By comparing these two images, your brain can judge how close an object is to you. The greater the disparity (the difference) between the two retinal

FIGURE 5.21 Visual cliff Eleanor Gibson and Richard Walk devised this miniature cliff with a glass- covered drop-off to find out whether crawling infants can perceive depth. Even when coaxed, most infants refuse to climb onto the sturdy glass over the cliff.

FIGURE 5.22 The floating finger sausage Hold your two index fingers about 5 inches in front of your eyes, with their tips half an inch apart. Now look beyond them and note the weird result. Move your fingers out farther, and the retinal disparity—and the finger sausage—will shrink.

figure - ground the organization of the visual field into objects (the figures) that stand out from their surroundings (the ground).

grouping the perceptual tendency to organize stimuli into meaningful groups.

depth perception the ability to see objects in three dimensions, although the images that strike the retina are two-dimensional; allows us to judge distance.

visual cliff a laboratory device for testing depth perception in infants and young animals.

binocular cue a depth cue, such as retinal disparity, that depends on the use of two eyes.

retinal disparity a binocular cue for perceiving depth. By comparing images from the two eyes, the brain computes distance—the greater the disparity (difference) between the two images, the closer the object.

monocular cue a depth cue, such as interposition or linear perspective, available to either eye alone.

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size. We call this top-down process perceptual constancy. This feat would be an enormous challenge for a video- computer system.

COLOR CONSTANCY Our experience of color depends on an object’s context. This would be clear if you viewed an isolated tomato through a paper tube. As the light—and thus the tomato’s reflected wavelengths—changed over the course

Perceptual Constancy 5-13 How do perceptual constancies help us construct meaningful perceptions?

So far, we have noted that our video- computer system must perceive objects as we do—as having a distinct form and location. Its next task is to recog- nize objects without being deceived by changes in their color, shape, or

R E T R I E V E + R E M E M B E R

• How do we normally perceive depth?

ANSWER: We are normally able to perceive depth thanks to (1) binocular cues (that are based on our retinal disparity), and (2) monocular cues (that include relative height, relative size, interposition, linear perspective, light and shadow, and relative motion).

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Relative size If we assume two objects are similar in size, most people perceive the one that casts the smaller retinal image as farther away.

Relative height We perceive objects higher in our field of vision as farther away. Because we assume the lower part of a figure-ground illustration is closer, we perceive it as figure (Vecera et al., 2002). Turn the illustration upside down and the black will become ground, like a night sky.

Interposition Interpose means “to come between.” If one object partially blocks our view of another, we perceive it as closer. The depth cues provided by interposition make this an impossible scene.

Light and shadow Shading produces a sense of depth consistent with our assumption that light comes from above. If you turn this illustration upside down, the hollow will become a hill.

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Linear perspective Parallel lines appear to meet in the distance. The sharper the angle of convergence, the greater the perceived distance.

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several well - known illusions, including the Moon illusion. The Moon looks up to 50 percent larger when near the hori- zon than when high in the sky. Can you imagine why? One reason is that cues to objects’ distances make the horizon Moon—like the distant dog in Figure 5.7—appear farther away. If it’s farther away, our brain assumes, it must be larger than the Moon high in the night sky (Kaufman & Kaufman, 2000). Take away the distance cues—by looking at the horizon Moon (or each dog) through a paper tube—and the object will immedi- ately shrink.

Mistaken judgments like these reveal the workings of our normally effective perceptual processes. The perceived relationship between distance and size is usually valid. But under special circumstances it can lead us astray— as when helping to create the Moon illusion.

Form perception, depth perception, and perceptual constancy illuminate how we organize our visual experiences. Perceptual organization applies to our other senses, too. It explains why we may perceive a clock’s steady tick not as a tick-tick-tick-tick but as grouped sounds,

SHAPE AND SIZE CONSTANCIES

Thanks to shape constancy, we usually perceive the form of familiar objects,

such as the door in FIGURE 5.25, as constant even while our retinas receive changing images of them.

Thanks to size con- stancy, we perceive objects as having a constant size

even while our distance from them var- ies. We assume a car is large enough to carry people, even when we see its tiny image from two blocks away. This assumption also shows the close con- nection between perceived distance and perceived size. Perceiving an object’s dis- tance gives us cues to its size. Likewise, knowing its general size—that the object is a car—provides us with cues to its distance.

Even in size-distance judgments, how- ever, we consider an object’s context. The dogs in Figure 5.7 earlier in this chap- ter cast identical images on our retinas. Using linear perspective as a cue (see Figure 5.23), our brain assumes that the pursuing dog is farther away. We there- fore perceive it as larger. It isn’t.

The interplay between perceived size and perceived distance helps explain

of the day, the tomato’s color would also seem to change. But if you viewed that tomato without the tube, as one item in a bowl of fresh fruit and vegetables, its color would remain roughly constant as the lighting shifts. This perception of consistent color is known as color constancy.

Color constancy is amazing. A blue poker chip under indoor lighting will, in sunlight, reflect wavelengths that match those reflected by a sunlit gold chip (Jameson, 1985). Yet bring a goldfinch indoors and it won’t look like a bluebird. The color is not in the bird’s feathers. You and I see color thanks to our brain’s ability to decode the meaning of the light reflected by an object relative to the objects surrounding it. FIGURE 5.24 dramatically illustrates the ability of a blue object to appear very different in three different contexts. Yet we have no trouble seeing these disks as blue. Paint manufactur- ers have learned this lesson. Knowing that your perception of a paint color will be determined by other colors in your home, many now offer trial samples you can test in that context. The take - home lesson: Comparisons govern our perceptions.

“From there to here, from here to there, funny things are everywhere.”

Dr. Seuss, One Fish, Two Fish, Red Fish, Blue Fish, 1960

FIGURE 5.24 Color depends on context (a) Believe it or not, these three blue disks are identical in color. (b) Remove the surrounding context and see what results.

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FIGURE 5.25 Shape constancy An opening door looks more and more like a trapezoid. Yet we still perceive it as a rectangle.

perceptual constancy perceiving objects as unchanging (having consistent color, brightness, shape, and size) even as illumination and retinal images change.

color constancy perceiving familiar objects as having consistent color, even if changing illumination alters the wavelengths reflected by the object.

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cover an adult animal’s eye for several months, its vision will be unaffected after the eye patch is removed. When surgeons remove cataracts that develop during late adulthood, most people are thrilled at the return to normal vision.

The effect of sensory restriction on infant cats, monkeys, and humans sug- gests there is a critical period (Chapter 3) for normal sensory and perceptual devel- opment. Nurture sculpts what nature has endowed. In less dramatic ways, it con- tinues to do so throughout our lives. Our visual experience matters. For example, despite concerns about their social costs (more on this in Chapter 14), action video games sharpen spatial skills such as visual attention, eye-hand coordination and speed, and tracking multiple objects (Spence & Feng, 2010).

PERCEPTUAL ADAPTATION Given a new pair of glasses, we may feel a little strange, even dizzy. Within a day or two, we adjust. Our perceptual adaptation to changed visual input makes the world seem normal again. But imagine a far more dramatic new pair of glasses— one that shifts the apparent location of objects 40 degrees to the left. When you first put them on and toss a ball to a friend, it sails off to the left. Walking forward to shake hands with the person, you veer to the left.

Could you adapt to this distorted world? Baby chicks cannot. When fitted with such lenses, they have continued to peck where food grains seemed to be (Hess, 1956; Rossi, 1968). But we humans adapt to distorting lenses quickly. Within a few minutes, your throws would again be accurate, your stride on target. Remove the lenses and you would experience an aftereffect. At first your throws would err in the opposite direction, sailing off to the right. But again, within minutes you would adjust.

Indeed, given an even more radical pair of glasses—one that literally turns the world upside down—you could still adapt. Psychologist George Stratton (1896) experienced this when he invented, and for eight days wore, a device that flipped

a Ping- Pong ball sliced in half. After surgery that removed the cataracts, the patients could tell the difference between figure and ground, and they could sense colors. This suggests that we are born with these aspects of per- ception. But much as Locke supposed, they often could not visually recognize objects that were familiar by touch.

In experiments, researchers have out- fitted infant kittens and monkeys with goggles through which they could see only diffuse, unpatterned light (Wiesel, 1982). After infancy, when the goggles were removed, the animals’ reactions were much like those of humans born with cataracts. They could distinguish color, but not form. Their eyes were healthy. Their retinas still sent signals to their visual cortex. But the brain’s cortical cells had not developed normal connec- tions. Thus, the animals remained func- tionally blind to shape. Experience guides the brain’s development as it forms path- ways that affect our perceptions.

In humans and other animals, simi- lar sensory restrictions later in life do no permanent harm. When researchers

say TICK-tick, TICK-tick. Perception, how- ever, is more than organizing stimuli. Perception also requires what would be a challenge to our video-computer sys- tem: interpretation—finding meaning in what we perceive.

Visual Interpretation The debate over whether our percep- tual abilities spring from our nature or our nurture has a long history. To what extent do we learn to perceive? German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) maintained that knowledge comes from our inborn ways of organizing sensory experiences. Psychology’s findings sup- port this idea. We do come equipped to process sensory information. But Brit- ish philosopher John Locke (1632–1704) argued that through our experiences we also learn to perceive the world. Psy- chology also supports this idea. We do learn to link an object’s distance with its size. So, just how important is experi- ence? How much does it shape our per- ceptual interpretations?

Experience and Visual Perception 5-14 What does research on restored vision, sensory restriction, and perceptual adaptation reveal about the effects of experience on perception?

RESTORED VISION AND SENSORY

RESTRICTION Writing to John Locke, a friend wondered what would hap- pen if “a man born blind, and now adult, [was] taught by his touch to distinguish between a cube and a sphere.” Could he, if made to see, visually distinguish the two? Locke’s answer was No, because the man would never have learned to see the difference.

This clever question has since been put to the test with a few dozen adults who, though blind from birth, have later gained sight (Gregory, 1978; von Senden, 1932). Most were born with cataracts— clouded lenses that allowed them to see only light and shadows, rather as some- one might see a foggy image through

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ez LEARNING TO SEE At age 3, Mike May lost his vision in an explosion. Decades later, after a new cornea restored vision to his right eye, he got his first look at his wife and children. Alas, although signals were now reaching his visual cortex, it lacked the experience to interpret them. May could not recognize expressions, or faces, apart from features such as hair. Yet he can see an object in motion and has learned to navigate his world and to marvel at such things as dust floating in sunlight (Abrams, 2002).

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