please identify the textbook chapter

PsychologyAppliedtoModernLifeAdjustmentinthe21stCenturybyWayneWeitenDanaS.DunnElizabethYostHammerz-lib.org.pdf

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Psychology Applied

to Modern Life ADJUSTMENT IN THE 21ST CENTURY

TWELFTH EDITION

Wayne Weiten University of Nevada, Las Vegas

Dana S. Dunn Moravian College

Elizabeth Yost Hammer Xavier University of Louisiana

Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2016

Cengage Learning Customer & Sales Support, 1-800-354-9706.

www.cengage.com/permissions.

[email protected].

2016944085

978-1-305-96847-9 978-1-337-11198-0

Cengage Learning 20

02210

www.cengage.com.

www.cengagebrain.com.

Psychology Applied to Modern Life Adjustment in the 21st Century,

Wayne Weiten, Dana S. Dunn, Elizabeth Yost Hammer

To two pillars of stability in this era

of turmoil—my parents

W.W.

To the memory of my mother,

Dah Kennedy Dunn, and brother,

James L. Dunn, Jr.

D.S.D.

To Elliott, of course

E.Y.H.

WAYNE WEITEN is a graduate of Bradley University and received his Ph.D. in social psychology from the University of Illinois, Chicago, in 1981. He has taught at the College of

DuPage and Santa Clara University, and currently teaches at the University of Nevada, Las

Vegas. He has received distinguished teaching awards from Division Two of the American

Psychological Association (APA) and from the College of DuPage. He is a Fellow of Divi-

sions 1, 2, and 8 of the American Psychological Association and a Fellow of the Midwestern

Psychological Association. In 1991, he helped chair the APA National Conference on

Enhancing the Quality of Undergraduate Education in Psychology. He is a former presi-

dent of the Society for the Teaching of Psychology and the Rocky Mountain Psychological

Association. In 2006, one of the six national teaching awards given annually by the Society

for the Teaching of Psychology was named in his honor. Weiten has conducted research

on a wide range of topics, including educational measurement, jury decision making,

attribution theory, pressure as a form of stress, and the technology of textbooks. He is also

the author of Psychology: Themes & Variations (Cengage, 2017, 10th edition). Weiten has

created an educational CD-ROM titled PsykTrek: A Multimedia Introduction to Psychology,

and he recently coauthored a chapter on the introductory psychology course for The Oxford

Handbook of Undergraduate Psychology Education (Weiten & Houska, 2015).

DANA S. DUNN earned his B.A. in psychology from Carnegie Mellon and received his Ph.D. in social psychology from the University of Virginia. He is currently professor of

psychology at Moravian College in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. He chaired the psychology

department at Moravian for six years. A Fellow of the Association for Psychological Science

(APS) and the American Psychological Association (Divisions 1, 2, and 22), Dunn served

as president of the Society for the Teaching of Psychology in 2010. A frequent speaker at

national and regional disciplinary conferences, Dunn has written numerous articles, chap-

ters, and book reviews concerning his areas of research interest: the teaching of psychology,

social psychology, rehabilitation psychology, and educational assessment. He is the author

or editor for thirty books, including Pursuing Human Strengths: A Positive Psychology Guide

(2016), The Social Psychology of Disability (2015), and The Oxford Handbook of Undergrad-

uate Psychology Education (2015). In 2013, Dunn received the Charles L. Brewer Award for

Distinguished Teaching of Psychology from the American Psychological Foundation.

ELIZABETH YOST HAMMER earned her B.S. in psychology from Troy State University and received her Ph.D. in experimental social psychology from Tulane University. She is

currently the Kellogg Professor in Teaching in the Psychology Department and Director of

the Center for the Advancement of Teaching and Faculty Development (CAT+) at Xavier

University of Louisiana in New Orleans. Her work in CAT+ includes organizing pedagog-

ical workshops and faculty development initiatives. She is a Fellow of Division Two of the

American Psychological Association and is a past president of Psi Chi, the International

Honor Society in Psychology. She has served as the treasurer for the Society for the Teach-

ing of Psychology. She is passionate about teaching and has published on collaborative

learning, service learning, the application of social psychological theories to the classroom,

and mentoring students.

About the Authors

Philosophy

A certain philosophy is inherent in any systematic treatment of

the topic of adjustment. Our philosophy can be summarized as

follows:

● We believe that an adjustment text should be a resource

book for students. We have tried to design this book so that it

encourages and facilitates the pursuit of additional information

on adjustment-related topics. It should serve as a point of

departure for more learning. ● We believe in theoretical eclecticism. This book will not

indoctrinate your students along the lines of any single theoretical

orientation. The psychodynamic, behavioral, and humanistic

schools of thought are all treated with respect, as are cognitive,

biological, cultural, evolutionary, and other perspectives. ● We believe that effective adjustment requires taking

charge of one’s own life. Throughout the book we try to

promote the notion that active coping efforts are generally

superior to passivity and complacency.

Changes in the Twelfth Edition

One of the exciting things about psychology is that it is not a

stagnant discipline. It continues to progress at what seems a

faster and faster pace. A good textbook must evolve with the

discipline. Although the professors and students who used

the earlier editions of this book did not clamor for change,

we have made countless content changes to keep up with new

developments in psychology—adding and deleting some topics,

condensing and reorganizing others, and updating everything

(there are more than 1200 new references). A brief overview of

some of these changes, listed chapter-by-chapter, can be found

on pages viii–xii following this preface.

The most significant change in this edition is the addition

of a feature we call Spotlight on Research. Each chapter has one

Spotlight on Research, which provides a detailed but brief sum-

mary of a particular piece of research. Showing research meth-

ods in action should improve students’ understanding of the

research process.

In addition to this new feature, we have strived to

enhance the pedagogical value of our photo program by pairing

each photo with an explanatory caption and eliminating pho-

tos that were largely decorative. To increase the clarity of the

book’s organization, we now number all the major headings in

the chapters. Moreover, we made a concerted effort to achieve

more succinct writing. The manuscript length of each chapter

(in words) has been reduced by 10% to 17%.

This reduction in length allowed us to move to a dramati-

cally different book design, which for the first time is mostly a

Many students enter adjustment courses with great expecta-

tions. They’ve ambled through their local bookstores, and in

the “Psychology” section they’ve seen numerous self-help books

that offer highly touted recipes for achieving happiness for a

mere $15.95. After paying far more money to enroll in a college

course that deals with the same issues as the self-help books,

many students expect a revelatory experience. However, the

majority of us with professional training in psychology or coun-

seling take a rather dim view of self-help books and the pop psy-

chology they represent. Psychologists tend to see this literature

as oversimplified, intellectually dishonest, and opportunistic

and often summarily dismiss the pop psychology that so many

students have embraced. Instructors try to supplant pop psy-

chology with more sophisticated academic psychology based on

current scholarship, which is more complex and less accessible.

In this textbook, we have tried to come to grips with the

problem of differing expectations between student and teacher.

Our goal has been to produce a comprehensive, serious,

research-oriented treatment of the topic of adjustment that also

acknowledges the existence of popular psychology and looks crit-

ically at its contributions. Our approach involves the following:

● In Chapter 1 we confront the phenomenon of popular self-

help books. We take students beneath the seductive surface of

such books and analyze some of their typical flaws. Our goal

is to make students more critical consumers of this type of

literature by encouraging them to focus on substance, not on

trendy claims. ● While encouraging a more critical attitude toward self-

help books, we do not suggest that all should be dismissed.

Instead, we acknowledge that some of them offer authentic

insights. With this in mind, we highlight some of the better

books in this genre in Recommended Reading boxes sprinkled

throughout the text. These recommended books tie in with the

adjacent topical coverage and show the student the interface

between academic and popular psychology. ● We try to provide the student with a better appreciation of

the merits of the empirical approach to understanding behavior.

This effort to clarify the role of research, which is rare for an

adjustment text, appears in the first chapter. ● Recognizing that adjustment students want to leave the

course with concrete, personally useful information, we end

each chapter with an Application section. The Applications are

“how to” discussions that address everyday problems students

encounter. While they focus on issues that are relevant to the

content of the particular chapter, they contain more explicit

advice than the text proper.

In summary, we have tried to make this book both challeng-

ing and applied. We hope that our approach will help students

better appreciate the value and use of scientific psychology.

To the Instructor

vi To the Instructor

seen in journal articles, followed by critical thinking questions.

The intent is to foster understanding of how empirical studies

are conducted and to enhance students’ ability to think critically

about research while also giving them a painless introduction to

the basic format of journal articles. The Spotlights on Research

are fully incorporated into the flow of discourse in the text and

are not presented as optional boxes. Some examples of the topics

covered include:

● Stress-induced eating ● Hugs and social support ● Autism and vaccinations ● Internet therapy ● The effects of red clothing on attraction ● Oxytocin and fidelity

Applications

The end-of-chapter Applications should be of special interest to

most students. They are tied to chapter content in a way that

should show students how practical applications emerge out of

theory and research. Although some of the material covered in

these sections shows up frequently in adjustment texts, much

of it is unique. Some of the Applications include the following:

● Understanding Intimate Violence ● Improving Academic Performance ● Understanding Eating Disorders ● Getting Ahead in the Job Game ● Building Self-Esteem ● Enhancing Sexual Relationships ● Boosting One’s Own Happiness

Recommended Reading

by Daniel Gilbert (HarperCollins, 2006)

Adjusting to Modern Life 21

Answer the following “true” or “false.”

1. If you have a professor who delivers chaotic, hard-to-

follow lectures, there is little point in attending class.

2. Cramming the night before an exam is an efficient way

to study.

3. In taking lecture notes, you should try to be a “human

tape recorder” (that is, take down everything exactly as said by

your professor).

As you will soon learn, all of these statements are false. If you

answered them all correctly, you may already have acquired the

kinds of skills and habits that lead to academic success. If so,

however, you are not typical. Today, a huge number of students

enter college with remarkably poor study skills and habits—and

it’s not entirely their fault. The U.S. educational system generally

does not provide much in the way of formal instruction on good

study techniques. Hence, it is not surprising that an influential

review of research reported that a great many students embrace

flawed models of how they learn and remember, waste precious

time on activities that do not promote effective learning, and

routinely misjudge their mastery of material (Bjork, Dunlosky,

& Kornell, 2013). So, in this first Application, we’ll start with

the basics and try to remedy this deficiency to some extent by

sharing some insights that psychology can provide on how to

improve your academic performance.

Developing Sound Study Habits

People tend to assume that academic performance in college is

largely determined by students’ intelligence. This belief is sup-

ported by the fact that college admissions tests (the SAT and

ACT), which basically assess general cognitive ability, predict

college grades fairly well. What is far less well known, however,

is that measures of study skills, habits, and attitudes also predict

college grades pretty well. In a review of 344 independent sam-

ples consisting of more than 72,000 students, Crede and Kuncel

(2008) reported that aggregate measures of study skills and hab-

its predicted college grades almost as well as admissions tests

did. The practical meaning of this finding is that most students

probably underestimate the importance of their study skills. And

while most adults probably cannot increase their mental ability

much, their study habits can usually be enhanced considerably.

In any event, the first step toward effective study habits is to

face up to the reality that studying usually involves hard work.

Once you accept the premise that studying doesn’t come natu-

rally, it should be apparent that you need to set up an organized

program to promote adequate study. Such a program should

include the following considerations.

Set up a schedule for studying. If you wait until the urge to study

hits you, you may still be waiting when the exam rolls around.

Thus, it is important to allocate definite times to study. Review

your time obligations (work, housekeeping, and so on) and

figure out in advance when you can study. In allotting certain

times to studying, keep in mind that you need to be wide awake

and alert. Allow time for study breaks; they can revive sagging

concentration.

It’s important to write down your study schedule (Tracy,

2006). Doing so serves as a reminder and increases your com-

mitment to the schedule. As shown in Figure 1.9, you should

begin by setting up a general schedule for the quarter or

semester. Then, at the beginning of each week, plan the

specific assignments that you intend to work on during each

study session. This approach should help you avoid cramming

for exams at the last minute. Cramming is an ineffective study

strategy for most students (Wong, 2015). It will strain your

memory, can tax your energy level, and may stoke the fires of

test anxiety.

In planning your weekly schedule, try to avoid the tendency

to put off working on major tasks such as term papers and re-

ports. Time management experts point out that many of us tend

to tackle simple, routine tasks first, saving larger tasks for later,

when we supposedly will have more time. This common ten-

dency leads many of us to delay working on major assignments

until it’s too late to do a good job. You can avoid this trap by

1.6 Improving Academic Performance

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ List three steps for developing sound study habits.

■ Discuss some strategies for improving reading comprehension and

getting more out of lectures.

■ Describe various study strategies that can aid memory.

Learning Objectives

Sites to Promote Academic Success

This site provides links to a number of other sites that provide advice

on a diverse array of study-related topics, such as time management,

effective note taking, memory-improvement strategies, and test-

taking skills. Developed by Linda Walsh, a psychology professor at the

University of Northern Iowa, it is an invaluable resource for students

seeking to improve their chances of academic success.

Learn More Online

22 C H A P T E R 1

MON TUES WED THURS FRI SAT SUN

8 A.M. Work

9 A.M. History Study History Study History Work

10 A.M. Psych French Psych French Psych Work

11 A.M. Study Study Study Work

Noon Math Study Math Study Math Work Study

1 P.M. Study

2 P.M. Study English Study English Study Study

3 P.M. Study Study Study Study

4 P.M.

5 P.M.

6 P.M. Work Study Work Study

7 P.M. Work Study Work Study

8 P.M. Work Study Work Study

9 P.M. Work Study Work Study

10 P.M. Work Work

breaking major assignments into smaller component tasks that

you schedule individually.

Find a place to study where you can concentrate. Where you study

is also important. The key is to find a place where distractions are

likely to be minimal. Most people cannot study effectively while

watching TV, listening to loud music, or overhearing conversa-

tions. Students routinely claim that they can multitask in these

situations, but the research indicates that students tend to greatly

overestimate their ability to multitask effectively (Chew, 2014).

Reward your studying. One of the reasons it is so difficult to mo-

tivate oneself to study regularly is that the payoffs for studying

often lie in the distant future. The ultimate reward, a degree, may

be years away. Even shorter-term rewards, such as an A in the

course, may be weeks or months off. To combat this problem,

it helps to give yourself immediate rewards for studying. It is

easier to motivate yourself to study if you reward yourself with

a tangible payoff, such as a snack, TV show, or phone call to

a friend, when you finish. Thus, you should set realistic study

goals and then reward yourself when you meet them.

Improving Your Reading

Much of your study time is spent reading and absorbing infor-

mation. The keys to improving reading comprehension are to

preview reading assignments section by section, work hard to

actively process the meaning of the information,

strive to identify the key ideas of each paragraph,

and carefully review these key ideas after each

section. Modern textbooks often contain a vari-

ety of learning aids that you can use to improve

your reading. If a book provides a chapter out-

line, chapter summary, or learning objectives,

don’t ignore them. Advance organizers can en-

courage deeper processing and enhance your

encoding of information (Marsh & Butler, 2013).

A lot of effort and thought go into formulating

these and other textbook learning aids. It is wise

to take advantage of them.

Another important issue related to textbook

reading is whether and how to mark up one’s

reading assignments. Many students deceive

themselves into thinking that they are studying

by running a marker through a few sentences

here and there in their text. If they do so without

thoughtful selectivity, they are simply turning

a textbook into a coloring book. This situation

probably explains why a recent review of the evi-

dence on highlighting reported that it appears to

have limited value (Dunlosky et al., 2013). That

said, the review also noted that the value of high-

lighting probably depends on the skill with which

it is executed. Consistent with this conclusion,

other experts have asserted that highlighting

textbook material is a useful strategy—if students are reasonably

effective in focusing on the main ideas in the material and if

they subsequently review what they have highlighted (Hayati &

Shariatifar, 2009).

In theory, when executed effectively, highlighting can foster

active reading, improve reading comprehension, and reduce the

amount of material that one has to review later (Van Blerkom,

2012). The key to effective text marking is to identify (and high-

light) only the main ideas, key supporting details, and techni-

cal terms. Most textbooks are carefully crafted such that every

Figure 1.9 Example of an activity schedule. One student’s general activity schedule for a semester is shown here. Each week the student fills in the specific assignments to work on during the

upcoming study sessions.

Although many students underestimate the importance of study efforts, the

reality is that effective study habits and skills are crucial to academic success.

A re

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Adjusting to Modern Life 23

paragraph has a purpose for being there. Try to find the sentence

or two that best captures the purpose of each paragraph. Text

marking is a delicate balancing act. If you highlight too little of

the content, you are not identifying enough of the key ideas. But

if you highlight too much of the content, you probably are not

engaging in active reading and you are not going to succeed in

making the important information stand out (Dunlosky et al.,

2013). Overmarking appears to undermine the utility of high-

lighting more than undermarking.

Getting More out of Lectures

Although lectures are sometimes boring and tedious, it is a

simple fact that poor class attendance is associated with poor

grades. For example, Lindgren (1969) found that absences from

class were much more common among “unsuccessful” stu-

dents (grade average of C– or below) than among “successful”

students (grade average of B or above), as shown in Figure 1.10.

Even when you have an instructor who delivers hard-to-follow

lectures from which you learn little, it is still important to go

to class. If nothing else, you’ll get a feel for how the instructor

thinks. Doing so can help you anticipate the content of exams

and respond in the manner your professor expects.

Fortunately, most lectures are reasonably coherent. Studies

indicate that attentive note taking is associated with enhanced

learning and performance in college classes (Marsh & Butler,

2013). However, research also shows that many students’ lec-

ture notes are surprisingly incomplete, with the average student

often recording less than 40% of the crucial ideas in a lecture

(Armbruster, 2000). Books on study skills (McWhorter, 2013;

Wong, 2015) offer a number of suggestions on how to take

good-quality lecture notes. These suggestions include:

● Use active listening procedures. With active listening, you

focus full attention on the speaker. Try to anticipate what’s coming

and search for deeper meanings. Pay attention to nonverbal signals

that may serve to further clarify the lecturer’s intent or meaning.

● Prepare for lectures by reading ahead on the scheduled subject

in your text. If you review the text, you have less information to

digest that is brand new. This strategy is especially important

when course material is complex and difficult. ● Write down lecturers’ thoughts in your own words. Don’t try

to be a human tape recorder. Translating the lecture into your

own words forces you to organize the ideas in a way that makes

sense to you. ● Look for subtle and not-so-subtle clues about what the

instructor considers to be important. These clues may range from

simply repeating main points to saying things like “You’ll run

into this again.” ● Ask questions during lectures. Doing so keeps you actively

involved and allows you to clarify points you may have

misunderstood. Many students are more bashful about asking

questions than they should be. They don’t realize that most

professors welcome questions.

By the way, recent research has demonstrated that surfing

the Internet while in class undermines learning and leads to

lower performance on exams, regardless of one’s academic abil-

ity (Ravizza, Hambrick, & Fenn, 2014). Another study found

that students sitting nearby who could see a peer browsing the

Internet in class also were distracted and earned lower grades

(Sana, Weston, & Cepeda, 2013). Yet another study found that

even when distractions are eliminated and students use their

laptops exclusively for note taking, subsequent exam perfor-

mance is impaired (Mueller & Oppenheimer, 2014). Why?

Apparently, laptop note takers try to record lectures verbatim

instead of putting the ideas into their own words, and this shal-

lower processing results in reduced learning.

Applying Memory Principles

Scientific investigation of memory processes dates back to 1885,

when Hermann Ebbinghaus published a series of insightful

studies. Since then, psychologists have discovered a number of

principles about memory that are relevant to helping you im-

prove your study skills.

Engage in Adequate Practice

Studies show that memory improves with increased rehearsal.

Evidence suggests that it even pays to overlearn material. Over-

learning is continued rehearsal of material after you have first

appeared to master it. In one classic study, after participants

mastered a list of nouns (they recited the list without error),

Krueger (1929) required them to continue rehearsing for 50% or

100% more trials (repetitions). Measuring retention at intervals

of up to 28 days, Kreuger found that overlearning led to better

recall of the list. Modern studies have also shown that overlearn-

ing can enhance performance on an exam that occurs within a

week, although the evidence on its long-term benefits (months

later) is inconsistent (Rohrer et al., 2005).

Although the benefits of practice are well known, people

have a curious tendency to overestimate their knowledge of a

topic and how well they will perform on a subsequent memory

Always or

Successful students Unsuccessful students

Often

Often absent

Sometimes absent

Sometimes

absent 45%

always in class

47%

almost

absent

almost always in class

84%

8% 8%

Figure 1.10 Successful and unsuccessful students’ class attendance. Lindgren (1969) found that attendance was much better among successful students

(grade of B or above) than among unsuccessful students (grade of C− or below).

24 C H A P T E R 1

test of this knowledge (Koriat & Bjork, 2005). After studying

material, people also tend to underestimate the value of addi-

tional study and practice (Kornell et al., 2011). That’s why it is

a good idea to informally test yourself on informa-

tion you think you have mastered before confronting

a real test. In addition to checking your mas-

tery, recent research suggests that testing actually

enhances retention, a phenomenon dubbed the test-

ing effect or test-enhanced learning (Pyc, Agarwal, &

Roediger, 2014). Studies have shown that taking a test

on material increases performance on a subsequent

test even more than studying for an equal amount

of time (see Figure 1.11). The testing effect has been

seen across a wide range of different types of content,

and the benefits grow as the retention interval gets

longer. The favorable effects of testing are enhanced

if participants are provided feedback on their test

performance (Kornell & Metcalfe, 2014). Moreover,

studies have demonstrated that the laboratory find-

ings on the testing effect replicate in real-world edu-

cational settings (McDermott et al., 2014). Better yet,

research suggests that testing improves not just the

retention of information, but also the application of

that information in new contexts (Carpenter, 2012).

Unfortunately, given the recent nature of this discov-

ery, relatively few students are aware of the value of

testing.

Why is testing so beneficial? The key appears to be that test-

ing forces students to engage in effortful retrieval of informa-

tion, which promotes future retention (Roediger et al., 2010). In

any event, self-testing appears to be an excellent memory tool,

which suggests that it would be prudent to take the Practice

Tests in this text.

Use Distributed Practice

Let’s assume that you are going to study 9 hours for an exam.

Is it better to “cram” all of your study into one 9-hour period

(massed practice) or distribute it among, say, three 3-hour pe-

riods on successive days (distributed practice)? The evidence

indicates that retention tends to be greater after distributed

practice than massed practice (Carpenter, 2014). Moreover,

a review of more than 300 experiments (Cepeda et al., 2006)

showed that the longer the retention interval between study-

ing and testing, the bigger the advantage for spaced practice, as

shown in Figure 1.12. The same review concluded that the longer

the retention interval, the longer the optimal “break” between

practice trials. When an upcoming test is more than 2 days

away, the optimal interval between practice periods appears to

be around 24 hours. The superiority of distributed practice over

massed practice provides another reason why cramming is an

ill-advised approach to studying for exams.

Organize Information

Retention tends to be greater when information is well orga-

nized (Einstein & McDaniel, 2004). Hierarchical organization

is particularly helpful when it is applicable. Thus, it may be a

good idea to outline reading assignments for school. Consis-

tent with this reasoning, there is some empirical evidence that

0 5 minutes 1 week2 days

Retention interval

P e rc

e n ta

g e o

f id

e a u

n it

s re

ca ll e d

Study, study Study, test

Figure 1.11 The testing effect. In one study by Roediger and Karpicke (2006), participants studied a brief prose passage for 7 minutes. Then, some of

them studied it again for 7 minutes while others took a 7-minute test on

the material. In the second phase of the study, subjects took another test

on the material after either 5 minutes, 2 days, or 1 week. There wasn’t much

of a performance gap when subjects were tested over a 5-minute retention

interval, but the testing group showed a significant advantage in recall

when the retention interval was extended to 2 days or 1 week.

Source: Based on Roediger, III, H. L., & Karpicke, J. D. (2006). Test-enhanced learning: Taking memory tests improves long-term retention. Psychological Science, 17(3), 249–255.

R e te

n ti

o n (

% c

o rr

e ct

)

Retention interval

Less than 60 seconds

1 day 2–7 days 8–30 days1 minute to less than

10 minutes

10 minutes to less than 1 day

Spaced practice

Massed practice

Figure 1.12 Effects of massed versus distributed practice on retention. In a review of more than 300 experiments on massed versus distributed practice, Cepeda et al. (2006) examined

the importance of the retention interval. As you can see, spaced practice was superior to

massed practice at all retention intervals, but the gap widened at longer intervals. These

findings suggest that distributed practice is especially advantageous when you need or

want to remember material over the long haul. (Based on data from Cepeda et al., 2006)

Adjusting to Modern Life 25

outlining material from textbooks can enhance retention of the

material.

Emphasize Deep Processing

One line of research suggests that how often you go over ma-

terial is less critical than the depth of processing that you engage

in. Thus, if you expect to remember what you read, you have

to wrestle fully with its meaning (Marsh & Butler, 2013). Many

students could probably benefit if they spent less time on rote

repetition and more on actually paying attention to and analyz-

ing the meaning of their reading assignments. In particular, it is

useful to make material personally meaningful. When you read

your textbooks, try to relate information to your own life and

experience.

Use Mnemonic Devices

Of course, it’s not always easy to make something personally

meaningful. When you study chemistry, you may have a hard

time relating to polymers at a personal level. This problem has

led to the development of many mnemonic de-

vices, or strategies for enhancing memory, that

are designed to make abstract material more

meaningful.

Acrostics and acronyms. Acrostics are phrases (or

poems) in which the first letter of each word (or

line) functions as a cue to help you recall the

abstract words that begin with the same letter.

For instance, you may remember the order of

musical notes with the saying “Every good boy

does fine” (or “deserves favor”). A variation on

acrostics is the acronym—a word formed out

of the first letters of a series of words. Students

memorizing the order of colors in the light spec-

trum often store the name “Roy G. Biv” to re-

member red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo,

and violet. Acrostics and acronyms that individu-

als create for themselves can be effective memory

tools (Hermann, Raybeck, & Gruneberg, 2002).

Link method. The link method involves forming

a mental image of items to be remembered in

a way that links them together. For instance,

suppose you are going to stop at the drugstore

on the way home and you want to remember

to pick up a news magazine, shampoo, mouth-

wash, and pens. To remember these items, you

might visualize a public figure likely to be on a magazine cover

gurgling mouthwash with a pen in hand and shampoo on his

or her head. Some researchers suggest that the more bizarre the

images, the better they will be remembered (Iaccino, 1996).

Method of loci. The method of loci involves taking an imaginary

walk along a familiar path where you have associated images of

items you want to remember with certain locations. The first

step is to commit to memory a series of loci, or places along a

path. Usually, these loci are specific locations in your home or

neighborhood. Then envision each thing you want to remem-

ber in one of these locations. Try to form distinctive, vivid im-

ages. When you need to remember the items, imagine yourself

walking along the path. The various loci on your path should

serve as retrieval cues for the images that you formed (see

Figure 1.13). The method of loci assures that items are remem-

bered in their correct order because the order is determined by

the sequence of locations along the pathway. Empirical studies

have supported the value of this method for memorizing lists

(Gross et al., 2014).

Figure 1.13 The method of loci. In this example from Bower (1970), a person about to go shopping pairs items to be remembered with familiar places (loci) arranged in a natural sequence: (1) hot dogs/

driveway; (2) cat food/garage; (3) tomatoes/front door; (4) bananas/coat closet; (5) whiskey/

kitchen sink. As the last panel shows, the shopper recalls the items by mentally touring the loci

associated with them.

1970 by Scientific Research Society. Reprinted by permission.

26 C H A P T E R 1

C H A P T E R 1 Review Key Ideas

1.1 The Paradox of Progress ● Although our modern era has seen great technological progress,

personal problems have not diminished. In spite of many time-saving devices, people tend to have less free time. The life choices available to people have increased greatly, but evidence suggests that choice overload undermines individuals’ happiness.

● Although we live in an era of unprecedented affluence, the vast majority of people are stressed about financial matters, and the materialism cultivated by our consumer society appears to have undermined our subjective well-being. Thus, many theorists argue that technological progress has brought new, and possibly more difficult, adjustment problems.

1.2 The Search for Direction ● According to many theorists, the basic challenge of modern life has

become the search for a sense of direction and meaning. This search has many manifestations, including the appeal of self-realization programs, self-help gurus, religious cults, and media “therapists.”

● The enormous popularity of self-help books is an interesting manifestation of people’s struggle to find a sense of direction. Some self-help books offer worthwhile advice, but most are dominated by psychobabble and are not based on scientific research. Many also lack explicit advice on how to change behavior and some encourage a self- centered, narcissistic approach to interpersonal interactions.

● Although this text deals with many of the same issues as self- realization programs, self-help books, and other types of pop psychology, its philosophy and approach are quite different. This text is based on the premise that accurate knowledge about the principles of psychology can be of value in everyday life.

1.3 The Psychology of Adjustment ● Psychology is both a science and a profession that focuses on behavior

and related mental and physiological processes. Adjustment is a broad area of study in psychology concerned with how people adapt effectively or ineffectively to the demands and pressures of everyday life.

1.4 The Scientific Approach to Behavior ● The scientific approach to understanding behavior is empirical.

Psychologists base their conclusions on formal, systematic, objective tests of their hypotheses, rather than reasoning, speculation, or common sense.

● Experimental research involves manipulating an independent variable to discover its effect on a dependent variable. The experimenter usually does so by comparing experimental and control groups, which must be alike except for the variation created by the manipulation of the independent variable. Experiments permit conclusions about cause- effect relationships between variables, but this method isn’t usable for the study of many questions.

● Psychologists conduct correlational research when they are unable to exert control over the variables they want to study. The correlation coefficient is a numerical index of the degree of relationship between two variables. Correlational research methods include naturalistic observation, case studies, and surveys. Correlational research facilitates the investigation of many issues that are not open to experimental study, but it cannot demonstrate that two variables are causally related.

1.5 The Roots of Happiness: An Empirical Analysis ● A scientific analysis of happiness reveals that many commonsense

notions about the roots of happiness appear to be incorrect, including the notion that most people are unhappy. Factors such as income, age,

gender, parenthood, intelligence, and attractiveness are only weakly correlated with subjective well-being.

● Physical health, social relationships, religious faith, leisure activity, and culture appear to have a modest impact on feelings of happiness. The factors that are most strongly related to happiness are relationship satisfaction, work satisfaction, and personality, which probably reflects the influence of heredity.

● Happiness is a relative concept mediated by people’s highly subjective assessments of their lives. Research on affective forecasting shows that people are surprisingly bad at predicting what will make them happy. Individuals adapt to both positive and negative events in their lives, which creates a hedonic treadmill effect.

1.6 Application: Improving Academic Performance ● Evidence suggests that study habits are almost as influential as ability

in determining college success. To foster sound study habits, you should devise a written study schedule and reward yourself for following it. You should also try to find places for studying that are relatively free of distractions.

● You should use active reading techniques to select the most important ideas from the material you read. Highlighting textbook material can be a useful strategy—if you are reasonably effective in focusing on the main ideas in the material and if you subsequently review what you have highlighted. Good note taking can help you get more out of lectures. It’s important to use active listening techniques and to record lecturers’ ideas in your own words. Computer use in class appears to undermine learning.

● Rehearsal, even when it involves overlearning, facilitates retention. The process of being tested on material bolsters retention of that material. Distributed practice and deeper processing tend to improve memory. Evidence also suggests that organization facilitates retention, so outlining reading assignments can be valuable.

● Meaningfulness can be enhanced through the use of mnemonic devices such as acrostics and acronyms. The link method and the method of loci are mnemonic devices that depend on the value of visual imagery.

Adjustment p. 9 Affective forecasting p. 20 Behavior p. 9 Case study p. 14 Clinical psychology p. 9 Control group p. 11 Correlation p. 12 Correlation coefficient p. 12 Dependent variable p. 10 Empiricism p. 10 Experiment p. 10

Experimental group p. 11 Hedonic adaptation p. 20 Independent variable p. 10 Mnemonic devices p. 25 Narcissism p. 6 Naturalistic observation p. 12 Overlearning p. 23 Psychology p. 9 Subjective well-being p. 16 Surveys p. 14

Key Terms

Adjusting to Modern Life 27

C H A P T E R 1 Practice Test 9. Research has shown that which of the following is moderately

correlated with happiness? a. Gender b. Intelligence c. Parenthood d. Good social relations

10. A good reason for taking notes in your own words, rather than verbatim, is that a. most lecturers are quite wordy. b. “translating” on the spot is good mental exercise. c. it reduces the likelihood that you’ll later engage

in plagiarism. d. it forces you to assimilate the information in a way that

makes sense to you.

1. Technological advances have not led to perceptible improvement in our collective health and happiness. This statement defines a. escape from freedom. b. the point/counterpoint phenomenon. c. modern society. d. the paradox of progress.

2. Barry Schwartz (2004) argues that a. life choices have increased dramatically in modern society. b. an abundance of choices can lead to choice overload. c. choice overload often leads to rumination and postdecision

regret. d. all of the above are true.

3. Which of the following is not offered in the text as a criticism of self-help books? a. They are infrequently based on solid research. b. Most don’t provide explicit directions for changing behavior. c. The topics they cover are often quite narrow. d. Many are dominated by psychobabble.

4. The adaptation of animals when environments change is

similar to __________ in humans. a. orientation b. assimilation c. evolution d. adjustment

5. An experiment is a research method in which the investigator

manipulates the __________ variable and observes whether

changes occur in a (an) __________ variable as a result. a. independent; dependent b. control; experimental c. experimental; control d. dependent; independent

6. A researcher wants to determine whether a certain diet causes children to learn better in school. In this study, the independent variable is a. the type of diet. b. a measure of learning performance. c. the age or grade level of the children. d. the intelligence level of the children.

7. A psychologist collected background information about a psychopathic killer, talked to him and people who knew him, and gave him psychological tests. Which research method was she using? a. Case study b. Naturalistic observation c. Survey d. Experiment

8. The principal advantage of experimental research is that a. it has a scientific basis and is therefore convincing to people. b. experiments replicate real-life situations. c. an experiment can be designed for any research problem. d. it allows the researcher to draw cause-and-effect

conclusions.

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 1.1 Self-Assessment: Narcissistic Personality Inventory

Exercise 1.2 Self-Reflection: What Are Your Study Habits Like?

Answers 1. d Pages 1–3 2. d Pages 1–2 3. c Pages 6–7 4. d Page 9 5. a Page 10

6. a Page 10 7. a Page 14 8. d Page 11 9. d Pages 17–18

10. d Page 23

C H A P T E R 2 Theories of Personality

2.1 The Nature of Personality

What Is Personality?

What Are Personality Traits?

The Five-Factor Model of Personality

2.2 Psychodynamic Perspectives

Freud’s Psychoanalytic Theory

Jung’s Analytical Psychology

Adler’s Individual Psychology

Evaluating Psychodynamic Perspectives

2.3 Behavioral Perspectives

Pavlov’s Classical Conditioning

Skinner’s Operant Conditioning

Bandura’s Social Cognitive Theory

Evaluating Behavioral Perspectives

2.4 Humanistic Perspectives

Rogers’s Person-Centered Theory

Maslow’s Theory of Self-Actualization

Evaluating Humanistic Perspectives

2.5 Biological Perspectives

Eysenck’s Theory

Recent Research in Behavioral Genetics

The Evolutionary Approach to Personality

RECOMMENDED READING Making Sense of People by Samuel Barondes

Evaluating Biological Perspectives

2.6 Contemporary Empirical Approaches to Personality

Renewed Interest in Narcissism

Terror Management Theory

2.7 Culture and Personality

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Individualism, Collectivism, and Self-Insight

2.8 APPLICATION: Assessing Your Personality

Key Concepts in Psychological Testing

Self-Report Inventories

Projective Tests

Review

Practice Test

wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock.com

2.1 The Nature of Personality

To discuss theories of personality effectively, we need to digress momentarily to come up

with a definition of personality and to discuss the concept of personality traits.

What Is Personality?

What does it mean if you say that a friend has an optimistic personality? Your statement

suggests that the person has a fairly consistent tendency to behave in a cheerful, hopeful,

enthusiastic way, looking at the bright side of things, across a wide variety of situations.

In a similar vein, if you note that a friend has an “outgoing” personality, you mean that

she or he consistently behaves in a friendly, open, and extraverted manner in a variety of

circumstances. Although no one is entirely consistent in his or her behavior, this quality

of consistency across situations lies at the core of the concept of personality.

Distinctiveness is also central to the concept of personality. Everyone has traits seen in

other people, but each individual has her or his own distinctive set of personality traits. Each

person is unique. Thus, as illustrated by our elevator scenario, the concept of personality

helps explain why people don’t all act alike in the same situation. In summary, personality

refers to an individual’s unique constellation of consistent behavioral traits. Let’s look

more closely at the concept of traits.

What Are Personality Traits?

We all make remarks like “Melanie is very shrewd” or “Doug is too timid to succeed in

that job” or “I wish I could be as self-assured as Antonio.” When we attempt to describe

an individual’s personality, we usually do so in terms of specific aspects, called traits. A

personality trait is a durable disposition to behave in a particular way in a variety of

situations. Adjectives such as honest, dependable, moody, impulsive, suspicious, anxious,

excitable, domineering, and friendly describe dispositions that represent personality traits.

Most trait theories of personality assume that some traits are more basic than others

(Paunonen & Hong, 2015). According to this notion, a small number of fundamental traits

determine other, more superficial traits. For example, a person’s tendency to be impulsive,

restless, irritable, boisterous, and impatient might all derive from a more basic tendency

to be excitable. A number of theorists have taken on the challenge of identifying the basic

traits that form the core of personality. In recent decades, the most influential theory has

been the five-factor model developed by Robert McCrae and Paul Costa (2008).

The Five-Factor Model of Personality

The five-factor model of personality developed by McCrae and Costa (2003, 2008) asserts

that the vast majority of personality traits derive from just five higher-order traits that have

stressful situation occur because each person has a different

personality. Personality differences significantly influence

people’s patterns of adjustment. Thus, theories intended to

explain personality can contribute to our effort to understand

adjustment processes. In this chapter, we introduce you to

various theories that attempt to explain the structure and

development of personality. ■

I magine that you are hurtling upward in an elevator with

three other persons when suddenly a power blackout

brings the elevator to a halt forty-five stories above the

ground. Your companions might adjust to this predicament

differently. One might crack jokes to relieve tension. Another

might make ominous predictions that “we’ll never get out

of here.” The third might calmly think about how to escape

from the elevator. These varied ways of coping with the same

Learning Objectives

■ Clarify the meaning of personality and

personality traits.

■ Describe the five-factor model of

personality and relations between the

Big Five traits and life outcomes.

Theories of Personality 29

30 C H A P T E R 2

come to be known as the “Big Five”: extraversion, neuroticism, openness

to experience, agreeableness, and conscientiousness (see Figure 2.1). Let’s

take a closer look at these traits:

1. Extraversion. People who score high in extraversion are charac-

terized as outgoing, sociable, upbeat, friendly, assertive, and gregarious.

They also have a more positive outlook on life and are motivated to pursue

social contact, intimacy, and interdependence (Wilt & Revelle, 2009).

2. Neuroticism. People who score high in neuroticism tend to be

anxious, hostile, self-conscious, insecure, and vulnerable. They also tend

to exhibit more impulsiveness and emotional instability than others

(Widiger, 2009).

3. Openness to experience. Openness is associated with curiosity,

flexibility, vivid fantasy, imaginativeness, artistic sensitivity, and un-

conventional attitudes. People who are high in openness tend to be

tolerant of ambiguity and have less need for closure on issues (McCrae

& Sutin, 2009).

4. Agreeableness. Those who score high in agreeableness tend to be

sympathetic, trusting, cooperative, modest, and straightforward. People

who score at the opposite end of this personality dimension are character-

ized as suspicious, antagonistic, and aggressive. Agreeableness is associ-

ated with empathy and helping behavior (Graziano & Tobin, 2009).

5. Conscientiousness. Conscientious people tend to be diligent, dis-

ciplined, well organized, punctual, and dependable. Conscientiousness is

associated with strong self-discipline and the ability to regulate oneself

effectively (Roberts et al., 2009).

Figure 2.1 The five-factor model of personality. Trait models attempt to break down personality into its basic dimensions. McCrae

and Costa (1987, 1997, 2003) maintain that personality can be

described adequately with the five higher-order traits identified

here, widely known as the Big Five traits.

Correlations have been found between the Big Five traits and quite a variety of im-

portant life outcomes. For instance, higher college grades are associated with higher

conscientiousness, probably because conscientious students work harder (McAbee &

Oswald, 2013). Several of the Big Five traits are associated with occupational attainment

(career success). Extraversion and conscientiousness are positive predictors of occupa-

tional attainment, whereas neuroticism is a negative predictor (Miller Burke & Attridge,

2011; Roberts, Caspi, & Moffitt, 2003). Agreeableness is negatively associated with income,

especially among men (Judge, Livingston, & Hurst, 2012). Extraversion and openness to

experience correlate with entrepreneurial activity (Leutner et al., 2014). The likelihood

of divorce can also be predicted by personality traits because neuroticism elevates the

probability of divorce, whereas agreeableness and conscientiousness reduce it (Roberts

et al., 2007). Finally, and perhaps most important, several of the Big Five traits are related

to health and mortality. Neuroticism is associated with an elevated prevalence of physical

and mental disorders (Smith, Williams, & Segerstrom, 2015), whereas conscientiousness is

correlated with the experience of less illness and with greater longevity (Friedman & Kern,

2014). Recent research suggests that openness to experience may also foster longevity

(DeYoung, 2015).

Advocates of the five-factor model maintain that personality can be described ade-

quately by measuring the five basic traits they’ve identified. Their bold claim has been

supported in many studies, and the five-factor model has become the dominant con-

ception of personality structure in contemporary psychology (McCrae, Gaines, &

Wellington, 2013). However, some theorists have argued that only two or three traits are

necessary to account for most of the variation seen in human personality, while others

have suggested that more than five traits are needed to describe personality adequately

(Saucier & Srivastava, 2015).

The debate about how many dimensions are necessary to describe personality is likely

to continue for many years to come. As you’ll see throughout the chapter, the study of

personality is an area in psychology that has a long history of “dueling theories.” We’ll

begin our tour of these theories by examining the influential work of Sigmund Freud and

his followers.

Theories of Personality 31

2.2 Psychodynamic Perspectives

Psychodynamic theories include all the diverse theories descended from the work of

Sigmund Freud that focus on unconscious mental forces. Freud inspired many brilliant

scholars who followed in his intellectual footsteps. Some of these followers simply refined

and updated Freud’s theory. Others veered off in new directions and established indepen-

dent, albeit related, schools of thought. Today, the psychodynamic umbrella covers a large

collection of related theories. In this section, we’ll examine Freud’s ideas in some detail and

then take a brief look at the work of two of his most significant followers, Carl Jung

and Alfred Adler.

Freud’s Psychoanalytic Theory

Sigmund Freud was a physician specializing in neurology when he began his medical

practice in Vienna near the end of the 19th century. Like other neurologists in his era,

he often treated people troubled by nervous problems such as irrational fears, obsessions,

and anxieties. Eventually, he devoted himself to the treatment of mental disorders using

an innovative procedure he developed, called psychoanalysis, that required lengthy verbal

interactions in which Freud probed deeply into patients’ lives. Decades of experience with

patients provided much of the inspiration for his theory of personality.

Although Freud’s theory gradually gained prominence, most of his contemporaries

were uncomfortable with it, for at least three reasons. First, he argued that unconscious

forces govern human behavior. This idea was disturbing because it suggested that peo-

ple are not masters of their own minds. Second, he claimed that childhood experiences

strongly determine adult personality. This notion distressed many because it suggested that

people are not masters of their own destinies. Third, he said that individuals’ personalities

are shaped by how they cope with their sexual urges. This assertion offended the conser-

vative Victorian values of his time. Thus, Freud endured a great deal of criticism, condem-

nation, and outright ridicule, even after his work began to attract more favorable attention.

What were these ideas that generated so much controversy?

Structure of Personality

Freud (1901, 1920) divided personality structure into three components: the id, the ego,

and the superego. He saw a person’s behavior as the outcome of interactions among these

three elements.

The id is the primitive, instinctive component of personality that operates accord-

ing to the pleasure principle. Freud referred to the id as the reservoir of psychic energy. By

this he meant that the id houses the raw biological urges (to eat, sleep, defecate, copulate,

and so on) that energize human behavior. The id operates according to the pleasure princi-

ple, which demands immediate gratification of its urges. The id engages in primary process

thinking, which is primitive, illogical, irrational, and fantasy oriented.

The ego is the decision-making component of personality that operates according

to the reality principle. The ego mediates between the id, with its forceful desires for im-

mediate satisfaction, and the external social world, with its expectations and norms regard-

ing suitable behavior. The ego considers social realities—society’s norms, etiquette, rules,

and customs—in deciding how to behave. The ego is guided by the reality principle, which

seeks to delay gratification of the id’s urges until appropriate outlets and situations can be

found. In short, to stay out of trouble, the ego often works to tame the unbridled desires of

the id. As Freud put it, the ego is “like a man on horseback, who has to hold in check the

superior strength of the horse” (Freud, 1923, p. 15).

In the long run, the ego wants to maximize gratification, just like the id. However, the

ego engages in secondary process thinking, which is relatively rational, realistic, and ori-

ented toward problem solving. Thus, the ego strives to avoid negative consequences from

Learning Objectives

■ Explain Freud’s view of personality

structure and the role of conflict and

anxiety.

■ Identify key defense mechanisms, and

outline Freud’s view of development.

■ Summarize the psychodynamic

theories proposed by Jung and Adler.

■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses

of the psychodynamic approach to

personality.

Sigmund Freud Museum,

Vienna, Austria

This online museum, in both

English and German versions, offers

a detailed chronology of Freud’s

life and explanations of the most

important concepts of psychoanalysis.

The highlights, though, are the rich

audiovisual resources, including online

photos, amateur movie clips, and voice

recordings of Freud.

Learn More Online

Sigmund Freud is widely known for his

invention of psychoanalysis, his interest

in the unconscious, and his controversial

emphasis on sexuality.

32 C H A P T E R 2

society and its representatives (for example, punishment by parents or teachers) by behav-

ing “properly.” It also attempts to achieve long-range goals that sometimes require putting

off gratification.

While the ego concerns itself with practical realities, the superego is the moral com-

ponent of personality that incorporates social standards about what represents right

and wrong. Throughout their lives, but especially during childhood, individuals receive

training about what constitutes good and bad behavior. Eventually, they internalize many

of these social norms, meaning that they truly accept certain moral principles, then they

put pressure on themselves to live up to these standards. The superego emerges out of the

ego at around 3 to 5 years of age. In some people, the superego can become irrationally

demanding in its striving for moral perfection. Such people are plagued by excessive guilt.

According to Freud, the id, ego, and superego are distributed across three levels of

awareness. He contrasted the unconscious with the conscious and preconscious (see

Figure 2.2). The conscious consists of whatever one is aware of at a particular point in

time. For example, at this moment your conscious may include the current train of thought

in this text and a dim awareness in the back of your mind that your eyes are getting tired

and you’re beginning to get hungry. The preconscious contains material just beneath the

surface of awareness that can be easily retrieved. Examples might include your middle

name, what you had for supper last night, or an argument you had with a friend yesterday.

The unconscious contains thoughts, memories, and desires that are well below the sur-

face of conscious awareness but that nonetheless exert great influence on one’s behav-

ior. Material that might be found in your unconscious would include a forgotten trauma

from childhood or hidden feelings of hostility toward a parent.

Conflict and Defense Mechanisms

Freud assumed that behavior is the outcome of an ongoing series of internal conflicts. Bat-

tles among the id, ego, and superego are routine. Why? Because the id wants to gratify

its urges immediately, but the norms of civilized society frequently dictate otherwise. For

example, your id might feel an urge to clobber a co-worker who constantly irritates you.

However, society frowns on such behavior, so your ego would try to hold this urge in check,

and you would find yourself in a conflict. Freud believed that internal conflicts are a routine

part of people’s lives. The following scenario provides a fanciful illustration of how the three

components of personality interact to create constant conflicts.

Figure 2.2 Freud’s model of personality structure. Freud theorized that people have three levels of awareness: the conscious,

the preconscious, and the unconscious. To

dramatize the size of the unconscious, it has

often been compared to the portion of an

iceberg that lies beneath the water’s surface.

Freud also divided personality structure into

three components—id, ego, and superego—

that operate according to different principles

and exhibit different modes of thinking. In

Freud’s model, the id is entirely unconscious,

but the ego and superego operate at all three

levels of awareness.

Superego

Ego

Moral imperatives

Reality principle Secondary process thinking

Pleasure principle Primary process thinking

Conscious: Contact with outside world

Preconscious: Material just beneath the surface of awareness

Unconscious: retrieve material;

well below the surface of awareness

Theories of Personality 33

Imagine your alarm clock ringing obnoxiously as you lurch across the bed

to shut it off. It’s 7 a.m. and time to get up for your history class. However,

your id (operating according to the pleasure principle) urges you to return

to the immediate gratification of additional sleep. Your ego (operating

according to the reality principle) points out that you really must go to

class since you haven’t been able to decipher the textbook on your own.

Your id (in its typical unrealistic fashion) smugly assures you that you

will get the A that you need. It suggests lying back to dream about how

impressed your roommate will be. Just as you’re relaxing, your superego

jumps into the fray. It tries to make you feel guilty about the tuition your

parents paid for the class that you’re about to skip. You haven’t even

gotten out of bed yet—and there is already a pitched battle in your psyche.

Freud believed that conflicts centering on sexual and aggressive

impulses are especially likely to have far-reaching consequences. Why

did he emphasize sex and aggression? Two reasons were prominent in

his thinking. First, he thought that sex and aggression are subject to

more complex and ambiguous social controls than other basic motives.

Thus, people often get inconsistent messages about what’s appropriate.

Second, he noted that the aggressive and sexual drives are thwarted more regularly than

other basic, biological urges. Think about it: If you get hungry or thirsty, you can simply

head for a nearby vending machine or a drinking fountain. But when you see an attrac-

tive person who inspires lustful urges, you don’t normally propose hooking up in a nearby

broom closet. Freud ascribed great importance to these needs because social norms dictate

that they’re routinely frustrated.

Most psychic conflicts are trivial and are quickly resolved one way or the other. Occa-

sionally, however, a conflict will linger for days, months, and even years, creating internal

tension. Indeed, Freud believed that lingering conflicts rooted in childhood experiences

cause most personality disturbances. More often than not, these prolonged and trouble-

some conflicts involve sexual and aggressive impulses that society wants to tame. These

conflicts are often played out entirely in the unconscious. Although you may not be aware

of these unconscious battles, they can produce anxiety that slips to the surface of conscious

awareness. This anxiety is attributable to your ego worrying about the id getting out of con-

trol and doing something terrible.

The arousal of anxiety is a crucial event in Freud’s theory of personality functioning

(see Figure 2.3). Anxiety is distressing, so people try to rid themselves of this unpleasant

emotion any way they can. This effort to ward off anxiety often involves the use of defense

mechanisms. Defense mechanisms are largely unconscious reactions that protect a person

from painful emotions such as anxiety and guilt. Typically, they are mental maneuvers

that work through self-deception. A common example is rationalization, which involves

creating false but plausible excuses to justify unacceptable behavior. You would be ratio-

nalizing if, after cheating someone in a business transaction, you tried to reduce your guilt

by explaining that “everyone does it.”

Freud’s psychoanalytic theory was based on decades of clinical work.

He treated a great many patients in the consulting room pictured here.

The room contains numerous artifacts from other cultures—and the

original psychoanalytic couch.

Figure 2.3 Freud’s model of personality dynamics. According to Freud, unconscious conflicts among the id, ego, and superego

sometimes lead to anxiety. This discomfort

may lead to the use of defense mechanisms,

which may temporarily relieve anxiety.

Id Ego

Intrapsychic ict Anxiety

Superego

Reliance on defense mechanisms

Pe te

r A

pr ah

am ia

n/ En

cy cl

op ed

ia /C

or bi

34 C H A P T E R 2

Characterized as “the flagship in the psychoanalytic fleet of defense mechanisms”

(Paulhus, Fridhandler, & Hayes, 1997, p. 545), repression is the most basic and widely used

defense mechanism. Repression involves keeping distressing thoughts and feelings bur-

ied in the unconscious. People tend to repress desires that make them feel guilty, conflicts

that make them anxious, and memories that are painful. Repression is “motivated forget-

ting.” If you forget a dental appointment or the name of someone you don’t like, repression

may be at work.

Self-deception can also be seen in the mechanisms of projection and displacement.

Projection involves attributing one’s own thoughts, feelings, or motives to another. For

example, if your lust for a co-worker makes you feel guilty, you might attribute any latent

sexual tension between the two of you to the other person’s desire to seduce you. Displace-

ment involves diverting emotional feelings (usually anger) from their original source

to a substitute target. If your boss gives you a hard time at work and you come home and

slam the door, yell at your dog, and lash out at your spouse, you are displacing your anger

onto irrelevant targets. Unfortunately, social constraints often force people to hold back

their anger until they end up expressing it toward the people they love the most.

Other prominent defense mechanisms include reaction formation, regression, and

identification. Reaction formation involves behaving in a way that is exactly the opposite

of one’s true feelings. Guilt about sexual desires often leads to reaction formation. Freud

theorized that many males who ridicule homosexuals are defending against their own latent

homosexual impulses. The telltale sign of reaction formation is the exaggerated quality of

the opposite behavior (such as trying to be ultra-nice in order to mask feelings of hostility).

Regression involves a reversion to immature patterns of behavior. When anxious

about their self-worth, some adults respond with childish boasting and bragging (as

opposed to subtle efforts to impress others). For example, a fired executive having difficulty

finding a new job might start making ridiculous statements about his incomparable talents

and achievements. Such bragging is regressive when it is marked by massive exaggerations

that anyone can see through.

Identification involves bolstering self-esteem by forming an imaginary or real

alliance with some person or group. For example, youngsters often shore up precarious

feelings of self-worth by identifying with rock stars, movie stars, or famous athletes. Adults

may join exclusive country clubs or civic organizations with which they identify.

Additional examples of the defense mechanisms we’ve described can be found in

Figure 2.4. According to Freud, everyone uses defense mechanisms to some extent. They

Figure 2.4 Defense mechanisms. According to Freud, people use a variety of defense mech anisms

to protect themselves from painful emotions.

Definitions of seven commonly used defense

mechanisms are shown on the left, along with

examples of each on the right.

DEFENSE MECHANISMS, WITH EXAMPLES

Definition Example

Repression involves keeping distressing thoughts

and feelings buried in the unconscious.

A traumatized soldier has no recollection of the

details of a close brush with death.

Projection involves attributing one’s own

thoughts, feelings, or motives to another person.

A woman who dislikes her boss thinks she likes her

boss but feels that the boss doesn’t like her.

Displacement involves diverting emotional

feelings (usually anger) from their original source

to a substitute target.

After a parental scolding, a young girl takes her

anger out on her little brother.

Reaction formation involves behaving in a way

that is exactly the opposite of one’s true feelings.

A parent who unconsciously resents a child spoils

the child with outlandish gifts.

Regression involves a reversion to immature

patterns of behavior.

An adult has a temper tantrum when he doesn’t get

his way.

Rationalization involves the creation of false but

plausible excuses to justify unacceptable behavior.

A student watches TV instead of studying, saying

that “additional study wouldn’t do any good anyway.”

Identification involves bolstering self-esteem by

forming an imaginary or real alliance with some

person or group.

An insecure young man joins a fraternity to boost

his self-esteem.

Theories of Personality 35

become problematic only when a person depends on them excessively. The seeds for

psychological disorders are sown when defenses lead to wholesale distortion of reality.

Modern research provides some support for Freud’s belief that mental health depends in

part on the extent to which people rely on defense mechanisms. A study of patients under-

going long-term psychoanalytic therapy found that reductions in their reliance on defense

mechanisms were associated with improvements in life functioning and decreases in psy-

chiatric symptoms (Perry & Bond, 2012).

Recent decades have brought a revival of interest in research on defense mechanisms.

Consistent with Freudian theory, empirical studies have found that (1) reliance on defense

mechanisms increases when people experience stress or a threat to their sense of self,

(2) defense mechanisms serve a protective function by shielding individuals from emotional

distress, and (3) excessive dependence on defenses is associated with impairments in mental

health (Cramer, 2015). One interesting line of research has investigated a repressive coping

style and found that repressors have an impoverished memory for events that are likely to

trigger unpleasant emotions (Alston et al., 2013). For example, one study found that repres-

sors selectively forget more self-threatening information than control subjects (Saunders,

Worth, & Fernandes, 2012). Another study found that repressors’ recollections of negative

events showed less specificity and detail than their recollections of positive events (Geraerts

et al., 2012). In other words, their memory for negative experiences is degraded in quality.

Development: Psychosexual Stages

Freud made the startling assertion that the foundation of an individual’s personality is laid

down by the tender age of 5! To shed light on the crucial early years, he formulated a stage

theory of development that emphasized how young children deal with their immature, but

powerful, sexual urges (he used the term sexual in a general way to refer to many urges for

physical pleasure, not just the urge to copulate). According to Freud, these sexual urges shift

in focus as children progress from one stage to another. Indeed, the names for the stages

(oral, anal, genital, and so on) are based on where children are focusing their erotic energy

at the time. Thus, psychosexual stages are developmental periods with a characteristic

sexual focus that leave their mark on adult personality.

Freud theorized that each psychosexual stage has its own unique developmental chal-

lenges or tasks, as outlined in Figure 2.5. The way these challenges are handled supposedly

shapes personality. The notion of fixation plays an important role in this process. Fixation

is a failure to move forward from one stage to another as expected. Essentially, the child’s

development stalls for a while. Fixation is caused by excessive gratification of needs at a

particular stage or by excessive frustration of those needs. Either way, fixations left over

from childhood affect adult personality. Generally, fixation leads to an overemphasis on the

psychosexual needs that were prominent during the fixated stage. Freud described a series

of five psychosexual stages. Let’s examine some of the major features of each stage.

Figure 2.5 Freud’s stages of psychosexual development. Freud theorized that people evolve through the series of psychosexual

stages summarized here. The manner in which

certain key tasks and experiences are handled

during each stage is thought to leave a lasting

imprint on one’s adult personality.

FREUD’S STAGES OF PSYCHOSEXUAL DEVELOPMENT

Stage Approximate ages Erotic focus Key tasks and experiences

Oral 0–1 Mouth

(sucking, biting)

Weaning (from breast or bottle)

Anal 2–3 Anus

(expelling or retaining feces)

Toilet training

Phallic 4–5 Genitals

(masturbating)

Identifying with adult role models;

coping with Oedipal crisis

Latency 6–12 None

(sexually repressed)

Expanding social contacts

Genital Puberty onward Genitals

(being sexually intimate)

Establishing intimate relationships;

contributing to society through

working

36 C H A P T E R 2

Oral stage. During this stage, which usually encompasses the first year

of life, the main source of erotic stimulation is the mouth (in biting,

sucking, chewing, and so on). How caregivers handle the child’s feed-

ing experiences is supposed to be crucial to subsequent development.

Freud attributed considerable importance to the manner in which

the child is weaned from the breast or the bottle. According to Freud,

fixation at the oral stage could form the basis for obsessive eating or

smoking (among many other things) later in life.

Anal stage. In their second year, children supposedly get their erotic

pleasure from their bowel movements, through either the expulsion

or retention of feces. The crucial event at this time is toilet training,

which represents society’s first systematic effort to regulate the child’s

biological urges. Severely punitive toilet training is thought to lead to

a variety of possible outcomes. For example, excessive punishment

might produce a latent feeling of hostility toward the “trainer,” who is

usually the mother. This hostility might generalize to women in gen-

eral. Another possibility is that heavy reliance on punitive measures

might lead to an association between genital concerns and the anxiety that the punishment

arouses. This genital anxiety from severe toilet training could evolve into anxiety about

sexual activities later in life.

Phallic stage. Around age 4, the genitals become the focus for the child’s erotic energy,

largely through self-stimulation. During this pivotal stage, the Oedipal complex emerges.

Little boys develop an erotically tinged preference for their mother. They also feel hostility

toward their father, whom they view as a competitor for mom’s affection. Little girls develop

a special attachment to their father. At about the same time, they learn that their genitals are

very different from those of little boys, and they supposedly develop penis envy. According

to Freud, girls feel hostile toward their mother because they blame her for their anatomical

“deficiency.” To summarize, in the Oedipal complex children manifest erotically tinged

desires for their other-sex parent, accompanied by feelings of hostility toward their

same-sex parent. The name for this syndrome was taken from the Greek myth of Oedipus,

who was separated from his parents at birth. Not knowing the identity of his real parents,

he inadvertently killed his father and married his mother.

According to Freud, the way parents and children deal with the sexual and aggres-

sive conflicts inherent in the Oedipal complex is of paramount importance. The child has

to resolve the dilemma by giving up the sexual longings for the other-sex parent and the

hostility toward the same-sex parent. Healthy psychosexual development is supposed to

hinge on the resolution of the Oedipal conflict. Why? Because continued hostile relations

with the same-sex parent may prevent the child from identifying adequately with that par-

ent. Without such identification, Freudian theory predicts that many aspects of the child’s

development won’t progress as they should.

Latency and genital stages. Freud believed that from age 6 through puberty, the child’s sex-

uality is suppressed—it becomes “latent.” Important events during this latency stage cen-

ter on expanding social contacts beyond the family. With the advent of puberty, the child

evolves into the genital stage. Sexual urges reappear and focus on the genitals once again.

At this point the sexual energy is typically channeled toward peers of the other sex, rather

than toward oneself, as in the phallic stage.

In arguing that the early years shape personality, Freud did not mean that personality

development comes to an abrupt halt in middle childhood. However, he did believe that the

foundation for one’s adult personality is solidly entrenched by this time. He maintained that

future developments are rooted in early, formative experiences and that significant conflicts

in later years are replays of crises from childhood.

In fact, Freud believed that unconscious sexual conflicts rooted in childhood experi-

ences cause most personality disturbances. His steadfast belief in the psychosexual origins

According to Freudian theory, a child’s feeding experiences are crucial

to later development. Fixation at the oral stage could lead to an

overemphasis on, for example, smoking or eating in adulthood.

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ou rc

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Im ag

Theories of Personality 37

of psychological disorders eventually led to bitter theoretical disputes with two of his most

brilliant colleagues: Carl Jung and Alfred Adler. They both argued that Freud overempha-

sized sexuality. Freud summarily rejected their ideas, and the other two theorists felt com-

pelled to go their own ways, developing their own psychodynamic theories of personality.

Jung’s Analytical Psychology

Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung called his new approach analytical psychology to differentiate it

from Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. Like Freud, Jung (1921, 1933) emphasized the uncon-

scious determinants of personality. However, he proposed that the unconscious consists of

two layers. The first layer, called the personal unconscious, is essentially the same as Freud’s

version of the unconscious. The personal unconscious houses material from one’s life that

is not within one’s conscious awareness because it has been repressed or forgotten. In ad-

dition, Jung theorized the existence of a deeper layer he called the collective unconscious.

The collective unconscious is a storehouse of latent memory

traces inherited from people’s ancestral past that is shared

with the entire human race.

Jung called these ancestral memories archetypes. They are

not memories of actual, personal experiences. Instead, arche-

types are emotionally charged images and thought forms

that have universal meaning. These archetypal images and

ideas show up frequently in dreams and are often manifested

in a culture’s use of symbols in art, literature, and religion.

Jung felt that an understanding of archetypal symbols helped

him make sense of his patients’ dreams.

Adler’s Individual Psychology

Alfred Adler was a charter member of Freud’s inner circle—

the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society. However, he soon began

to develop his own theory of personality, which he chris-

tened individual psychology. Adler (1917, 1927) argued that

the foremost human drive is not sexuality, but a striving for

superiority. He viewed such striving as a universal drive to

adapt, improve oneself, and master life’s challenges. He noted

that young children understandably feel weak and helpless

in comparison to more competent older children and adults.

These early inferiority feelings supposedly motivate individ-

uals to acquire new skills and develop new talents.

Adler asserted that everyone has to work to overcome

some feelings of inferiority. Compensation involves efforts

to overcome imagined or real inferiorities by developing

one’s abilities. Adler believed that compensation is entirely

normal. However, in some people inferiority feelings can

become excessive, resulting in what is widely known today as

an inferiority complex—exaggerated feelings of weakness and

inadequacy. Adler thought that either parental pampering or

parental neglect (or actual physical handicaps) could cause

an inferiority problem. Adler explained personality distur-

bances by noting that an inferiority complex can distort the

normal process of striving for superiority (see Figure 2.6).

He maintained that some people engage in overcompensa-

tion in order to conceal, even from themselves, their feelings

of inferiority. Instead of working to master life’s challenges,

people with an inferiority complex work to achieve status,

gain power over others, and acquire the trappings of success

C. G. Jung, Analytical

Psychology, and Culture

Synchronicity, archetypes, collective

unconscious, introversion, extraversion—

these and many other important

concepts arising from analytical

psychology and Jung’s tremendously

influential theorizing are examined at this

comprehensive site.

Learn More Online

Figure 2.6 Adler’s view of personality development. Like Freud, Adler believed that early childhood experiences exert momentous influence over adult

personality. However, he focused on children’s social interactions rather than on

their grappling with their sexuality. According to Adler, the roots of personality

disturbances typically lie in excessive parental neglect or pampering, which can

lead to overcompensation.

Normal growth

Weakness, helplessness

Competence

Superiority complex

Inferiority complex

Social interest

Compensation Parental

Pampering, spoiling

Organic inferiority (illness,

neglect

Overcompensation, underdeveloped social interests

physical handicap)

38 C H A P T E R 2

(fancy clothes, impressive cars, or whatever seems important to them) in an effort to cover

up their underlying inferiority complex.

Evaluating Psychodynamic Perspectives

The psychodynamic approach has given us a number of far-reaching theories of personality.

These theories yielded some bold new insights for their time. Psychodynamic theory and

research have demonstrated that (1) unconscious forces can influence behavior, (2) internal

conflict often plays a key role in generating psychological distress, (3) early childhood

experiences can exert considerable influence over adult personality, and (4) people do rely

on defense mechanisms to reduce their experience of unpleasant emotions (Bornstein,

Denckla, & Chung, 2013; Westen, Gabbard, & Ortigo, 2008).

In a more negative vein, psychodynamic formulations have been criticized on several

grounds, including the following (Crews, 2006; Kramer, 2006). First, some critics maintain

that psychodynamic theories have often been too vague to permit a clear scientific test.

Concepts such as the superego, the preconscious, and collective unconscious are difficult to

measure. Second, critics note that psychodynamic theories depend too heavily on clinical

case studies in which it’s much too easy for clinicians to see what they expect to see. Reex-

aminations of Freud’s own clinical work suggest that he frequently distorted his patients’

case histories to make them mesh with his theory (Esterson, 2001) and that there were sub-

stantial disparities between Freud’s writings and his actual therapeutic methods (Lynn &

Vaillant, 1998). Third, although studies have supported some insights from psychodynamic

theories, the weight of empirical evidence has contradicted many of the central hypotheses

(Wolitzky, 2006). For example, we now know that development is a lifelong journey and

that Freud overemphasized the importance of the first five years. The Oedipal complex is

neither as universal nor as important as Freud believed, and struggles with sexuality are

not the root cause of most disorders. Fourth, many critics have argued that psychodynamic

theories have generally provided a rather male-centered, even sexist, view of personality.

2.3 Behavioral Perspectives

Behaviorism is a theoretical orientation based on the premise that scientific psychol-

ogy should study observable behavior. Behaviorism has been a major school of thought

in psychology since 1913, when John B. Watson published an influential article. In it, he

argued that psychology should abandon its earlier focus on the mind and mental processes

and focus exclusively on overt behavior. He contended that psychology could not study

mental processes in a scientific manner because these processes are private and not acces-

sible to outside observation.

In completely rejecting mental processes as a suitable subject for scientific study,

Watson took an extreme position that is no longer dominant among modern behaviorists.

Nonetheless, his influence was enormous, as psychology changed its primary focus from

the study of the mind to the study of behavior.

The behaviorists have shown little interest in internal personality structures such as

Freud’s id, ego, and superego because such structures can’t be observed. They prefer to

think in terms of “response tendencies,” which can be observed. Thus, most behaviorists

view an individual’s personality as a collection of response tendencies that are tied to various

stimulus situations. A specific situation may be associated with a number of response ten-

dencies that vary in strength, depending on an individual’s past experience (see Figure 2.7).

Despite their lack of interest in personality structure, behaviorists have focused exten-

sively on personality development. They explain development the same way they explain

everything else—through learning. Specifically, they focus on how children’s response ten-

dencies are shaped through classical conditioning, operant conditioning, and observational

learning. Let’s look at these processes.

■ Describe Pavlov’s classical conditioning

and its contribution to understanding

personality.

■ Discuss how Skinner’s principles of

operant conditioning can be applied to

personality development.

■ Describe Bandura’s social cognitive

theory and his concept of self-efficacy.

■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses

of behavioral theories of personality.

Learning Objectives

PO W

O LN

Y, F

R A

N K

/ A

lb um

/N ew

sc om

Adler's theory has been used to analyze the

tragic life of the legendary actress Marilyn

Monroe (Ansbacher, 1970). During her

childhood, Monroe suffered from parental

neglect that left her with acute feelings of

inferiority. Her inferiority feelings led her to

overcompensate by flaunting her beauty,

marrying celebrities (Joe DiMaggio and

Arthur Miller), keeping film crews waiting for

hours, and seeking the adoration of her fans.

Theories of Personality 39

Pavlov’s Classical Conditioning

Do you go weak in the knees when you get a note at work that tells you to go see your boss?

Do you get anxious when you’re around important people? When you’re driving, does your

heart skip a beat at the sight of a police car—even when you’re driving under the speed

limit? If so, you probably acquired these common responses through classical condition-

ing. Classical conditioning is a type of learning in which a neutral stimulus acquires the

capacity to evoke a response that was originally evoked by another stimulus. This

process was first described back in 1903 by Ivan Pavlov, a prominent Russian physiologist

who did Nobel Prize–winning research on digestion.

The Conditioned Reflex

Pavlov (1906) was studying digestive processes in dogs when he discovered that the dogs could

be trained to salivate in response to the sound of a tone. What was so significant about a dog

salivating when a tone was sounded? The key was that the tone started out as a neutral stim-

ulus; that is, originally, it did not produce the response of salivation (after all, why should it?).

However, Pavlov managed to change that by pairing the tone with a stimulus (meat powder)

that did produce the salivation response. Through this process, the tone acquired the capacity

to trigger the response. What Pavlov had demonstrated was how learned reflexes are acquired.

At this point we need to introduce the special vocabulary of classical conditioning.

In Pavlov’s experiment the bond between the meat powder and salivation was a natural

association that was not created through conditioning. In unconditioned bonds, the un-

conditioned stimulus (US) is a stimulus that evokes an unconditioned response without

previous conditioning. The unconditioned response (UR) is an unlearned reaction to an

unconditioned stimulus that occurs without previous conditioning.

In contrast, the link between the tone and salivation was established through con-

ditioning. In conditioned bonds, the conditioned stimulus (CS) is a previously neutral

stimulus that has acquired the capacity to evoke a conditioned response through con-

ditioning. The conditioned response (CR) is a learned reaction to a conditioned stimulus

that occurs because of previous conditioning. Note that the unconditioned response and

conditioned response often involve the same behavior (although there may be subtle differ-

ences). In Pavlov’s initial demonstration, salivation was an unconditioned response when

evoked by the US (meat powder) and a conditioned response when evoked by the CS (the

tone). The procedures involved in classical conditioning are outlined in Figure 2.8.

Pavlov’s discovery came to be called the conditioned reflex. Classically conditioned

responses are viewed as reflexes because most of them are relatively involuntary. Responses

that are a product of classical conditioning are said to be elicited. This word is meant to

convey the idea that these responses are triggered automatically.

Figure 2.7 A behavioral view of personality. Behaviorists devote little attention to the structure of personality

because it is unobservable. But they implicitly

view personality as an individual’s collection

of response tendencies. A possible hierarchy

of response tendencies for a specific stimulus

situation is shown here. In the behavioral view,

personality is made up of countless response

hierarchies for various situations.

Response tendencies

Circulate, speaking to others only if they appr

Stimulus situation

Large party where

you know relatively

few people

Stick close to the people you already know

Politely withdraw by getting wrapped up in host’s book collection

Leave at th

Ivan Pavlov was a Nobel-winning Russian

physiologist who conducted pioneering

work on what came to be known as classical

conditioning.

40 C H A P T E R 2

Classical Conditioning in Everyday Life

What is the role of classical conditioning in shaping per-

sonality in everyday life? Among other things, it contrib-

utes to the acquisition of emotional responses, such as

anxieties, fears, and phobias (Mineka & Zinbarg, 2006).

This is a relatively small but important class of responses,

as maladaptive emotional reactions underlie many

adjustment problems. For example, one middle-aged

woman reported being troubled by a bridge phobia so

severe that she couldn’t drive on interstate highways

because of all the viaducts she would have to cross. She

was able to pinpoint the source of her phobia. Back in

her childhood, whenever her family would drive to visit

her grandmother, they had to cross a little-used, rickety,

dilapidated bridge out in the countryside. Her father, in

a misguided attempt at humor, made a major produc-

tion out of these crossings. He would stop short of the

bridge and carry on about the enormous danger of the

crossing. Obviously, he thought the bridge was safe or

he wouldn’t have driven across it. However, the naive

young girl was terrified by her father’s scare tactics, and

the bridge became a conditioned stimulus eliciting great

fear (see Figure 2.9). Unfortunately, the fear spilled over

to all bridges, and 40 years later she was still carrying the

burden of this phobia. Although a number of processes

can cause phobias, it is clear that classical conditioning is

responsible for many people’s irrational fears.

Classical conditioning also appears to account for

more realistic and moderate anxiety responses. For ex-

ample, imagine a news reporter in a high-pressure job

where he consistently gets negative feedback about his

work from his bosses. The negative comments from his

supervisors function as a US eliciting anxiety. These

reprimands are paired with the noise and sight of the

newsroom, so that the newsroom becomes a CS trigger-

ing anxiety, even when his supervisors are absent (see

Figure 2.10).

Fortunately, not every frightening experience

leaves a conditioned fear in its wake. A variety of factors

influence whether a conditioned response is acquired

in a particular situation. Furthermore, a newly formed

stimulus-response bond does not necessarily last in-

definitely. The right circumstances can lead to extinction—the gradual weakening and

disappearance of a conditioned response tendency. What leads to extinction in classical

conditioning? It is the consistent presentation of the CS alone, without the US. For exam-

ple, when Pavlov consistently presented only the tone to a previously conditioned dog, the

tone gradually stopped eliciting the response of salivation. How long it takes to extinguish

a conditioned response depends on many factors. Foremost among them is the strength

of the conditioned bond when extinction begins. Some conditioned responses extinguish

quickly, while others are difficult to weaken.

Skinner’s Operant Conditioning

Even Pavlov recognized that classical conditioning is not the only form of conditioning.

Classical conditioning best explains reflexive responding controlled by stimuli that precede

Figure 2.8 The process of classical conditioning. The sequence of events in classical conditioning is outlined here. As we encounter new examples of classical conditioning

throughout the book, you will see diagrams like that shown in the fourth panel, which

summarizes the process.

Behavior Analysis and

Learning

A multitude of annotated links,

all focusing on learning through

conditioning, have been compiled at

the Psychology Centre site at Athabasca

University (Alberta, Canada).

Learn More Online

Summary

After conditioning

During conditioning

Before conditioning NS

The neutral stimulus alone elicits the response; the neutral stimulus is now a conditioned stimulus, and the response to it is a conditioned response.

The neutral stimulus is paired with the unconditioned stimulus.

The unconditioned stimulus elicits the unconditioned response, but the neutral stimulus does not.

Tone No response

Meat powder

Elicits

Tone

An originally neutral stimulus comes to elicit a response that it did not previously elicit.

Meat powder

Comes to elicit

Elicits Salivation

Salivation

Meat powder

Theories of Personality 41

the response. However, both animals and humans make many responses that don’t

fit this description. Consider the response you are engaging in right now—studying.

It is definitely not a reflex (life might be easier if it were). The stimuli that govern

it (exams and grades) do not precede it. Instead, your studying response is mainly

influenced by events that follow it—specifically, its consequences.

This kind of learning is called operant conditioning. Operant conditioning is a

form of learning in which voluntary responses come to be controlled by their

consequences. Operant conditioning probably governs a larger share of human

behavior than classical conditioning because most human responses are voluntary

rather than reflexive. Because they are voluntary, operant responses are said to be

emitted rather than elicited.

The study of operant conditioning was led by B. F. Skinner (1953, 1974, 1990),

a Harvard University psychologist who spent most of his career studying simple

responses made by laboratory rats and pigeons. The fundamental principle of op-

erant conditioning is un commonly simple. Skinner demonstrated that organisms

tend to repeat those responses that are followed by favorable consequences, and they

tend not to repeat those responses that are followed by neutral or unfavorable con-

sequences. In Skinner’s scheme, favorable, neutral, and unfavorable consequences

involve reinforcement, extinction, and punishment, respectively. We’ll look at each

of these concepts in turn.

The Power of Reinforcement

According to Skinner, reinforcement can occur in two ways, which he called posi-

tive reinforcement and negative reinforcement. Positive reinforcement occurs when

a response is strengthened (increases in frequency) because it is followed by the

arrival of a pleasant stimulus. Positive reinforcement is roughly synonymous with

the concept of reward. Notice, however, that reinforcement is defined after the fact,

in terms of its effect on behavior. Why? Because reinforcement is subjective. Some-

thing that serves as a reinforcer for one person may not function as a reinforcer

for another. For example, peer approval is a potent reinforcer for most people, but

not all.

Positive reinforcement motivates much of everyday behavior. You study hard

because good grades are likely to follow as a result. You go to work because this

behavior produces paychecks. Perhaps you work extra hard in the hope of win-

ning a promotion or a pay raise. In each of these examples, certain responses occur

because they have led to positive outcomes in the past.

Positive reinforcement influences personality development in a straightforward way.

Responses followed by pleasant outcomes are strengthened and tend to become habit-

ual patterns of behavior. For example, a youngster might clown around in class and gain

appreciative comments and smiles from schoolmates. This social approval will probably

reinforce clowning-around behavior (see Figure 2.11). If such behavior is reinforced with

some regularity, it will gradually become an integral element of the youth’s personality.

Similarly, whether a youngster develops traits such as independence, assertiveness, or self-

ishness depends on whether the child is reinforced for such behaviors by parents and by

other influential persons.

Negative reinforcement occurs when a response is strengthened (increases in fre-

quency) because it is followed by the removal of an unpleasant stimulus. Don’t let the

word negative here confuse you. Negative reinforcement is reinforcement. Like positive

reinforcement, it strengthens a response. However, this strengthening occurs because the

response gets rid of an aversive stimulus. Consider a few examples: You rush home in the

winter to get out of the cold. You clean your house to get rid of a mess. Parents give in to

their child’s begging to halt his whining.

Negative reinforcement plays a major role in the development of avoidance tenden-

cies. As you may have noticed, many people tend to avoid facing up to awkward situations

Figure 2.10 Classical conditioning of anxiety. A stimulus (in this case, a newsroom) that is frequently paired with

anxiety-arousing events (reprimands and criticism)

may come to elicit anxiety by itself, through classical

conditioning.

Figure 2.9 Classical conditioning of a phobia. Many emotional responses that would otherwise be puzzling

can be explained as a result of classical conditioning.

In the case of one woman’s bridge phobia, the fear

originally elicited by her father’s scare tactics became a

conditioned response to the stimulus of bridges.

CS Newsroom

CRUS Reprimands,

criticism UR Anxiety

CS Bridge

CRUS Father’s

scare tactics UR Fear

B. F. Skinner was an American

psychologist who highlighted the power

of reinforcement in his work on operant

conditioning.

42 C H A P T E R 2

and sticky personal problems. This personality trait typically develops

because avoidance behavior gets rid of anxiety and is therefore nega-

tively reinforced. Recall our imaginary newspaper reporter whose work

environment (the newsroom) elicits anxiety (as a result of classical con-

ditioning). He might notice that on days when he calls in sick, his anx-

iety evaporates, so this response is gradually strengthened—through

negative reinforcement (shown in Figure 2.11). If his avoidance behavior

continues to be successful in reducing his anxiety, it might carry over

into other areas of his life and become a central aspect of his personality.

Extinction and Punishment

Like the effects of classical conditioning, the effects of operant condi-

tioning may not last forever. In both types of conditioning, extinction

refers to the gradual weakening and disappearance of a response. In

operant conditioning, extinction begins when a previously reinforced

response stops producing positive consequences. As extinction pro-

gresses, the response typically becomes less and less frequent and even-

tually disappears.

Thus, the response tendencies that make up one’s personality are

not necessarily permanent. For example, the youngster who found that

his classmates reinforced clowning around in grade school might find

that his attempts at comedy earn nothing but indifferent stares in mid-

dle school. This termination of reinforcement would probably lead to

the gradual extinction of the clowning-around behavior.

Some responses may be weakened by punishment. In Skin-

ner’s scheme, punishment occurs when a response is weakened

(decreases in frequency) because it is followed by the arrival of an unpleasant stim-

ulus. The concept of punishment in operant conditioning confuses many students on

two counts. First, it is often mixed up with negative reinforcement because both involve

aversive (unpleasant) stimuli. Please note, however, that they are altogether different

events with opposite outcomes! In negative reinforcement, a response leads to the re-

moval of something aversive, and as a result this response is strengthened. In punish-

ment, a response leads to the arrival of something aversive, and this response tends to

be weakened.

The second source of confusion involves the tendency to view punishment only as

a disciplinary procedure used by parents, teachers, and other authority figures. In the

operant model, punishment occurs whenever a response leads to negative consequences.

Defined in this way, the concept goes far beyond actions such as parents spanking children

or teachers handing out detentions. For example, if you wear a new outfit and your friends

make fun of it and hurt your feelings, your behavior has been punished, and your tendency

to wear this clothing will decline. Similarly, if you go to a restaurant and have a horrible

meal, in Skinner’s terminology your response has led to punishment, and you are unlikely

to return.

The impact of punishment on personality development is just the opposite of rein-

forcement. Generally speaking, those patterns of behavior that lead to punishing (that is,

negative) consequences tend to be weakened. For instance, if your impulsive decisions

always backfire, your tendency to be impulsive should decline.

Bandura’s Social Cognitive Theory

Albert Bandura (1986, 2012b) is one of several theorists who have added a cognitive

flavor to behaviorism since the 1960s. Bandura refers to his model as social cognitive theory.

Bandura agrees with the basic thrust of behaviorism in that he believes that personality is

largely shaped through learning. However, he contends that conditioning is not a mechan-

ical process in which people are passive participants. Instead, he maintains that individuals

Figure 2.11 Positive and negative reinforcement in operant conditioning. Positive reinforcement occurs when a response is followed by a favorable outcome, so that the response is

strengthened. In negative reinforcement, the removal (symbolized

here by the “No” sign) of an aversive stimulus serves as a reinforcer.

Negative reinforcement produces the same result as positive

reinforcement: The person’s tendency to emit the reinforced response

is strengthened (the response becomes more frequent).

Calling in sick

Reduced anxiety

Pleasant stimulus presented

Aversive stimulus removed

Attention, appreciation

Clowning around

Response

Reinforcer

Negative reinforcement

Positive reinforcement

Albert Bandura’s social cognitive

theory emphasizes the importance of

observational learning and individuals’

perceptions of their self-efficacy.

Theories of Personality 43

actively seek out and process information about their environ-

ment in order to maximize their favorable outcomes.

Observational Learning

Bandura’s foremost theoretical contribution has been his de-

scription of observational learning. Observational learning

occurs when an organism’s responding is influenced by the

observation of others, who are called models. Bandura does

not view observational learning as entirely separate from clas-

sical and operant conditioning. Instead, he asserts that both

classical and operant conditioning can take place indirectly

when one person observes another’s conditioning.

To illustrate, suppose you observe a friend behaving as-

sertively with a car salesman. Let’s say that his assertiveness

is reinforced by the exceptionally good buy he gets on the car.

Your own tendency to behave assertively with salespeople

might well be strengthened as a result. Notice that the favor-

able consequence is experienced by your friend, not you. Your

friend’s tendency to bargain assertively should be reinforced

directly, but your tendency to bargain assertively may also be strengthened indirectly (see

Figure 2.12).

The theories of Skinner and Pavlov make no allowance for this type of indirect learn-

ing. After all, observational learning requires that you pay attention to your friend’s behav-

ior, that you understand its consequences, and that you store this information in memory.

Obviously, attention, understanding, information, and memory involve cognition, which

behaviorists used to ignore.

As social cognitive theory has been refined, it has become apparent that some role

models tend to be more influential than others (Bandura, 1986). Both children and adults

tend to imitate people they like or respect more so than people they don’t. People are also

especially prone to imitate the behavior of those they consider attractive or powerful (such

as celebrities). In addition, imitation is more likely when individuals see similarity between

the model and themselves. Finally, as noted before, people are more likely to copy a model

if they see the model’s behavior leading to positive outcomes.

Self-Efficacy

Bandura (1997) believes that self-efficacy is a crucial element of personality. Self-efficacy is

one’s belief about one’s ability to perform behaviors that should lead to expected out-

comes. When a person’s self-efficacy is high, he or she feels confident in executing the

responses necessary to earn reinforcers. When self-efficacy is low, the individual worries

that the necessary responses may be beyond her or his abilities. Perceptions of self-efficacy

are subjective and specific to different kinds of tasks. For instance, you might feel extremely

confident about your ability to handle difficult social situations but doubtful about

your ability to handle academic challenges.

Perceptions of self-efficacy can influence which challenges people tackle and

how well they perform. Studies have found that feelings of greater self-efficacy

are associated with reduced procrastination (Wäschle et al., 2014), more

effort to plan for the future (Azizli et al., 2015), greater success in giv-

ing up smoking (Perkins et al., 2012), greater adherence to exercise

regimens (Ayotte, Margrett, & Hicks-Patrick, 2010), more-effective

weight-loss efforts (Byrne, Barry, & Petry, 2012), greater physical

activity among adolescents (Rutkowski & Connelly, 2012),

reduced psychological distress among rheumatoid arthritis

patients (Benka et al., 2014), better study habits (Prat-Sala &

Redford, 2010), higher levels of academic engagement and perfor-

mance (Ouweneel, Schaufeli, & Le Blanc, 2013), enhanced athletic

Rewarding stimulus

presented Good buy on car

Response Bargain

assertively

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Figure 2.12 Observational learning. In observational learning, an observer attends to and stores a mental representation of a model’s behavior (for example,

assertive bargaining) and its consequences (such as a good deal on a

purchase). According to social cognitive theory, many of our characteristic

responses are acquired through observation of others’ behavior.

Children acquire a diverse array of responses from their parents thanks to

observational learning. Both classical and operant conditioning can occur

vicariously through observational learning.

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44 C H A P T E R 2

performance (Gilson, Chow, & Feltz, 2012), improved work performance (Tims, Bakker,

& Derks, 2014), more proactive customer care by employees in the service industry (Raub

& Liao, 2012), and reduced vulnerability to burnout among teachers (Brown, 2012),

among many other things.

Evaluating Behavioral Perspectives

Behavioral theories are firmly rooted in empirical research rather than clinical intuition.

Pavlov’s model has shed light on how conditioning can account for people’s sometimes

troublesome emotional responses. Skinner’s work has demonstrated how personality is

shaped by the consequences of behavior. Bandura’s social cognitive theory has shown how

people’s observations mold their characteristic behavior.

Behaviorists, in particular Walter Mischel (1973, 1990), have also provided the most

thorough account of why people are only moderately consistent in their behavior. For

example, a person who is shy in one context might be quite outgoing in another. Other

models of personality largely ignore this inconsistency. The behaviorists have shown that

it occurs because people behave in ways they think will lead to reinforcement in the situ-

ation at hand. In other words, situational factors are important determinants of behavior.

Thus, a major contribution of the behavioral perspective has been its demonstration that

personality factors and situational factors jointly and interactively shape behavior (Reis &

Holmes, 2012).

Of course, each theoretical approach has its shortcomings, and the behavioral approach

is no exception (Pervin & John, 2001). The behaviorists used to be criticized because they

neglected cognitive processes. The rise of social cognitive theory blunted this criticism.

However, social cognitive theory undermines the foundation on which behaviorism was

built—the idea that psychologists should study only observable behavior. Thus, some critics

complain that behavioral theories aren’t very behavioral anymore. Other critics, especially

humanistic theorists who we will discuss next, argue that behaviorists depend too much on

animal research and that they are too cavalier in generalizing from the behavior of animals

to the behavior of humans.

Perceptions of self-efficacy can influence

which challenges people pursue and how

well they perform. For example, research has

linked self-efficacy to successful efforts to

improve eating and exercise habits.

2.4 Humanistic Perspectives

Humanistic theory emerged in the 1950s as something of a backlash against the behavioral

and psycho dynamic theories. The principal charge hurled at these two models was that

they were dehumanizing. Freudian theory was criticized for its belief that primitive, ani-

malistic drives dominate behavior. Behaviorism was criticized for its preoccupation with

animal research. Critics argued that both schools view people as helpless pawns controlled

by their environment and their past, with little capacity for self-direction. Many of these

critics blended into a loose alliance that came to be known as “humanism” because of its

exclusive interest in human behavior. Humanism is a theoretical orientation that empha-

sizes the unique qualities of humans, especially their free will and their potential for

personal growth. Humanistic psychologists do not believe that we can learn anything of

significance about the human condition from animal research.

Humanistic theorists, such as Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow, take an optimistic

view of human nature. Humanistic theorists believe that (1) human nature includes an in-

nate drive toward personal growth, (2) individuals have the freedom to chart their courses

of action and are not pawns of their environment, and (3) humans are largely conscious

and rational beings who are not dominated by unconscious, irrational needs and conflicts.

Humanistic theorists also maintain that one’s subjective view of the world is more impor-

tant than objective reality. According to this notion, if you think you are homely or bright

or sociable, that belief will influence your behavior more than the actual realities of how

homely, bright, or sociable you are.

■ Describe the forces that gave rise to

humanism and articulate Rogers’s views

on the self-concept.

■ Describe Maslow’s hierarchy of needs

and summarize his findings on self-

actualizing persons.

■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses

of humanistic theories of personality.

Learning Objectives

Personality Theories

C. George Boeree, who teaches

personality theory at Shippensburg

University, has assembled an online

textbook that discusses more than

twenty important personality theorists in

depth. All the major figures cited in this

chapter (except for the behaviorists such

as Skinner and Pavlov) receive attention

at this valuable site.

Learn More Online

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Theories of Personality 45

Rogers’s Person-Centered Theory

Carl Rogers (1951, 1961) was one of the founders of the human potential movement, which

emphasizes personal growth through sensitivity training, encounter groups, and other

exercises intended to help people get in touch with their true selves. Like Freud, Rogers

based his personality theory on his extensive therapeutic interactions with many clients.

Because of his emphasis on a person’s subjective point of view, Rogers called his approach

a person-centered theory.

The Self and Its Development

Rogers viewed personality structure in terms of just one construct. He called this construct

the self, although it is more widely known today as the self-concept. A self-concept is a col-

lection of beliefs about one’s own nature, unique qualities, and typical behavior. Your

self-concept is your mental picture of yourself. It is a collection of self-perceptions. For

example, a self-concept might include such beliefs as “I am easygoing”

or “I am pretty” or “I am hardworking.”

Rogers stressed the subjective nature of the self-concept. Your

self-concept may not be entirely consistent with your actual experiences.

To put it more bluntly, your self-concept may be inaccurate. Most peo-

ple are prone to distort their experiences to some extent to promote a

relatively favorable self-concept. For example, you may believe that you

are quite bright academically, but your grade transcript might suggest

otherwise. Rogers used the term incongruence to refer to the disparity

between one’s self-concept and one’s actual experience. In contrast, if

a person’s self-concept is reasonably accurate, it is said to be congruent

with reality. Everyone experiences some incongruence; the crucial issue

is how much (see Figure 2.13). Rogers maintained that a great deal of

incongruence undermines a person’s psychological well-being.

In terms of personality development, Rogers was concerned with

how childhood experiences promote congruence or incongruence.

According to Rogers, everyone has a strong need for affection, love,

and acceptance from others. Early in life, parents provide most of this

affection. Rogers maintained that some parents make their affection

conditional. That is, they make it depend on the child’s behaving well

and living up to expectations. When parental love seems conditional,

children often distort and block out of their memory those experiences

that make them feel unworthy of love. At the other end of the spec-

trum, Rogers asserted that some parents make their affection uncondi-

tional. Their children have less need to block out unworthy experiences

because they have been assured that they are worthy of affection no

matter what they do.

Rogers believed that unconditional love from parents fosters con-

gruence and that conditional love fosters incongruence. He further the-

orized that individuals who grow up believing that affection from others (besides their

parents) is conditional go on to distort more and more of their experiences in order to

feel worthy of acceptance from a wider and wider array of people, making the incongru-

ence grow.

Anxiety and Defense

According to Rogers, experiences that threaten people’s personal views of themselves

are the principal cause of troublesome anxiety. Thus, people with highly incongruent

self-concepts are especially likely to be plagued by recurrent anxiety (see Figure 2.14). To

ward off this anxiety, individuals often behave defensively in an effort to reinterpret their

experience so that it appears consistent with their self-concept. Thus, they ignore, deny,

and twist reality to protect and perpetuate their self-concept. For example, a young lady

Congruence

Incongruence

Self-concept Actual experience

Self-concept does not mesh well with actual experience

Actual experience

Self-concept

Self-concept meshes well with actual experience (some incongruence is probably unavoidable)

Figure 2.13 Rogers’s view of personality structure. In Rogers’s model, the self-concept is the only important structural construct. However,

Rogers acknowledged that one’s self-concept may not jell with the

realities of one’s actual experience—a condition called incongruence.

Different people have varied amounts of incongruence between their

self-concept and reality.

Carl Rogers was one of the chief architects

of humanistic theory in psychology who

emphasized the influential role of one’s self-

concept in guiding behavior.

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“Just remember, son, it doesn’t matter whether you win or lose—unless you want Daddy’s love.”

46 C H A P T E R 2

who is selfish but unable to face that reality might attribute friends’ comments about her

selfishness to their jealousy of her good looks.

Rogers’s theory can explain defensive behavior and personality disturbances, but he

also emphasized the importance of psychological health. Rogers held that psychological

health is rooted in a congruent self-concept. In turn, congruence is rooted in a sense of

personal worth, which stems from a childhood saturated with unconditional affection from

parents and others. These themes are similar to those emphasized by the other major hu-

manistic theorist, Abraham Maslow.

Maslow’s Theory of Self-Actualization

Abraham Maslow (1970) was a prominent humanistic theorist who argued that psychology

should take a greater interest in the nature of the healthy personality, instead of dwelling

on the causes of disorders. “To oversimplify the matter somewhat,” he said, “it is as if Freud

supplied to us the sick half of psychology and we must now fill it out with the healthy half ”

(Maslow, 1968, p. 5). Maslow’s key contributions were his analysis of how motives are orga-

nized hierarchically and his description of the healthy personality.

Hierarchy of Needs

Maslow proposed that human motives are organized into a hierarchy of needs—a sys-

tematic arrangement of needs, according to priority, in which basic needs must be

met before less basic needs are aroused. This hierarchical arrangement is usually por-

trayed as a pyramid (see Figure 2.15). The needs toward the bottom of the pyramid, such

as physiological or security needs, are the most basic. Higher levels in the pyramid con-

sist of progressively less basic needs. When a person manages to satisfy a level of needs

reasonably well (complete satisfaction is not necessary), this satisfaction activates needs

at the next level.

Like Rogers, Maslow argued that humans have an innate drive toward personal

growth—that is, evolution toward a higher state of being. Thus, he described the needs in

the uppermost reaches of his hierarchy as growth needs. These include the needs for knowl-

edge, understanding, order, and aesthetic beauty. Foremost among the growth needs is the

need for self-actualization, which is the need to fulfill one’s potential; it is the highest

need in Maslow’s motivational hierarchy. Maslow summarized this concept with a simple

statement: “What a man can be, he must be.” According to Maslow, people will be frustrated

if they are unable to fully utilize their talents or pursue their true interests. For example,

Figure 2.14 Rogers’s view of personality development and dynamics. Rogers’s theory of development posits that conditional love leads to a need to distort experiences, which fosters an incongruent self-concept.

Incongruence makes one prone to recurrent anxiety, which triggers defensive behavior, which fuels more

incongruence.

Belief that affection from others

is conditional

Need to distort shortcomings to feel worthy of affection

Relatively incongruent self-concept

Defensive behavior to protect inaccurate

self-concept

Recurrent anxiety

Abraham Maslow is famous for his

description of humans’ hierarchy of needs,

which is usually portrayed as a pyramid.

Theories of Personality 47

if you have great musical talent but must work as an accountant, or if you have scholarly

interests but must work as a sales clerk, your need for self-actualization will be thwarted.

Maslow’s pyramid has penetrated popular culture to a remarkable degree. For example,

Peterson and Park (2010) note that a Google search located more than 766,000 images of

Maslow’s pyramid on the Internet—a figure that topped the number of images for the Mona

Lisa and The Last Supper!

Maslow’s hierarchy of needs has proven to be a challenging subject for empirical study.

However, a recent study that measured the satisfaction of various levels of needs in the

hierarchy found that the satisfaction of needs at each level was

predicted by satisfaction at the level just below it (Taormina &

Gao, 2013). This finding provides some support for Maslow’s

thesis that satisfaction of needs at each level activates needs at

the next level.

The Healthy Personality

Because of his interest in self-actualization, Maslow conducted

research to analyze the nature of the healthy personality.

He called people with exceptionally healthy personalities

self-actualizing persons because of their commitment to contin-

ued personal growth. Maslow identified various traits charac-

teristic of self-actualizing people; many of these traits are listed

in Figure 2.16. In brief, Maslow found that self-actualizers are

accurately tuned in to reality and that they’re at peace with them-

selves. He found that they’re open and spontaneous. They also

retain a fresh appreciation of the world around them. Socially,

they’re sensitive to others’ needs and enjoy rewarding interper-

sonal relations. However, they’re not dependent on others for

approval or uncomfortable with solitude. They thrive on their

work, and they enjoy their sense of humor. Maslow also noted

that they have “peak experiences” (profound emotional highs)

more often than others. Finally, he found that they strike a nice

balance between many polarities in personality. For instance,

they can be both childlike and mature, both rational and intui-

tive, both conforming and rebellious.

Realization of potential Progression if lower needs are satisfied

Regression if lower needs are not being

satisfied

Order and beauty

Knowledge and understanding

Hunger, thirst, and so forth

Long-term survival and stability

iation and acceptance

Achievement and gaining of recognition

Need for self-actualization:

Aesthetic needs:

Cognitive needs:

Esteem needs:

Belongingness and love needs:

Safety and security needs:

Physiological needs:

Figure 2.15 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. According to Maslow, human needs are arranged in a

hierarchy, and individuals must satisfy their

basic needs first, before progressing to higher

needs. In the diagram, higher levels in the

pyramid represent progressively less basic

needs. People move upward in the hierarchy

when lower needs are satisfied reasonably well,

but they may regress back to lower levels if

basic needs cease to be satisfied.

Figure 2.16 Characteristics of self-actualizing people. Humanistic theorists emphasize psychological health instead of maladjustment. Maslow’s sketch of the

self-actualizing person provides a provocative picture of the healthy personality.

CHARACTERISTICS OF SELF-ACTUALIZING PEOPLE

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48 C H A P T E R 2

Evaluating Humanistic Perspectives

The humanistic approach deserves credit for making the self-concept a widely used

construct in psychology and for highlighting the importance of psychological health. One

could also argue that the humanists’ optimistic, growth-oriented approach laid the founda-

tion for the emergence of the positive psychology movement that is increasingly influential

in contemporary psychology (see Chapter 16). Of course, there is a negative side to the bal-

ance sheet as well (Burger, 2015). Like psychodynamic theorists, the humanists have been

criticized for proposing hypotheses that are difficult to put to a scientific test. Humanistic

concepts such as personal growth and self-actualization are difficult to define and measure.

Critics also charge that the humanists have been overly optimistic in their assumptions

about human nature and unrealistic in their descriptions of the healthy personality. For

instance, Maslow’s self-actualizing people sound perfect. In reality, Maslow had a hard time

finding self-actualizing persons. Thus, humanistic portraits of psychological health are per-

haps a bit unrealistic. Finally, humanistic theories are based primarily on discerning but

uncontrolled observations in clinical settings. Humanistic psychologists have not compiled

a convincing body of research to support their ideas.

2.5 Biological Perspectives

Could personality be a matter of genetic inheritance? This possibility was largely ignored

for many decades of personality research until Hans Eysenck made a case for genetic in-

fluence in the 1960s. In this section, we’ll discuss Eysenck’s theory and look at more recent

behavioral genetics research on the heritability of personality. We’ll also examine evolu-

tionary perspectives on personality.

Eysenck’s Theory

Hans Eysenck was born in Germany but fled to London during the era of Nazi rule. He

went on to become one of Britain’s most prominent psychologists. According to Eysenck

(1967), personality is largely determined by one’s genetic inheritance. How is heredity

linked to personality in Eysenck’s model? In part, through conditioning concepts borrowed

from behavioral theory. Eysenck (1982) theorizes that some people can be conditioned

more readily than others because of inherited differences in their physiological functioning

(specifically, their level of arousal). These variations in “conditionability” are assumed to

influence the personality traits that people acquire through conditioning.

Eysenck views personality structure as a hierarchy of traits. Numerous superficial traits

are derived from a smaller number of more basic traits, which are derived from a handful

of fundamental higher-order traits. Eysenck has shown a special interest in explaining vari-

ations in extraversion-introversion. He proposed that introverts are more easily aroused by

events, which make them more easily conditioned than extraverts. According to Eysenck,

such people acquire more conditioned inhibitions than others. These inhibitions make

them more bashful, tentative, and uneasy in social situations, leading them to turn inward.

Recent Research in Behavioral Genetics

Recent twin studies have provided impressive support for Eysenck’s hypothesis that per-

sonality is largely inherited (South et al., 2015). In twin studies researchers assess hered-

itary influence by comparing the resemblance of identical twins and fraternal twins

on a trait. The logic underlying this comparison is as follows. Identical twins emerge from

one egg that splits, so that their genetic makeup is exactly the same (100% overlap). Frater-

nal twins result when two eggs are fertilized simultaneously; their genetic overlap is only

50%. Both types of twins usually grow up in the same home, at the same time, exposed

■ Outline Eysenck’s view of personality

and summarize behavioral genetics

research on personality.

■ Summarize evolutionary research on

personality.

■ Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses

of biological theories of personality.

Learning Objectives

The Personality Project

William Revelle, of Northwestern

University’s Psychology Department,

has assembled a directory to many

Internet-based resources in the study of

personality.

Learn More Online

Theories of Personality 49

Is personality determined in part by heredity?

Twin studies have played a pivotal role in

answering this question.

to the same relatives, neighbors, peers, teachers, events, and so forth. Thus, both kinds of

twins normally develop under similar environmental conditions, but identical twins share

more genetic kinship. Hence, if sets of identical twins exhibit more personality resemblance

than sets of fraternal twins, this greater similarity is probably attributable to heredity rather

than to environment. The results of twin studies can be used to estimate the heritability of

personality traits and other characteristics. A heritability ratio is an estimate of the pro-

portion of trait variability in a population that is determined by variations in genetic

inheritance. Heritability can be estimated for any trait. For example, the heritability of

height is estimated to be around 80% (Johnson, 2010), whereas the heritability of intelli-

gence appears to be about 50%–70% (Petrill, 2005).

The accumulating evidence from twin studies suggests that heredity exerts consider-

able influence over personality. For instance, in research on the Big Five personality traits,

identical twins have been found to be much more similar than fraternal twins on all five

traits (Zuckerman, 2013). Especially telling is the finding that this is true even when the

identical twins are reared in different homes. The latter finding argues against the possi-

bility that environmental factors (rather than heredity) could be responsible for identical

twins’ greater personality resemblance. Overall, five decades of research on the determi-

nants of the Big Five traits suggests that the heritability of each trait is in the vicinity of

40%–50% (South et al., 2013). Furthermore, a recent meta-analysis reported that there are

no gender differences in the heritability of personality (Vukasović & Bratko, 2015). The

same study also concluded that the Big Five traits are all pretty similar in terms of their

degree of heritability.

The Evolutionary Approach to Personality

Evolutionary psychologists assert that the patterns of behavior seen in a species are products

of evolution in the same way that anatomical characteristics are. Evolutionary psychology

examines behavioral processes in terms of their adaptive value for members of a species

over the course of many generations.The basic premise of evolutionary psychology is that

natural selection favors behaviors that enhance organisms’ reproductive success—that is,

passing on genes to the next generation. Evolutionary theorists assert that personality has

a biological basis because natural selection has favored certain personality traits over the

course of human history (Figueredo et al., 2009). Thus, evolutionary analyses of personality

focus on how various traits—and the ability to recognize these traits in others—may have

contributed to reproductive fitness in ancestral human populations.

For example, David Buss (1991, 1995) has argued that the Big Five personality traits

stand out as important dimensions of personality across a variety of cultures because those

traits have had significant adaptive implications. Buss points out that humans have histor-

ically depended heavily on groups, which afford protection from predators or enemies,

opportunities for sharing food, and a diverse array of other benefits. In the context of

these group interactions, people have had to make difficult but crucial judgments about

the characteristics of others, asking such questions as: Who will make a good member of

my coalition? Who can I depend on when in need? Who will share their resources? Thus,

Buss argues that the Big Five emerge as fundamental dimensions of personality because

humans have evolved special sensitivity to variations in the ability to bond with others (ex-

traversion), the willingness to cooperate and collaborate (agreeableness), the tendency to

be reliable and ethical (conscientiousness), the capacity to be an innovative problem solver

(openness to experience), and the ability to handle stress (low neuroticism). In a nutshell,

Buss argues that the Big Five reflect the most salient features of others’ adaptive behavior

over the course of evolutionary history.

Daniel Nettle (2006) takes this line of thinking one step further. He asserts that the

traits themselves (as opposed to the ability to recognize them in others) are products of

evolution that were adaptive in ancestral environments. For example, he discusses how ex-

traversion could have promoted mating success, how agreeableness could have fostered the

effective building of coalitions, and so forth. In line with this analysis, a handful of studies

have found correlations between personality traits and variations in lifetime reproductive

Great Ideas in Personality

At this site, personality psychologist G.

Scott Acton demonstrates that scientific

research programs in personality

generate broad and compelling ideas

about what it is to be a human being. He

charts the contours of twelve research

perspectives, including behaviorism,

behavioral genetics, and sociobiology,

and supports them with extensive

links to published and online resources

associated with each perspective.

Learn More Online

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50 C H A P T E R 2

success (Berg et al., 2014; Buss & Penke, 2015). The results vary somewhat from one study

to the next, but the most consistent findings have been that high extraversion and low

neuroticism are associated with higher fertility in modern societies (Jokela, 2012; Jokela

et al., 2011).

Evaluating Biological Perspectives

Recent research in behavioral genetics has provided convincing evidence that hereditary

factors help shape personality. Evolutionary theorists have developed thought-provoking

hypotheses about how natural selection may have sculpted the basic architecture of person-

ality. Nonetheless, we must take note of some weaknesses in biological approaches to per-

sonality. Some critics argue that efforts to carve personality into genetic and environmental

components are ultimately artificial. The effects of heredity and environment are twisted to-

gether in complicated interactions that can’t be separated cleanly (Asbury & Plomin, 2014;

Rutter, 2012). Other critics note that hindsight bias—the common tendency to mold one’s

interpretation of the past to fit how events actually turned out—presents thorny prob-

lems for evolutionary theorists (Cornell, 1997). Evolutionary theorists’ assertion that the

Big Five traits had major adaptive implications over the course of human history seems

plausible, but what would have happened if other traits, such as dominance or shrewdness,

had shown up in the Big Five? With the luxury of hindsight, evolutionary theorists surely

could have constructed plausible explanations for how these traits promoted reproductive

success in the distant past. Thus, some critics have argued that evolutionary explanations

are post hoc, speculative accounts contaminated by hindsight bias.

The middle chapters in the book look at personality develop- ment, focusing on hereditary influences on personality and the developmental neuroscience of personality. Later chapters take up the topics of character and identity. The chapter on identity is particularly interesting because it analyzes the lives of Oprah Winfrey and Steve Jobs to show how people craft their personal narratives.

All in all, this book covers a remarkable volume of personality research in only 150 pages of light, entertaining reading. Barondes does an excellent job of explaining complicated theories and research in a down-to-earth way that is easy to understand.

Making Sense of People: Decoding the Mysteries of Personality

This wide-ranging book provides many practical insights on the topic of personality. The author, a psychiatrist and neuroscientist, reviews a variety of intersecting lines of research that can shed light on personality. His goal is to give readers easy-to-use tools to help them better understand why people behave the way they do. He begins by describing the Big Five personality traits to equip readers with a language for describing personality. He then describes ten dysfunctional personality syndromes that correspond to established personality disorders. He makes these syndromes come to life by using famous people, such as Marilyn Monroe, Ralph Nader, Bernard Madoff, and O. J. Simpson, as exemplars.

Recommended Reading

by Samuel Barondes (Pearson, 2012)

2.6 Contemporary Empirical Approaches to Personality

So far, our coverage has been devoted to grand, panoramic theories of personality. In this

section we’ll examine some contemporary empirical approaches that are narrower in scope.

In modern personality research programs, investigators typically attempt to describe and

measure an important personality trait, shed light on its development, and ascertain its

relationship to other traits and behaviors. To get a sense of this kind of research, we’ll

■ Describe narcissism and its effects on

behavior.

■ Explain the chief concepts and

hypotheses of terror management

theory.

Learning Objectives

Theories of Personality 51

take a look at the burgeoning research on narcissism. We’ll also look at an influential new

approach called terror management theory that focuses on personality dynamics rather

than personality traits.

Renewed Interest in Narcissism

As we noted in Chapter 1, narcissism is a personality trait marked by an inflated sense

of importance, a need for attention and admiration, and a sense of entitlement. The

concept of narcissism was originally popularized more than a century ago by pioneering

sex researcher Havelock Ellis and by Sigmund Freud. Narcissism was not widely discussed

outside of psychoanalytic circles until the 1980s, when some researchers developed scales

intended to assess narcissism as a normal personality trait (as opposed to a pathological

syndrome). Of these scales, the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) (Raskin & Hall,

1979, 1981) has become the most widely used measure of narcissism (Tamborski & Brown,

2011); the NPI has been used in hundreds of studies. You can see how you score on a

variant of this scale in Exercise 1.1 in the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of

this text.

Studies have painted an interesting portrait of those who score high in narcissism.

Narcissists have highly positive but easily threatened self-concepts. Above all else, their

behavior is driven by a need to maintain their fragile self-esteem. They display a craving

for approval and admiration. Hence, they tend to obsess about their looks, are prone to

preening, and work overtime to impress people. As you might guess, in this era of social

networking via the Internet, those who are high in narcissism tend to post relatively blatant

self-promotional content on social media websites (Carpenter, 2012). On Facebook, they

do not tend to post more updates than others (Deters, Mehl, & Eid, 2014), but they do post

more updates about their personal accomplishments (Marshall, Lefringhausen, & Ferenczi,

2015). Males who are high in narcissism also post more “selfies” than less narcissistic males,

although this disparity is not seen in females (Sorokowski et al., 2015).

Research also suggests that narcissists like to purchase products that make them stand

out in a crowd; thus, they prefer products that are exclusive, distinctive, and personalized

(Lee, Gregg, & Park, 2013). Because they are self-centered, they tend to show relatively little

empathy for people in distress (Heppner, Hart, & Sedikides, 2014). In the sexual domain,

one study found that narcissism is associated with an elevated likelihood of marital infi-

delity (McNulty & Widman, 2014). Narcissism is not distributed equally across socioeco-

nomic classes; high narcissism is found more among the upper classes (Piff, 2014).

When they first meet people, narcissists are often perceived as charming, self-assured,

and even charismatic. Thus, initially, they tend to be well liked. With repeated exposure,

however, their constant need for attention, brazen boasting, and sense of entitlement tend

to wear thin. Eventually, they tend to be viewed as arrogant, self-centered, and unlikable

(Back, Schmukle, & Egloff, 2010).

Based on a variety of social trends, Jean Twenge and colleagues (2008) suspected that

narcissism might be increasing in recent generations. To test this hypothesis they gathered

data from eighty-five studies dating back to the 1980s in which American college students

had been given the NPI. Their analysis revealed that NPI scores have been rising, going

from a mean of about 15.5 in the 1980s to almost 17.5 in 2005–2006. This finding has

been replicated and extended in several subsequent studies (Twenge, Gentile, & Campbell,

2015). In a discussion of the possible ramifications of this trend, Twenge and Campbell

(2009) have argued that rising narcissism has fueled an obsessive concern in young people

about being physically attractive, leading to unhealthy dieting, overuse of cosmetic surgery,

and steroid-fueled body building. They also assert that narcissists’ “me-first” attitude has

led to increased materialism and overconsumption of the earth’s resources, contributing to

the current environmental crisis and economic meltdown.

In recent years, some theorists have argued that there are two types of narcissism:

grandiose narcissism and vulnerable narcissism (Houlcroft, Bore, & Munro, 2012; Miller

et al., 2013). Thus far, we have been discussing grandiose narcissism, which is character-

ized by arrogance, extraversion, immodesty, and aggressiveness. In contrast, vulnerable

52 C H A P T E R 2

narcissism is characterized by hidden feelings of inferiority, introversion, neuroticism,

and a need for recognition. To date, the vast majority of research has focused on grandi-

ose narcissism, but recently there has been a surge of interest in the roots and ramifica-

tions of vulnerable narcissism (Lamkin et al., 2014). A recent study of gender differences

found that males tend to score higher than females when grandiose narcissism is mea-

sured, but when the focus is on vulnerable narcissism, no gender disparities are found

(Grijalva et al., 2015). Another study found that it is vulnerable narcissists who are most

likely to exhibit “narcissistic rage,” a syndrome marked by explosive anger and hostility

in response to threats to one’s sense of self (Krizan & Johar, 2015).

Terror Management Theory

Terror management theory emerged as an influential perspective in the 1990s. Although the

theory borrows from Freudian and evolutionary formulations, it provides its own unique anal-

ysis of the human condition. Developed by Sheldon Solomon, Jeff Greenberg, and Tom Pysz-

czynski (1991, 2004), this fresh perspective is currently generating a huge volume of research.

One of the chief goals of terror management theory is to explain why people need

self-esteem. Unlike other animals, humans have evolved complex cognitive abilities that

permit self-awareness and contemplation of the future. These cognitive capacities make

humans keenly aware that life can be snuffed out at any time. The collision between hu-

mans’ self-preservation instinct and their awareness of the inevitability of death creates

the potential for experiencing anxiety, alarm, and terror when people think about their

mortality (see Figure 2.17).

How do humans deal with this potential for terror? According to terror management

theory, “What saves us is culture. Cultures provide ways to view the world—worldviews—

that ‘solve’ the existential crisis engendered by the awareness of death” (Pyszczynski,

Solomon, & Greenberg, 2003, p. 16). Cultural worldviews diminish anxiety by providing

answers to universal questions such as “Why am I here?” and “What is the meaning of life?”

Cultures create stories, traditions, and institutions that give their members a sense of being

part of an enduring legacy and thus soothe their fear of death.

Where does self-esteem fit into the picture?

Self-esteem is viewed as a sense of personal worth

that depends on one’s confidence in the validity of

one’s cultural worldview and the belief that one is

living up to the standards prescribed by that world-

view. Hence, self-esteem helps protect people from

the profound anxiety associated with the awareness

that they are transient animals destined to die. In

other words, self-esteem serves a terror management

function (refer to Figure 2.17).

The notion that self-esteem functions as an anx-

iety buffer has been supported by numerous studies

(Landau & Sullivan, 2015). In many of these exper-

iments, researchers have manipulated what they

call mortality salience (the degree to which subjects’

mortality is prominent in their minds). Typically,

mortality salience is temporarily increased by asking

participants to briefly think about their own future

death. Consistent with the anxiety buffer hypothesis,

reminding people of their mortality leads subjects to

engage in a variety of behaviors that are likely to bol-

ster their self-esteem, thus reducing anxiety.

Increasing mortality salience also leads people

to work harder at defending their cultural world-

view (Landau & Sullivan, 2015). For instance, after

Self-preservation instinct

Potential for death-related

anxiety and terror

Need to defend cultural

worldview

Awareness of the inevitability

of death

Need to enhance feelings of self-esteem

Anxiety buffer

Anxie ty buffer

Figure 2.17 Overview of terror management theory. This graphic maps out the relations among the key concepts proposed by terror management theory. The theory asserts that humans’

unique awareness of the inevitability of death fosters a need to defend one’s cultural

worldview and one’s self-esteem, which serve to protect one from mortality-related anxiety.

Theories of Personality 53

briefly pondering their mortality, research participants (1) hand out

harsher penalties to moral transgressors, (2) respond more negatively to

people who criticize their country, and (3) show more respect for cul-

tural icons, such as a flag. This need to defend one’s cultural worldview

may even fuel prejudice and aggression (Greenberg et al., 2009). Re-

minding subjects of their mortality leads to (1) more negative evalua-

tions of people from different religious or ethnic backgrounds, (2) more

stereotypic thinking about minority group members, and (3) more

aggressive behavior toward people with opposing political views.

Terror management theory yields novel hypotheses regarding

many phenomena (Pyszczynski, Sullivan, & Greenberg, 2015). For in-

stance, Solomon, Greenberg, and Pyszczynski (2004a) explain excessive

materialism in terms of the anxiety-buffering function of self-esteem.

Specifically, they argue that “conspicuous possession and consumption

are thinly veiled efforts to assert that one is special and therefore more

than just an animal fated to die and decay” (p. 134). A number of studies

have even applied terror management theory to the political process.

This research suggests that mortality salience increases subjects’ pref-

erence for “charismatic” candidates who articulate a grand vision that

makes people feel like they are part of an important movement of last-

ing significance (Cohen & Solomon, 2011). Although terror manage-

ment theory may seem a tad implausible at first glance, the predictions

of the theory have been supported in hundreds of experiments (Burke,

Martens, & Faucher, 2010).

Terror management theory has been applied to a remarkably wide

range of phenomena. For example, it has even been used to explain

conspicuous consumption.

2.7 Culture and Personality

Are there connections between culture and personality? In recent decades psychology has

become more interested in cultural factors, sparking a renaissance in culture-personality

research (Church, 2010). This research has sought to determine whether Western person-

ality constructs are relevant to other cultures and whether cultural differences can be seen

in the strength of specific personality traits. These studies have found evidence of both

continuity and variability across cultures.

For the most part, continuity has been apparent in cross-cultural comparisons of the

trait structure of personality. When translated versions of the scales that tap the Big Five

personality traits have been administered and subjected to analysis in other cultures, the

usual five traits have typically surfaced (Chiu, Kim, & Wan, 2008). Admittedly, the results

are not always consistent with the five-factor model (Kwan & Herrmann, 2015). The most

common inconsistency has been that in some cultures a clear factor for the trait of open-

ness to experience does not emerge (Saucier & Srivastava, 2015). Still, overall, the research

tentatively suggests that the basic dimensions of personality trait structure may be nearly

universal.

On the other hand, some cross-cultural variability is seen when researchers compare

the average trait scores of samples from various cultural groups. For example, in a study

comparing fifty-one cultures, McCrae et al. (2005) found that Brazilians scored relatively

high in neuroticism, Australians in extraversion, Germans in openness to experience,

Czechs in agreeableness, and Malaysians in conscientiousness, to give but a handful of ex-

amples. These findings should be viewed as very preliminary, as a variety of methodological

problems make it difficult to ensure that samples and scores from different cultures are

comparable (Church et al., 2011). Nonetheless, the findings suggest that genuine cultural

differences may exist in some personality traits. That said, the observed cultural disparities

in average trait scores were modest in size.

Learning Objectives

■ Discuss whether the five-factor model

has any relevance in non-Western

cultures.

■ Explain how researchers have found

both cross-cultural similarities and

disparities in personality.

■ Describe the Spotlight on Research

regarding culture and the holier than

thou phenomenon.

D ea

n B

er to

nc el

j/ S

hu tt

er st

oc k.

co m

54 C H A P T E R 2

The availability of the data from the McCrae et al. (2005) study allowed Terracciano

et al. (2005) to explore the concept of national character. Terracciano and his colleagues

asked subjects from many cultures to describe the typical member of their culture on rating

forms guided by the five-factor model. Generally, subjects displayed substantial agreement

on these ratings of what was typical for their culture. The averaged ratings, which served as

the measures of each culture’s national character, were then correlated with the actual mean

trait scores for various cultures compiled in the McCrae et al. (2005) study. The results

were definitive: The vast majority of the correlations were extremely low and often even

negative. In other words, there was little or no relationship between perceptions of national

character and actual trait scores for various cultures (see Figure 2.18). People’s beliefs about

national character, which often fuel cultural prejudices, turned out to be profoundly in-

accurate stereotypes (McCrae & Terracciano, 2006). Some doubts have been raised about

this conclusion (Heine, Buchtel, & Norenzayan, 2008), but a recent replication found once

again that perceptions of national character tend to be largely inaccurate (McCrae et al.,

2013). Although the replication collected more fine-grained data on beliefs about national

character (taking gender and age group into account) than the original study, these beliefs

still showed little or no correlation with actual trait scores.

Personality has often been studied in relation to the cultural syndromes of individ-

ualism versus collectivism, which represent different value systems and worldviews. In-

dividualism involves putting personal goals ahead of group goals and defining one’s

identity in terms of personal attributes rather than group memberships. In contrast,

collectivism involves putting group goals ahead of personal goals and defining one’s

identity in terms of the groups to which one belongs (such as one’s family, tribe, work

group, social class, caste, and so on). Generally speaking, North American and Western

European cultures tend to be individualistic, whereas Asian, African, and Latin Amer-

ican cultures tend to be collectivistic (Hofstede, 1983, 2001). These discrepant world-

views have a variety of implications for personality. For example, research has shown

that individualism and collectivism foster cultural disparities in self-enhancement, which

involves focusing on positive feedback from others, exaggerating one’s strengths, and

seeing oneself as above average. These tendencies tend to be pervasive in individualistic

cultures, but far less common in collectivist cultures, where the norm is to reflect on one’s

shortcomings (Heine & Hamamura, 2007). This observation is the springboard for our

Spotlight on Research for this chapter.

Figure 2.18 An example of inaccurate perceptions of national character. Terracciano et al. (2005) found that perceptions of national character (the prototype

or typical personality for a particular culture) are

largely inaccurate. The data shown here for one

culture—Canadians—illustrates this inaccuracy.

Mean scores on the Big Five traits for a sample of real

individuals from Canada are graphed in red. Averaged

perceptions of national character for Canadians are

graphed in blue. The discrepancy between perception

and reality is obvious. Terracciano et al. found similar

disparities between views of national character and

actual trait scores for a majority of the cultues they

studied. (Adapted from McCrae & Terracciano, 2006)

Theories of Personality 55

Individualism, Collectivism, and Self-Insight

Source: Balcetis, E., Dunning, D., & Miller, R. L. (2008). Do collectivists know

themselves better than individualists? Cross-cultural studies of the holier

than thou phenomenon. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95,

1252–1267.

The evidence that individualism promotes self-enhancement led

Balcetis and her colleagues to speculate that collectivists may tend

to have more accurate views of themselves than individualists.

Rather than asking subjects to rate themselves in comparison to

others, which is highly subjective, they decided to ask participants

to predict their own objective behavior. This focus on predicting

actual behavior led them to investigate the “holier than thou

phenomenon,” which is the tendency for people to claim that

they are more likely to engage in socially desirable behaviors than

their peers are. For example, people tend to predict that they are

more likely than their peers to give to a charity, read to the blind,

vote, stop for pedestrians in a crosswalk, and so forth (Epley &

Dunning, 2000). In the present research, Balcetis, Dunning, and

Miller conducted four studies to explore the hypothesis that

participants from collectivist backgrounds would make more

accurate predictions about whether they would engage in socially

admirable behaviors than those from individualistic backgrounds.

We will focus on Study 2 in their series, and then briefly mention

the companion studies.

Method Participants. A total of forty-eight students from Cornell University participated in exchange for $5. The individualistic group consisted

of twenty-four students who had two parents born in the United

States. The collectivist group consisted of twenty-four Chinese

students who had two parents born in China (most of the students

were born in China themselves).

Design. Half of the subjects from each cultural group were randomly assigned to a prediction condition or an actual behavior

condition. In the prediction condition, participants made

predictions about how much of their $5 payment they might

donate to three worthwhile charities if asked, and how much their

peers would be likely to donate. In the actual behavior condition,

participants were actually asked if they would like to donate

a portion of their $5 payment to any of the three worthwhile

charities. They were told that they could make their donation

anonymously in a blank envelope to minimize the pressure to

donate.

Procedure. Because all the subjects were currently living in an individualistic culture (the United States), they were put through

a cultural immersion exercise to temporarily bolster the impact

of their original cultural mindset. The exercise consisted of a

15–20 minute interview about their cultural background. Near the

end of the experimental session, the experimenter handed the

participants their $5 payment and either invited them to consider

a donation to charity (in the actual behavior condition) or asked

them to fill out a sheet asking for predictions about how much

they and their peers might donate if asked (in the prediction

condition).

Results The crucial comparison looked at the predictions of donations

in relation to the actual donations made by subjects from

individualist and collectivist backgrounds. Individualists predicted

that they would donate more than twice as much as was actually

donated (the gap was $1.74). The collectivists predicted that they

would donate less than was actually donated, but the gap ($0.69)

between their predictions and actual behavior was much smaller

than for the individualists.

Discussion In other studies in the series, individualists overestimated their

generosity in redistributing a reward and their willingness to

avoid being rude to someone. In contrast, the collectivists were

more accurate in making predictions of their actual behavior.

Thus, the authors conclude that collectivism may promote greater

self-insight than individualism, at least when people contemplate

whether they will engage in socially desirable behaviors.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Psychological research often relies on subjects rating their

traits and characteristics. Why do you think the researchers did

not want to depend on self-report in this study?

2. Can you think of a behavior for which you would probably

fall prey to the holier than thou phenomenon, inaccurately

claiming that you are superior to your friends regarding some

admirable trait? Describe that behavior.

3. Can you think of some reasons why people from collectivist

cultures appear to be less prone to a self-enhancement bias

than those from individualistic cultures?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

56 C H A P T E R 2

Answer the following “true” or “false.”

1. Responses to personality tests are subject to uncon-

scious distortion.

2. The results of personality tests are often misunderstood.

3. Personality test scores should be interpreted with caution.

4. Personality tests may be quite useful in helping people to

learn more about themselves.

If you answered “true” to all four questions, you earned a perfect

score. Yes, personality tests are subject to distortion. Admittedly,

test results are often misunderstood, and they should be inter-

preted cautiously. In spite of these problems, however, psycho-

logical tests can be very useful.

We all engage in efforts to size up our own personality as

well as that of others. When you think to yourself that “this

salesman is untrustworthy,” or when you remark to a friend

that “Howard is too timid and submissive,” you are making

personality assessments. In a sense, then, personality assess-

ment is part of daily life. However, psychological tests provide

significantly more systematic assessments than casual obser-

vations do.

The value of psychological tests lies in their ability to help

people form a realistic picture of their personal qualities. Thus,

we have included a variety of personality tests in the Personal

Explorations Workbook that can be found in the back of this

text. We hope that you may gain some insights by responding

to these scales. But it’s important to understand the logic and

limitations of such tests. To facilitate your use of these and other

tests, this Application discusses some of the basics of psycholog-

ical testing.

Key Concepts in Psychological Testing

A psychological test is a standardized measure of a sample

of a person’s behavior. Psychological tests are measurement

instruments. They are used to measure abilities, aptitudes, and

personality traits. Note that your responses to a psychologi-

cal test represent a sample of your behavior. This fact should

alert you to one of the key limitations of psychological tests:

It’s always possible that a particular behavior sample is not

representative of your characteristic behavior. We all have our

bad days. A stomachache, a fight with a friend, a problem with

your car—all might affect your responses to a particular test

on a particular day. Because of the limitations of the sampling

process, test scores should always be interpreted cautiously.

Most psychological tests are sound measurement devices, but

test results should not be viewed as the “final word” on one’s

personality and abilities because of the everpresent sampling

problem.

Standardization and Norms

Psychological tests are standardized measures of behavior. Stan-

dardization refers to the uniform procedures used to admin-

ister and score a test. All subjects get the same instructions, the

same questions, the same time limits, and so on, so that their

scores can be compared meaningfully. The standardization of

a test’s scoring system includes the development of test norms.

Test norms provide information about where a score on a psy-

chological test ranks in relation to other scores on that test.

Why do we need test norms? Because in psychological testing,

everything is relative. Psychological tests tell you how you score

relative to other people. They tell you, for instance, that you are

average in impulsiveness, or slightly above average in assertive-

ness, or far below average in anxiety. These interpretations are

derived from the test norms.

Reliability and Validity

Any kind of measuring device, whether it’s a tire gauge, a stop-

watch, or a psychological test, should be reasonably consistent

(Geisinger, 2013). That is, repeated measurements should yield

reasonably similar results. To appreciate the importance of

consistency, think about how you would react if a tire pressure

gauge gave you several very different readings for the same tire.

You would probably conclude that the gauge was broken and

toss it into the garbage because you know that consistency in

measurement is essential to accuracy.

Reliability refers to the measurement consistency of a test.

A reliable test is one that yields similar results upon repetition

(see Figure 2.19). Like most other types of measuring devices,

psychological tests are not perfectly reliable. They usually do not

yield the exact same score when repeated. A certain amount of

inconsistency is unavoidable because human behavior is vari-

able. Personality tests tend to have lower reliability than mental

2.8 Assessing Your Personality

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Explain the concepts of standardization, test norms, reliability, and

validity.

■ Discuss the value and the limitations of self-report inventories and

projective tests.

Learning Objectives

Theories of Personality 57

Maria

Dave Ed

Ed Dawn

Keiko Keiko Keiko

Deb Tyrone Pam

High High

Maria

Dave Dawn

Deb

Tyrone

Pam

HIGH RELIABILITY

Scores on rst testing

Scores on second testing

Low Low

Maria Dave

Ed Dawn

Deb

Tyrone Pam

High High

Maria

Dave

Dawn

Keiko

Deb

Tyrone

Pam

LOW RELIABILITY

Scores on rst testing

Scores on second testing

Low Low

ability tests because daily fluctuations in mood influence how

people respond to such tests.

Even if a test is quite reliable, we still need to be concerned

about its validity. Validity refers to the ability of a test to mea-

sure what it was designed to measure. If we develop a new test

of assertiveness, we have to provide some evidence that it really

measures assertiveness. Validity can be demonstrated in a vari-

ety of ways, depending on the nature of the test (Sireci & Sukin,

2013). Most of them involve correlating scores on a test with

other measures of the same trait or with related traits.

Self-Report Inventories

The vast majority of personality tests are self-report inventories.

Self-report inventories are personality scales that ask individu-

als to answer a series of questions about their characteristic be-

havior. When you respond to a self-report personality scale, you

endorse statements as true or false as applied to you, you indicate

how often you behave in a particular way, or you rate yourself

with respect to certain qualities. For example, on the Minnesota

Multiphasic Personality Inventory, people respond “true,” “false,”

or “cannot say” to 567 statements such as the following:

I get a fair deal from most people.

I have the time of my life at parties.

I am glad that I am alive.

Several people are following me everywhere.

The logic underlying this approach is simple: Who knows you

better than you do? Who has known you longer? Who has more

access to your private feelings? Imperfect though they may be,

self-ratings remain the gold standard for personality assessment

(Paunonen & Hong, 2015).

The entire range of personality traits can be measured

with self-report inventories. Some scales measure just one trait

dimension, such as the Sensation Seeking Scale (SSS), which

you can take in your Personal Explorations Workbook (found

in the back of this book). Others simultaneously assess a mul-

titude of traits. The Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire

(16PF), developed by Raymond Cattell and his colleagues

(Cattell, Eber, & Tatsuoka, 1970), is an example of a multitrait

inventory. The 16PF is a 187-item scale that measures 16 basic

dimensions of personality, called source traits, which are

shown in Figure 2.20.

As noted earlier, some theorists believe that only five trait

dimensions are required to provide a full description of per-

sonality. The five-factor model led to the creation of the NEO

Personality Inventory. Developed by Paul Costa and Robert

McCrae (1992), the NEO Inventory is designed to measure

the Big Five traits: neuroticism, extraversion, openness to

experience, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. The NEO

Inventory is widely used in research and clinical work, and

updated revisions of the scale have been released (Costa &

McCrae, 2008).

To appreciate the strengths of self-report inventories,

consider how else you might assess your personality. For in-

stance, how assertive are you? You probably have some vague

idea, but can you accurately estimate how your assertiveness

compares to other people’s? To do that, you need a great deal

of comparative information about others’ usual behavior—

information that all of us lack. In contrast, a self-report in-

ventory inquires about your typical behavior in a wide va-

riety of circumstances requiring assertiveness and generates

Figure 2.19 Test reliability. Subjects’ scores on the first administration of an assertiveness test

are represented on the left, and their scores

on a second administration (a few weeks

later) are represented on the right. If subjects

obtain similar scores on both administrations,

the test measures assertiveness consistently

and is said to have high reliability. If subjects

get very different scores when they take the

assertiveness test a second time, the test is

said to have low reliability.

Finding Information about Psychological Tests

Maintained by the American Psychological Association, this FAQ site

answers all sorts of questions about the availability of various kinds

of tests. It explains how to find specific tests, describes how to get

information on tests, and outlines information on the proper use of tests.

Learn More Online

58 C H A P T E R 2

an exact comparison with the typical behavior reported by

many other respondents for the same circumstances. Thus,

self-report inventories are much more thorough and precise

than casual observations.

However, these tests are only as accurate as the informa-

tion that the test takers provide (Butcher, Bubany, & Mason,

2013). Deliberate deception can be a problem with these tests

(Rees & Metcalfe, 2003), and some people are unconsciously

influenced by the social desirability or acceptability of the

statements (Paunonen & LeBel, 2012). Without realizing it,

they tend to mostly endorse statements that make them look

good. This problem provides another reason why personality

test results should always be regarded as suggestive rather than

definitive.

Projective Tests

Projective tests, which all take a rather indirect approach to the as-

sessment of personality, are used extensively in clinical work. Pro-

jective tests ask people to respond to vague, ambiguous stimuli

in ways that may reveal the respondents’ needs, feelings, and

personality traits. The Rorschach test, for example, consists of

a series of ten inkblots. Respondents are asked to describe what

they see in the blots. In the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), a

series of pictures of simple scenes is presented to subjects who are

asked to tell stories about what is happening in them and what the

characters are feeling. For instance, one TAT card shows a young

boy contemplating a violin resting on a table in front of him.

The assumption underlying projective testing is that ambig-

uous materials can serve as a blank screen onto which people

project their concerns, conflicts, and desires. Thus, a competitive

Reserved

Less intelligent

Affected by feelings

Submissive

Serious

Expedient

Timid

Tough-minded

Trusting

Practical

Forthright

Self-assured

Conservative

Group-dependent

Uncontrolled

Relaxed

Outgoing

More intelligent

Emotionally stable

Dominant

Happy-go-lucky

Conscientious

Venturesome

Sensitive

Suspicious

Imaginative

Shrewd

Apprehensive

Experimenting

Self-sufficient

Controlled

Tense

Figure 2.20 The Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire (16PF). Cattell’s 16PF is designed to assess sixteen basic dimensions of personality.

The pairs of traits listed across from each other in

the figure define the sixteen factors measured by

this self-report inventory. The profile shown is the

average profile seen among a group of airline pilots

who took the test.

Source: Adapted from Cattell, R. B. (1973, July). Personality pinned

down. Psychology Today, 40–46. Reprinted by permission of

In taking the Thematic Apperception Test, a respondent is asked to tell

stories about scenes such as this one. The themes apparent in each story

can be scored to provide insight about the respondent's personality.

S ci

en ce

S ou

rc e

Theories of Personality 59

person who is shown the TAT card of the boy at the table with

the violin might concoct a story about how the boy is contem-

plating an upcoming musical competition at which he hopes to

excel. The same card shown to a person high in impulsiveness

might elicit a story about how the boy is planning to sneak out

the door to go dirt-bike riding with friends.

Proponents of projective tests assert that the tests have two

unique strengths. First, they are not transparent to subjects.

That is, the subject doesn’t know how the test provides infor-

mation to the tester. Hence, it may be difficult for people to

engage in intentional deception (Weiner, 2013). Second, the

indirect approach used in these tests may make them espe-

cially sensitive to unconscious, latent features of personality

(Meyer & Viglione, 2008).

Unfortunately, the scientific evidence on projective mea-

sures is unimpressive (Wood et al., 2010). In a review of the

relevant research, Lilienfeld, Wood, and Garb (2000) conclude

that projective tests tend to be plagued by inconsistent scoring,

low reliability, inadequate test norms, cultural bias, and poor

validity estimates. They also assert that, contrary to advocates’

claims, projective tests are susceptible to some types of

intentional deception (primarily, faking poor mental health).

That said, advocates for one specific approach to scoring the

Rorschach recently published a meta-analysis showing that

there was good to excellent support for the validity of thirty

of sixty-five variables assessed in their system and modest

support for another ten of the variables (Mihura et al., 2013).

Although these data are more favorable than previous find-

ings, debate continues regarding the overall evidence base

for the Rorschach (Mihura et al., 2015; Wood et al., 2015).

Another problem related to the Rorschach is that all the ink-

blots have been posted on Wikipedia, along with common

responses and their interpretation. Although psychologists

have vigorously protested, copyright for the test has expired

and the images are in the public domain. Clinicians are con-

cerned that this exposure of the inkblots could compromise

the utility of the test (Hartmann & Hartmann, 2014; Schultz

& Brabender, 2013).

In spite of these problems, projective tests such as the

Rorschach, continue to be used by many clinicians. Although

the vigorously debated scientific status of these techniques is

a very real issue, their continued popularity suggests that they

yield subjective information that many clinicians find useful

(Meyer et al., 2013).

60 C H A P T E R 2

C H A P T E R 2 Review Key Ideas

2.1 The Nature of Personality ● The concept of personality explains the consistency in individuals’

behavior over time and situations while also explaining their distinctiveness. Personality traits are dispositions to behave in certain ways.

● Some theorists suggest that the complexity of personality can be reduced to just five basic traits: extraversion, neuroticism, openness to experience, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. The Big Five traits predict important life outcomes, such as grades, occupational attainment, divorce, health, and mortality.

2.2 Psychodynamic Perspectives ● Freud’s psychoanalytic theory emphasizes the importance of the

unconscious. Freud described personality structure in terms of three components (id, ego, and superego), operating at three levels of awareness, that are involved in conflicts, which generate anxiety.

● According to Freud, people often ward off anxiety and other unpleasant emotions with defense mechanisms, which work through self-deception. Freud believed that the first five years of life are extremely influential in shaping adult personality. He described five psychosexual stages of personality development.

● Jung’s analytical psychology stresses the importance of the collective unconscious. Adler’s individual psychology emphasizes how people strive for superiority to compensate for feelings of inferiority.

2.3 Behavioral Perspectives ● Behavioral theories view personality as a collection of response

tendencies shaped through learning. Pavlov’s classical conditioning can explain how people acquire emotional responses.

● Skinner’s model of operant conditioning shows how consequences such as reinforcement, extinction, and punishment shape behavior. Bandura’s social cognitive theory shows how people can be conditioned through observation. He views self-efficacy as an important trait.

2.4 Humanistic Perspectives ● Humanistic theories take an optimistic view of people’s conscious,

rational ability to chart their own courses of action. Rogers focused on the self-concept as the critical aspect of personality. He maintained that incongruence between one’s self-concept and reality creates anxiety and leads to defensive behavior. Maslow theorized that needs are arranged hierarchically. He asserted that psychological health depends on fulfilling the need for self-actualization.

2.5 Biological Perspectives ● Eysenck argued that inherited individual differences in physiological

functioning affect conditioning and thus influence personality. Recent twin studies have provided impressive evidence that genetic factors shape personality.

● Behavioral genetics research suggests that the heritability of each of the Big Five traits is around 50%. Evolutionary psychologists maintain that natural selection has favored the emergence of the Big Five traits as crucial dimensions of personality.

2.6 Contemporary Empirical Approaches to Personality ● Narcissism is a trait marked by an inflated sense of self, a need for

attention, and a sense of entitlement. Research suggests that levels of narcissism have been increasing in recent generations. Some theorists distinguish beween grandiose narcisissm and vulnerable narcisissm.

● Terror management theory proposes that self-esteem and faith in a cultural worldview shield people from the profound anxiety associated with their mortality.

2.7 Culture and Personality ● Research suggests that the basic trait structure of personality may be

much the same across cultures, as the Big Five traits usually emerge in cross-cultural studies. People’s perceptions of national character appear to be remarkably inaccurate. People from collectivist cultures appear to be less prone to self-enhancement than those from individualistic cultures. Hence, collectivists have more accurate views of themselves than individualists.

2.8 Application: Assessing Your Personality ● Psychological tests are standardized measures of behavior.

Psychological tests should produce consistent results upon retesting, a quality called reliability. Validity refers to the degree to which a test measures what it was designed to measure.

● Self-report inventories, such as the 16PF and NEO Personality Inventory, ask respondents to describe themselves. These tests can provide a better snapshot of personality than casual observations can.

● Projective tests, such as the Rorschach and TAT, assume that people’s responses to ambiguous stimuli reveal something about their personality. Projective tests’ reliability and validity appear to be relatively low.

Alfred Adler p. 37 Albert Bandura pp. 42–43 Hans Eysenck p. 48 Sigmund Freud pp. 31–36 Carl Jung p. 37

Abraham Maslow pp. 46–47 Ivan Pavlov pp. 39–40 Carl Rogers pp. 45–46 B. F. Skinner pp. 41–42

Key People

Key Terms

Archetypes p. 37 Behaviorism p. 38 Classical conditioning p. 39 Collective unconscious p. 37 Collectivism p. 54 Compensation p. 37 Conditioned response (CR) p. 39 Conditioned stimulus (CS) p. 39 Conscious p. 32 Defense mechanisms p. 33 Displacement p. 34 Ego p. 31 Evolutionary psychology p. 49 Extinction p. 40 Fixation p. 35 Heritability ratio p. 49 Hierarchy of needs p. 46 Hindsight bias p. 50 Humanism p. 44 Id p. 31 Identification p. 34 Incongruence p. 45 Individualism p. 54 Narcissism p. 51 Need for self-actualization p. 46 Negative reinforcement p. 41 Observational learning p. 43 Oedipal complex p. 36

Operant conditioning p. 41 Personality p. 29 Personality trait p. 29 Positive reinforcement p. 41 Preconscious p. 32 Projection p. 34 Projective tests p. 58 Psychodynamic theories p. 31 Psychological test p. 56 Psychosexual stages p. 35 Punishment p. 42 Rationalization p. 33 Reaction formation p. 34 Regression p. 34 Reliability p. 56 Repression p. 34 Self-concept p. 45 Self-efficacy p. 43 Self-report inventories p. 57 Standardization p. 56 Superego p. 32 Test norms p. 56 Twin studies p. 48 Unconditioned response (UR) p. 39 Unconditioned stimulus (US) p. 39 Unconscious p. 32 Validity p. 57

Theories of Personality 61

C H A P T E R 2 Practice Test 7. According to Maslow, which of the following is not

characteristic of self-actualizing persons? a. Accurate perception of reality b. Being open and spontaneous c. Being uncomfortable with solitude d. Sensitivity to others’ needs

8. If identical twins exhibit more personality resemblance than fraternal twins, it’s probably due mostly to a. similar treatment from parents. b. their greater genetic overlap. c. their strong identification with each other. d. others’ expectations that they should be similar.

9. Research on terror management theory has shown that increased mortality salience leads to all of the following except a. increased striving for self-esteem. b. more stereotypic thinking about minorities. c. a preference for charismatic political candidates. d. reduced respect for cultural icons.

10. In psychological testing, consistency of results over repeated measurements refers to a. standardization. b. validity. c. statistical significance. d. reliability.

1. Which of the following is not included in McCrae and Costa’s five-factor model of personality? a. Neuroticism b. Extraversion c. Conscientiousness d. Authoritarianism

2. You’re feeling guilty after your third bowl of ice cream. You tell yourself it’s all right because yesterday you skipped lunch. Which defense mechanism is at work? a. Conceptualization b. Displacement c. Rationalization d. Identification

3. According to Adler, __________ is a universal drive to adapt, improve oneself, and master life’s challenges. a. compensation b. striving for superiority c. avoiding inferiority d. social interest

4. The strengthening of a response tendency by virtue of the fact that the response leads to the removal of an unpleasant stimulus is a. positive reinforcement. b. negative reinforcement. c. primary reinforcement. d. punishment.

5. Self-efficacy is a. the ability to fulfill one’s potential. b. one’s belief about one’s ability to perform behaviors that

should lead to expected outcomes. c. a durable disposition to behave in a particular way in a

variety of situations. d. a collection of beliefs about one’s nature, unique qualities,

and typical behavior.

6. According to Rogers, disparity between one’s self-concept and actual experience is referred to as a. a delusional system. b. dissonance. c. conflict. d. incongruence.

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 2.1 Self-Assessment: Sensation Seeking Scale

Exercise 2.2 Self-Reflection: Who Are You?

Answers 1. d Page 30 2. c Pages 33–34 3. b Page 37 4. b Pages 41–42 5. b Page 43

6. d Page 45 7. c Page 47 8. b Pages 48–49 9. d Pages 52–53

10. d Page 56

C H A P T E R 3 Stress and Its Effects

3.1 The Nature of Stress

Stress Is an Everyday Event

Stress Lies in the Eye of the Beholder

Stress May Be Embedded in the Environment

Stress Is Influenced by Culture

3.2 Major Sources of Stress

Frustration

Internal Conflict

Change

Pressure

3.3 Responding to Stress

Emotional Responses

Physiological Responses

RECOMMENDED READING Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers by Robert M. Sapolsky

Behavioral Responses

3.4 The Potential Effects of Stress

Impaired Task Performance

Disruption of Cognitive Functioning

Burnout

Psychological Problems and Disorders

Physical Illness

Positive Effects

3.5 Factors Influencing Stress Tolerance

Social Support

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH The Role of Hugs in Social Support

Hardiness

Optimism

3.6 APPLICATION: Reducing Stress through Self-Control

Specifying Your Target Behavior

Gathering Baseline Data

Designing Your Program

Executing and Evaluating Your Program

Ending Your Program

Review

Practice Test

gpointstudio/Shutterstock.com

3.1 The Nature of Stress

Over the years, the term stress has been used in different ways by different theorists. Some

have viewed stress as a stimulus event that presents difficult demands (a divorce, for instance),

while others have viewed stress as the response of physiological arousal elicited by a trouble-

some event. Many contemporary researchers view stress as neither a stimulus nor a response

alone, but rather as a special stimulus-response transaction in which one feels threatened or

experiences loss or harm. Hence, we will define stress as any circumstances that threaten or are perceived to threaten one’s well-being and thereby tax one’s coping abilities. The

threat may be to one’s immediate physical safety, long-range security, self-esteem, reputa-

tion, or peace of mind. Stress is a complex concept—so let’s dig a little deeper.

Stress Is an Everyday Event

Stress is a part of everyday life. Indeed, a recent poll by the American Psychological Asso-

ciation (2015) shows that, for many of us, stress levels are higher than what is considered

healthy. Women, younger Americans, and parents appear especially susceptible to symp-

toms of stress. It seems that being “stressed out” is a hallmark of modern life.

Undeniably, stress is associated with overwhelming, traumatic crises such as bomb-

ings, floods, earthquakes, and nuclear accidents. Studies conducted in the aftermath of

yesterday. You’re already in debt. Your parents are bugging

you about changing schools, but you don’t want to leave your

friends. Your heartbeat quickens as you contemplate the

debate you’ll have to wage with your parents. You feel wired

with tension as you realize that the stress in your life never

seems to let up.

As this example shows, many circumstances can create

stress in people’s lives. Stress comes in all sorts of packages:

large and small, pretty and ugly, simple and complex. All too

often, the package is a surprise. In this chapter, we analyze the

nature of stress, outline the major sources of stress, and discuss

how people respond to stressful events at several levels. We also

discuss some factors that influence one’s tolerance for stress. ■

Y ou’re in your car headed home from school. Traffic is

barely moving. You groan as the radio reports that the

traffic jam is only going to get worse. Another motorist’s

car nearly hits you trying to cut into your lane. Your pulse

quickens as you shout insults at the driver, who cannot even

hear you. Your stomach knots up as you think about the term

paper that you have to work on tonight. If you don’t finish the

paper soon, you won’t be able to find any time to study for

your math test, not to mention your biology quiz. Suddenly,

you remember that you promised the person you’re dating

that the two of you would get together tonight. There’s no

way. Another fight looms on the horizon. You’ve been trying

not to think about the tuition increase the college announced

Learning Objectives

■ Describe the experience of stress in

everyday life.

■ Distinguish between primary and

secondary appraisals of stress.

■ Summarize the evidence on ambient

stress, ethnicity-related stress, and

acculturation stress.

Stress and Its Effects 63

64 C H A P T E R 3

such traumas typically find elevated rates of psychological

problems and physical illness in the affected communities

and individuals. For example, fifteen months after Hurricane

Katrina devastated the New Orleans area, a survey of residents

uncovered dramatic increases in physical and mental health

problems (Kim et al., 2008). Even six years after Katrina, a

study found that heart attack rates were three times higher

than prior to the hurricane (Peters et al., 2014). However,

these infrequent events represent the tip of the iceberg. Many

everyday events, such as waiting in line, having car trouble,

misplacing your keys, and staring at bills you can’t pay, are also

stressful. In fact, according to the national APA (2015) poll,

daily problems concerning money, work, and the economy

were the top three reported causes of stress (see Figure 3.1). Of

course, major and minor stressors are not entirely indepen-

dent. A major stressful event, such as going through a divorce,

can trigger a cascade of minor stressors, such as looking for

an attorney, taking on new household responsibilities, and

so forth.

You might guess that minor stressors would produce mi-

nor effects, but that isn’t necessarily true. Research shows that

routine hassles may have significant negative effects on a per-

son’s mental and physical health (Pettit et al., 2010). One study looked at whether everyday

hassles and major stressful events, both measured over a period of fifteen years, predicted

mortality in an elderly sample of men (Aldwin et al., 2014). Elevated levels of both types

of stress were associated with increased mortality, but the impact of hassles was actually

somewhat greater than that of major stressors.

Why would minor hassles be related to mental health? Many theorists believe that

stressful events can have a cumulative or additive impact. In other words, stress can add up.

Routine stresses at home, school, and work might be fairly benign individually, but collec-

tively they can create great strain. This is especially true for those who ruminate about or

become preoccupied with hassles (Wrzus et al., 2015). Whatever the reason, it is evident that

daily hassles make important contributions to psychological distress (Charles et al., 2013).

Not everyone becomes overwhelmed by stress from daily hassles. As we’ll see in the

next section, individual perceptions are important in how people experience stress.

Stress Lies in the Eye of the Beholder

The experience of feeling threatened depends on what events you notice and how you

choose to interpret or appraise them. Appraisals account for many of the individual dif-

ferences in reactions to potential stressors. Events that are stressful for one person may be

routine for another. For example, many people find flying in an airplane somewhat stress-

ful, but frequent fliers may not even raise an eyebrow. Thus, stress lies in the eye (actually,

the mind) of the beholder.

In discussing appraisals of stress, Richard Lazarus and Susan Folkman (1984) dis-

tinguish between primary and secondary appraisal (see Figure 3.2). Primary appraisal is

an initial evaluation of whether an event is (1) irrelevant to you, (2) relevant but not

threatening, or (3) stressful. When you view an event as stressful, you are likely to make

a secondary appraisal, which is an evaluation of your coping resources and options for

dealing with the stress. For instance, your primary appraisal would determine whether

you saw an upcoming job interview as stressful. Your secondary appraisal would determine

how stressful the interview appeared, in light of your ability to deal with the event.

It should come as no surprise that people’s appraisals of stressful events alter the

impact of the events themselves. Research has demonstrated that negative interpreta-

tions of events are often associated with increased distress surrounding these events.

In fact, when studying a sample of children after the September 11, 2001, terrorist

Money 0%

10%

30%

50%

60%

70%

Work The economy Family responsibilities

Personal health concerns

40%

20%

Figure 3.1 Reported causes of stress. In 2014, the American Psychological Association conducted a national survey on stress in America. This graph shows the

percentage of respondents reporting various causes of stress. Note that

economic issues dominate the top spots.

Source: Adapted from the American Psychological Association (2010). Stress in America findings.

Washington, DC: APA.

Richard Lazarus distinguished between

primary and secondary appraisals as the

mental processes that influence the impact

of stress.

Stress and Its Effects 65

attacks, Lengua and her colleagues (2006) found that children’s appraisals of the event

predicted their stress symptoms as much as factors such as their coping styles or

pre-attack stress loads.

In addition, appraisals can shift stress from being negative (a threat) to positive (a

challenge) (Jamieson, Mendes, & Nock, 2013), and positive reappraisals of stress have

both psychological and physiological benefits (Jamieson, Nock, & Mendes, 2012). Crum,

Salovey, and Achor (2013) argue that most people assume that stress is generally harmful.

They label this attitude a stress-is-debilitating mindset. However, they note that some people

view stress as an invigorating challenge and opportunity for growth. They call this attitude

a stress-is-enhancing mindset. They assert that a stress-is-enhancing mindset enhances our

capacity to handle stress effectively. Their initial data provides some support for this line of

thinking (Crum & Lyddy, 2014).

Stress May Be Embedded in the Environment

Although the perception of stress is a highly personal matter, many kinds of stress come

from the environmental circumstances that individuals share with others. Ambient stress consists of chronic environmental conditions that, although not urgent, are negatively

valued and place adaptive demands on people. Such features of urbanization as excessive

noise, traffic, and pollution can threaten well-being and leave their mark on mental and

physical health (White et al., 2013). In fact, individuals from neighborhoods that include

greens spaces and clean air show higher life satisfaction than those from neighborhoods

that do not include these characteristics (Diener, Oishi, & Lucas, 2015).

Crowding is an environmental condition that is a major source of stress. Even

temporary experiences of crowding, such as being packed into a passenger train for

a crowded commute, can be stressful (Evans & Wener, 2007). However, most of the

research on crowding has focused on the effects of residential density. Generally, stud-

ies suggest an association between high density and increased physiological arousal,

psychological distress, and social withdrawal (Evans & Stecker, 2004). Siddiqui and

Pandey (2003) found crowding to be one of the most critical stressors for urban resi-

dents in northern India, indicating that this is an important issue that goes well beyond

Western cities.

Another aspect of the environment that investigators have examined is poverty

(Haushofer & Fehr, 2014). Poverty-related stress takes its toll on both mental and physical

health (Evans & Kim, 2013). Children from lower-income homes tend to have higher levels

of stress hormones than their higher-income peers (Blair et al., 2011). One study showed

that younger children (birth to age 9) are especially susceptible to the detrimental effects of

poverty (Evans & Cassells, 2014). These researchers argue that, unfortunately, many of the

other ambient stress factors (e.g., crowding, noise, pollution) go hand in hand with poverty,

thus making the problem worse.

Situation perceived as relevant and

threatening

Situation perceived as irrelevant or

harmless

Coping resources appear adequate

Coping resources appear inadequate

or likely to be taxed

Stimulus event

Primary appraisal

Stress

No stress

Secondary appraisal Figure 3.2 Primary and secondary appraisal of stress. Primary appraisal is an initial evaluation of whether an event is (1) irrelevant to you, (2)

relevant but not threatening, or (3) stressful.

When you view an event as stressful, you are

likely to make a secondary appraisal, which is

an evaluation of your coping resources and

options for dealing with the stress. (Based on

Lazarus & Folkman, 1984)

American Psychological

Association: Stress

The American Psychological Association

is the largest professional organization

for psychologists. This website presents

up-to-date coverage of stress research,

including recent press releases and

psychological research in the news. It

also provides a peek into stress research

currently being published.

Learn More Online

66 C H A P T E R 3

Stress Is Influenced by Culture

Although certain types of events (such as the loss of a loved one) are probably viewed as

stressful in virtually all human societies, cultures vary greatly in the predominant forms

of stress their people experience. Obviously, the challenges of daily living encountered in

modern Western cities such as Montreal or Philadelphia are quite different from the day-

to-day difficulties experienced in indigenous societies in Africa or South America. Indeed,

culture sets the context in which people experience and appraise stress. In some cases, a

specific cultural group may be exposed to pervasive stress that is unique to that group. For

example, the devastating and widespread destruction from the tsunami in Indonesia and

regions of Southeast Asia in 2004 and the ongoing kidnapping and murder of Nigerian

citizens by the Boko Haram are extraordinary forms of stress distinctive to these societies.

Our discussion of stress largely focuses on the types of stressors confronted in contempo-

rary Western society, but you should be aware that life in Western society is not necessarily

representative of life around the world.

Moreover, even within the modern Western world, disparities can be found in

the constellation of stressors experienced by specific cultural groups. Social scientists

have explored the effects of ethnicity-related sources of stress experienced by African

Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, and other minority groups, and

they have documented that racial discrimination negatively affects the mental health

and well-being for targets of racism (Brondolo et al., 2011). Further, exposure to racism

through social exclusion, stigmatization, and harassment affects appraisals of stressful

events. For instance, researchers have linked mental and physical health disparities in

lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals to stress caused by antigay stigmas (Lick, Durso, &

Johnson, 2013).

For immigrants, acculturation, or changing to adapt to a new culture, is a major

source of stress related to reduced well-being. Indeed, acculturation stress is associ-

ated with depression and anxiety (Salas-Wright et al., 2015). Studies show that the dis-

crepancy between what individuals expect before immigrating and what they actually

experience once they do immigrate is related to the amount of acculturation stress they

report (Negy, Schwartz, & Reig-Ferrer, 2009). The extra layers of stress experienced

by minority group members clearly take their toll, but scientists are still exploring the

degree to which ethnicity-related stress may have detrimental effects on individuals’

mental and physical health.

Stress can be caused by environmental

circumstances such as pollution, excessive

noise, crowding, traffic jams, and urban decay.

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Stress and Its Effects 67

Frustration, a common source of stress, occurs in any situation in

which the pursuit of some goal is thwarted. Traffic jams, long lines, and

technology problems are typical sources of frustration.

3.2 Major Sources of Stress

An enormous variety of events can be stressful for one person or another. To achieve a bet-

ter understanding of stress, theorists have tried to analyze the nature of stressful events and

divide them into subtypes. One sensible distinction involves differentiating between acute

stressors and chronic stressors. Acute stressors are threatening events that have a relatively short duration and a clear endpoint. Examples would include having a difficult encoun-

ter with a belligerent drunk, waiting for the results of a medical test, or having your home

threatened by severe flooding. Chronic stressors are threatening events that have a rela- tively long duration and no readily apparent time limit. Examples would include persis-

tent financial strains produced by unemployment, ongoing pressures from a hostile boss at

work, or the demands of caring for a sick family member over a period of years. Of course,

this distinction is far from perfect. It is hard to decide where to draw the line between a

short-lived versus lengthy stressor, and even brief stressors can have long-lasting effects.

Robert Sapolsky (2004), a leading authority on stress, points out another type of stressor.

Anticipatory stressors are upcoming or future events that are perceived to be threatening. We may worry about breakups that never occur, bad grades we never receive, or hurricanes

that never make landfall. The problem with anticipatory stress is that it can affect us psy-

chologically and physically just as strongly as actual stressors do. However we classify them,

stressors come from all aspects of our lives. Let’s take a look at four major sources of stress.

As you read about each of them, you’ll surely recognize some familiar adversaries.

Frustration

As psychologists use the term, frustration occurs in any situation in which the pursuit of some goal is thwarted. In essence, you experience frustration when you want something

and you can’t have it. Everyone has to deal with frustration virtually every day. Long daily

commutes, traffic jams, and annoying drivers, for instance, are routine sources of frustra-

tion that can produce negative moods and increase levels of stress. Such frustration often

leads to aggression; even artificially induced frustration in a laboratory setting can lead to

increased aggression from participants (Verona & Curtin, 2006). Some frustrations, such

as failures and losses, can be sources of significant stress. Fortunately, most frustrations

are brief and insignificant. You may be quite upset when you go to the auto shop to pick

up your car and find that it hasn’t been fixed as promised. However,

a few days later you’ll probably have your precious car back, and all

will be forgotten.

More often than not, frustration appears to be the culprit at work

when people feel troubled by ambient stress. Excessive noise, heat,

pollution, and crowding are most likely stressful because they frus-

trate the desire for quiet, a comfortable body temperature, clean air,

and adequate privacy. Frustration also plays a role in the aggressive

behaviors associated with “road rage” (Carroll & Rothe, 2014). Fur-

ther, frustration in the workplace often results in job insecurity and

burnout (Elst et al., 2012), a specific effect of stress that we will dis-

cuss later in this chapter.

Internal Conflict

Like frustration, internal conflict is an unavoidable feature of every-

day life. That perplexing question “Should I or shouldn’t I?” comes

up countless times on a daily basis. Internal conflict occurs when two or more incompatible motivations or behavioral impulses

compete for expression. As we discussed in Chapter 2, Sigmund

Learning Objectives

■ Distinguish between acute, chronic,

and anticipatory stressors.

■ Describe frustration and internal

conflict in relation to stress.

■ Summarize the research on life changes

and pressure as sources of stress in

modern life.

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68 C H A P T E R 3

Freud proposed more than a century ago that internal conflicts generate

considerable psychological distress. This link between conflict and dis-

tress was measured with precision in studies by Laura King and Robert

Emmons (1990, 1991). They used an elaborate questionnaire to assess the

overall amount of internal conflict experienced by subjects. They found

higher levels of conflict to be associated with higher levels of psychological

distress.

Conflicts come in three types, which were originally described by Kurt

Lewin (1935) and investigated extensively by Neal Miller (1944, 1959).

These types are diagrammed in Figure 3.3.

In an approach-approach conflict a choice must be made between two attractive goals. The problem, of course, is that you can choose just

one of the two goals. For example, you have a free afternoon; should you

play tennis or go to the movies? Among the three kinds of conflict, the

approach-approach type tends to be the least stressful. Nonetheless, if you

are torn between two appealing college majors or two attractive job offers,

you may find the decision-making process quite stressful.

In an avoidance-avoidance conflict a choice must be made between

two unattractive goals. Forced to choose between two repelling alterna-

tives, you are, as the expression goes, “caught between a rock and a hard

place.” For example, let’s say you have painful backaches. Should you sub-

mit to surgery that you dread, or should you continue to live with the pain?

Obviously, avoidance-avoidance conflicts are most unpleasant and highly

stressful.

In an approach-avoidance conflict a choice must be made about whether to pursue a single goal that has both attractive and unattractive

aspects. For instance, imagine that you’re offered a job promotion that will

mean a large increase in pay. The catch is that you will have to move to a

city that you hate. Approach-avoidance conflicts are common, and they

can be highly stressful. Any time you have to take a risk to pursue some

desirable outcome, you are likely to find yourself in an approach-avoidance conflict. For-

tunately, we are equipped to focus on the positive aspects of our decision once it has been

made (Brehm, 1956).

Change

Life changes may represent a key type of stress. Life changes are any noticeable altera- tions in one’s living circumstances that require readjustment. Research on life change

began when Thomas Holmes, Richard Rahe, and their colleagues set out to explore the

relation between stressful life events and physical illness (Holmes & Rahe, 1967; Rahe &

Arthur, 1978). They interviewed thousands of tuberculosis patients to find out what kinds

of events preceded the onset of their disease. Surprisingly, the frequently cited events were

not uniformly negative. The list included plenty of aversive events, as expected, but patients

also mentioned many seemingly positive events, such as getting married, having a baby, or

getting promoted.

Why would positive events, such as moving to a nicer home, produce stress? According

to Holmes and Rahe, it is because they produce change. Based on this analysis, Holmes and

Rahe (1967) developed the Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS) to measure life change

as a form of stress (see Figure 3.4). The SRRS and similar scales have been used in thousands

of studies by researchers all over the world. Overall, these studies have shown that people

with higher scores on the SRRS tend to be more vulnerable to many kinds of physical

illness—and many types of psychological problems as well (Scully, Tosi, & Banning, 2000).

However, experts have criticized this research, arguing that the SRRS does not measure

change exclusively (Anderson, Wethington, & Kamarck, 2011). The life changes listed on

the SRRS potentially generate great frustration. Thus, it could be that frustration, rather

than change, creates most of the stress assessed by the scale.

Figure 3.3 Types of conflict. Psychologists have identified three basic types of conflict. In approach-approach and avoidance-avoidance

conflicts, the person is torn between two goals. In an approach-

avoidance conflict, only one goal is under consideration, but it has

both positive and negative aspects.

Tennis

Pizza

Blue sweater

Movie

Spaghetti

Gray jacket

Approach-Approach

Surgery

Degrading jobUnemployment

Painful backache

Avoidance-Avoidance

Date with an attractive person

Rejection

Investment returns Loss of capital

Approach-Avoidance

Joyce Vincent/Shutterstock.com

Stress and Its Effects 69

Should we discard the notion that change is stressful? Not entirely. It is quite plausi-

ble that change constitutes a major type of stress in people’s lives. However, we have little

reason to believe that change is inherently or inevitably stressful. Some life changes may be

quite challenging, whereas others may be quite benign.

Pressure

At one time or another, most of us have probably remarked that we were “under pressure.”

What does that expression mean? Pressure involves expectations or demands that one

behave in a certain way. Pressure can be divided into two subtypes: the pressure to perform

and the pressure to conform. You are under pressure to perform when you are expected to

execute tasks and responsibilities quickly, efficiently, and successfully. For example, sales-

people are usually under pressure to move lots of merchandise. Comedians are under pres-

sure to get laughs. Pressures to conform to others’ expectations are also common. Suburban

homeowners are expected to keep their lawns manicured. College students are expected by

their parents to get good grades.

We tend to think of pressure as something imposed from outside forces. However,

pressure is often self-imposed. For example, one might sign up for extra classes to get

through school quickly or actively seek additional leadership positions to impress one’s

Figure 3.4 Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS). Devised by Holmes and

Rahe (1967), this scale is

designed to measure the

change-related stress in

one’s life. The numbers on

the right are supposed to

reflect the average amount

of stress (readjustment)

produced by each event.

Respondents check off the

events they experienced

recently and add up the

associated numbers to

arrive at their stress scores.

Source: Adapted from Holmes,

T. H., & Rahe, R. (1967). The Social

Readjustment Rating Scale.

Journal of Psychosomatic Research,

by Elsevier Science Publishing Co.

Reprinted by permission.

SOCIAL READJUSTMENT RATING SCALE

Life event Mean value Life event Mean value

Death of a spouse 100 Son or daughter leaving home 29

Divorce 73 Trouble with in-laws 29

Marital separation 65 Outstanding personal achievement 28

Jail term 63 Spouse begins or stops work 26

Death of close family member 63 Begin or end school 26

Personal injury or illness 53 Change in living conditions 25

Marriage 50 Revision of personal habits 24

Fired at work 47 Trouble with boss 23

Marital reconciliation 45 Change in work hours or conditions 20

Retirement 45 Change in residence 20

Change in health of family member 44 Change in school 20

Pregnancy 40 Change in recreation 19

39 Change in church activities 19

Gain of a new family member 39 Change in social activities 18

Business readjustment 39 Loan for lesser purchase (car, TV, etc.) 17

38 Change in sleeping habits 16

Death of a close friend 37 Change in number of family get-togethers 15

36 Change in eating habits 15

Change in number of arguments with spouse 35 Vacation 13

Mortgage or loan for major purchase 31 Christmas 12

Foreclosure of mortgage or loan 30 Minor violations of the law 11

Change in responsibilities at work 29

70 C H A P T E R 3

family. People frequently put pressure on themselves to rapidly climb the corporate ladder

or to be perfect parents. Even the pressure that modern people put on themselves to main-

tain a proper work-family balance can serve as a source of stress. Individuals who think that

failure to meet exceedingly high standards is unacceptable (that is, negative perfectionists)

are more prone to fatigue and depression (Dittner, Rimes, & Thorpe, 2011). In sum, be-

cause individuals might create stress by embracing unrealistic expectations for themselves,

they might have more control over our stress than they realize.

Pressure comes in two varieties: pressure to perform and pressure to conform. For example, workers on

assembly lines are often expected to maintain high productivity with few mistakes (performance pressure),

and suburban homeowners are typically expected to maintain well-groomed exteriors (conformity pressure).

3.3 Responding to Stress

The human response to stress is complex and multidimensional. Stress affects people on

several levels. Consider again the chapter’s opening scenario, in which you’re driving home

in heavy traffic, thinking about overdue papers, relationship conflicts, tuition increases,

and parental pressures. Let’s look at some of the reactions we mentioned. When you groan

in reaction to the traffic report, you’re experiencing an emotional response to stress—in

this case, annoyance and anger. When your pulse quickens and your stomach knots up,

you’re exhibiting physiological responses to stress. When you shout insults at another driver,

your verbal aggression is a behavioral response to the stress at hand. Thus, we can analyze

people’s reactions to stress at three levels: (1) their emotional responses, (2) their physio-

logical responses, and (3) their behavioral responses. Figure 3.5 depicts these three levels.

Emotional Responses

Emotion is an elusive concept. Psychologists debate how to define emotion, and many con-

flicting theories purport to explain people’s feelings. However, everybody has had extensive

personal experience with emotions. Everyone has a good idea of what it means to be anx-

ious, elated, gloomy, jealous, disgusted, excited, guilty, or nervous. So rather than pursue

the technical debates about emotion, we’ll rely on your familiarity with the concept and

simply note that emotions are powerful, largely uncontrollable feelings, accompanied by physiological changes. When people are under stress, they often react emotionally.

Negative Emotions

More often than not, stress tends to elicit unpleasant emotions. In studying one of the most

severe disasters of modern times, the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, researchers found

■ Summarize research on typical

emotional responses (both positive and

negative) to stress and discuss some

effects of emotional arousal.

■ Describe some physiological responses

to stress, including the fight-or-flight

response and the general adaptation

syndrome.

■ Describe the two major pathways along

which the brain sends signals to the

endocrine system.

■ Discuss the concept of coping.

Learning Objectives

Em m

a S

kl ar

/R EX

/N ew

sc om

K el

vi n

M ur

ra y/

G et

ty Im

ag es

Stress and Its Effects 71

that almost 84% of survivors showed signs of severe emotional

distress, including depression and anxiety (Souza et al., 2007).

Further, emotional responses to stress seem to transcend time and

culture. For instance, a historical researcher, examining texts from

2100–2000 b.c., found evidence that core negative emotional

reactions to trauma have not really changed over the millennia

(Ben-Ezra, 2004).

There are no simple one-to-one connections between certain

types of stressful events and particular emotions, but researchers

have uncovered some strong links between specific cognitive reac-

tions to stress and specific emotions. For example, self-blame tends

to lead to guilt, helplessness to sadness, and so forth. Although

stressful events can evoke many negative emotions, some are

certainly more likely than others. According to Richard Lazarus

(1993), common negative emotional responses to stress include

the following:

● Annoyance, anger, and rage. Stress often produces feelings of

anger ranging in intensity from mild annoyance to uncontrollable

rage. In fact, in a national survey, respondents reported irritability

or anger as the most frequent symptom of their stress (American

Psychological Association, 2010). As previously mentioned,

frustration is particularly likely to generate anger. ● Apprehension, anxiety, and fear. Stress often evokes anxiety

and fear. As we saw in Chapter 2, Freudian theory has long recognized the link between

conflict and anxiety. However, anxiety can also be elicited by the pressure to perform, the

threat of impending frustration, or the uncertainty associated with change. ● Dejection, sadness, and grief. Sometimes stress—especially frustration—simply

brings one down. Routine setbacks, such as traffic tickets and poor grades, often produce

feelings of dejection. More profound setbacks, such as deaths and divorces, typically leave

one grief-stricken.

Figure 3.5 The multidimensional response to stress. A potentially stressful event, such as a major exam, will elicit a subjective, cognitive appraisal of how threatening the event is. If the event is viewed with alarm,

the stress may trigger emotional, physiological, and behavioral reactions. The human response to stress is

multidimensional.

The earthquake in Haiti in January 2010 produced overwhelming trauma

for many people. Individuals experiencing severe stress have emotional,

physiological, and behavioral reactions. Emotional responses to extreme

stress (such as grief, anxiety, and fear) appear to transcend culture.

D am

on W

in te

r/ Th

e N

ew Y

or k

Ti m

es /R

ed ux

P ic

tu re

72 C H A P T E R 3

Research has demonstrated that the ability to verbally describe one’s emotional expe-

rience (as opposed to struggling to put one’s emotions into words) is associated with less

severe reactions to stress (Kashdan, Barrett, & McKnight, 2015). In addition, people with

the skills to recognize and communicate their emotions tend to engage less in maladaptive

coping strategies (such as drinking or aggression). In short, negative emotions are to be

expected in response to stressful events, and it might be one’s ability to talk about them that

makes the difference.

In the short term, emotional reactions to stressful events are to be expected. Experienc-

ing such emotions does not mean that you are weak or that you are “losing it.” For most peo-

ple these reactions usually dissipate over time. However, if your reactions to a traumatic event

are especially severe, persistent, and debilitating, it may be wise to seek professional help.

Positive Emotions

Investigators have tended to focus heavily on the connection between stress and negative

emotions. However, research shows that positive emotions also occur during periods of

stress (Folkman, 2008; Moskowitz et al., 2012). This finding may seem counterintuitive,

but researchers have found that people experience a diverse array of pleasant emotions

even while enduring the most dire of circumstances. Consider, for example, the results of

a 5-year study of coping patterns in 253 caregiving partners of men with AIDS (Folkman

et al., 1997). Surprisingly, over the course of the study the caregivers reported experiencing

positive emotions about as often as they experienced negative ones—except during the

time immediately surrounding the death of their partners.

Similar findings have been observed in some other studies of serious stress that made

an effort to look for positive emotions. One study examined participants’ emotional func-

tioning early in 2001 and then again in the weeks following the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the

United States (Fredrickson et al., 2003). Like most U.S. citizens, these individuals reported

many negative emotions in the aftermath of 9/11, including anger, sadness, and fear. How-

ever, within this “dense cloud of anguish,” positive emotions also emerged. For example,

people felt gratitude for the safety of their loved ones, many took stock and counted their

blessings, and quite a few reported renewed love for their friends and family. Fredrickson

et al. (2003) also found that the frequency of pleasant emotions (such as happiness and

contentment) correlated positively with a measure of subjects’ resilience, whereas unpleas-

ant emotions (such as sadness or irritation) correlated negatively with resilience. Based

on their analyses, the researchers concluded that “positive emotions in the aftermath of

crises buffer resilient people against depression and fuel thriving” (p. 365). This finding

has been replicated in subsequent studies (Gloria & Steinhardt, 2014; Tugade, Devlin, &

Fredrickson, 2014).

One particularly interesting finding is that a positive emotional style is associated with

enhanced immune functioning and physical health (Moskowitz & Saslow, 2014). These ef-

fects probably contribute to the recently discovered association between positive emotions

and longevity. Yes, people who report experiencing a high level of positive emotions appear

to live longer than others! One recent study exploring this association looked at photos of

major league baseball players taken from the Baseball Register for 1952. The intensity of the

players’ smiles was used as a crude index of their tendency to experience positive emotions,

which was then related to how long they lived. As you can see in Figure 3.6, greater smile

intensity predicted greater longevity (Abel & Kruger, 2010). A more recent study looked

at the use of positive words in the autobiographies of eighty-eight well-known deceased

psychologists (Pressman & Cohen, 2012). Once again, the results suggested that a positive

mentality was associated with greater longevity.

Simply put, positive emotions can contribute to building social, intellectual, and physi-

cal resources that can be helpful in dealing with stress and allow one to experience flourish-

ing mental health. In fact, the benefits of positive emotions are so strong that Fredrickson

(2006) argues that people should “cultivate positive emotions in themselves and in those

around them as means to achieving psychological growth and improved psychological and

physical well-being over time” (p. 85). Chapter 16 discusses positive emotions in more detail.

Psychological Self-Tools:

Anxiety and Worry

CenterSite “produces and maintains

high-quality educational health, wellness

and work-life content.” The site provides

a comprehensive online self-help book

with a discussion of the nature of stress

and its relationship to psychological and

physical disorders.

Learn More Online

In addition to her work on cognitive

appraisals, Susan Folkman has extensively

investigated positive emotional reactions

during periods of stress.

Stress and Its Effects 73

Effects of Emotional Arousal

Emotional responses are a natural and normal part of life. Even unpleasant emotions serve im-

portant purposes. Like physical pain, painful emotions can serve as warnings that one needs

to take action. However, strong emotional arousal can also hamper efforts to cope with stress.

The well-known problem of test anxiety illustrates how emotional arousal can hurt

performance. Researchers have found a negative correlation between test-related anxiety

and exam performance. That is, students who display high test anxiety tend to score low

on exams. Test anxiety can interfere with test taking in several ways, but one critical con-

sideration appears to be the disruption of attention to the test. Many test-anxious students

waste too much time worrying about how they’re doing and wondering whether others are

having similar problems. In addition, there is evidence that test anxiety may deplete one’s

capacity for self-control, increasing the likelihood of poor performance. In other words,

once distracted, test-anxious students might not have the self-control to get themselves

back on course (Bertrams et al., 2013).

Although emotional arousal may hurt coping efforts, this isn’t necessarily the case. The

inverted-U hypothesis predicts that task performance should improve with increased emo-

tional arousal—up to a point, after which further increases in arousal become disruptive

and performance deteriorates. This idea is referred to as the inverted-U hypothesis because

plotting performance as a function of arousal results in graphs that approximate an up-

side-down U (see Figure 3.7). In these graphs, the level of arousal at which performance

peaks is characterized as the optimal level of arousal for a task.

This optimal level of arousal appears to depend in part on the complexity of the task at

hand. The conventional wisdom is that as tasks become more complex, the optimal level of

arousal (for peak performance) tends to decrease. This relationship is depicted in Figure 3.7.

As you can see, a fairly high level of arousal should be optimal on simple tasks (such as

driving 8 hours to help a friend in a crisis). However, performance should peak at a lower

level of arousal on complex tasks (such as making a major decision in which you have to

weigh many factors).

The research evidence on the inverted-U hypothesis is inconsistent and subject to

varied interpretations. The original formulation of this hypothesis was more related to

animal learning than to human performance in stressful situations. Hence, it may be risky

to generalize this principle to the complexities of everyday coping efforts. However, scien-

tists argue that the theory should be refined rather than discarded. In fact, recent research

M ea

n ag

e at

d ea

No smile Partial smile Big smile

Smile intensity

Figure 3.6 Positive emotions and longevity. To look at the relation between positive

emotions and longevity, Abel and Kruger

(2010) used the intensity of baseball players’

smiles in photographs as a rough indicator

of their characteristic emotional tone. All the

photos in the Baseball Register for 1952 were

reviewed and classified as showing no smile,

a partial smile, or a big smile. Then the age of

death was determined for the players (except

the forty-six who were still alive in 2009).

As you can see, greater smile intensity was

associated with living longer.

Pe rf

or m

an ce

le ve

Level of task complexity

Low Level of arousal

High

Simple Medium

Low Level of arousal

HighLow Level of arousal

High

Complex

Optimal level of arousal High

Low

Figure 3.7 Arousal and performance. Graphs of the relationship between emotional arousal and task performance tend to resemble an inverted U, as increased arousal is associated with improved

performance up to a point, after which higher arousal leads to poorer performance. The optimal level of

arousal for a task depends on the complexity of the task. On complex tasks, a relatively low level of arousal

tends to be optimal. On simple tasks, however, performance may peak at a much higher level of arousal.

74 C H A P T E R 3

indicates that this relationship might be due in part to physiological responses to stress

(Human et al., 2013). Let’s take a closer look at some of these responses.

Physiological Responses

As we have seen, stress frequently elicits strong emotional responses. These responses also

bring about important physiological changes. Even in cases of moderate stress, you may

notice that your heart has started beating faster, you have begun to breathe harder, and you

are perspiring more than usual. How does all this (and much more) happen? Let’s see.

The “Fight-or-Flight” Response

Even though he did not refer to it as stress, Walter Cannon (1929, 1932) was a pioneer in

stress research with his work on the fight-or-flight response. The fight-or-flight response is a physiological reaction to threat that mobilizes an organism for attacking (fight)

or fleeing (flight) an enemy. For instance, you see a threatening figure and your heart

rate increases, blood pressure rises, respiration increases, digestion slows—all things that

prepare you to act and that are evolutionarily advantageous. These responses occur in the

body’s autonomic nervous system. The autonomic nervous system (ANS) is made up of

the nerves that connect to the heart, blood vessels, smooth muscles, and glands. As its

name hints, the autonomic nervous system is somewhat autonomous. That is, it controls

involuntary, visceral functions that people don’t normally think about, such as heart rate,

digestion, and perspiration.

The ANS can be broken into two divisions (see Figure 3.8). The parasympathetic divi-

sion of the ANS generally conserves bodily resources. For instance, it slows heart rate and

promotes digestion to help the body save and store energy. The fight-or-flight response

is mediated by the sympathetic division of the ANS, which mobilizes bodily resources for

emergencies. In one experiment, Cannon studied the fight-or-flight response in cats by

confronting them with dogs. Among other things, he noticed an immediate acceleration in

the cats’ breathing and heart rate and a reduction in digestive processes.

Pupils dilated; dry; far vision

Pupils constricted; moist; near vision

Goosebumps No goosebumps

Dry

DrySweaty

Passages dilated Passages constricted

Increased rate Decreased rate Supply maximum

to muscles Supply maximum to internal organs

Decreased activityIncreased activity

Inhibited

Orgasm

Stimulated

Salivating

Arousal

PARASYMPATHETICSYMPATHETIC Eyes

Skin

Mouth

Palms

Lungs

Heart Blood

Adrenal glands

Digestion

Sexual functions

Figure 3.8 The autonomic nervous system (ANS). The ANS is composed of the nerves that connect to the heart, blood vessels, smooth muscles, and glands. The ANS is subdivided into the sympathetic division, which

mobilizes bodily resources in times of need, and the parasympathetic division, which conserves bodily resources.

Some of the key functions controlled by each division of the ANS are summarized in the center of the diagram.

Stress and Its Effects 75

Shelley Taylor and her colleagues (Taylor & Master, 2011) have questioned whether

the fight-or-flight model applies equally well to both males and females. They note that in

most species females have more responsibility for the care of young offspring than males

do. Using an evolutionary perspective, they argue that this disparity may make fighting

and fleeing less adaptive for females, as both responses may endanger offspring and thus

reduce the likelihood of an animal passing on its genes. Taylor and colleagues maintain that

evolutionary processes have fostered more of a “tend and befriend” response to stress in

females. According to this analysis, in reacting to stress females allocate more effort to the

care of offspring and to seeking help and support. Consistent with this theory, David and

Lyons-Ruth (2005) found gender differences in how infants respond to threat. Specifically,

when frightened, female infants showed more approach behaviors toward their mothers

than male infants did. Taylor (2011a) speculates that the hormone oxytocin signals the

need for affiliation in females in times of social distress, and recent evidence supports this

theory (Cardoso et al., 2013). However, even though they hypothesize some gender dif-

ferences in responses to stress, Taylor and her colleagues are quick to note that the “basic

neuroendocrine core of stress responses” is largely the same for males and females.

Our physiological responses to stress are part of the fight-or-flight syndrome seen in

many species. In a sense, this automatic reaction is a leftover from our evolutionary past. It

is clearly an adaptive response for many animals, as the threat of predators often requires

a swift response of fighting or fleeing (picture the gazelle escaping from the lion on the

Discovery Channel). Likewise, the fight-or-flight response was probably adaptive among

ancestral humans who routinely had to deal with acute stressors involving threats to their

physical safety. But in our modern world, the fight-or-flight response may be less adaptive

for human functioning than it was thousands of generations ago. Most modern stressors

cannot be handled simply through fight or flight. Work pressures, marital problems, and

financial difficulties require far more complex responses. Moreover, these chronic (and

anticipatory) stressors often continue for lengthy periods of time, so that the fight-or-flight

response leaves one in a state of enduring physiological arousal. Concern about the effects

of prolonged physical arousal was first voiced by Hans Selye, a Canadian scientist who

conducted extensive research on stress.

The General Adaptation Syndrome

The concept of stress was popularized in both scientific and lay circles by Hans Selye (1936,

1956, 1982). Although born in Vienna, Selye spent his entire professional career at McGill

University in Montreal, Canada. Beginning in the 1930s, Selye exposed laboratory animals

to a diverse array of unpleasant stimuli (heat, cold, pain, mild shock, restraint, and so on).

The patterns of physiological arousal he observed in the animals were largely the same,

regardless of which unpleasant stimulus elicited them. Thus, Selye concluded that stress

reactions are nonspecific. In other words, they do not vary according to the specific type

of circumstances encountered. Initially, Selye wasn’t sure what to call this nonspecific re-

sponse to a variety of noxious agents. In the 1940s, he decided to call it stress, and his influ-

ential writings gradually helped make the word part of our everyday vocabulary.

To capture the general pattern all species exhibit when responding to stress, Selye

formulated a seminal theory called the general adaptation syndrome (see Figure 3.9).

Hans Selye popularized the concept of

stress after noting that the patterns of

physiological arousal he observed in the

animals were largely the same, regardless of

which unpleasant stimulus elicited them.

The American Institute

of Stress

The American Institute of Stress is a

nonprofit organization established in

1978 at the request of stress pioneer

Hans Selye. Its Board of Trustees reads

like a who’s who of stress research.

The resources available online are a

bit limited; one has to send for the

information packets published by the

institute. The site contains an interesting

tribute to Selye.

Learn More Online

Normal level of resistance

Alarm reaction

Stage of resistance Stage of exhaustion

Phase 1 Phase 2 Phase 3

Re si

st an

ce to

s tr

es s

Time

Figure 3.9 The general adaptation syndrome. According to Selye, the physiological response to stress can

be broken into three phases. During the first phase,

the body mobilizes its resources for resistance after

a brief initial shock. In the second phase, resistance

levels off and eventually begins to decline. If the third

phase of the general adaptation syndrome is reached,

resistance is depleted, leading to health problems and

exhaustion.

76 C H A P T E R 3

The general adaptation syndrome is a model of the body’s stress response, consisting of

three stages: alarm, resistance, and exhaustion. In the first stage of the general adaptation

syndrome, an alarm reaction occurs when an organism recognizes the existence of a threat

(whether a lion, a big deadline, or a mugger). Physiological arousal increases as the body

musters its resources to combat the challenge. Selye’s alarm reaction is essentially the fight-

or-flight response originally described by Cannon.

However, Selye took his investigation of stress a couple of steps further by expos-

ing laboratory animals to prolonged stress, similar to the chronic stress often endured by

humans. If stress continues, the organism may progress to the second phase of the gen-

eral adaptation syndrome, called the stage of resistance. During this phase, physiological

changes stabilize as coping efforts get under way. Typically, physiological arousal continues

to be higher than normal, although it may level off somewhat as the organism becomes

accustomed to the threat.

If the stress continues over a substantial period of time, the organism may enter the

third stage, called the stage of exhaustion. According to Selye, the body’s resources for

fighting stress are limited. If the stress cannot be overcome, the body’s resources may be

depleted, and physiological arousal will decrease. Eventually, the individual

may collapse from exhaustion. During this phase, the organism’s resistance

declines. This reduced resistance may lead to what Selye called “diseases of

adaptation,” such as cardiovascular disease or high blood pressure.

Selye’s theory and research forged a link between stress and physical

illness. He showed how prolonged physiological arousal that is meant to be

adaptive could lead to diseases. His theory has been criticized because it

ignores individual differences in the appraisal of stress, and his belief that

stress reactions are nonspecific remains the subject of debate. However, his

model provided guidance for generations of researchers who worked out the

details of how stress reverberates throughout the body. Let’s look at some of

those details.

Brain-Body Pathways

When you experience stress, your brain sends signals to the endocrine sys-

tem, which consists of glands that secrete chemicals called hormones into

the bloodstream. These signals travel through the endocrine system along

two major pathways (Dallman, Bhatnagar, & Viau, 2007). The hypothalamus,

a small structure near the base of the brain, appears to initiate action along

both pathways.

The first pathway (shown on the right in Figure 3.10) is routed through

the autonomic nervous system. The hypothalamus activates the sympathetic

division of the ANS. A key part of this activation involves stimulating the cen-

tral part of the adrenal glands (the adrenal medulla) to release large amounts

of catecholamines into the bloodstream. These hormones radiate throughout

the body, producing many important physiological changes. The net result

of catecholamine elevation is that the body is mobilized for action. Heart

rate and blood flow increase, pumping more blood to the brain and muscles.

Respiration and oxygen consumption speed up, facilitating alertness. Diges-

tive processes are inhibited to conserve energy. The pupils of the eyes dilate,

increasing visual sensitivity.

The second pathway (shown on the left in Figure 3.10) involves more

direct communication between the brain and the endocrine system. The

hypothalamus sends signals to the so-called master gland of the endocrine

system, the pituitary gland. The pituitary secretes a hormone (ACTH) that

stimulates the outer part of the adrenal glands (the adrenal cortex) to release

another important set of hormones—corticosteroids. These hormones play an

important role in the response to stress (Lucassen et al., 2014). They stimulate

the release of chemicals that help increase your energy and help inhibit tissue

Figure 3.10 Brain-body pathways in stress. In times of stress, the brain sends signals along two pathways. The pathway

through the autonomic nervous system (shown in blue on the

right) controls the release of catecholamine hormones that

help mobilize the body for action. The pathway through the

pituitary gland and the endocrine system (shown in brown on

the left) controls the release of corticosteroid hormones that

increase energy and ward off tissue inflammation.

Pituitary gland

Adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH)

Autonomic nervous system

(sympathetic division)

Hypothalamus

Stress

Increased protein and fat mobilization Increased access to energy storage Decreased inflammation

Increased cardiovascular response Increased respiration Increased perspiration Increased blood flow to active muscles Increased muscle strength Increased mental activity

Secretion of corticosteroids

Secretion of catecholamines

Th in

ks to

ck /G

et ty

Im ag

Adrenal cortex

Adrenal medulla

Stress and Its Effects 77

inflammation in case of injury. Cortisol is a type of corticosteroid that is often used as a

physiological indicator of stress in humans. In fact, many of the studies discussed in this

chapter used cortisol as a measure of subjects’ response to stress.

Stress can also produce other physiological changes that we are just beginning to un-

derstand. The most critical changes occur in the immune system. Your immune system

provides you with resistance to infections. However, evidence indicates that chronic stress

can suppress certain aspects of the multifaceted immune response, reducing its overall

effectiveness in repelling invasions by infectious agents. The exact mechanisms underlying

immune suppression are complicated, but it appears likely that both sets of stress hormones

(catecholamines and corticosteroids) contribute. Paradoxically, this state of high alert

weakens the ability of the immune system to fend off illness over the long run. Contempo-

rary research implicates stress-induced chronic inflammation, a risk factor for disease, as

an indicator of an immune system that is chronically activated (Fagundes & Way, 2014).

Figure 3.11 shows common physical conditions associated with chronic inflammation.

In addition, researchers are finding that stress can interfere with neurogenesis—the for-

mation of new neurons, in the brain (Maher et al., 2014). Specifically, scientists have re-

cently discovered that the adult brain is capable of neurogenesis, primarily in key areas in the

hippocampus (Cameron & Glover, 2015). Evidence suggests that suppressed neurogenesis

may be a key cause of depression (Anacker, 2014). Thus, the capacity of stress to hinder neu-

rogenesis may have important ramifications. This is currently the subject of intense research.

In sum, it is becoming clear that physiological responses to stress extend into every

corner of the body. Moreover, some of these responses may persist long after a stressful

event has ended. As you will see, these physiological reactions can have an impact on both

mental and physical health.

Cardiovascular

disease

Type 2 Diabetes

Alzheimer’s

disease

Osteoporosis

Rheumatoid

Arthritis

Periodontal

disease

Some cancers

Fatigue

Frailty

Disability

Chronic Inflammation

Figure 3.11 Physical conditions linked to chronic inflammation. Contemporary research suggests that chronic inflammation might be the key to the link between stress and physical illness. This figure shows

common physical conditions associated with chronic inflammation.

Source: Fagundes, C. P., & Way, B. (2014). Early-life stress and adult inflammation. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 23(4), 277–283.

78 C H A P T E R 3

3.4 The Potential Effects of Stress

People struggle with stressors every day, most of which come and go without leaving any

enduring imprint. However, when stress is severe or when demands pile up, stress may have

long-lasting effects, often called “adaptational outcomes.” Although stress can have benefi-

cial effects, research has focused mainly on negative outcomes, so you’ll find our coverage

slanted in that direction. Note that we will discuss reducing the effects of stress (that is,

coping) in the next chapter.

Impaired Task Performance

Stress often takes its toll on the ability to perform effectively on a task. For instance, Roy

Baumeister (1984) theorized that pressure to perform often makes people self-conscious

■ Explain the influence of stress on task

performance, cognitive functioning,

and burnout.

■ Assess the potential impact of stress on

psychological and physical health.

■ Articulate two ways in which stress

might lead to beneficial effects.

Learning Objectives

how neuroendocrine responses to stress can cause or worsen a host of physical and psychological afflictions, including cardiovascular disease, ulcers, colitis, diarrhea, infectious diseases, and depression.

Sapolsky does an excellent job of making complicated research understandable. Although opinionated, his overviews of research are scientifically sound and thoroughly documented in notes at the back of the book. This is not a coping manual, yet it is probably the most insightful and interesting dissection of the stress response available today and is highly worthwhile reading.

Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers: The Acclaimed Guide to Stress,

Stress-Related Diseases, and Coping

This book provides a superb, wide-ranging discussion of the nature and effects of stress. The author is a neuroscientist at Stanford University whose research focuses on such issues as the relationship between stress and the cellular and molecular events underlying neural decay in the hippocampal area of the brain. That is not the type of résumé you would normally associate with lively, witty discourse, but the book is written with flair and humor. Sapolsky’s basic thesis is that the physiological response to stress is a remnant of evolution that is no longer adaptive for the majority of stressful situations that humans face. He outlines in detail

Recommended Reading

by Robert M. Sapolsky (W. H. Freeman, 2004)

Behavioral Responses

Although people respond to stress at several levels, their behavior is a crucial dimension

of these reactions. Emotional and physiological responses to stress—which are often

undesirable—tend to be largely automatic. However, dealing effectively with stress at the

behavioral level may shut down these potentially harmful emotional and physiological

reactions.

Most behavioral responses to stress involve coping. Coping refers to active efforts to master, reduce, or tolerate the demands created by stress. Notice that this definition is

neutral as to whether coping efforts are healthy or maladaptive. The popular use of the term

often implies that coping is inherently healthy. In reality, coping responses may be either

healthy or unhealthy. For example, if you were flunking a history course at midterm, you

might cope with this stress by (1) increasing your study efforts, (2) seeking help from a

tutor, (3) blaming your professor for your poor grade, or (4) giving up on the class. Clearly,

the first two coping responses would more likely lead to a positive outcome than the second

two would.

Because of the complexity and importance of coping processes, we devote all of the

next chapter to ways of coping. At this point, it is sufficient to note that coping strategies

help determine whether stress has any positive or negative effects on an individual. In the

next section, you’ll see what some of those effects can be as we discuss the possible out-

comes of people’s struggles with stress.

Stress and Its Effects 79

and that this elevated self-consciousness disrupts their attention, thereby interfering with

performance. He theorizes that attention may be distorted in two ways. First, elevated

self-consciousness may divert attention from the demands of the task, creating a distrac-

tion. Second, on well-learned tasks that should be executed almost automatically, the

self-conscious person may focus too much attention on the task. Thus, the person thinks

too much about what he or she is doing.

Baumeister (1984) found support for his theory in a series of laboratory experiments

in which he manipulated the pressure to perform on a simple perceptual-motor task. He

found that many people tend to “choke” under pressure (Wallace, Baumeister, & Vohs,

2005). His theory also garnered some support in a pair of studies of the past performance

of professional sports teams in championship contests (Baumeister, 1995; Baumeister &

Steinhilber, 1984). These findings were particularly impressive in that gifted professional

athletes are probably less likely to choke under pressure than virtually any other sample

one might assemble.

Recent studies suggest that Baumeister was on the right track in looking to attention to

explain how stress impairs task performance. According to Beilock (2010), choking under

pressure tends to occur when worries about performance distract attention from the task

at hand and use up one’s limited cognitive resources. Let’s consider the cognitive effects of

stress more closely.

Disruption of Cognitive Functioning

The effects of stress on task performance often result from disruptions in thinking or in

cognitive functioning. Ironically, simply being in a situation where you need cognitive

resources the most (studying for a final exam, traveling in a foreign country) can pro-

duce this resource-sapping stress effect. In a study of stress and decision making, Keinan

(1987) measured participants’ attention under stressful and nonstressful conditions and

found that stress disrupted two specific aspects of attention. First, it increased partici-

pants’ tendency to jump to a conclusion too quickly without considering all their options.

Second, it increased their tendency to do an unsystematic, poorly organized review of their

available options.

In addition, studies suggest that stress can have detrimental effects on certain aspects

of memory functioning. In order to affect memory, stressors do not have to be major; even

minor day-to-day or anticipatory stressors can have a negative impact. Evidence suggests

that stress can reduce the efficiency of the “working memory” system that allows people

to juggle information on the spot (Markman, Maddox, & Worthy, 2006). Thus, in stressful

situations, people may not be able to process, manipulate, or integrate new information as

effectively as they normally would.

Researchers note, however, that stress has a complicated relationship with memory in

that short-term, mild-to-moderate stressors can actually enhance memory, especially for

emotional aspects of events (Sapolsky, 2004). Further, individuals who experienced early

life stress (e.g., abuse) often show improved memory when it come to detecting dangers

or threats, prompting researchers to ask if adapted cognition is a better term than impaired

cognition when it comes to stress (Frankenhuis & de Weerth, 2013).

Burnout

Burnout is an overused buzzword that means different things to different people. None-

theless, a few researchers have described burnout in a systematic way that has facilitated

scientific study of the phenomenon (Leiter, Bakker, & Maslach, 2014). Burnout is a syn-

drome involving physical and emotional exhaustion, cynicism, and a lowered sense

of self-efficacy that is attributable to work-related stress. Exhaustion, which is central

to burnout, includes chronic fatigue, weakness, and low energy. Cynicism is manifested

in highly negative attitudes toward oneself, one’s work, and life in general. Reduced

self-efficacy involves declining feelings of competence at work that give way to feelings of

hopelessness and helplessness.

80 C H A P T E R 3

What causes burnout? According to Maslach and Leiter (2007), “Burnout is a cumula-

tive stress reaction to ongoing occupational stressors” (p. 368). The conventional wisdom

is that burnout occurs because of some flaw or weakness within the person, but Christina

Maslach (2003) asserts that “the research case is much stronger for the contrasting argu-

ment that burnout is more a function of the situation than of the person” (p. 191). Factors

in the workplace that appear to promote burnout include work overload, interpersonal

conflicts at work, lack of control over responsibilities and outcomes, and inadequate recog-

nition for one’s work (see Figure 3.12). As you might expect, burnout is associated with in-

creased absenteeism and reduced productivity, as well as increased vulnerability to a variety

of health problems (Maslach & Leiter, 2007). Decades of research have shown that burnout

is found all over the world in a wide variety of cultures (Maslach & Leiter, 2014).

Psychological Problems and Disorders

On the basis of clinical impressions, psychologists have long suspected that chronic stress

might contribute to many types of psychological problems. Since the late 1960s, advances

in the measurement of stress have allowed researchers to verify these suspicions in em-

pirical studies. In the domain of common psychological problems, studies indicate that

stress may contribute to poor academic performance (Hariharan, Swain, & Chivukula,

2014), insomnia and other sleep disturbances (Akerstedt, Kecklund, & Axelsson, 2007),

lowered relationship satisfaction (Falconier et al., 2015), sexual difficulties (Slowinski,

2007), and substance abuse (Grunberg, Berger, & Hamilton, 2011). Beyond these every-

day problems, research reveals that stress often contributes to the onset of full-fledged

psychological disorders, including depression (Gutman & Nemeroff, 2011), schizophre-

nia (Diwadkar et al., 2014), anxiety disorders (Falsetti & Ballenger, 1998), and eating

disorders (Loth et al., 2008).

Some individuals are exposed to extremely stressful, traumatic incidents that can

leave a lasting imprint on their psychological functioning. Posttraumatic stress disorder

(PTSD) involves enduring psychological disturbance attributed to the experience of

a major traumatic event. Researchers began to appreciate the frequency and severity

of posttraumatic stress disorder after the Vietnam War ended in 1975 and a great many

psychologically scarred veterans returned home. These veterans displayed a diverse

array of psychological problems and symptoms that in many cases lingered much longer

than expected. Studies suggest that nearly a half million Vietnam veterans were still suf-

fering from PTSD more than a decade after the end of the war (Schlenger et al., 1992).

PTSD did not become an official psychological diagnosis until 1980, and since that time

researchers have studied the disorder extensively to better understand the long-term

National Center for PTSD

Maintained by the U.S. Department of

Veterans Affairs, this site is devoted to

the understanding and treatment of

posttraumatic stress disorder. The site has

materials for both professionals and the

public, and it includes a wealth of new

postings related to the psychological

consequences of terrorism.

Learn More Online

Lack of social

support

Work overload

Lack of control,

autonomy

Inadequate recognition,

rewards

Increased absenteeism,

turnover

Increased physical illness

Decreased commitment

to job

Reduced productivity

Exhaustion

Cynicism

Lowered self-efficacy

Components of burnoutAntecedents of burnout Consequences of burnout Figure 3.12 The antecedents, components, and consequences of burnout. Christina Maslach and Michael Leiter developed a

systematic model of burnout that specifies its

antecedents, components, and consequences.

The antecedents on the left in the diagram are

the stressful features of the work environment

that cause burnout. The burnout syndrome

itself consists of the three components shown

in the center of the diagram. Some of the

unfortunate results of burnout are listed on the

right. (Based on Maslach & Leiter, 2007)

Stress and Its Effects 81

impact of exposure to trauma. Currently, PTSD is being examined in military returnees

from the Afghanistan and Iraq wars. Similar to Vietnam veterans, these U.S. troops

show elevated rates of PTSD upon returning home, particularly if they experienced

extreme combat exposure and involvement in harming civilians or prisoners

(Dohrenwend et al., 2013).

Although PTSD is widely associated with the experiences of veterans, it

is seen in response to other cases of traumatic stress as well. It is frequently

seen after a rape or sexual assault, a serious automobile accident, a robbery

or assault, or the witnessing of someone’s death. PTSD is also common in

the wake of major disasters, such as floods, hurricanes, earthquakes, fires,

and so forth. Exposure to traumatic events such as the 9/11 terrorist attacks

is also associated with PTSD, even several years later (Neria, DiGrande, &

Adams, 2011).

Unfortunately, experiencing a traumatic event is not rare. Experts specu-

late that 50% of us will encounter a traumatic event at some point (Yehuda &

Wong, 2007). In one study, 90% of older adults reported experiencing at least

one traumatic event over the course of their lifetime (Ogle et al., 2013). Research suggests

that approximately 9% of people have suffered from PTSD at some point in their lives,

and it is twice as common in women as men (Feeny, Stines, & Foa, 2007). PTSD is seen in

children as well as adults, and children’s symptoms often show up in their play or drawings

(La Greca, 2007). In some instances, PTSD does not surface until many months or years

after a person’s exposure to severe stress (Holen, 2007).

What are the symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder? Common symptoms include

reexperiencing the traumatic event in the form of nightmares and flashbacks, emotional

numbing, alienation, problems in social relations, and elevated arousal, anxiety, and guilt.

PTSD is also associated with an elevated risk for substance abuse, depression, and anxiety

disorders, as well as a great variety of physical health problems. The frequency and sever-

ity of posttraumatic symptoms usually decline gradually over time, but in some cases the

symptoms never completely disappear.

Recently, some psychologists have argued that traumatic events don’t need to be

experienced directly to lead to PTSD symptoms. Exposure can occur indirectly, such as by

witnessing the event on television. Some evidence surrounding television exposure to 9/11

and the Iraq war supports this perspective (Silver et al., 2013). In addition, researchers have

found that children who have preexisting anxiety before a traumatic event are especially

vulnerable to PTSD after media exposure (Weems et al., 2012). Other researchers take

exception to this notion of “virtual PTSD” arguing that, because viewing television is a

voluntary act under one’s control, it can’t really lead to PTSD. In fact, in 2013, the American

Psychiatric Association mandated that an individual must experience trauma directly and

first hand in order to qualify for a diagnosis of PTSD.

Although PTSD is not unusual in the wake of traumatic events, the vast majority of

people do not develop PTSD. Thus, a current focus of research is to determine what factors

make certain people more (or less) susceptible than others to the ravages of severe stress.

According to McKeever and Huff (2003), this vulnerability probably depends on complex

interactions among a number of biological and environmental factors. One key predictor

that emerged in a review of the relevant research is the intensity of one’s reaction at the time

of the traumatic event (Ozer et al., 2003). Individuals who have especially intense emotional

reactions during or immediately after the traumatic event go on to show elevated vulner-

ability to PTSD. Vulnerability seems to be greatest among people whose reactions are so

intense that they report dissociative experiences (such as a sense that things are not real, that

time is stretching out, or that one is watching oneself in a movie).

Physical Illness

Stress can also have an impact on one’s physical health (Erickson et al., 2014). The idea that

stress can contribute to physical ailments is not new. Evidence that stress can cause physical

illness began to accumulate back in the 1930s. By the 1950s, the concept of psychosomatic

Although PTSD is widely associated with the experiences of

veterans, it also common in the wake of major disasters, such

as floods, hurricanes, earthquakes, or fires.

David Baldwin’s Trauma

Information Pages

This site has long been recognized

as the premier repository for web-

based and other resources relating to

emotional trauma, traumatic stress, and

posttraumatic stress disorder. David

Baldwin has assembled more than 1000

links to information about these issues.

Learn More Online

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ag es

82 C H A P T E R 3

disease was widely accepted. Psychosomatic diseases were defined as genuine physical ail- ments thought to be caused in part by stress and other psychological factors. The classic

psychosomatic illnesses were high blood pressure, peptic ulcers, asthma, skin disorders

such as eczema and hives, and migraine and tension headaches. Please note, these diseases

were not regarded as imagined physical ailments. The term psychosomatic has often been

misused to refer to physical ailments that are “all in one’s head,” but that is an entirely dif-

ferent syndrome (see Chapter 14). Rather, psychosomatic diseases were viewed as authentic

organic maladies that were heavily stress related.

Since the 1970s, the concept of psychosomatic disease has gradually fallen into disuse

because research has shown that stress can contribute to the development of a diverse array

of other diseases previously believed to be purely physiological in origin. Although there

is room for debate on some specific diseases, stress may influence the onset and course of

heart disease, stroke, gastrointestinal disorders, tuberculosis, multiple sclerosis, arthritis,

diabetes, leukemia, cancer, various types of infectious disease, and probably many other

types of illnesses. Thus, it has become apparent that there is nothing unique about the

psychosomatic disease that requires a special category. Chapter 5 goes into greater detail,

but suffice it to say that modern evidence continues to demonstrate that the classic psy-

chosomatic diseases are influenced by stress, but so are numerous other diseases. In fact,

scientists are now exploring how stress impacts the body at the DNA level to understand its

link to physical illness (Lu, 2014).

Of course, some of the physical effects of stress might be exacerbated by the risky be-

haviors people are more likely to engage in when stressed. For example, stress appears to

be related to increases in substance abuse, including problematic drinking and cigarette

smoking. Obviously, these behaviors come with their own health hazards. Add stress to the

mix and the person becomes even more vulnerable to disease and illness.

Positive Effects

The effects of stress are not entirely negative. Recent years have brought increased interest

in positive aspects of the stress process, including favorable outcomes that follow in the

wake of stress. To some extent, the new focus on the possible benefits of stress reflects a

new emphasis on positive psychology. Some influential theorists have argued that the field

of psychology has historically devoted too much attention to pathology, weakness, damage,

and how to heal suffering (Seligman, 2003). The positive psychology movement seeks to

shift the field’s focus away from negative experiences. This movement is so relevant that we

devote all of Chapter 16 to it. For now, know that advocates of positive psychology argue for

increased research on well-being, contentment, hope, courage, perseverance, nurturance,

tolerance, and other human strengths and virtues. One of these strengths is resilience in the

face of stress. The beneficial effects of stress may prove more difficult to pinpoint than the

harmful effects because they may be subtler. However, there appear to be at least two ways

in which stress can have positive effects.

First, stress can promote positive psychological change, or what Tedeschi and Calhoun

(1996) call posttraumatic growth. Experiences of posttraumatic growth are now well docu-

mented, and it appears that this phenomenon is evident in people facing a variety of stress-

ful circumstances, including bereavement, cancer, sexual assault, and combat (Calhoun

& Tedeschi, 2013; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Stressful events sometimes force people to

develop new skills, reevaluate priorities, learn new insights, and acquire new strengths. In

other words, the adaptation process initiated by stress may lead to personal changes for

the better.

Second, today’s stress can inoculate and psychologically prepare individuals so that

they are less affected by tomorrow’s stress. Some studies suggest that exposure to stress can

increase stress tolerance—so long as the stress isn’t overwhelming. Further, dealing with

some adversity provides an opportunity to develop coping skills that can decrease distress

when new stressors arise. That is, it can build “mental toughness” (Seery, 2011). One recent

study that measured participants’ exposure to thirty-seven major negative events found a

Stress and Its Effects 83

3.5 Factors Influencing Stress Tolerance

Some people seem to be able to withstand the ravages of stress better than others (Smith

et al., 2013). Why? Because a number of moderator variables can soften the impact of stress

on physical and mental health. To shed light on differences in how well people tolerate

stress, we’ll look at a number of key moderator variables, including social support, hardi-

ness, and optimism. As you’ll see, these factors influence people’s emotional, physical, and

behavioral responses to stress. These complexities are diagrammed in Figure 3.13, which

builds on Figure 3.5 to provide a more complete overview of the factors involved in indi-

vidual reactions to stress.

Social Support

Friends may be good for your health! This encouraging conclusion

emerges from studies on social support as a moderator of stress. Social

support refers to various types of aid and succor provided by members

of one’s social networks. Over the last two decades, a vast body of litera-

ture has found evidence that social support is favorably related to physical

health (Loving & Sbarra, 2015). Positive correlations between high social

support and greater immune functioning have been observed in quite a

number of studies with diverse samples (Kennedy, 2007; Stowell, Robles,

& Kane, 2013). Social support has also been associated with lower levels

of inflammation, which might help explain its relation to physical health

(Fagundes et al., 2011). In contrast, the opposite of social support—

loneliness and social isolation—is associated with immune dysregulation

and increased inflammation (Jaremka et al., 2013).

The favorable effects of social support are even strong enough to

have an impact on participants’ life expectancy! A recent meta-analysis

of the results of 148 studies reported that solid social support increased

people’s odds of survival by roughly 50% (Holt-Lunstad, Smith, &

Layton, 2010). The strength of the impact of social support on life

expectancy was surprising. To put this finding in perspective, the

researchers compared the effect size of social support on life expec-

tancy to other established risk factors. They note that the negative

effect of inadequate social support is greater than the negative effects

of being obese, not exercising, drinking excessively, and smoking (up

to fifteen cigarettes per day). Meanwhile, studies have linked social iso-

lation to poor health and increased mortality (Cacioppo & Cacioppo,

2014; Steptoe et al., 2013).

Social support seems to be good medicine for the mind as well

as the body, as most studies also find an association between social

Learning Objectives

■ Explain how social support, hardiness,

and optimism moderate the impact of

stress.

■ Describe the Spotlight on Research

regarding the stress buffering effects of

hugging.

curvilinear relationship between lifetime adversity and mental health (Seery, 2011). High

levels of adversity predicted poor mental health, as expected, but people who had faced

intermediate levels of adversity were healthier than those who experienced little adversity,

suggesting that moderate amounts of stress can foster resilience. A follow-up study found a

similar link between the amount of lifetime adversity and subjects’ responses to laboratory

stressors (Seery et al., 2013). Intermediate levels of adversity were predictive of the greatest

resilience.

In light of the negative effects that stress can have, improved stress tolerance is a desir-

able goal. We’ll look next at the factors that influence the ability to tolerate stress.

Over the last two decades, a vast body of research has found

evidence that social support is favorably related to physical and

mental health.

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ie ri

nk /S

hu tt

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oc k.

co m

84 C H A P T E R 3

Figure 3.13 Overview of the stress process. This diagram builds on Figure 3.5 (the multidimensional response to stress) to provide a more complete overview of the factors involved in stress. This diagram adds the

potential effects of stress (seen on the far right) by listing some of the positive and negative adaptational

outcomes that may result from stress. It also completes the picture by showing moderating variables (seen

at the top) that can influence the effects of stress (including some variables not covered in the chapter).

support and mental health (Gleason & Masumi, 2014). It appears that social support

serves as a protective buffer during times of high stress, reducing the negative impact of

stressful events (American Psychological Association, 2015). In the workplace, social

support has been shown to reduce the prevalence of burnout (Boren, 2014). With

regard to more severe stress, social support appears to be a key factor in reducing the

likelihood of PTSD among Vietnam veterans (King et al., 1998) and increasing the

likelihood of posttraumatic growth (Prati & Pietrantoni, 2009).

Interestingly, a recent study suggests that even superficial social interactions with ac-

quaintances and strangers, such as waiters, grocery store clerks, and people we see around

our neighborhood, may be beneficial. Sandstrom and Dunn (2014) asked participants

about their recent interactions involving people with whom they had either strong ties or

weak ties. As expected, greater interactions with strong ties correlated with greater sub-

jective well-being, but surprisingly, so did greater interactions with weak ties. Generally,

researchers have assumed that our feelings of belongingness and social support derive from

our interactions with close friends and family, but the Sandstrom and Dunn study raises

the possibility that weak ties may also contribute.

The mechanisms underlying the connection between social support and mental health

have been the subject of considerable debate. A variety of factors may be at work. Among

other things, social support could promote wellness by making appraisals of stressful

events more benign, dampening the intensity of physiological reactions to stress, reducing

Stress and Its Effects 85

health-impairing behaviors such as smoking and drinking, encouraging preventive behav-

iors such as regular exercise and medical checkups, and fostering more constructive coping

efforts (Taylor, 2007).

Researchers note that social support networks have their drawbacks (conflict role

strain, additional responsibilities, dependency) (Rook, 2015). Further, support that is

thought to be disingenuous or inappropriate can be counterproductive and decrease one’s

well-being (Rook, August, & Sorkin, 2011). Still, the benefits outweigh the costs, as we will

see in the Spotlight on Research for this chapter.

The Role of Hugs in Social Support

Source: Cohen, S., Janicki-Deverts, D., Turner, R. B., & Doyle, W. J. (2015).

Does hugging provide stress-buffering social support? A study of

susceptibility to upper respiratory infection and illness. Psychological

Science, 26, 135–147.

As we have learned, friends can be good for you. There is a wealth

of evidence that social support is important for both physical and

mental health. However, little research has been conducted on

how specific behaviors that convey social support (for instance,

hugging) might relate to health. Therefore, the present researchers

explored the role of one’s perception of social support as well as

the receiving of hugs in buffering one from the physical effects of

stress. The researchers hypothesized that people who have a lot

of social support and get frequent hugs will be less susceptible to

infection and illness.

Method Participants. The researchers put advertisements in newspapers seeking volunteers. Volunteers were excluded if a medical

screening revealed health issues such as psychiatric illness, asthma,

or pregnancy. The final sample included 404 healthy participants

(46.3% female, 61.6% white, and 24.3% married).

Materials. Perceived level of social support was measured using a twelve-item questionnaire that asked participants to rate on a scale

of 0 (definitely false) to 4 (definitely true) items such as: “If I decide

one afternoon that I would like to go to a movie that evening,

I could easily find someone to go with me.” Receiving hugs was

measured via telephone interviews on fourteen consecutive days

by asking participants if they had been hugged that day (yes/no).

Infection was measured by comparing virus-specific antibody levels

taken before and after exposure to a virus. Illness was measured by

the weight of daily nasal mucus production and the ability of the

nasal passage to keep mucus from reaching the throat (also called

clearance functioning). These indicators of illness were measured by

daily weight of all tissues used to blow one’s nose and the amount

of time it took participants to taste a solution they sprayed into their

nose, respectively.

Procedure. Participants first completed the twelve-item questionnaire and were phone-interviewed on fourteen

consecutive evenings. Participants were then quarantined in

single rooms at a local hotel. Blood was drawn to collect baseline

measures of virus-specific antibodies. Baseline measures of

mucus production and clearance functioning were also obtained.

Participants were then exposed to a flu virus using nasal drops

and remained in quarantine for up to 6 more days. Each day, nasal

production and clearance functioning were measured. After

28 days, blood was collected to measure virus-specific antibodies.

Results The researchers found support for their hypotheses. Participants

who reported higher levels of social support showed fewer signs

of infection after being exposed to the virus. These participants

also showed fewer signs of illness (specifically as measured by

more rapid clearance functioning). The same pattern emerged

for receiving hugs. Those who reported more hugs showed fewer

signs of infection and illness after being exposed to the virus.

Interestingly, these results did not hold up for nasal production,

perhaps because this indicator of illness is thought to be

biochemical in nature.

Discussion These results provide support for the stress-buffering effect of

social support including receiving hugs. The authors note that

hugs reduced the negative effects of stress whether they were

received in times of tension or not. However, they note that they

“cannot discount the possibility that those who are hugged more

frequently also are more likely to use hugs to resolve conflicts”

(p. 144), thus reducing stress. The authors note that the study

has limitations in that they did not ask whom the participants

were hugging or why. Nor can they draw causal conclusions from

this nonexperimental data. Even so, their study highlights the

importance of exploring touch and other behaviors that convey

social support in reducing the effects of stress.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. The authors argue that hugging is a behavior that conveys

social support. Can you identify other behaviors that might

convey social support?

2. We have discussed emotional, physiological, and behavior

responses to stress. How might receiving a hug relate to each

of these response types?

3. Would you volunteer to be in a study that required you to be

quarantined as well as exposed to a virus? Why or why not?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

86 C H A P T E R 3

Hardiness

Another line of research indicates that an attribute called hardiness may moderate the

impact of stressful events. Suzanne (Kobasa) Ouellette reasoned that if stress affects some

people less than others, some people must be hardier than others. Kobasa (1979) used a

modified version of the Holmes and Rahe (1967) stress scale (SRRS) to measure the amount

of stress experienced by a group of executives. As in most other studies, she found a modest

correlation between stress and the incidence of physical illness. However, she carried her

investigation one step further than previous studies. She compared the high-stress execu-

tives who exhibited the expected high incidence of illness against the high-stress executives

who stayed healthy. She administered a battery of psychological tests and found that the

hardier executives “were more committed, felt more in control, and had bigger appetites

for challenge” (Kobasa, 1984, p. 70). These traits have also shown up in many other studies

of hardiness (Maddi, 2007; 2013).

Thus, hardiness is a disposition marked by commitment, challenge, and control that is purportedly associated with strong stress resistance. The benefits of hardiness

showed up in a study of Vietnam veterans, finding that higher hardiness was related to a

lower likelihood of developing posttraumatic stress disorders (King et al., 1998). Similar

findings have been reported for veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars (Escolas et al.,

2013). In fact, research shows that hardiness is a good predictor of success in high-stress

occupations such as the military (Bartone et al., 2008).

Hardiness may reduce the effects of stress by altering appraisals or fostering more

active coping. Fortunately, it appears that hardiness can be learned, and it often comes

from strong social support and encouragement from those around us (Maddi, 2007; 2013).

Optimism

Everyone knows someone whose glass is always half full, who sees the world through

rose-colored glasses, who is an optimist. Optimism is a general tendency to expect good outcomes. Pioneering research in this area by Michael Scheier and Charles Carver (1985)

found a correlation between optimism and relatively good physical health in a sample of

college students. More recently, optimism has been associated with better cardiovascular

health (Hernandez et al., 2015). In fact, more than 20 years of research has consistently

shown that optimism is associated with better mental and physical health. Further, a

recent study of representative samples from 142 countries yielded evidence that the link

between optimism and health appears to be found around the world (Gallagher, Lopez, &

Pressman, 2013).

Why does optimism promote a variety of desirable outcomes? Above all else, research

suggests that optimists cope with stress in more adaptive ways than pessimists (Carver &

Scheier, 2014). Optimists are more likely to engage in action-oriented, problem-focused,

carefully planned coping and are more willing than pessimists to seek social support. By

comparison, pessimists are more likely to deal with stress by avoiding it, giving up, or

engaging in denial. Optimists also enjoy greater social support than pessimists, in part

because they work harder on their relationships (Carver & Scheier, 2014).

Even with all these benefits, psychologists debate whether optimism is always ben-

eficial. What about times when a rosy outlook is inaccurate and unrealistic? Unrealistic

optimism can lead to false hope (Shepperd et al., 2015). Additionally, being optimistic can

lead to risky behaviors if one holds an “it-can’t-happen-to-me” attitude. Research shows

that women with an optimistic bias toward their risk for breast cancer are less likely to go

in for screening (Clarke at al., 2000). Gillham and Reivich (2007) argue that, when it comes

to optimism, what is most adaptive is some sort of middle ground where one displays

“optimism that is closely tied to the strength of wisdom” (p. 320).

Stress and Its Effects 87

Answer the following “yes” or “no.”

1. Do you have a hard time passing up food, even when

you’re not hungry?

2. Do you wish you studied more often?

3. Would you like to cut down on your smoking or

drinking?

4. Do you experience difficulty in getting yourself to exer-

cise regularly?

It is clear that a sense of control is important to one’s appraisal

and experience of stress. If you answered “yes” to any of the

above questions, you have struggled with the challenge of

self-control. Self-control—or rather a lack of it—underlies many

of the stressors that people struggle with in everyday life. Think

back to the sources of stress. Many of them can be reduced

through self-control. For instance, one can start exercising to

reduce the frustration of poor fitness, or stop procrastinating

to reduce pressure in a course. This Application discusses how

you can use the techniques of behavior modification to improve

your self-control.

Behavior modification is a systematic approach to chang-

ing behavior through the application of the principles of

conditioning. Advocates of behavior modification assume that

behavior is a product of learning, conditioning, and environ-

mental control. They further assume that what is learned can be

unlearned. Thus, they set out to “recondition” people to produce

more desirable patterns of behavior. The technology of behav-

ior modification has been applied with great success in schools,

businesses, hospitals, factories, child-care facilities, prisons, and

mental health centers (Goodall, 1972; Kazdin, 2001; Rachman,

1992). Behavior modification techniques have been used to

treat a variety of issues, including attention disorders, autism

spectrum disorders, and childhood obesity (Berry et al., 2004;

Pelham, 2001; Roth, Gillis, & DiGennaro Reed, 2014).

Behavior modification techniques have proven particularly

valuable in efforts to improve self-control. Our discussion will

borrow liberally from an excellent book on self-modification by

David Watson and Roland Tharp (2007, 2013). We will discuss

five steps in the process of self-modification, which are outlined

in Figure 3.14.

Specifying Your Target Behavior

The first step in a self-modification program is to specify the tar-

get behavior(s) you want to change. Behavior modification can

only be applied to a clearly defined response, yet many people

have difficulty pinpointing the behavior they hope to alter. They

tend to describe their problems in terms of unobservable per-

sonality traits rather than overt behaviors. For example, asked

what behavior he would like to change, a man might say, “I’m

too irritable.” That may be true, but it is of little help in designing

a self-modification program. To identify target responses, you

need to think about past behavior or closely observe future be-

havior and list specific examples of responses that lead to the trait

description. For instance, the man who regards himself as “too

irritable” might identify two overly frequent responses, such as

arguing with his wife and snapping at his children. These are

3.6 Reducing Stress through Self-Control

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Explain how behavior modification can be used to improve self-control.

■ Summarize the five steps in the process of self-modification.

Learning Objectives Specify your target behavior

Gather baseline data

Design your program

Execute and evaluate your program

Identify possible controlling antecedents

Determine initial level of response

Identify possible controlling consequences

Select strategies to increase response strength

or Select strategies to decrease

response strength

Bring your program to an end

Step

Figure 3.14 Steps in a self-modification program. This flowchart provides an overview of the steps necessary to execute a self-modification program.

88 C H A P T E R 3

specific behaviors for which he could design a self-modification

program.

Gathering Baseline Data

The second step in behavior modification is to gather baseline

data. You need to systematically observe your target behavior

for a period of time (usually a week or two) before you work out

the details of your program. In gathering your baseline data, you

need to monitor three things.

First, you need to determine the initial response level

of your target behavior. After all, you can’t tell whether your

program is working effectively unless you have a baseline for

comparison. In most cases, you would simply keep track of

how often the target response occurs in a certain time interval.

Thus, you might count the daily frequency of snapping at your

children, smoking cigarettes, or biting your fingernails. If study-

ing is your target behavior, you will probably monitor hours of

study. If you want to modify your eating, you will probably keep

track of how many calories you consume. Whatever the unit of

measurement, it is crucial to gather accurate data. You should

keep permanent written records, preferably in the form of a

chart or graph (see Figure 3.15).

Second, you need to monitor the antecedents of your tar-

get behavior. Antecedents are events that typically precede the

target response. Often these events play a major role in evoking

your target behavior. For example, if your target is overeating,

you might discover that the bulk of your overeating occurs late

in the evening while you watch TV. If you can pinpoint this kind

of antecedent-response connection, you may be able to design

your program to circumvent or break the link.

Third, you need to monitor the typical consequences of

your target behavior. Try to identify the reinforcers that are

maintaining an undesirable target behavior or the unfavorable

outcomes that are suppressing a desirable target behavior. In try-

ing to identify reinforcers, remember that avoidance behavior is

usually maintained by negative reinforcement (see Chapter 2).

That is, the payoff for avoidance is usually the removal of some-

thing aversive, such as anxiety or a threat to self-esteem. You

should also take into account the fact that a response may not be

reinforced every time because most behavior is maintained by

intermittent reinforcement.

Designing Your Program

Once you have selected a target behavior and gathered adequate

baseline data, it is time to plan your intervention program. Gen-

erally speaking, your program will be designed to either increase

or decrease the frequency of a target response.

Increasing Response Strength

Efforts to increase the frequency of a target response depend

largely on the use of positive reinforcement. In other words,

you reward yourself for behaving properly. Although the basic

strategy is quite simple, doing it skillfully involves a number of

considerations.

Selecting a reinforcer. To use positive reinforcement, you need

to find a reward that will be effective for you. Reinforcement

is subjective—what is reinforcing for one person may not be

reinforcing for another. Figure 3.16 lists questions you can ask

yourself to help you determine your personal

reinforcers. Be sure to be realistic and choose a

reinforcer that is really available to you.

You don’t have to come up with spectac-

ular new reinforcers that you’ve never experi-

enced before. You can use reinforcers that you

are already getting. However, you have to re-

structure the contingencies so that you get the

reward only if you behave appropriately. For

example, if you normally watch your favorite

television show on Thursday nights, you might

make this viewing contingent on studying

a certain number of hours during the week.

Making yourself earn rewards that you’ve

taken for granted is often a useful strategy in

a self-modification program.

Arranging the contingencies. Once you have

chosen your reinforcer, you have to set up

reinforcement contingencies. These contin-

gencies will describe the exact behavioral

goals that must be met and the reinforcement

that may then be awarded. For example, in a

program to increase exercise, you might make

3500

3000

2500

2000

1500

1000

500

220

218

216

214

212 1 2 43 5 6 7 9 10 11 12 13 148 15

1 2 43 5 6 7 9 10 11 12 13 148 15

Morning weight

Caloric value of exercise

Caloric total for food eaten

February

W e ig

h t

C a lo

ri e s

Figure 3.15 Example of recordkeeping in a self-modification program for losing weight. Graphic records are ideal for tracking progress in behavior modification efforts.

Stress and Its Effects 89

spending $40 on clothes (the reinforcer) contingent on having

jogged 15 miles during the week (the target behavior).

Try to set behavioral goals that are both challenging and

realistic. You want your goals to be challenging so that they lead

to improvement in your behavior. However, setting unrealis-

tically high goals—a common mistake in self-modification—

often leads to unnecessary discouragement.

You also need to be concerned about handing out too

much reinforcement. If reinforcement is too easy to get, you

may become satiated, and the reinforcer may lose its motiva-

tional power. One way to avoid the satiation problem is to put

yourself on a token economy. A token economy is a system for

doling out symbolic reinforcers that are exchanged later for

a variety of genuine reinforcers. Thus, you might develop a

point system for exercise behavior, accumulating points that

can be spent on clothes, movies, restaurant meals, and so forth.

You can also use a token economy to reinforce a variety of re-

lated target behaviors, as opposed to a single specific response.

The token economy in Figure 3.17, for instance, is set up to

strengthen three different, though related, responses (jogging,

tennis, and sit-ups).

Shaping. In some cases, you may want to reinforce a target re-

sponse that you are not currently capable of making, such as

speaking in front of a large group or jogging 10 miles a day.

This situation calls for shaping, which is accomplished by

reinforcing closer and closer approximations of the desired

response. Thus, you might start jogging 2 miles a day and add

a half-mile each week until you reach your goal. In shaping

your behavior, you should set up a schedule spelling out how

Figure 3.16 Selecting a reinforcer. The questions listed here may help you to identify your personal reinforcers.

Source: Adapted from Watson, D. L., & Tharp, R. G. (1997). Self-directed behavior: Self-modification for personal adjustment. Belmont, CA:

Wadsworth. Reprinted by permission.

Figure 3.17 Example of a token economy to reinforce exercise. This token economy was set up to strengthen three types of exercise

behavior. The person can exchange tokens for four types of reinforcers.

WHAT ARE YOUR REINFORCERS?

12. What would be a nice present to receive?

13. What kinds of things are important to you?

14. What would you buy if you had an extra $20? $50? $100?

15. On what do you spend your money each week?

16. What behaviors do you perform every day? (Don’t overlook the

obvious or commonplace.)

17. Are there any behaviors you usually perform instead of the target

behavior?

18. What would you hate to lose?

19. Of the things you do every day, which would you hate to give up?

20. What are your favorite daydreams and fantasies?

21. What are the most relaxing scenes you can imagine?

1. What will be the rewards of achieving your goal?

2. What kind of praise do you like to receive, from yourself and

others?

3. What kinds of things do you like to have?

4. What are your major interests?

5. What are your hobbies?

6. What people do you like to be with?

7. What do you like to do with those people?

8. What do you do for fun?

9. What do you do to relax?

10. What do you do to get away from it all?

11. What makes you feel good?

RESPONSES EARNING TOKENS

Response Amount Number of tokens

Jogging 1/2 mile 4

Jogging 1 mile 8

Jogging 2 miles 16

Tennis 1 hour 4

Tennis 2 hours 8

Sit-ups 25 1

Sit-ups 50 2

REDEMPTION VALUE OF TOKENS

Reinforcer Tokens required

Download an album of your choice 30

Go to movie 50

Go to nice restaurant 100

Take special weekend trip 500

90 C H A P T E R 3

and when your target behaviors and reinforcement contingen-

cies should change. Generally, it is a good idea to move for-

ward gradually.

Decreasing Response Strength

Let’s turn now to the challenge of reducing the frequency of an

undesirable response. You can go about this task in a number

of ways. Your principal options are reinforcement, control of

antecedents, and punishment.

Reinforcement. Reinforcers can be used in an indirect way to

decrease the frequency of a response. This may sound paradox-

ical since you have learned that reinforcement strengthens a re-

sponse. The trick lies in how you define the target behavior. For

example, in the case of overeating you might define your target

behavior as eating more than 1800 calories a day (a response

that you want to decrease) or, alternatively, as eating less than

1800 calories a day (a response that you want to increase). If you

choose the latter definition, you can reinforce yourself when-

ever you eat less than 1800 calories in a day, which ultimately

decreases your overeating.

Control of antecedents. A worthwhile strategy for decreasing the

occurrence of an undesirable response may be to identify its an-

tecedents and avoid exposure to them. This strategy is especially

useful when you are trying to decrease the frequency of a con-

summatory response, such as smoking or eating. In the case of

overeating, for instance, the easiest way to resist temptation is to

avoid having to face it. Thus, you might stay away from favor-

ite restaurants, minimize time spent in your kitchen, shop for

groceries just after eating (when willpower is higher), and avoid

purchasing favorite foods.

Punishment. The strategy of decreasing un-

wanted behavior by punishing yourself for

that behavior is an obvious option that peo-

ple tend to overuse. The biggest problem with

punishment in a self-modification effort is the

difficulty in following through and punishing

oneself. If you’re going to use punishment,

keep two guidelines in mind. First, do not use

punishment alone. Use it in conjunction with

positive reinforcement. If you set up a program

in which you can earn only negative conse-

quences, you probably won’t stick to it. Second,

use a relatively mild punishment so that you

will actually be able to administer it to your-

self. Nurnberger and Zimmerman (1970) de-

veloped a creative method of self-punishment.

They had subjects write out a check to an orga-

nization they hated (for instance, the campaign

of a political candidate they despised). The

check was held by a third party who mailed it

if subjects failed to meet their behavioral goals. Such a punish-

ment is relatively harmless, but it can serve as a strong source of

motivation.

Executing and Evaluating Your Program

Once you have designed your program, the next step is to

put it to work by enforcing the contingencies that you have

carefully planned. During this period, you need to continue

to accurately record the frequency of your target behavior so

you can evaluate your progress. The success of your program

depends on your not “cheating.” The most common form of

cheating is to reward yourself when you have not actually

earned it.

You can do two things to increase the likelihood that you

will comply with your program. One is to make up a behavioral

contract—a written agreement outlining a promise to adhere

to the contingencies of a behavior modification program (see

Figure 3.18). The formality of signing such a contract in front of

friends or family seems to make many people take their pro-

gram more seriously. You can further reduce the likelihood of

cheating by having someone other than yourself administer the

reinforcers and punishments.

Behavior modification programs often require some

fine-tuning, so don’t be surprised if you need to make a few

adjustments. Several flaws are especially common in design-

ing self-modification programs. Among those you should look

out for are (1) depending on a weak reinforcer, (2) permitting

lengthy delays between appropriate behavior and delivery of

reinforcers, and (3) trying to do too much too quickly by setting

unrealistic goals. Often, a small revision or two can turn a failing

program around and make it a success.

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ke /S

hu tt

er st

oc k.

co m

Smoking and drinking are among the many self-control issues that can be conquered using the

principles of self-modification.

Stress and Its Effects 91

Figure 3.18 A behavioral contract. Behavior modification experts recommend the use of a formal, written contract similar to that shown here to increase commitment to one’s self-modification program.

Ending Your Program

Ending your program involves setting terminal goals such as

reaching a certain weight, studying with a certain regularity, or

going without cigarettes for a certain length of time. Often, it is

a good idea to phase out your program by planning a gradual

reduction in the frequency or potency of your reinforcement for

appropriate behavior.

If your program is successful, it may fade away without a

conscious decision on your part. Often, new, improved patterns

of behavior such as eating right, exercising, or studying dili-

gently become self-maintaining. Whether or not you end your

program intentionally, you should always be prepared to rein-

stitute the program if you find yourself slipping back to your

old patterns of behavior. Ironically, it can be the very stress we

are trying to reduce that drives use back into old, unhealthy

habits.

I, ___________ , do hereby agree to initiate my self-change strategy as of (date)

___________ and to continue it for a minimum period of ___________ weeks—

that is, until (date) ___________ .

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________ .

I will do my best to execute this strategy to my utmost ability and to evaluate its

Optional Self-Reward Clause: For every ___________ day(s) that I successfully

comply with my self-change contract, I will reward myself with _______________

_____________________________________________________________________

In addition, at the end of my minimum period of personal experimentation, I will

time will be ____________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________ .

I hereby request that the witnesses who have signed below support me in my self-

Their cooperation and encouragement throughout the project will be appreciated.

Signed

Date

Witness:

92 C H A P T E R 3

C H A P T E R 3 Review Key Ideas

3.1 The Nature of Stress ● Stress involves transactions with the environment that are perceived

to be threatening and that tax one’s coping abilities. Stress is a common, everyday event, and even routine hassles can be problematic. To a large degree, stress lies in the eye of the beholder. According to Lazarus and Folkman, primary appraisal determines whether events appear threatening, whereas secondary appraisal assesses whether one has the resources to cope with challenges. How one appraises an event can alter the impact of the event.

● Some of the stress that people experience comes from their environment. Examples of environmental stressors include crowding and poverty. Stress can vary with culture. Within Western culture, ethnicity and discrimination can be a source of stress in a variety of ways. Adapting to a new culture can also cause stress.

3.2 Major Sources of Stress ● Stress can be acute, chronic, or anticipatory. Major sources of stress

include frustration, conflict, change, and pressure. Frustration occurs when an obstacle prevents one from attaining some goal. There are three principal types of internal conflict: approach-approach, avoidance- avoidance, and approach-avoidance.

● A large number of studies with the SRRS suggest that change is stressful. Although that may be true, it is now clear that the SRRS is a measure of general stress rather than just change-related stress. Pressure (to perform and to conform) also appears to be stressful. Often this pressure is self-imposed.

3.3 Responding to Stress ● Emotional reactions to stress typically involve anger, fear, or sadness.

However, people also experience positive emotions while under stress, and these positive emotions promote well-being. Emotional arousal may interfere with task performance. As tasks get more complex, the optimal level of arousal declines.

● Physiological arousal in response to stress was originally called the fight-or-flight response by Cannon. Taylor has proposed an alternative response (“tend and befriend”) that might be more applicable to females. Selye’s general adaptation syndrome describes three stages in the physiological reaction to stress: alarm, resistance, and exhaustion. Diseases of adaptation may appear during the stage of exhaustion.

● In response to stress, the brain sends signals along two major pathways to the endocrine system. Actions along these paths release two sets of hormones into the bloodstream, catecholamines and corticosteroids. Stress can lead to suppression of the immune response and can interfere with the formation of new neurons.

● Behavioral responses to stress involve coping, which may be healthy or maladaptive. If people cope effectively with stress, they can short- circuit potentially harmful emotional and physical responses.

3.4 The Potential Effects of Stress ● Common negative effects of stress include impaired task performance,

disruption of attention and other cognitive processes, and pervasive emotional exhaustion known as burnout. Other effects include a host of everyday psychological problems, full-fledged psychological disorders including posttraumatic stress disorder, and varied types of damage to physical health.

● However, stress can also have positive effects. Stress can lead to personal growth and self-improvement. Stress can also have an inoculation effect, preparing us for the next stressful event.

3.5 Factors Influencing Stress Tolerance ● People differ in how much stress they can tolerate without

experiencing ill effects. A person’s social support can be a key consideration in buffering the effects of stress. The personality factors associated with hardiness—commitment, challenge, and control—may increase stress tolerance. People high in optimism also have advantages in coping with stress, although unrealistic optimism can be problematic.

3.6 Application: Reducing Stress through Self-Control ● In behavior modification, the principles of learning are used to

change behavior directly. Behavior modification techniques can be used to increase one’s self-control. The first step in self-modification is to specify the overt target behavior to be increased or decreased.

● The second step is to gather baseline data about the initial rate of the target response and identify any typical antecedents and consequences associated with the behavior. The third step is to design a program. If you are trying to increase the strength of a response, you’ll depend on positive reinforcement. A number of strategies can be used to decrease the strength of a response, including reinforcement (indirectly), control of antecedents, and punishment.

● The fourth step is to execute and evaluate the program. Self- modification programs often require some fine-tuning. The final step is to determine how and when you will phase out your program.

Key Terms

Acculturation p. 66 Acute stressors p. 67 Ambient stress p. 65 Antecedents p. 88 Anticipatory stressors p. 67 Approach-approach

conflict p. 68 Approach-avoidance

conflict p. 68 Autonomic nervous system

(ANS) p. 74 Avoidance-avoidance

conflict p. 68 Behavioral contract p. 90 Behavioral modification p. 87 Burnout p. 79 Chronic stressors p. 67 Coping p. 78 Emotions p. 70 Endocrine system p. 76

Fight-or-flight response p. 74 Frustration p. 67 General adaptation

syndrome p. 76 Hardiness p. 86 Internal conflict p. 67 Life changes p. 68 Neurogenesis p. 77 Optimism p. 86 Posttraumatic stress

disorder (PTSD) p. 80 Pressure p. 69 Primary appraisal p. 64 Psychosomatic

diseases p. 82 Secondary appraisal p. 64 Shaping p. 89 Social support p. 83 Stress p. 63 Token economy p. 89

Susan Folkman p. 72 Thomas Holmes and

Richard Rahe pp. 68–69 Richard Lazarus pp. 64, 71 Neal Miller p. 68

Suzanne (Kobasa) Ouellette p. 86

Robert Sapolsky pp. 67, 78 Hans Selye pp. 75–76 Shelley Taylor p. 75

Key People

Stress and Its Effects 93

C H A P T E R 3 Practice Test 9. Joan has a personal disposition marked by commitment,

challenge, and control. She appears to be stress tolerant. This disposition is referred to as a. hardiness. b. optimism. c. courage. d. conscientiousness.

10. A system providing for symbolic reinforcers is called a (an) a. extinction system. b. token economy. c. endocrine system. d. symbolic reinforcement system.

1. Secondary appraisal refers to a. second thoughts about what to do in a stressful situation. b. second thoughts about whether an event is genuinely

threatening. c. initial evaluation of an event’s relevance, threat, and

stressfulness. d. evaluation of coping resources and options for dealing with

a stressful event.

2. Don just completed writing a ten-page report. When he tried to save it, the computer crashed and he lost all his work. What type of stress is Don experiencing? a. Frustration b. Conflict c. Life change d. Pressure

3. Betty is having a hard time deciding whether she should buy a coat. On the one hand, it is a name brand coat on sale for a great price. On the other hand, it is an ugly mold-green color. Betty is experiencing what type of conflict? a. Approach-approach b. Avoidance-aviodance c. Approach-avoidance d. Life change

4. The optimal level of arousal for a task appears to depend in part on a. one’s position on the optimism/pessimism scale. b. how much physiological change an event stimulates. c. the complexity of the task at hand. d. how imminent a stressful event is.

5. The fight-or-flight response is mediated by the a. sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system. b. sympathetic division of the endocrine system. c. parasympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system. d. parasympathetic division of the endocrine system.

6. Selye exposed lab animals to various stressors and found that a. each type of stress caused a particular physiological

response. b. each type of animal responded to stress differently. c. patterns of physiological arousal were similar, regardless of

the type of stress. d. patterns of physiological arousal were different, even when

stressors were similar.

7. Stress can __________ the functioning of the immune system. a. stimulate b. destroy c. suppress d. enhance

8. Salvador works as an art director at an advertising agency. His boss overloads him with responsibility but never gives him any credit for all his hard work. He feels worn down, disillusioned, and helpless at work. Salvador is probably experiencing a. an alarm reaction. b. burnout. c. posttraumatic stress disorder. d. a psychosomatic disorder.

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 3.1 Self-Assessment: Pressure Inventory

Exercise 3.2 Self-Reflection: Stress—How Do You Control It?

Answers 1. d Page 64 2. a Page 67 3. c Page 68 4. c Page 73 5. a Page 74

6. c Page 75 7. c Page 77 8. b Pages 79–80 9. a Page 86

10. b Page 89

C H A P T E R 4 Coping Processes

4.1 The Concept of Coping

4.2 Common Coping Patterns of Limited Value

Giving Up

Acting Aggressively

Indulging Yourself

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Stress-Induced Eating

Blaming Yourself

Using Defensive Coping

4.3 The Nature of Constructive Coping

4.4 Appraisal-Focused Constructive Coping

Ellis’s Rational Thinking

Humor as a Stress Reducer

Positive Reinterpretation

4.5 Problem-Focused Constructive Coping

Using Systematic Problem Solving

Seeking Help

Improving Time Management

4.6 Emotion-Focused Constructive Coping

Enhancing Emotional Intelligence

Expressing Emotions

RECOMMENDED READING Emotional Intelligence by Daniel Goleman

Managing Hostility and Forgiving Others

Exercising

Using Meditation and Relaxation

Spirituality

4.7 APPLICATION: Using Time More Effectively

The Causes of Wasted Time

The Problem of Procrastination

Time-Management Techniques

Review

Practice Test

Dragon Images/Shutterstock.com

4.1 The Concept of Coping

In Chapter 3, you learned that coping refers to efforts to master, reduce, or tolerate the demands created by stress. Let’s take a closer look at this concept and discuss some general

points about coping.

People cope with stress in many ways. A number of researchers have attempted to iden-

tify and classify the coping techniques that people use in dealing with stress. Their work

reveals quite a variety of strategies; in fact, one review of the literature found more than

400 distinct coping techniques (Skinner et al., 2003). To simplify things, Carver suggests

that we consider four important distinctions or groupings (Carver & Connor-Smith, 2010),

which are listed in Figure 4.1. Although people can select their coping tactics from a large

and varied menu of options, a national survey by the American Psychological Association

(2015) found that 20% of Americans do nothing to manage their stress.

It is most adaptive to use a variety of coping strategies. Even with so many tactics

to choose from, most people come to rely on some coping strategies more than

others. However, Cheng (2001, 2003) has argued that the ability to use multiple

strategies (called coping flexibility) is more desirable than consistently relying on the

same strategy. Flexible copers can differentiate among stressful events in terms of

controllability and impact, which is important information to know when choosing a

coping strategy. In addition, the ability to select a particular coping tactic to deal with

a specific adversity helps people avoid becoming hindered by a problematic strategy.

Coping flexibility has been related to positive mental health outcomes (Liao, 2014) in-

cluding increased resilience (Galatzer-Levy, Burton, & Bonanno, 2012) and reduced

depression, anxiety, and distress (Kato, 2012).

In this chapter we will explore the concept of coping,

including coping patterns that tend to have relatively little

value and those that are healthier and more constructive. In

the application, we discuss how to cope with one of the most

common stressors: lack of time. We hope our discussion

provides you with some new ideas about how to deal with the

stressors of modern life. ■

“I have begun to believe that I have intellectually and emotion-

ally outgrown my partner. However, I’m not really sure what this

means or what I should do. Maybe this feeling is normal and I

should ignore it and continue my present relationship. This seems

to be the safest route. Maybe I should seek a lover while continu-

ing with my partner. Then again, maybe I should start anew and

hope for a beautiful ending with or without a better mate.”

T he woman quoted above is clearly experiencing

substantial stress. What should she do? Is it psycho-

logically healthy to remain in an emotionally hollow

relationship? Is cheating a reasonable way to cope with this

unfortunate situation? Should she just strike out on her own

and let the chips fall where they may? These questions have

no simple answers. As you’ll soon see, decisions about how to

cope with life’s difficulties can be incredibly complex.

In the previous chapter we learned that stress can be a

challenging, exciting stimulus to personal growth. How-

ever, we also saw that stress can prove damaging to people’s

psychological and physical health because it often triggers

physiological responses that may be harmful. Controlling

the effects of stress depends on the behavioral responses peo-

ple make to stressful situations. Thus, a person’s mental and

physical health depends, in part, on his or her ability to cope

effectively with stress.

Learning Objectives

■ Describe the variety of coping

strategies that people use.

■ Understand why it is beneficial to use

a variety of coping strategies and how

these strategies differ in their adaptive

value.

Coping Processes 95

Decisions about how to cope with life’s difficulties can be incredibly

complex. A person’s mental and physical health depends, in part, on his

or her ability to cope effectively with stress.

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96 C H A P T E R 4

Figure 4.1 Classifying coping strategies. There are literally hundreds of coping techniques.

Carver and Connor-Smith (2010) point to

four important distinctions or groupings of

coping strategies that have proved to be

meaningful. The groupings are listed here,

along with a representative example from

each category. As with other distinctions,

there is significant overlap among the

categories. As you can see, people use quite a

variety of coping strategies.

Source: From Carver, C. S., & Connor-Smith, J. (2010).

Personality and coping. Annual Review of Psychology, 61,

679–704.

Coping strategies vary in their adaptive value. In everyday terms, when we say that

someone “coped with her problems,” we imply that she handled them effectively. In

reality, however, not all strategies are created equal. For example, coping with a painful

breakup by destroying your ex’s car would clearly be a problematic way of coping (no

matter what pop songs would lead us to believe). Hence, we distinguish between coping

patterns that tend to be helpful and those that tend to be maladaptive. In general, the use

of maladaptive strategies is associated with poorer psychological adjustment, whereas

adaptive strategies are related to enhanced well-being. Bear in mind that our generaliza-

tions about the adaptive value of various coping strategies are based on trends or tenden-

cies identified by researchers. No coping strategy can guarantee a successful outcome,

and the adaptive value of a coping technique depends on the exact nature of the situation

(Bonanno & Burton, 2013).

4.2 Common Coping Patterns of Limited Value

Individuals don’t always deal with it well when things take a turn for the worse. When one

experiences academic setbacks, breakups, financial worries, or other stressors it is not un-

common to give up, lash out at others, turn to alcohol dull the pain, or to self-blame. In this

section, we’ll examine some relatively common coping patterns that tend to be less than

optimal. Although some of these coping tactics may be helpful in certain circumstances,

more often than not, they are counterproductive.

Giving Up

When confronted with stress, people sometimes simply give up and withdraw from the battle.

Martin Seligman (1974, 1992) developed a model of this giving-up syndrome that sheds light

on its causes. In Seligman’s original research, animals were subjected to electric shocks they

could not escape. The animals were then given an opportunity to learn a response that would

allow them to escape the shock. However, many of the animals became so apathetic and listless

that they didn’t even try to learn the escape response. When researchers made similar manip-

ulations with human subjects using inescapable noise (rather than shock) as the stressor, they

observed parallel results (Hiroto & Seligman, 1975). This syndrome is referred to as learned

helplessness. Learned helplessness is passive behavior produced by exposure to unavoidable

■ Analyze the adaptive value of giving up

and aggression as responses to stress.

■ Evaluate the adaptive value of

indulging yourself as a coping response

and describe the Spotlight on Research

regarding stress-induced eating.

■ Discuss the adaptive value of self-blame

as a response to stress.

■ Evaluate the adaptive value of defense

mechanisms, including recent work on

healthy illusions.

Learning Objectives

TYPES OF COPING STRATEGIES

Coping distinction/grouping Example

Problem-focused vs. emotion-

focused coping Emotion-focus: I engage in self-soothing relaxation exercises to handle

Engagement vs.

disengagement coping divorce.

Disengagement: I refuse to believe that the divorce is happening.

Meaning-focused coping

important in life—my family and friends.

Proactive coping I know that this confrontation with my friend is going to be challenging,

so I’m going to make sure I have my thoughts organized before I bring

up our issues.

Coping Processes 97

American Self-Help Group

Clearinghouse Sourcebook

This online clearinghouse provides

contact information for hundreds of

self-help organizations across the United

States. It also provides resources on

health topics from A to Z. For individuals

trying to cope with specific problems

or challenging life situations, these

resources may be particularly helpful with

focused advice and suggestions.

Learn More Online aversive events. Unfortunately, this tendency to give up may be transferred to situations in

which one is not really helpless. Hence, some people routinely respond to stress with fatalism

and resignation, passively accepting setbacks that they could have overcome.

Seligman originally viewed learned helplessness as a product of conditioning. How-

ever, research with human participants has led Seligman and his colleagues to revise their

theory. Their current model proposes that people’s cognitive interpretation of aversive events

determines whether they develop learned helplessness. Specifically, helplessness seems to

occur when individuals come to believe that events are beyond their control. This belief is

particularly likely to emerge in people who exhibit a pessimistic explanatory style. Such

people tend to attribute setbacks to personal inadequacies instead of situational factors.

Overall, giving up is not a highly regarded method of coping. Carver and his colleagues

(1989, 1993) have studied this coping strategy, which they refer to as behavioral disengage-

ment, and found that it is associated with increased rather than decreased distress. However,

giving up could be adaptive in some instances, such as when goals are truly unattainable

(Wrosch et al., 2012). For example, if you are thrown into a job that you are not equipped

to handle, it might be better to quit rather than face constant pressure and diminishing

self-esteem. Research suggests that people who are better able to disengage from unattain-

able goals report better health and exhibit lower levels of a key stress hormone (Wrosch,

Scheier, & Miller, 2013). Thus, the researchers note that it might be better to engage in “goal

adjustment” as opposed to giving up.

Acting Aggressively

A young man, age 17, cautiously edged his car into traffic on the Corona Expressway in Los

Angeles. His slow speed apparently irritated the men in a pickup truck behind him. Unfortu-

nately, he angered the wrong men—they shot him to death. During that same weekend there

were six other roadside shootings in the Los Angeles area, all of them triggered by minor

incidents or “fender benders.”

Such tragic incidents of highway violence—so-called “road rage”—exemplify maladap-

tive ways in which drivers cope with the stress, anxiety, and hostility experienced while

driving. They also vividly illustrate that people often respond to stressful events by

acting aggressively. Aggression is any behavior intended to hurt someone, either physi-

cally or verbally. There are many forms of aggression, which can be either direct or indirect

(Richardson, 2014). Snarls, curses, and insults are much more common than shootings or

fistfights, but aggression of any kind can be problematic.

As you learned in Chapter 3, frustration is a major source

of stress. Many years ago, a team of psychologists (Dollard

et al., 1939) proposed the frustration-aggression hypothe-

sis, which held that aggression is always due to frustration.

Decades of research eventually showed that there isn’t an

inevitable link between frustration and aggression, but this

research also supported the basic idea that frustration does

frequently elicit aggression (Berkowitz, 1989).

People often lash out aggressively at others who had

nothing to do with their frustration, especially when they

can’t vent their anger at the real source of their frustration.

Thus, you’ll probably suppress your anger rather than lash

out verbally at a police officer who gives you a speeding

ticket. Twenty minutes later, however, you might be down-

right brutal in rebuking a waiter who is slow in serving your

lunch. As we discussed in Chapter 2, Sigmund Freud noticed

this diversion of anger to a substitute target long ago; he

called it displacement. Unfortunately, displaced aggression is

not uncommon. In fact, displaced aggression is frequently a

contributing factor to road rage (Sansone & Sansone, 2010).

The frustration of traffic delays can lead to aggressive driving or road rage.

Unfortunately, lashing out at others is a common response to stress, which happens

to be ineffective.

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98 C H A P T E R 4

Freud theorized that behaving aggressively could get pent-up emotion out of

one’s system and thus be adaptive. He coined the term catharsis to refer to the release

of emotional tension. The Freudian notion that it is a good idea to vent anger has

become widely disseminated and accepted in modern society. Books, magazines, and

self-appointed experts routinely advise that it is healthy to “blow off steam” and thereby

release and reduce anger. However, experimental research generally has not supported

the catharsis hypothesis. Indeed, most studies find just the opposite: Behaving in an

aggressive manner tends to fuel more anger and aggression (Bushman & Huesmann, 2012).

For instance, conventional wisdom holds that viewing violent media or playing violent

video games can be cathartic—that watching a fight on a TV or killing a fictional character in

a game can release pent-up anger and hostility. However, the research evidence suggests that

this is simply not true (Anderson et al., 2010). Craig Anderson and Brad Bushman (2001)

conducted a groundbreaking review of the research on violent video games and found that

playing these games was related to increased aggression, physiological arousal, and aggressive

thoughts as well as to decreased prosocial behavior. In fact, they found that the relationship

between media violence and aggressive behavior was almost as strong as the relationship

between smoking and cancer (Bushman & Anderson, 2001; see Figure 4.2). Exposure to

media violence not only desensitizes people to violent acts, but it also encourages aggres-

sive self-views and automatic aggressive responses (Bartholow, Bushman, & Sestir, 2006), in-

creases feelings of hostility (Arriaga et al., 2006), and decreases prosocial behaviors (Prot et al.,

2014). Further, there is evidence that media violence can increase, as opposed to alleviate,

stress (Hasan, Bègue, & Bushman, 2012; 2013). Interestingly, angry individuals who believe

in catharsis are the very ones attracted to violent video games (Bushman & Whitaker, 2010).

Is there an upside to aggression? Some argue that there are cognitive, motivational,

emotional, and social benefits to playing video games, even violent ones, and that these

benefits need more research attention (Granic, Lobel, & Engels, 2014). However, as a cop-

ing strategy, acting aggressively has little value. Carol Tavris (1982, 1989) points out that

aggressive behavior usually backfires because it elicits aggressive responses from others and

generates more anger. She asserts, “Aggressive catharses are almost impossible to find in

Figure 4.2 Comparison of the relationship between media violence and aggression to other correlations. Many studies have found a correlation between exposure to media violence and aggression. However, some critics have argued that the correlation is too weak to have any practical

significance in the real world. In a rebuttal of this criticism, Bushman and Anderson (2001) note that the

average correlation in studies of media violence and aggression is .31. They argue that this association is

almost as strong as the correlation between smoking and the probability of developing lung cancer, which

is viewed as relevant to real-world issues and notably stronger than a variety of other correlations shown

here that are assumed to have practical importance.

Source: Adapted from Bushman, B. J., & Anderson, C. A. (2001). Media violence and the American public. American Psychologist, 56(6-7),

0 .10 .20 .30 .40

CorrelationRelationship

Smoking and lung cancer

Media violence and aggression

Passive smoking and lung cancer at work

Nicotine patch and smoking cessation

Calcium intake and bone mass

Exposure to asbestos and laryngeal cancer

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Coping Processes 99

continuing relationships because parents, children, spouses, and bosses usually feel obliged

to aggress back at you” (1982, p. 131). In fact, the interpersonal conflicts that often emerge

from aggressive behavior actually induce additional stress.

Indulging Yourself

Stress sometimes leads to reduced impulse control, or self-indulgence. For instance, after an

exceptionally stressful day, some people head for their kitchen, a grocery store, or a restaurant

in pursuit of something sweet. Others cope with stress by making a beeline for the nearest

shopping mall for a spending spree. Still others respond to stress by indulging in injudi-

cious patterns of drinking, smoking, gambling, or drug use. It makes sense that when things

are going poorly in one area of your life, you may try to compensate by pursuing substitute

forms of satisfaction. Thus, it is not surprising that there is evidence of stress-induced eating

(O’Connor & Conner, 2011), smoking (Slopen et al., 2013), gambling (Elman, Tschibelu, &

Borsook, 2010), and alcohol and drug use (Grunberg, Berger, & Hamilton, 2011). In fact,

psychologists speculate that the general relationship between stress and poor physical health

might be attributable in part to these unhealthy behaviors (Carver, 2011).

Stress can also influence our food choices in unfortunate ways (Tryon, DeCant, &

Laugero, 2013). When feeling stressed, it is not unusual for individuals to turn to their

comfort foods in search of relief. In fact, these foods appear to be real sources of comfort.

Researchers have found that comfort foods can remind us of meaningful relationships and

reduce loneliness (Troisi & Gabriel, 2011). Of course, indulging in one’s comfort foods can

have negative effects such as an increase in consumption of unhealthy calories, ultimately

increasing one’s risk of obesity and other related health problems (Dallman, Pecoraro, &

la Fleur, 2005; Roberts, Campbell, & Troop, 2014). Some of us are more prone to stress-

induced eating than others, but there appears to be a bright side to this tendency, as we will

see in the Spotlight on Research for this chapter.

Stress-Induced Eating

Source: Sproesser, G., Schupp, H. T., & Renner, B. (2014). The bright side

of stress-induced eating: Eating more when stressed but less when

pleased. Psychological Science, 25(1), 58–65.

As we have learned, stress affects the mind and the body. One

interesting and important area to explore is the effect that stress

has on eating habits. Abundant research demonstrates how

stress encourages unhealthy eating behaviors, but there is far less

research on how positive experiences influence eating. The present

researchers looked into preexisting eating tendencies and whether

stressful situations increased unhealthy food consumption. In

addition, they examined whether not being stressed (that is, being

at ease) influenced eating patterns. They tested these ideas using

very clever methods.

Method Participants. The sample consisted of 251 participants from the University of Konstanz in Germany (29% men and 71% women).

Using a questionnaire, participants were categorized as either

stress hyperphagics (people who eat more in response to

stress) or stress hypophagics (people who eat less in response

to stress).

Materials and Procedure. Participants were told not to eat for 2 hours before arriving at the laboratory. Once there, they

were told they would be exchanging video messages with

another participant before meeting their “partner” face-to-face.

The experimenter then showed all participants a prerecorded

videotaped message of their partner, who was actually a research

assistant, discussing his or her career plans. After watching

the video, participants made one of their own to share with

their partner. Participants were then given a questionnaire to

evaluate their partner. At that point, the experimenter left the

room, ostensibly to give the partner their video. Upon returning,

experimenters manipulated a stressful, negative experience (social

exclusion) or a nonstressful, positive experience (social inclusion).

This was determined by random assignment. In the social exclusion

condition, participants were told that their partner declined to

meet them after viewing their videotape. In the social inclusion

condition, participants were told that their partner gave them a

positive evaluation and were looking forward to meeting them.

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

continued

100 C H A P T E R 4

Another example of self-indulgent coping is stress-induced shopping. One recent study

examined the relations among stress, materialism, and compulsive shopping in two Israeli

samples, one of which was under intense stress due to daily rocket attacks (Ruvio, Somer, &

Rindfleisch, 2014). The findings indicated that stress increases compulsive consumption and

that this coping strategy is particularly common among those who are highly materialistic.

The authors essentially conclude that when the going gets tough, the materialistic go shopping.

Yet another manifestation of this coping strategy is the tendency to immerse oneself in

the online world of the Internet. Kimberly Young (2009, 2015) has described a syndrome

called Internet addiction, which consists of spending an inordinate amount of time on

the Internet and an inability to control online use. People who exhibit this syndrome

tend to feel anxious, depressed, or empty when they are not online. Their Internet use is so

excessive that it begins to interfere with their functioning at work, at school, or at home,

leading victims to start concealing the extent of their dependence on the Internet.

Internet addiction typically involves one of three subtypes: excessive gaming, preoc-

cupation with sexual content, or obsessive socializing (via Facebook, texting, and so forth)

(Weinsten et al., 2014). All three subtypes exhibit (1) excessive time online, (2) anger

and depression when thwarted from being online, (3) an

escalating need for better equipment and connections, and

(4) adverse consequences, such as arguments and lying about

Internet use, social isolation, and reductions in academic or

work performance.

Estimates of the prevalence of Internet addiction vary con-

siderably from one country to another, but a recent meta-analysis

of findings from thirty-one nations estimates that the average

prevalence is around 6% of the population (Cheng & Yee-lam

Li, 2014). The exact percentage is not as important as the rec-

ognition that the syndrome is not rare and that it is a global

problem. Studies suggest that Internet addiction is fostered by

high stress (Chen et al., 2014; Tang et al., 2014). Among other

things, Internet addiction is associated with increased levels of

social anxiety (Weinstein et al., 2015), depression, and alcohol

use (Ho et al., 2014). Although not all psychologists agree about

whether excessive Internet use should be classified as an addic-

tion (Hinic, 2011; Starcevic, 2013), it is clear that this coping

strategy can be problematic (Muller et al., 2014).

Finally, after receiving the feedback, a bogus taste test of ice cream

was administered, in which participants could eat as much as they

liked. Afterward, the experimenter weighed the bowls of ice cream

to determine exactly how much was eaten.

Results The results showed that the experience of the positive or negative

event interacted with participants’ stress-eating status (hypo-

or hyperphagic). As expected, hyperphagics ate more than

hypophagics when socially excluded. However, when in a situation

of ease (social inclusion), the opposite pattern emerged, and

hyperphagics actually ate less!

Discussion There is considerable evidence that stress influences eating

habits, but this is the first evidence that stress-eaters adjust

their eating habits in nonstressful times. This could explain

research findings that show inconsistent weight gain among

hyperphagics—perhaps they are increasing caloric intake during

stressful times, but are making up for it by eating less when

things are going smoothly. The authors argue that in order to get

a complete picture of stress-induced eating, future researchers

must consider both the person and the situation. The authors

are quick to note that the participants self-reported their stress-

eating status so these data could be inaccurate. Further, more

research needs to be done before generalizing their laboratory

results to a natural, real-world setting. Also, additional research is

needed to see if other sources of stress besides social exclusion

show similar patterns.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. The authors demonstrate that social inclusion/exclusion has

an effect on stress-induced eating. What other sources of

stress might influence one’s eating habits?

2. Do you think you are hyperphagic or hyophagic? Why? When

you have completed this chapter, describe some of the more

constructive coping strategies, besides self-indulgence, that

you might engage in when stressed.

Experts disagree about whether excessive Internet use should be characterized as

an addiction, but the inability to control online use appears to be an increasingly

common syndrome.

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Coping Processes 101

There is nothing inherently maladaptive about indulging oneself as a way of coping

with life’s stresses. If a hot fudge sundae, some new clothes, or chatting online can calm your

nerves after a major setback, who can argue? However, if a person consistently responds to

stress with excessive self-indulgence, obvious problems are likely to develop. For instance,

excesses in drinking and drug use may endanger one’s health and affect work or relation-

ship quality. Additionally, these indulgences can cause emotional ambivalence, as immediate

pleasure gives way to regret, guilt, or embarrassment (Ramanathan & Williams, 2007). Given

the risks associated with self-indulgence, it has marginal adaptive value.

Blaming Yourself

In a postgame interview after a tough defeat, a prominent football coach was brutally critical

of himself. He said that he had been outcoached, that he had made poor decisions, and that

his game plan was faulty. He almost eagerly assumed all the blame for the loss himself. In

reality, he had taken some reasonable risks that didn’t go his way and had suffered the effects

of poor execution by his players. Looking at it objectively, the loss was attributable to the col-

lective failures of fifty or so players and coaches. However, the coach’s unrealistically negative

self-evaluation is not uncommon. When confronted by stress (especially frustration and pres-

sure), people often become highly self-critical.

The tendency to engage in “negative self-talk” in response to stress has been noted

by a number of influential theorists. As we will discuss in greater detail later in this

chapter, Albert Ellis (1973, 1987) calls this phenomenon “catastrophic thinking” and

focuses on how it is rooted in irrational assumptions. According to Ellis, catastrophic

thinking perpetuates emotional reactions to stress that are often problematic. Support-

ing this assertion, researchers have found that self-blame is associated with increased

distress and depression for individuals who have experienced traumas such as sexual

assault, war, and natural disasters (DePrince, Chu, & Pineda, 2011;

Kraaij & Garnefski, 2006). For victims of sexual assault specifically,

self-blame is associated with heightened PTSD symptoms and greater

feelings of shame (Ullman et al., 2007; Vidal & Petrak, 2007). Like-

wise, self-blame is related to difficulties in dealing with the loss of a

loved one (Stroebe et al., 2014) and psychological distress (Nielsen &

Knardahl, 2014).

Although being realistic and recognizing one’s weaknesses has

value, especially when one is engaging in problem solving, self-blame as

a coping strategy can be enormously counterproductive. We cover Ellis’s

advice on more constructive thinking later in this chapter.

Using Defensive Coping

Defensive coping is a common response to stress. We noted in

Chapter 2 that the concept of defense mechanisms was originally

developed by Sigmund Freud. Though rooted in the psychoanalytic

tradition, this concept has gained acceptance from psychologists of

most persuasions. Building on Freud’s initial insights, modern psy-

chologists have broadened the scope of the concept and added to

Freud’s list of defense mechanisms.

The Nature of Defense Mechanisms

Defense mechanisms are largely unconscious reactions that protect a

person from unpleasant emotions such as anxiety and guilt. A num-

ber of coping strategies fit this definition. In our discussion of Freud’s

theory in Chapter 2, we described several common defenses. Figure 4.3

introduces another five defenses that people use with some regularity.

Although widely discussed in the popular press, defense mechanisms

Figure 4.3 Additional defense mechanisms. Like the seven defense mechanisms described in the discussion of Freudian theory in

Chapter 2 (see Figure 2.4), these five defenses are frequently used in

people’s efforts to cope with stress.

COMMON DEFENSE MECHANISMS

Defense mechanism Example

Denial. Refusal to acknowledge

or face up to unpleasant

realities in one’s life.

A student allows her family to

plan a trip to her graduation

even though she is failing a class

required for graduation.

Fantasy

or unconscious wishes and

impulses in one’s imagination.

An unpopular man imagines that

he has an extensive network of

outgoing and popular friends.

Intellectualization. Dealing

them in a detached, abstract

way, thus suppressing one’s

emotional reactions.

A man who has just been

diagnosed with a terminal illness

attempts to learn everything

there is to know about the

disease and the minute details

of medical treatment.

Undoing. Attempting to

counteract feelings of guilt

through acts of atonement.

A daughter who feels guilty

about insulting her mother

compliments her mother’s

appearance after each insult.

Overcompensation. Making

up for real or imagined

or exaggerating, desirable

characteristics.

A transfer student who has not

made any new friends focuses

on excelling in her classes.

102 C H A P T E R 4

are often misunderstood. We will use a question-answer format to elaborate on the nature

of defense mechanisms in the hopes of clearing up any misconceptions.

What do defense mechanisms defend against? Above all else, defense mechanisms shield

the individual from the emotional discomfort elicited by stress. Their main purpose is to

ward off unwelcome emotions or to reduce their intensity (Cramer, 2008; 2015). Foremost

among the emotions guarded against is anxiety. People are especially defensive when the

anxiety is the result of some threat to their self-esteem. Guilt is another emotion that people

often try to evade through defensive maneuvers.

How do they work? Defense mechanisms work through self-deception. They accomplish

their goals by distorting reality so it does not appear to be threatening. Let’s say you’re doing

poorly in school and are in danger of flunking out. Initially, you might use denial to block

awareness of the possibility that you could fail. If it becomes difficult to deny the obvious, you

might resort to fantasy, daydreaming about how you get perfect scores on the upcoming final

exams. Thus, defense mechanisms work their magic by bending reality in self-serving ways.

Are they conscious or unconscious? Mainstream Freudian theory originally assumed that

defenses operate entirely at an unconscious level. However, the concept of defense mech-

anisms has been broadened to include maneuvers that people may have some awareness

of. Thus, defense mechanisms operate at varying levels of awareness and can be conscious

or unconscious.

Are they normal? Definitely. Most people use defense mechanisms on a fairly regular basis. The notion that only neurotic people use defense mechanisms is inaccurate.

Can Defense Mechanisms Ever Be Healthy?

This is a complicated question. Although some defenses appear more adaptive than others

(Metzger, 2014), more often than not, the answer is no. In general, defense mechanisms are

poor ways of coping, for a number of reasons. First, defensive coping is an avoidance strategy,

and avoidance rarely provides a genuine solution to problems. In fact, Holahan and his col-

leagues (2005) found that avoidance coping is associated with increased life stressors as well as

increased depressive symptoms. Second, defenses such as denial, fantasy, and projection rep-

resent “wishful thinking,” which is likely to accomplish little. In a study of how students coped

with the stress of taking the Medical College Admissions Test (MCAT), Bolger (1990) found

that those who engaged in a lot of wishful thinking experienced greater increases in anxiety

than other students as the exam approached. Third, a defensive coping style has been related

to poor health, in part because it often leads people to delay facing up to their problems. For

example, if you were to block out obvious warning signs of diabetes and failed to obtain needed

medical care, your defensive behavior could be fatal. Although illusions may protect one from

anxiety in the short term, they can create serious problems in the long term.

That said, there is some evidence suggesting that “positive illusions” may sometimes

be adaptive for mental health (Taylor, 2011a; Taylor, 2011b). For example, Shelley Taylor

and Jonathon Brown (1988, 1994) note that “normal” (that is, nondepressed) people tend

to have overly favorable self-images. In contrast, depressed people exhibit less favorable—

but more realistic—self-concepts. Also, “normal” participants overestimate the degree to

which they control chance events. In comparison, depressed participants are less prone to

this illusion of control. Finally, “normal” individuals are more likely than their depressed

counterparts to display unrealistic optimism in making projections about the future.

As you might guess, critics have expressed considerable skepticism about the idea that

illusions are adaptive. For example, Colvin and Block (1994) make an eloquent case for the

traditional view that accuracy and realism are healthy. Moreover, they report data showing

that overly favorable self-ratings are correlated with maladaptive personality traits (Colvin,

Block, & Funder, 1995). One possible resolution to this debate is Roy Baumeister’s (1989) the-

ory that it’s all a matter of degree and that there is an “optimal margin of illusion.” According to

Baumeister, extreme self-deception is maladaptive, but small illusions may often be beneficial.

Shelley Taylor notes that positive illusions

may sometimes be adaptive for mental

health.

Coping Processes 103

Learning Objectives

■ Describe the nature of constructive

coping.

■ Distinguish among the three categories

of constructive coping.

4.3 The Nature of Constructive Coping

Our discussion thus far has focused on coping strategies that tend to be less than ideal. Of

course, people also exhibit many healthy strategies for dealing with stress. We will use the

term constructive coping to refer to efforts to deal with stressful events that are judged

to be relatively healthful. Keep in mind that even the healthiest coping responses may

turn out to be ineffective in some cases (Bonanno & Burton, 2013). The efficacy of a coping

response depends to some extent on the person, the nature of the stressful challenge, and

the context of events. Thus, the concept of constructive coping is simply meant to convey a

healthy, positive connotation, without promising success.

What makes a coping strategy constructive? Frankly, in labeling certain coping

responses constructive or healthy, psychologists are making value judgments. It’s a gray

area in which opinions will vary to some extent. Nonetheless, some consensus emerges

from the research on coping and stress management. Key themes in this literature include

the following (Kleinke, 2007):

1. Constructive coping involves confronting problems directly. It is task relevant and

action oriented.

2. Constructive coping takes conscious effort. Using such strategies to reduce stress is

an active process that involves planning.

3. Constructive coping is based on reasonably realistic appraisals of your stress

and coping resources. A little self-deception may sometimes be adaptive, but excessive

self-deception is not.

4. Constructive coping involves learning to recognize and manage potentially

disruptive emotional reactions to stress.

5. Constructive coping involves learning to exert some control over potentially

harmful or destructive habitual behaviors. It requires some behavioral self-control.

These points should give you a general idea of what we mean by constructive coping.

They will guide our discourse in the remainder of this chapter as we discuss how to cope

more effectively with stress. To organize our discussion, we will use a classification scheme

proposed by Moos and Billings (1982) to divide constructive coping techniques into three

broad categories: appraisal-focused coping (aimed at changing one’s interpretation of stress-

ful events), problem-focused coping (aimed at altering the stressful situation itself ), and

emotion-focused coping (aimed at managing potential emotional distress). Figure 4.4 shows

common coping strategies that fall under each category. It is important to note that many

strategies could fall under more than one category. For instance, one could seek social

Centers for Disease Control

and Prevention (CDC):

Managing Stress

The CDC is the federal agency charged

with monitoring and responding to

serious threats to the nation’s health as

well as taking steps to prevent illness.

Given its importance in physical health,

this site has an entire section devoted to

managing stress.

Learn More Online

Constructive Coping Tactics

Appraisal-focused strategies

Problem-focused strategies

Emotion-focused strategies

Detecting and disputing negative self-talk

Rational thinking

Using positive reinterpretation

Finding humor in the situation

Turning to religion

Active problem solving

Seeking social support

Enhancing time management

Improving self-control

Becoming more assertive

Releasing pent-up emotions

Distracting oneself

Managing hostile feelings and forgiving others

Exercising

Meditating

Using systematic relaxation procedures

Figure 4.4 Overview of constructive coping tactics. Coping tactics can be organized in several ways, but we will use the classification

scheme shown here, which consists of three

categories: appraisal-focused strategies,

problem-focused strategies, and emotion-

focused strategies. The list of coping tactics

in each category is not exhaustive. Most, but

not all, of the listed strategies are discussed

in our coverage of constructive coping.

104 C H A P T E R 4

support in order to talk through and come to a better understanding of a problem (appraisal

focused), to get practical help (problem focused), or to gain emotional support (emotion

focused). Further, these categories are not mutually exclusive. For example, tackling a prob-

lem head on can reduce unwanted negative emotions.

4.4 Appraisal-Focused Constructive Coping ■ Explain rational thinking as an appraisal-

focused coping strategy by using Ellis’s

theory of catastrophic thinking.

■ Discuss the merits of humor in coping

with stress, including the research on

different types of humor.

■ Assess positive reinterpretation and

benefit finding as appraisal-focused

coping strategies.

Learning Objectives

As we’ve seen, the experience of stress depends on how one interprets or appraises threatening

events. People often fail to appreciate the highly subjective feelings that color the perception

of threat to one’s well-being. In fact, a useful way to cope with stress is to alter your appraisal

of threatening events. In this section, we’ll examine Albert Ellis’s ideas about reappraisal and

discuss the value of using humor and positive reinterpretation to cope with stress.

Ellis’s Rational Thinking

Albert Ellis (1977, 1985, 1996, 2001b) was a prominent and influential theorist who died in

2007 at the age of 93. He believed that people could short-circuit their emotional reactions

to stress by altering their appraisals of stressful events. Ellis’s insights about stress appraisal

are the foundation for his widely used system of therapy. His rational-emotive behavior

therapy is an approach to therapy that focuses on altering clients’ patterns of irrational

thinking to reduce maladaptive emotions and behavior.

Ellis maintained that you feel the way you think. He argued that problematic emo-

tional reactions are caused by negative self-talk, which, as we mentioned earlier, he called

catastrophic thinking. Catastrophic thinking involves unrealistic appraisals of stress that

exaggerate the magnitude of one’s problems. Ellis used a simple A-B-C sequence to

explain his ideas (see Figure 4.5):

A. Activating event. The A in Ellis’s system stands for the activating event that

produces the stress. The activating event may be any potentially stressful transaction.

Examples might include a car accident, a delay while waiting in line at the bank, or a

failure to get a promotion you were expecting.

Activating event

A C

The commonsense view

Ellis’s view

Consequence

ConsequenceBelief system

Stress: Someone stands you up on a date you looked forward to.

Emotional turmoil: You feel angry, anxious, agitated, dejected.

Emotional calm: You feel annoyed and subdued but remain hopeful.

Irrational appraisal: “This is terrible. I’ll have a boring weekend. I’ll never find anyone. I must be a worthless person.”

Rational appraisal: “This is unfortunate but I’ll salvage the weekend. Someday I’ll find someone who is mature and dependable.”

Figure 4.5 Albert Ellis’s A-B-C model of emotional reactions. Most people are likely to attribute their negative emotional

reactions (C) directly to stressful events

(A). However, Ellis argues that emotional

reactions are really caused by the way

individuals think about these events (B).

Coping Processes 105

B. Belief system. B stands for your belief about the event, which represents your

appraisal of the stress. According to Ellis, people often view minor setbacks as disasters,

engaging in catastrophic thinking: “How awful this is. I can’t stand it!” “I’ll be in this line

forever.” “I’ll never get promoted.”

C. Consequence. C stands for the consequence of your negative thinking. When your

appraisals of stressful events are highly negative, the consequence tends to be emotional

distress. Thus, you feel angry, outraged, anxious, panic stricken, disgusted, or dejected.

Ellis asserts that most people do not understand the importance of phase B in this

three-stage sequence. They unwittingly believe that the activating event (A) causes the con-

sequent emotional turmoil (C). However, Ellis maintains that A does not cause C; it only

appears to do so. Instead, Ellis asserts that B causes C. Emotional distress is actually caused

by one’s catastrophic thinking in appraising stressful events, which turns inconveniences

into disasters and makes “mountains out of molehills.”

The Roots of Catastrophic Thinking

Ellis theorized that unrealistic appraisals of stress are derived from the irrational

assumptions people hold. He maintained that if you scrutinize your catastrophic think-

ing, you will find that your reasoning is based on an unreasonable premise, such as “I

must have approval from everyone” or “I must perform well in all endeavors.” These faulty

assumptions, which most people hold unconsciously, generate catastrophic thinking. To

facilitate emotional self-control, it is important to learn to spot irrational assumptions

and the unhealthy patterns of thought they generate. Here are four particularly common

irrational assumptions:

1. I must have love and affection from certain people. Everyone wants to be liked and

loved. However, many people foolishly believe that everyone they come into contact with

should like them. If you stop to think about it, that’s clearly unrealistic. In addition, people

tend to believe that if their current love relationship were to end, they would never again

be able to achieve a comparable one. This is also an unrealistic view. Such views make the

person anxious during a relationship and severely depressed if it comes to an end.

2. I must perform well in all endeavors. We live in a highly competitive society. We are

taught that victory brings happiness. Consequently, we feel that we must always perform

at our best level. However, by definition, our best level is not our typical level, and this sets

us up for inevitable frustration.

3. Other people should always behave competently and be considerate of me. People are

often angered by others’ lack of competence and selfishness. For example, you may become

outraged when a mechanic fails to fix your car properly or when a salesperson treats you

rudely. It would be nice if others were always competent and considerate, but they are not.

Yet many people go through life unrealistically expecting others’ efficiency and kindness

in every situation.

4. Events should always go the way I like. Some people simply won’t tolerate any kind

of setback. They assume that things should always go their way. For example, some com-

muters become tense and angry each time they get stuck in rush-hour traffic. They seem to

believe that they are entitled to coast home easily every day. Such expectations are clearly

unrealistic and doomed to be violated. Yet few people recognize the obvious irrationality

of the assumption unless it is pointed out to them.

Reducing Catastrophic Thinking

How can you reduce your unrealistic appraisals of stress? Ellis asserts that you must learn

(1) how to detect catastrophic thinking and (2) how to dispute the irrational assumptions

that cause it. Detection involves acquiring the ability to spot wild exaggeration in your

thinking. Examine your self-talk closely. Force yourself to verbalize your concerns, covertly

or out loud. Look for key words that often show up in catastrophic thinking, such as should,

ought, always, never, and must.

Albert Ellis maintained that you feel the way

you think and that problematic emotional

reactions are caused by negative self-talk.

The Albert Ellis Institute

Albert Ellis developed rational-emotive

behavior therapy in the mid-1950s as an

effective alternative to psychoanalytically

inspired treatment approaches. This

site demonstrates the growth of Ellis’s

approach over the subsequent decades.

The institute disseminates research and

provides public self-help workshops.

Learn More Online

106 C H A P T E R 4

Disputing your irrational assumptions requires subjecting

your entire reasoning process to scrutiny. Try to root out the

source of your catastrophic thinking—the assumptions from

which your conclusions are derived. Once these assumptions are

unearthed, their irrationality may be quite obvious. Try to replace

your catastrophic thinking with more low-key, rational analyses.

Such strategies should help you to redefine stressful situations in

ways that are less threatening.

Humor as a Stress Reducer

In the aftermath of Superstorm Sandy on the East Coast in late

2012, singer Aimee Mann performed a tongue-in-cheek song

called “Sandy” (to the tune of Barry Manilow’s “Mandy”). In a New

Orleans suburb following Hurricane Katrina, a flooded, grimy

Chevrolet pickup parked outside a shattered two-story house had

a shiny new sign: “For Sale. Like New. Runs Great.” Obviously, disas-

ters don’t destroy people’s sense of humor. When the going gets tough, finding some humor

in the situation is not uncommon and is usually beneficial.

Empirical evidence showing that humor moderates the impact of stress has been

accumulating in recent decades (Lefcourt, 2005). For instance, in one influential study,

Martin and Lefcourt (1983) found that a good sense of humor functioned as a buffer

to lessen the negative impact of stress on mood. Their results showed that high-humor

participants were less negatively affected by stress than their low-humor counterparts

were. More recently humor has been linked to increases in self-efficacy, positive mood,

and optimism, and with decreases in stress, depression, and anxiety (Crawford &

Caltabiano, 2011).

It appears that some types of humor are more effective than others in reducing

stress (Samson & Gross, 2012). Chen and Martin (2007) found that humor that is

affiliative (used to engage or amuse others) or self-enhancing (maintaining a humor-

ous perspective in the face of adversity) is related to better mental health. In con-

trast, coping through humor that is self-defeating (used at one’s own expense) or

aggressive (criticizing or ridiculing others) is related to poorer men-

tal health. In addition, McGraw and colleagues have found that the

timing of humor plays a role in how adaptive it is in reducing stress

(McGraw, Williams, & Warren, 2014). To use humor, we need to have

some psychological distance from the stressful event, especially if the

event was severe. Otherwise, attempts at humor may be perceived as

“too soon” (McGraw et al., 2012).

How does humor help reduce the effects of stress and promote

wellness? Several explanations have been proposed (see Figure 4.6).

One possibility is that humor affects appraisals of stressful events.

Jokes can put a less-threatening spin on life’s trials and tribulations.

A second possibility is that humor increases the experience of posi-

tive emotions. A study comparing types of constructive coping found

that strategies that increased positive emotions were most strongly as-

sociated with well-being (Shiota, 2006). A third hypothesis is that a

good sense of humor buffers the effects of stress by facilitating positive

social interactions, which promote social support. Studies have found

positive associations between humor and liking, even in laboratory set-

tings (Treger, Sprecher, & Erber, 2013). Finally, Lefcourt and colleagues

(1995) argue that high-humor people may benefit from not taking

themselves as seriously as low-humor people do. As they put it, “If per-

sons do not regard themselves too seriously and do not have an inflated

sense of self-importance, then defeats, embarrassments, and even

tragedies should have less pervasive emotional consequences for them”

People often turn to humor to help themselves cope during difficult

times, as this photo taken in the aftermath of a natural disaster illustrates.

Research suggests that humor can help reduce the negative impact of

stressful events.

Less threatening

appraisals of stressful

events

Increased

experience of positive

emotions Good

sense

of humor

Takes self less

seriously than others

Wellness,

reduced

effects

from stressful

life events Rewarding social

relations, greater social

support

Figure 4.6 Possible explanations for the link between humor and wellness. Research suggests that a good sense of humor buffers the effects of stress and promotes wellness. Four hypothesized

explanations for the link between humor and wellness are outlined

in the middle column of this diagram. As you can see, humor may

have a variety of beneficial effects.

W es

E rb

se n/

G et

ty Im

ag es

Coping Processes 107

(p. 375). Thus, humor is a rather versatile coping strategy that may

have many benefits.

Positive Reinterpretation

When you are feeling overwhelmed by life’s difficulties, you might try

the commonsense strategy of recognizing that “things could be worse.”

No matter how terrible your problems seem, you probably know some-

one who has even bigger troubles. That is not to say that you should

derive satisfaction from others’ misfortune, but rather that comparing

your own plight with others’ even tougher struggles can help you put

your problems in perspective. This strategy does not depend on know-

ing others who are clearly worse off. You can simply imagine yourself in

a similar situation with an even worse outcome (two broken legs after

a horseback-riding accident instead of just one). One healthy aspect of

positive reinterpretation is that it can facilitate calming reappraisals of

stress without the necessity of distorting reality. Over time this perspec-

tive can decrease the stress of the situation (Aldwin, 2007).

Another way to engage in positive reinterpretation is to search for

something good in a bad experience. Distressing though they may be,

many setbacks have positive elements. After experiencing divorces, ill-

nesses, layoffs, and the like, many people remark, “I came out of the expe-

rience better than I went in” or “I grew as a person.” Studies of victims of

natural disasters, heart attacks, romantic break-ups, and bereavement have

found an association between this type of benefit finding under duress and

relatively sound psychological and physical health (Lechner, Tennen &

Affleck, 2009; Nolen-Hoeksema & Davis, 2005; Samios, Henson, & Simpson, 2014; Stanko

et al., 2015). Of course, the positive aspects of a traumatic experience or a personal setback

may be easy to see after the stressful event is behind you. The challenge is to recognize these

positive aspects while you are still struggling with the event so that it becomes less stressful.

Problem-focused coping includes efforts to remedy or conquer the stress-producing problem

itself. This type of coping is associated with positive outcomes such as emotional growth in

times of stress (Karlsen, Dybdahl, & Vitterso, 2006) and general well-being and adjustment

(Mayordomo-Rodríguez et al., 2015; Riley & Park, 2014). In this section, we’ll discuss using

systematic problem solving, the importance of seeking help, and improving time management.

Using Systematic Problem Solving

In dealing with life’s problems, the most obvious (and often most effective) course of action

is to tackle them head on. In fact, problem solving has been linked to better psychological

adjustment, lower levels of depression, reduced alcohol use, and fewer health complaints

(Heppner & Lee, 2005). Obviously, people vary in their problem-solving skills. However,

evidence suggests that these skills can be enhanced through training (Nezu & Nezu, 2014).

With this thought in mind, we will sketch a general outline of how to engage in more sys-

tematic problem solving. The plan described here is a synthesis of observations by various

experts, especially Mahoney (1979), Miller (1978), and Chang and Kelly (1993).

Clarify the Problem

You can’t tackle a problem if you’re not sure what it is. Therefore, the first step in any system-

atic problem-solving effort is to clarify the nature of the problem. Sometimes the problem

4.5 Problem-Focused Constructive Coping Learning Objectives ■ List and describe four steps in

systematic problem solving.

■ Discuss the adaptive value of seeking

help as a coping strategy.

■ Describe how people’s time

orientation might influence their time

management.

Mark Panisi/Atlantic Features 1992 /offthemark.com

108 C H A P T E R 4

will be all too obvious. At other times the source of trouble may be quite difficult to pin

down. In any case, you need to arrive at a specific concrete definition of your problem.

Two common tendencies typically hinder people’s efforts to get a clear picture of their

problems. First, people often describe their problems in vague generalities (“My life isn’t

going anywhere” or “I never have enough time”). Second, they tend to focus too much on

negative feelings, thereby confusing the consequences of problems (“I’m so depressed all

the time” or “I’m so nervous I can’t concentrate”) with the problems themselves (“I don’t

have any friends at my new school” or “I have taken on more responsibilities that I can

realistically handle”).

Generate Alternative Courses of Action

The second step in systematic problem solving is to generate alternative courses of action.

Notice that we did not call these alternative solutions. Many problems do not have a readily

available solution that will completely resolve the situation. Instead, it is more realistic to

search for alternatives that may produce some kind of improvement in your situation.

Besides avoiding the tendency to insist on solutions, you need to avoid the temptation

to go with the first alternative that comes to mind. Many people thoughtlessly try to

follow through on the first response that occurs to them when it is wiser to engage in brain-

storming about a problem. Brainstorming is generating as many ideas as possible while

withholding criticism and evaluation. This approach facilitates creative expression of

ideas and can lead to more alternative courses of action to choose from.

Evaluate Your Alternatives and Select a Course of Action

Once you generate as many alternatives as you can, you need to start evaluating the pos-

sibilities. There are no simple criteria for judging the relative merits of your alternatives.

However, you will probably want to address three general issues. First, ask yourself whether

each alternative is realistic. In other words, what is the probability that you can successfully

execute the intended course of action? Try to think of any obstacles you may have failed to

anticipate. In making this assessment, it is important to try to avoid both foolish optimism

and unnecessary pessimism.

Second, consider any costs or risks associated with each alternative. Sometimes the

“solution” to a problem can be worse than the problem itself. Assuming you can successfully

implement your intended course of action, what are the possible negative consequences?

Third, compare the desirability of the probable outcomes of each alternative. In making

your decision, you have to ask yourself, “What is important to me? Which outcomes do I

value the most?” Through careful evaluation, you can select the best course of action.

Take Action while Maintaining Flexibility

You can plan your course of action as thoughtfully and intentionally as possible, but no

plan works if you don’t follow through with it. In so doing, try to maintain flexibility. You

need to monitor results closely and be willing to revise your strategy.

In evaluating your course of action, try to avoid the simplistic success/failure dichot-

omy. You should look for improvement of any kind. If your plan doesn’t work out too well,

consider whether it was undermined by any circumstances that you could not have antici-

pated. Finally, remember that you can learn from your failures. Even if things did not work

out, you may now have new information that will facilitate a new attack on the problem.

Seeking Help

In Chapter 3, we saw that social support is a powerful force that helps buffer the dele-

terious effects of stress and has positive effects of its own. In trying to tackle problems

directly, it pays to keep in mind the value of seeking aid from trusted friends, family, and

co-workers. So far, we have discussed social support as if it were a stable, external re-

source available to different people in varying degrees. In reality, social support fluctuates

Coping Processes 109

over time and evolves out of one’s interactions with others.

Some people have more support than others because they

have personal characteristics that attract more support or

because they make an effort to seek support.

Although the benefits of social support on mental and

physical health are well documented, there are instances

when the presence of friends or family is not experienced

as supportive. Taylor (2011a) notes that friends can some-

times increase physiological reactivity to stress and increase

evaluation apprehension. Further, there might be instances

where social support networks are intrusive or give poor

advice, or when the help offered doesn’t match the need.

Finally, merely having to ask for help might undermine

one’s sense of self, thus increasing one’s stress.

Interestingly, cultural factors, often overlooked by

researchers, seem to play an important role in what in-

dividuals see as problems and how they solve them

(Chang, 2015). This is especially true with regard to who

seeks social support (Taylor, 2011b). Taylor and col-

leagues (2004) found that Asians and Asian Americans are less likely to seek social sup-

port in times of stress than European Americans are. When examined closely, this differ-

ence appears to be rooted in cultural concerns about relationships. That is, individuals

from cultures high in collectivism (discussed in Chapter 6) are cautious about straining

relationships by calling on others for help in times of stress (Kim et al., 2006). Given

that social support is such an important resource, researchers will no doubt continue to

examine it within a cultural context.

Improving Time Management

Talk to the average person and you will discover that many of the stressors of modern

life result from a lack of time. Individuals vary in their time perspectives. Some people

are future oriented, able to see the consequences of immediate behavior for future goals,

whereas others are present oriented, focused on immediate events and not worried about

consequences. These orientations influence how people manage their time and meet their

time-related commitments. Future-oriented individuals, for example, are less likely to

procrastinate (Sirois, 2014) and are more reliable in meeting their commitments (Harber,

Zimbardo, & Boyd, 2003). Regardless of orientation, most people could benefit from more

effectively managing their time. Because it is such a crucial coping strategy, we devote the

entire application at the end of this chapter to time management.

Social support is quite helpful in dealing with stress, and the benefits of social

support on mental and physical health are well documented.

Pa ul

a C

on ne

lly /E

+/ G

et ty

Im ag

Let’s be realistic: There are going to be occasions when appraisal-focused coping and

problem-focused coping are not successful in warding off emotional turmoil. Some prob-

lems are too serious to be whittled down much by reappraisal, and others simply can’t

be “solved.” Moreover, even well-executed coping strategies may take time to work before

emotional tensions begin to subside. Therefore, we will discuss a variety of coping abilities

and strategies that relate mainly to the regulation of emotions.

Enhancing Emotional Intelligence

According to some theorists, emotional intelligence is the key to being resilient in the

face of stress. The concept of emotional intelligence was originally formulated by Peter

4.6 Emotion-Focused Constructive Coping Learning Objectives ■ Clarify the nature and value of

emotional intelligence.

■ Analyze the adaptive value of

expressing emotions.

■ Discuss the importance of managing

hostility and forgiving others’

transgressions.

■ Understand how exercise can foster

improved emotional functioning.

■ Summarize the evidence on the

adaptive value of meditation,

relaxation, and spirituality.

110 C H A P T E R 4

Salovey and John Mayer (1990). Emotional intelligence consists of the ability to perceive

and express emotion, use emotions to facilitate thought, understand and reason with

emotion, and regulate emotion. As shown in Figure 4.7, emotional intelligence includes

four essential components (Mayer, Salovey, & Caruso, 2008). First, people need to be able to

accurately perceive emotions in themselves and in others and to have the ability to express

their own emotions effectively. Second, people need to be aware of how their emotions

shape their thinking, decision making, and coping with stress. Third, people need to be able

to understand and analyze their emotions, which may often be complex and contradictory.

Fourth, people need to be able to regulate their emotions so that they can dampen negative

emotions and make effective use of positive ones.

Researchers have developed several tests to measure the concept of emotional intel-

ligence. The test that has the strongest empirical foundation is the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso

Emotional Intelligence Test (2002; 2012). The authors have strived to make this test a

performance-based measure of the ability to deal effectively with emotions rather than a

measure of personality or temperament. Results suggest that they have made considerable

progress toward this goal, as evidenced by the scale’s ability to predict intelligent manage-

ment of emotions in real-world situations (Mayer et al., 2001). It has been found to reliably

predict the quality of individuals’ social interactions (Lopes et al., 2004), leadership effec-

tiveness (Antoniou & Cooper, 2005), and mental and physical health (Martins, Ramalho, &

Morin, 2010; Schutte et al., 2007). The scale has even been adapted for other cultures (Curci

et al. 2013; Iliescu et al., 2013).

Emotional intelligence has been explored in relation to adaptive coping (Perera &

DiGiacomo, 2015). Pashang and Singh (2008) found that those high in emotional intel-

ligence were more likely to use problem-solving strategies to deal with anxiety, whereas

those with lower levels used more distraction and denial. Low emotional intelligence

has also been linked to increased worry and avoidance (Matthews et al., 2006). At

work, low emotional intelligence is related to increased burnout (Xie, 2011).

Because this construct appears to be important for general well-being, investigators

are exploring ways to cultivate emotional intelligence in classrooms, workplaces, and

counseling settings. One study found that positive emotional expression can lead to an

increase in emotional intelligence (Wing, Schutte, & Byrne, 2006). That leads us to our

next topic.

Expressing Emotions

Try as you might to redefine or resolve stressful situations, you no doubt will still go through

times when you feel wired with stress-induced tension. When this happens, there’s merit

in the commonsense notion that you should express the emotions welling up inside. Why?

Components of

emotional

intelligence

Ability to percieve

emotions in self and

in others

Awareness of how

emotions shape

thinkng, decision

making

Ability to understand

and analyze one’s

own emotions

Ability to manage

one’s own emotions

Figure 4.7 Essential components of emotional intelligence. According to Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso (2008), emotional intelligence includes four essential components. Individuals must possess each of these in

order to effectively express their own emotions and cope with negative emotions.

HelpGuide.org

HelpGuide.org promotes itself as a

“trusted non-profit guide to mental

health and well-being.” Focused on

providing information to those who

are struggling with life’s challenges,

this site provides up-to-date, practical

information on stress management,

emotional intelligence, physical activity,

and social support to name a few topics.

Learn More Online

Coping Processes 111

Because the physiological arousal that accompanies emotions can become problematic. For

example, research suggests that efforts to actively suppress emotions result in increased

stress and autonomic arousal (Butler et al., 2003; Gross, 2001). Moreover, a meta-analysis

that included more than 6500 participants found that coping by repressing negative feelings

is related to an increase in cardiovascular diseases, especially hypertension (Mund & Mitte,

2012). Note that such findings do not mean you should act aggressively (a coping strategy

of limited value discussed earlier in this chapter). Instead, our focus here is on appropriate,

healthy expression of emotions.

James Pennebaker and his colleagues have shown that emotional expression through

writing about traumatic events can have beneficial effects (Pennebaker & Ferrell, 2013). In

one study of college students, half the subjects were asked to write three essays about their

difficulties in adjusting to college. The other half wrote three essays about superficial top-

ics. The participants who wrote about their personal problems and traumas enjoyed better

health in the following months than the other subjects did (Pennebaker, Colder, & Sharp,

1990). Additionally, emotional disclosure, or “opening up,” is associated with improved

mood, more positive self-perceptions, fewer visits to physicians, and enhanced immune

functioning (Niederhoffer & Pennebaker, 2005; Smyth & Pennebaker, 2001). Smyth and

Pennebaker (1999) assert that “when people put their emotional upheavals into words, their

physical and mental health seems to improve markedly.” They conclude

that “the act of disclosure itself is a powerful therapeutic agent” (p. 70).

Figure 4.8 summarizes some guidelines for writing about personal

issues and trauma that should make this coping strategy more effective.

Managing Hostility and Forgiving Others

In 1944, when Eva Mozes was 10 years old, she and her twin sister

were subjected to life-threatening experimentation at the Auschwitz

concentration camp in Poland during World War II. She and her twin

survived, although their parents and older sisters did not. In adult-

hood, she did something almost unimaginable: she forgave the Nazis,

stating that forgiveness gave her “back the power” she lost as a victim

(Pope, 2012). One might ask: Why did she choose this route? How did

she manage to overcome the anger and hostility related to her early

experiences? In fact, researchers have shown that Eva made a good

choice, and we’ll discuss why.

adds social poise and skill, strong motivation and persistence, and some desirable personality traits, such as optimism and conscientiousness.

One can argue that Goleman’s concept of emotional intelligence is too much of a hodgepodge of traits to be measureable or meaningful, but his broad view yields a wide- ranging book that discusses numerous examples of how social finesse and emotional sensitivity can foster career success, marital satisfaction, and physical and mental health. In the course of this analysis, Goleman discusses research on a diverse array of topics in an exceptionally lucid manner. More recently, Goleman has applied this theory to the area of leadership in Leadership: The Power of Emotional Intelligence (2011) and the importance of attention in Focus: The Hidden Driver of Excellence (2015).

Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More than IQ

It’s great to see a book like this make the bestseller lists. It is a serious, scholarly, yet readable analysis of how emotional functioning is important in everyday life. Daniel Goleman is a psychologist and journalist who writes about the behavioral sciences for the New York Times. In this book, he synthesizes the research of many investigators as he argues that emotional intelligence may be more important to success than high IQ. The concept of emotional intelligence, as originally developed by Peter Salovey and John Mayer (1990), languished in relative obscurity until Goleman’s book attracted attention. He views emotional intelligence more broadly than Salovey and Mayer, who focused primarily on people’s ability to access, monitor, and express their own emotions and to interpret and understand others’ emotions. Goleman includes all of these ingredients but

Recommended Reading

by Daniel Goleman (Bantam Books, 2006)

Research shows that emotional expression through writing about

traumatic events can have beneficial effects.

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112 C H A P T E R 4

Scientists have compiled quite a bit of evidence that hostility is bad

for you. It is related to increased risk for heart attacks and other types

of illness (see Chapter 5). So how can individuals effectively regulate

negative emotions that include anger and hostility? A variety of strat-

egies can be used to decrease hostility, including positive reinterpreta-

tion of annoying events, distraction, and the kind of rational self-talk

advocated by Albert Ellis. Efforts to increase empathy and tolerance can

also contribute to hostility management, as can forgiveness, which has

become the focus of a contemporary line of research in psychology.

People tend to experience hostility and other negative emo-

tions when they feel “wronged”—that is, when they believe that

the actions of another person were harmful, immoral, or unjust.

In these cases, people’s natural inclination is either to seek revenge

or to avoid further contact with the offender (McCullough &

Witvliet, 2005). Although there is debate among researchers about

the exact definition, forgiveness involves counteracting the nat-

ural tendencies to seek vengeance or avoid an offender, thereby

releasing this person from further liability for his or her trans-

gression. Research suggests that forgiving is an effective emotion-

focused coping strategy that is associated with better adjustment

and well-being (Worthington, Soth-McNeff, & Moreno, 2007;

Gull & Rana, 2013). For example, in one study of divorced or per-

manently separated women, the extent to which the women had

forgiven their former husbands was positively related to several

measures of well-being and was inversely related to measures of

anxiety and depression (McCullough, 2001). Forgiveness not only

decreases one’s own psychological distress, it also increases one’s

empathy and positive regard for the offending person (Williamson

& Gonzales, 2007; Riek & Mania, 2012). It has even been associ-

ated with better physical health (Silton, Flannelly, & Lutjen, 2013).

Recently, researchers have begun to examine self-forgiveness. Self-

forgiveness is an emotion-focused coping strategy that involves reduc-

ing negative thoughts and emotions about oneself. Early studies indicate

that it is associated with both better physical health and psychological

well-being (Davis et al., 2015). Some psychologists caution that self-

forgiveness has limits in that it might allow individuals to continue

wrongful behaviors (Wohl & McLaughlin, 2014). The research in this

area is still new and lags behind that on forgiving others, but it is an area

that bears watching.

Exercising

There are numerous benefits to physical activity, both preventative and

therapeutic. In Chapter 5 you will learn about the effects of exercise on

health, so here we will limit our discussion to exercise as an emotion-

focused coping strategy. Physical exercise is a healthy way to deal

with overwhelming emotions related to stress (Weinstein, Lydick, &

Biswabharati, 2014). In fact, one study found that people who participated

in a 2-month program of regular exercise showed an increase in emotional

control and a decrease in emotional distress (Oaten & Cheng, 2006). Exer-

cise is an ideal coping strategy because it provides multiple coping-related

benefits: an outlet for frustration, a distraction from the stressor, and ben-

efits to physical and psychological health (Sapolsky, 2004). Although it

appears that exercise decreases the impact of stress, it could be that those

with lower stress are more likely to exercise (Stults-Kolehmainen & Sinha,

2014). Even with this caveat, however, exercise is an effective coping

Figure 4.8 Using writing about emotional experiences as a coping strategy. Many studies have shown that writing about traumatic experiences and sensitive issues can have beneficial effects on mental

and physical health. These guidelines can help you to use this coping

strategy. (Based on Gortner, Rude, & Pennebaker, 2006)

In September 1994, Reg and Maggie Green were vacationing in Italy

when their 7-year-old son, Nicholas, was shot and killed during a

highway robbery. In an act of forgiveness that stunned Europe, the

Greens chose to donate their son’s organs, which went to seven

Italians. The Greens, shown here 5 years after the incident, have

weathered their horrific loss better than most, perhaps in part because

of their willingness to forgive.

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INSTRUCTIONS FOR WRITING ABOUT PERSONAL EXPERIENCES

Plan to spend 20 minutes or so writing each day.

Try to write for three consecutive days or more.

Write about your very deepest thoughts and feelings about any

stressful or emotionally disturbing experiences going on in your

life at the moment or traumatic events from the past.

You may want to discuss how your topic is related to your rel-

ationships with others, such as parents, friends, or intimate others.

You may want to analyze how your topic relates to who you are

now or who you would like to be.

Write spontaneously; you do not need to worry about spelling or

grammar.

Keep in mind that you are writing only for yourself; this is a

private endeavor.

Coping Processes 113

strategy. In fact, psychologists are starting to question

why mental health professionals don’t recommend it

more often (Walsh, 2011).

Sapolosky (2004) asserts that to get maximal ben-

efits from physical exercise, you should engage in aero-

bic exercise (such as jogging, swimming, or bicycling)

because most of the positive effects come from this

type of exercise. You should also exercise on a regular

basis. Of course, regular exercise requires discipline

and self-control. If you are not currently as physically

active as you would like, perhaps you could use the

self-modification techniques covered in the Applica-

tion section at the end of Chapter 3 to improve your

exercise habits. Advice on devising an effective exer-

cise program can also be found in Chapter 5.

Using Meditation and Relaxation

Recent years have seen an increased interest in med-

itation as a method for regulating negative emo-

tions caused by stress. Meditation refers to a family of mental exercises in which a

conscious attempt is made to focus attention in a nonanalytical way. There are many

approaches to meditation. In the United States, the most widely practiced approaches

are those associated with yoga, Zen, transcendental meditation (TM), and mindfulness

(Chapter 16 includes a discussion of mindfulness). Relaxation is one of the benefits of

meditation, although meditation isn’t the only way to achieve relaxation.

What are the physical effects of going into a meditative state? Most studies find

decreases in participants’ heart rate, respiration rate, oxygen consumption, and carbon

dioxide elimination (Whitehouse, Orne, & Orne, 2007). Meditation has also been linked

to improvements in blood pressure (Barnes, Treiber, & Davis, 2001) and other indicators

of overall health (Schutte & Malouff, 2014). Taken together, these physical changes sug-

gest that meditation can lead to a potentially beneficial physiological state characterized by

relaxation and suppression of arousal.

What about the long-term psychological benefits that have been claimed for medita-

tion? Research suggests that meditation may have some value in reducing the effects of

stress (Walsh, 2011). In particular, regular meditation is associated with lower levels of

some stress hormones (Infante et al., 2001). Research also suggests that meditative exercises

can improve mental health by reducing anxiety and depression (Hofmann et al., 2010).

Other studies report that meditation may have beneficial effects on self-control (Teper,

Segal, & Inzlicht, 2013), mood (Johnson et al., 2015), happiness (Smith, Compton, & West,

1995), and overall well-being (Zwan et al. 2015).

Meditation might also have an influence on our behavioral choices. Condon and

colleagues (2013) studied the effects of meditation on compassion. They examined

whether participants who completed an 8-week meditation class were more likely to

offer help to someone in pain than those in a control group. As seen in Figure 4.9, med-

itation made a difference—50% of the meditators offered help while only 16% of the

control group did.

Researchers are just beginning to explore how meditation works to enhance

well-being (see Chapter 16). It appears that the effects of meditation might be due in

part to the increase in positive emotions brought on by meditative techniques (Garland

et al., 2010). In fact, Garland and colleagues (2011) suggest that meditation and positive

reappraisal of negative events mutually support each other, creating an “upward spiral”

of mental health.

After studying various approaches to meditation, Herbert Benson, a Harvard Medi-

cal School cardiologist, concluded that what makes meditation beneficial is the relaxation

Meditation group

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ho h

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Control group

Figure 4.9 The effect of meditation on helping behavior. Research demonstrates that meditation may have beneficial effects on

mood and behavior. For instance, Condon

and colleagues (2013) found that an 8-week

meditation class enhanced compassionate

responding. Participants who completed

the meditation class were more likely than

control subjects to offer their seat to a

hobbling person in pain who arrived in

a crowded room with all seats occupied.

(Based on Condon, Desbordes, Miller, &

DeSteno, 2013)

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114 C H A P T E R 4

it induces. Benson (1975) set out to devise a simple procedure that could provide similar

benefits called the “relaxation response.” To practice this response, you should sit com-

fortably with closed eyes and relaxed muscles. Breathe in through your nose, and as you

breathe out say the word one to yourself. Continue for 10 to 20 minutes. For full benefit,

the response should be practiced daily. According to Benson, four factors are critical to

effective practice of the relaxation response:

1. A quiet environment. It is easiest to induce a relaxation response in a distraction-

free environment. After you become skilled at the relaxation response, you may be able

to accomplish it in a crowded subway. Initially, however, you should practice it in a quiet,

calm place.

2. A mental device. To shift attention inward and keep it there, you need to focus it

on a constant stimulus, such as a sound or word that you recite over and over. You may

also choose to gaze fixedly at a bland object, such as a vase. Whatever the case, you need to

focus your attention on something.

3. A passive attitude. It is important not to get upset when your attention strays

to distracting thoughts. You must realize that such distractions are inevitable.

Whenever your mind wanders from your focus, calmly redirect attention to your

mental device.

4. A comfortable position. Reasonable body comfort is essential in order to avoid a

major source of potential distraction. Simply sitting up straight works well for most peo-

ple. Some people can practice the relaxation response lying down, but for most people

such a position is too conducive to sleep.

Spirituality

Experts estimate that approximately 90% of people around the globe identify with a

religion or spiritual practice (Koenig, 2004). People generally report that religious be-

liefs bring a sense of comfort in times of stress. Harold Koenig (2010, 2013), a medical

doctor and leading researcher in the field, argues that spirituality is a means of coping

with stress. Often linked with adaptive coping techniques such as social support, reap-

praisals, forgiveness, and mediation, spiritual practices are related to every aspect of

the coping process. Like other strategies, spirituality can be viewed as appraisal, prob-

lem, or emotion focused, depending on the goal. Regardless of its goal, Koenig and

his colleagues have found spiritual involvement to be linked to better physical and

mental health.

Specifically, spirituality has been linked to lowered suicide rates, reduced substance

abuse, lowered anxiety, and greater optimism. Physically, spirituality is associated with

enhanced immune functioning, lower blood pressure, reduced heart disease, and better

general health behaviors (Koenig, 2004). Evidence further suggests that religiosity is related

to self-control, an important characteristic for both physical and mental health. In an in-

novative study, Rounding and colleagues (2012) found that psychology students who were

primed to think about religion showed more self-control on a subsequent task than those

who were not (see Figure 4.10).

Researchers note that the relationship between spirituality and well-being is more com-

plex than it might appear (for a related discussion, see Chapter 16) in that it can be coun-

terproductive as a stress reducer in some instances (Weber & Pargament, 2014). Religious

involvement that focuses on punishment or guilt (as opposed to positive themes of love and

forgiveness) tends to be detrimental to mental health (Walsh, 2011). Further, struggling

with one’s spiritual beliefs can induce stress (Pargament, 2011). Still, the evidence for the

positive effects of spirituality are so strong that researchers recommend that psychologists

and physicians alike take into account the “spiritual histories” of their patients when plan-

ning therapeutic treatment (Koenig, 2004).

Now that we have looked at numerous constructive coping tactics, in the following Appli-

cation we turn to one of the most common sources of stress—poor time management—and

examine ways to use time more effectively.

1400

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

0 Religious Neutral

Type of prime

M ea

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m e

pe rs

is te

d (s

ec on

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Figure 4.10 Self-control as a function of religious priming. Evidence suggests that spirituality is related to self-control, an important

characteristic for coping with stress. Rounding

and colleagues (2012) assessed self-control by

measuring how long participants persisted in an

impossible task, in this case solving impossible

puzzles. The researchers found that psychology

students who were primed to think about

religion showed more self-control on the task

than did those who received a neutral prime.

Source: Rounding, K., Lee, A., Jacobson, J. A., & Ji, L. (2012).

Religion replenishes self-control. Psychological Science, 23(6),

635–642.

Coping Processes 115

Answer the following “yes” or “no.”

1. Do you constantly feel that you have too much to do and

too little time in which to do it?

2. Do you feel overwhelmed by your responsibilities at

work, at school, and at home?

3. Do you feel like you’re always rushing around, trying to

meet an impossible schedule?

4. Do you often procrastinate on school or work assign-

ments?

5. Do you often jump around from one task to another?

If you answered “yes” to the majority of these questions, you’re

struggling with time pressure, a huge source of stress in modern

life. You can estimate how well you manage time by responding

to the brief questionnaire in Figure 4.11. If the results suggest that

your time is out of your control, you may be able to make your

life less stressful by learning sound time-management strategies.

R. Alec Mackenzie (1997), a prominent time-management

researcher, points out that time is a nonrenewable resource. It

can’t be stockpiled like money, food, or other precious resources.

You can’t turn back the clock. Furthermore, everyone, whether

rich or poor, gets an equal share of time—24 hours per day,

7 days a week. Although time is our most equitably distributed

resource, some people spend it much more wisely than others.

Let’s look at some of the ways in which people let time slip

through their fingers without accomplishing much.

The Causes of Wasted Time

When people complain about “wasted time,” they’re usually up-

set because they haven’t accomplished what they really wanted to

do with their time. Wasted time is time devoted to unnecessary,

unimportant, or unenjoyable activities. There are many reasons

people waste time on such activities.

Inability to set or stick to priorities. Time consultant Alan Lakein

(1996) emphasizes that it’s often tempting to deal with rou-

tine, trivial tasks ahead of larger and more difficult tasks.

Thus, students (and professors for that matter) working on a

major paper often check their texts, fold the laundry, or reor-

ganize their desk instead of concentrating on the paper. Why?

Routine tasks are easy, and working on them allows people

to rationalize their avoidance of more important tasks. Unfor-

tunately, many of us spend too much time on trivial pursuits,

leaving our more important tasks undone.

Inability to say “no.” Other people are constantly making

demands on our time. They want us to exchange gossip in the

hallway, go out to dinner on Friday night, cover their hours at

work, help with a project, listen to their sales pitch on the phone,

join a committee, or coach Little League. Clearly, we can’t do

everything that everyone wants us to. However, some people

just can’t say “no” to others’ requests for their time. Such people

end up fulfilling others’ priorities instead of their own. Thus,

McDougle (1987) concludes, “Perhaps the most successful way

to prevent yourself from wasting time is by saying no” (p. 112).

Inability to delegate responsibility. Some tasks should be delegated

to others—assistants, subordinates, fellow committee members,

partners, spouses, children, and so on. However, many people

have difficulty delegating work. Barriers to delegation include

unwillingness to give up any control, lack of confidence in sub-

ordinates, fear of being disliked, the need to feel needed, and

the attitude that “I can do it better myself ” (Mitchell, 1987). The

problem, of course, is that people who can’t delegate waste a lot

of time on others’ work.

Inability to throw things away. Some people are pack rats who

can’t throw anything into the wastebasket. Their desks are clut-

tered with piles of mail, newspapers, magazines, reports, and

books. Their filing cabinets overflow with old class notes or

ancient memos. At home, their kitchen drawers bulge with rarely

used utensils and their closets bulge with old clothes that are

never worn. Pack rats lose time looking for things that have dis-

appeared among all the chaos and end up reshuffling the same

paper, rereading the same mail, resorting the same files, and so

on. According to Mackenzie (1997), they would be better off if

they made more use of their wastebaskets and recycling bins.

Inability to avoid interruptions. Our lives are full of interrup-

tions. Friends stop by when we are studying, co-workers want

4.7 Using Time More Effectively

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Explain the common causes of wasted time.

■ Identify the causes and consequences of procrastination.

■ Summarize the advice on managing time effectively.

Learning Objectives Mind Tools

This site offers practical techniques to help people deal with the world

more efficiently and effectively. It houses useful information on several

of the topics discussed in this chapter, including stress management,

time management, and effective problem solving.

Learn More Online

116 C H A P T E R 4

Figure 4.11 Assessing your time management. The brief questionnaire shown here is designed to evaluate the quality of one’s time management.

Although it is geared more for working adults than college students, it

should allow you to get a rough handle on how well you manage your time.

Source: From Le Boeuf, M. (1980, February). Managing time means managing yourself. Business

University. Used with permission.

to chat while we are working under deadlines, and family

emergencies arise whether we have time to deal with them

or not. In addition, phone calls, texts, and emails can inter-

rupt our workflow. As a result, people must protect blocks of

uninterrupted time to accomplish their goals. Turning off your

phone and shutting your door can go a long way toward protect-

ing your time.

Inability to accept anything less than perfection. To maximize

the use of one’s time, one should avoid perfectionism (Pandey

et al., 2011). High standards are admirable, but some people

have difficulty finishing projects because they expect their work

to be flawless. They are caught in what Emanuel (1987) calls the

“paralysis of perfection.” They end up spinning their wheels,

redoing the same work over and over, instead of moving on to the

next task. Perfectionism can be troublesome in many ways. For

example, it is associated with increased fatigue (Dittner, Rimes,

& Thorpe, 2011) and blood pressure (Albert, Rice, & Caffee,

2014). In a review of the literature on perfectionism, Leonard

and Harvey (2008) report that it has been linked to depression,

anxiety, job stress, substance abuse, eating disorders, interper-

sonal conflict, and procrastination, which we turn to next.

The Problem of Procrastination

Procrastination is the tendency to delay tackling tasks

until the last minute. Almost everyone procrastinates on occa-

sion. For example, 70%–90% of college students procrastinate

before beginning academic assignments (Knaus, 2000). How-

ever, research suggests that about 20% of adults are chronic

procrastinators (Ferrari, 2001). Not just a U.S. phenomenon,

this trend appears to apply to a number of cultures (Ferrari

et al., 2007). Procrastination is more likely when people have

to work on aversive tasks or when they are worried about their

performance being evaluated (Milgram, Marshevsky, & Sadeh,

1995; Senecal, Lavoie, & Koestner, 1997). Procrastination is as-

sociated with maladaptive coping and increased stress (Sirois &

Kitner, 2015).

Some people are pack rats who can’t throw anything away. Pack rats can lose

valuable time looking for things that have disappeared among all the chaos.

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HOW WELL DO YOU MANAGE YOUR TIME?

of good time management. Answer these items by circling the response

most characteristic of how you perform your job. Please be honest. No

one will know your answers except you.

1. Each day I set aside a small amount of time for planning and thinking

about my job.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

3. I make a daily “to do list,” arrange items in order of importance, and

try to get the important items done as soon as possible.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

4. I am aware of the 80/20 rule and use it in doing my job. (The 80/20

from achieving only 20 percent of your goals.)

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

5. I keep a loose schedule to allow for crises and the unexpected.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

6. I delegate everything I can to others.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

7. I try to handle each piece of paper only once.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

8. I eat a light lunch so I don’t get sleepy in the afternoon.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

meetings, telephone calls) from continually disrupting my work day.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

10. I am able to say no to others’ requests for my time that would prevent

my completing important tasks.

0. Almost never 1. Sometimes 2. Often 3. Almost always

To get your score, give yourself

3 points for each “almost always”

2 points for each “often”

1 point for each “sometimes”

0 points for each “almost never”

Add up your points to get your total score.

If you scored

0–15 Better give some thought to managing your time.

15–20 You’re doing okay, but there’s room for improvement.

20–25 Very good.

25–30 You cheated!

Coping Processes 117

Why do people procrastinate? Procrastinators tend to focus

less on the future (Sirois, 2014). In a review of the literature Steel

(2007) found that procrastination was strongly related to low

self-efficacy, low conscientiousness, lack of self-control, poor

organization, low achievement motivation, and high distracti-

bility. The type of irrational thinking described by Albert Ellis

seems to foster procrastination (Bridges & Roig, 1997), as does a

strong fear of failure (Chow, 2011; Krause & Freund, 2014) and

excessive perfectionism (Flett, Hewitt, & Martin, 1995; Rice,

Richardson, & Clark, 2012).

Other factors besides personality can affect procrastination.

Schraw and colleagues (2007) identified six general principles

related to academic procrastination, including these three:

1. Desire to minimize time on a task. As you know, the

modern student is busy—studying, working, socializing, and

maintaining a personal life. Time is at a premium. Sometimes

delaying as much academic work as possible seems to be a way

to safeguard some personal time. As one student reported, “The

truth is, I just don’t have time not to procrastinate. If I did every-

thing the way it could be done, I wouldn’t have a life” (Schraw

et al., 2007, p. 21).

2. Desire to optimize efficiency. Procrastination can be

viewed as allowing one to be optimally efficient, concentrating

academic work into focused time frames. Students reported

that being pressed for time means that there is less opportunity

for busywork, boredom, or false starts.

3. Close proximity to reward. Students often procrastinate be-

cause they are rewarded for it. By putting off academic work until

the last minute, students not only get more immediate feedback

(the grade), but they also get a sudden release of stress. In this way,

procrastination is similar to other thrill-seeking behaviors.

Although many people rationalize their delaying tactics

by claiming that “I work best under pressure” (Ferrari, 1992;

Lay, 1995), the empirical evidence suggests otherwise. Studies

show that procrastination tends to have a negative impact on

the quality of task performance (Ferrari, Johnson, & McCown,

1995) and is negatively associated with academic performance

(Kim & Seo, 2015). In fact, Britton and Tesser (1991) found that

time management was a better predictor of college GPA than

SAT scores! Procrastinators may often underestimate how much

time will be required to complete a task effectively, or they ex-

perience unforeseen delays and then run out of time because

they didn’t allow any “cushion.” Another consideration is that

waiting until the last minute may make a task more stressful—

and while the release of this built-up stress might be exciting,

performance often declines under conditions of high stress

(as we saw in Chapter 3). Moreover, work quality may not be

the only thing that suffers when people procrastinate. Studies

indicate that as a deadline looms, procrastinators tend to

experience elevated anxiety and increased health problems (Tice

& Baumeister, 1997).

People who struggle with procrastination often impose dead-

lines and penalties on themselves. This practice can be helpful, but

self-imposed deadlines are not as effective as externally imposed

ones. Let’s discuss some effective ways to manage your time.

Time-Management Techniques

What’s the key to better time management? Most people as-

sume that it’s increased efficiency—that is, learning to perform

tasks more quickly. Improved efficiency may help a little, but

time-management experts maintain that efficiency is overrated.

They emphasize that the key to better time management is

increased effectiveness—that is, learning to allocate time to your

most important tasks. This distinction is captured by a widely

quoted slogan in the time-management literature: “Efficiency is

doing the job right, while effectiveness is doing the right job.”

Here are some suggestions for using your time more effectively

(based on Lakein, 1996; Mackenzie, 1997; Morgenstern, 2000).

1. Monitor your use of time. The first step toward better

time management is to monitor your use of time to see where

it all goes. Doing so requires keeping a written record of your

activities, similar to that shown in Figure 4.12. At the end of each

week, you should analyze how your time was allocated. Based

on your personal roles and responsibilities, create categories of

time use such as studying, child care, housework, commuting,

working at the office, working at home, going online, spend-

ing time with friends, eating, and sleeping. For each day, add

up the hours devoted to each category. Record this informa-

tion on a summary sheet like that in Figure 4.13. Two weeks

of recordkeeping should allow you to draw some conclusions

about where your time goes. Your records will help you make

informed decisions about reallocating your time. When you

begin your time-management program, these records will also

give you a baseline for comparison so you can see whether your

program is working.

2. Clarify your goals. You can’t wisely allocate your time

unless you decide what you want to accomplish. Some people

lack goals to guide their time, while others have so many goals

it is impossible to meet them all. For short-term goals (such

as finishing a term paper or completing a house project) set

smaller priorities that will lead to the desired outcome, and

then stick to them. Be sure they are realistic. For longer-term

goals, Lakein (1996) suggests that you ask yourself, “What are

my lifetime goals?” Write down all the goals you can think of,

even relatively frivolous things like going deep-sea fishing or

becoming a wine expert. Some of your goals will be in conflict.

For instance, you can’t become a vice president at your com-

pany in Wichita and still move to the West Coast. Thus, the

tough part comes next. You have to wrestle with your goal con-

flicts. Figure out which goals are most important to you, and

then order them in terms of priority. These priorities should

guide you as you plan your activities on a daily, weekly, and

monthly basis.

3. Plan your activities using a schedule. People resist plan-

ning because it takes time, but in the long run planning saves

time. Thorough planning is essential to effective time man-

agement. At the beginning of each week, you should make

a list of short-term goals. This list should be translated into

daily “to do” lists of planned activities. To avoid the tendency

to put off larger projects, break them into small, manageable

118 C H A P T E R 4

7 a.m.

1 p.m.

1 a.m.

12 noon

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday

Wake-u p,

joggin g,

showe r,

breakfa st

with fa mily

Sleep in Sleep in

Bus to campus

lunch lunch lunch lunch

Medical

Anthropo logy

Medical Anthropology

Biology

seminar

Dinner at home

Dinner out with Vic

Spend time with Vic and kids

Guitar lesson

Spend time with Vic and kids

Reading

and jour nal

Sleep

Practice guitar

Women’s meeting

Band

rehears al

Party at

Reid’s

Call mother

Watch TV

Pick up babysitter

Molly to

daycare Molly to daycare

Prepare lecture

Walk at b

each

with Vic

Waf family. Read Sunday paper

Teach class

Clean house

lunch an d

shoppin g

with

Barbara

Lab work writing at home

pick up Molly at daycare

writing at home

Work in garden

Hiking

and picnic

with family

and Tom

writing at home

Grocery shopping

Drive Florrie to piano lesson

Molly to dentist

Figure 4.12 Example of a time log. Experts recommend keeping a detailed record of how you use your time if you are to improve your time management. This example shows the kind of recordkeeping that should

be done.

components and set deadlines for completing the compo-

nents. Your planned activities should be allocated to various

time slots on a written schedule. Schedule your most important

activities into the time periods when you tend to be most ener-

getic and productive.

4. Protect your prime time. The best-laid plans can quickly

go awry because of interruptions. There isn’t any foolproof way

to eliminate interruptions, but you may be able to shift most

of them into certain time slots while protecting your most

productive time. Reply to emails, texts, and phone messages at

scheduled times, perhaps once in the morning and once in the

later afternoon. The trick is to announce to your family, friends,

and co-workers that you’re blocking off certain periods of “quiet

time” when visitors and phone calls will be turned away. Of

course, you also have to block off periods of “available time”

when you’re ready to deal with everyone’s problems.

5. Increase your efficiency. Although efficiency is not the key

to better time management, it’s not irrelevant. Time-management

Coping Processes 119

Figure 4.13 Time use summary. To analyze where your time goes, you need to review your time log and create a weekly time use summary like the one shown here. The exact categories to be listed on

the left depend on your circumstances and responsibilities.

experts do offer some suggestions for improving efficiency,

including the following (Klassen, 1987; Schilit, 1987):

● Handle paper once. When emails, letters, reports, and

such cross your desk, they should not be stashed away to

be read again and again before you deal with them. Most

paperwork can and should be dealt with immediately. ● Tackle one task at a time. Jumping from one problem

to another is inefficient. As much as possible, stick with

a task until it’s done. In scheduling your activities, try to

allow enough time to complete tasks. ● Group similar tasks together. It’s a good idea to bunch

up small tasks that are similar. This strategy is useful when

you’re paying bills, replying to emails, returning phone

calls, and so forth.

● Make use of your downtime. Most of us endure a lot of

“downtime,” such as when we are waiting in doctors’ offices,

sitting in needless meetings, or riding on buses and trains. In

many of these situations, you may be able to get some of your

easier work done—if you think ahead and bring it along.

6. Build in some time to relax. Everyone needs time to

recharge his or her batteries. Taking time to relax and engage

in healthy, enjoyable activities can help individuals be more

effective when work time rolls around.

It’s not an easy skill to learn, but in today’s fast-paced world,

time management is crucial. By following the tips provided here

and getting your tasks under control, you can avoid stress down

the road.

TIME USE SUMMARY FORM

Activity Mon. Tues. Wed. Thurs. Fri. Sat. Sun. Total %

1. Sleeping 8 6 8 6 8 7 9 52 31

2. Eating 2 2 3 2 3 2 3 17 10

3. Commuting 2 2 2 2 2 0 0 10 6

4. Housework 0 1 0 3 0 0 2 6 4

5. In class 4 2 4 2 4 0 0 16 9

6. Part-time job 0 5 0 5 0 3 0 13 8

7. Studying 3 2 4 2 0 4 5 20 12

8. Relaxing 5 4 3 2 7 8 5 34 20

10.

120 C H A P T E R 4

C H A P T E R 4 Review Key Ideas

4.1 The Concept of Coping ● Coping involves behavioral efforts to master, reduce, or tolerate the

demands created by stress. People cope with stress in many ways, and flexibility is important when choosing a strategy. Coping strategies vary in their adaptive value.

4.2 Common Coping Patterns of Limited Value ● Giving up, possibly best understood in terms of learned helplessness,

is a common coping pattern that tends to be of limited value. Another is engaging in aggressive behavior. Frequently caused by frustration, aggression tends to be counterproductive because it often creates new sources of stress. There is no evidence that acting aggressive can be cathartic.

● Indulging oneself is a common coping strategy that is not inherently unhealthy, but it is frequently taken to excess and thus becomes maladaptive. Stress-induced eating, compulsive shopping, and Internet addiction are common forms of self-indulgence. Blaming yourself with negative self-talk can also be quite counterproductive.

● Defensive coping is common and may involve any of a number of defense mechanisms. However, the adaptive value of defensive coping tends to be less than optimal. Although some illusions may be healthful, extreme forms of self-deception are maladaptive.

4.3 The Nature of Constructive Coping ● Constructive coping involves efforts to deal with stress that are judged

as relatively healthful. Constructive coping is action oriented, effortful, and realistic. It involves managing emotions and self-control.

4.4 Appraisal-Focused Constructive Coping ● Appraisal-focused constructive coping depends on altering appraisals

of threatening events. Ellis maintains that catastrophic thinking causes problematic emotional reactions. He asserts that catastrophic thinking can be reduced by digging out the irrational assumptions that cause it.

● Evidence indicates that the use of humor can reduce the negative effects of stress through a variety of mechanisms. Positive reinterpretation and benefit finding are also valuable strategies for dealing with some types of stress.

4.5 Problem-Focused Constructive Coping ● Systematic problem solving can be facilitated by following a four-

step process: (1) clarify the problem, (2) generate alternative courses of action, (3) evaluate your alternatives and select a course of action, and (4) take action while maintaining flexibility.

● A problem-focused coping tactic with potential value is seeking help. There appear to be cultural differences regarding who seeks social support. Improving time management can also aid problem-focused coping.

4.6 Emotion-Focused Constructive Coping ● Emotional intelligence may help people to be more resilient in the

face of stress. Inhibition of emotions appears to be associated with increased health problems. Thus, it appears that appropriate emotional expression is adaptive.

● Research suggests that it is wise for people to learn how to manage their feelings of hostility. New evidence also suggests that forgiving people for their offenses is healthier than nursing grudges.

● Exercise is a healthy way to deal with emotional distress. Physical activity provides an outlet for frustration, can distract one from the stress, and is related to improved physical and mental health.

● Meditation can be helpful in soothing emotional turmoil. Meditation is associated with lower levels of stress hormones, improved mental health, and other indicators of wellness. Relaxation procedures, such as listening to soothing music or Benson’s relaxation response, can be effective in reducing troublesome emotional arousal.

● Spiritual practices are related to every part of the coping process. Spirituality is related to better physical and mental health outcomes. This relationship is complex in that religious involvement can increase stress under some circumstances.

4.7 Application: Using Time More Effectively ● There are many causes of wasted time, including the inability to stick

with priorities, to say no, to delegate, to throw things away, to avoid interruption, and to accept anything less than perfection. Procrastination tends to have a negative impact on the quality of work, so it is helpful to avoid this common tendency.

● Effective time management doesn’t depend on increased efficiency so much as on setting priorities and allocating time wisely. Engaging in sound time-management techniques can reduce time-related stress.

Herbert Benson pp. 113–114 Albert Ellis pp. 104–105 Sigmund Freud pp. 101–102

James Pennebaker p. 111 Martin Seligman pp. 96–97 Shelley Taylor p. 102

Key People

Key Terms

Aggression p. 97 Brainstorming p. 108 Catastrophic thinking p. 104 Catharsis p. 98 Constructive coping p. 103 Coping p. 95 Defense mechanisms p. 101 Emotional intelligence p. 110

Forgiveness p. 112 Internet addiction p. 100 Learned helplessness p. 96 Meditation p. 113 Procrastination p. 116 Rational-emotive behavior

therapy p. 104

Coping Processes 121

C H A P T E R 4 Practice Test 8. Research by James Pennebaker and his colleagues suggests that

wellness is promoted by a. depending on more mature defense mechanisms. b. strong self-criticism. c. writing about one’s traumatic experiences. d. inhibiting the expression of anger.

9. Which of the following is an emotion-focused coping strategy that provides an outlet for frustration, a distraction from the stressor, and benefits to physical and psychological health? a. Systematic problem solving b. Defensive coping c. Benefit finding d. Exercise

10. Research supports which of the following assertions about procrastination? a. Procrastination is associated with adaptive coping. b. Procrastinators tend to focus less on the future than

nonprocrastinators. c. Procrastination is less likely for aversive tasks than pleasant

ones.

d. Procrastinators work best under pressure.

1. Which of the following assertions about the cathartic effects of media violence is supported by research? a. Playing violent video games is related to increased

aggression. b. Playing violent video games releases pent-up hostility. c. Playing violent video games is related to increased prosocial

behavior. d. Playing violent video games decreases physiological arousal.

2. Richard feels sure that he failed his calculus exam and that he will have to retake the course. He is very upset. When he gets home, he orders a jumbo-size pizza and drinks two six-packs of beer. Richard’s behavior illustrates which of the following coping strategies? a. Catastrophic thinking b. Defensive coping c. Self-indulgence d. Positive reinterpretation

3. Defense mechanisms involve the use of __________ to guard

against negative __________. a. self-deception, behaviors b. self-deception, emotions c. self-denial, behaviors d. self-denial, emotions

4. When studying defensive illusions, Taylor and Brown found

that “normal” people’s self-images tend to be __________;

depressed people’s tend to be __________. a. accurate, inaccurate b. less favorable, more favorable c. overly favorable, more realistic d. more realistic, overly favorable

5. According to Albert Ellis, people’s emotional reactions to life events result mainly from a. their arousal level at the time. b. their beliefs about events. c. congruence between events and expectations. d. the consequences following events.

6. Brainstorming is associated with which of the following appraisal-focused coping strategies? a. Systematic problem solving b. Catastrophic thinking c. Positive reinterpretation d. Self-enhancing humor

7. Wanda works at a software firm. Today, her boss unfairly blamed her for the fact that a new program is way behind schedule. The unjustified public criticism embarrassed Wanda. Later that evening, she went for a long run to get her anger under control. Wanda is engaging in which category of coping? a. Self-focused coping b. Appraisal-focused coping c. Problem-focused coping d. Emotion-focused coping

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 4.1 Self-Assessment: Barnes-Vulcano Rationality Test

Exercise 4.2 Self-Reflection: Analyzing Coping Strategies

Answers 1. a Page 98 2. c Page 99 3. b Page 101 4. c Page 102 5. b Page 104

6. a Page 108 7. d Page 109 8. c Page 111 9. d Page 112

10. b Page 117

C H A P T E R 5 Psychology and Physical Health

5.1 Stress, Personality, and Illness

Personality, Emotions, and Heart Disease

Stress and Cancer

Stress and Other Diseases

Stress and Immune Functioning

Conclusions

5.2 Habits, Lifestyles, and Health

Smoking

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Quitting Smoking: Do Monetary Incentives Work?

Drinking

Overeating

Poor Nutrition

RECOMMENDED READING The Longevity Project by Howard S. Friedman and Leslie R. Martin

Lack of Exercise

Behavior and AIDS

5.3 Reactions to Illness

The Decision to Seek Treatment

The Sick Role

Communicating with Health Providers

Adherence to Medical Advice

5.4 APPLICATION: Understanding the Effects of Drugs

Drug-Related Concepts

Narcotics

Sedatives

Stimulants

Hallucinogens

Marijuana

Ecstasy (MDMA)

Review

Practice Test

Rocketclips, Inc./Shutterstock.com

the tip of the health iceberg. Psychological and social fac-

tors also contribute to many other, less serious maladies,

such as headaches, insomnia, backaches, skin disorders,

asthma, and ulcers.

Interestingly, there are also rising death rates linked to

Alzheimer’s disease and Parkinson’s disease, yet these are not

directly linked to behavioral or lifestyle causes (Kung et al.,

2008). Instead, the increased lifespan of an expanding older

population receiving quality health care, in part, accounts

for the higher mortality rates linked to Alzheimer’s and

Parkinson’s. How so? As people are enjoying significantly

longer lifespans than in past generations, these and other

diseases linked to aging are becoming more common.

In light of these trends, it is not surprising that the way

we think about illness is changing. Traditionally, illness has

been thought of as a purely biological phenomenon produced

by an infectious agent or some internal physical breakdown

in the body (Papas, Belar, & Rozensky, 2004). However, the

shifting patterns of disease and new findings relating stress

to physical illness have rocked the foundation of the tradi-

tional biological model. In its place a new model has gradu-

ally emerged (Leventhal, Musumeci, & Leventhal, 2006). The

biopsychosocial model holds that physical illness is caused

by a complex interaction of biological, psychological, and

sociocultural factors. This model does not suggest that bio-

logical factors are unimportant. Rather, it simply asserts that

biological factors operate in a psychosocial context that can

also be highly influential. Medical and psychological profes-

sionals who adhere to the biopsychosocial model also focus

on other factors, including cultural values and ethnicity, that

can affect the ways individuals think about and deal with

chronic illness, especially where interactions with health-

care providers and adherence to treatments are concerned

(Ogedegbe, Schoenthaler, & Fernandez, 2007; Rakel et al.,

2011). Figure 5.1 illustrates how the three factors in the bio-

psychosocial model affect one another and, in turn, health.

The growing recognition that psychological factors in-

fluence physical health led to the development of a new

specialty within psychology (Leventhal et al., 2008). Health

psychology is concerned with how psychosocial factors re-

late to the promotion and maintenance of health and with

the causation, prevention, and treatment of illness. This

specialty is relatively young, having emerged in the late

1970s. In this chapter we focus on the rapidly growing do-

main of health psychology (Suls, Davidson, & Kaplan, 2010).

J amal is a fairly typical student. He carries a full course

load, works a part-time job, and plans to pursue a

challenging career in nursing. He hopes to work

in a hospital for a few years before enrolling in grad-

uate school. Right now, however, his life is regu-

lated by work: homework, a part-time job, and more

school-related work in the wards of the teaching hos-

pital where he learns the science and practice of nurs-

ing. In a typical semester, Jamal feels under control for

the first couple weeks, but then his work piles up: tests,

papers, reading, appointments, labs, and so on. He feels

anxious and stressed. Instead of getting 8 full hours of sleep,

Jamal often gets by with much less. Fast food becomes a

familiar and necessary comfort—he doesn’t have time to

prepare, let alone eat, healthy and well-balanced meals.

His regular exercise routine at the gym often gives way to

other time commitments. Sometimes he smokes to relieve

his tension, a habit he gave up when he came to college. On

the rare occasion he does take a break, it tends to involve

watching television or texting with his girlfriend, who

attends another school. By the end of the term, he is tense,

tired, and run down. In fact, Jamal usually celebrates the

end of the semester by getting sick rather than having

relaxing times with his friends and family. And then this

unfortunate cycle repeats itself the next semester.

Are you at all like Jamal? How often do you become ill

in a typical semester? Do you begin strong and healthy but

feel worn out and frayed by the end? If you are like many

students, your lifestyle has a close connection to your health

and well-being. Research now demonstrates quite clearly that

health is affected by social and psychological factors as well

as biological ones. In other words, health is affected not just

by germs or viruses but also by the behavioral choices people

make and the lives they lead.

Consider how the leading causes of mortality have

changed from the start of the twentieth century to the early

twenty-first century. In the United States in 1900, for example,

cancer caused 3.7% of the recorded deaths, whereas in 2005

cancer led to 22.8% of recorded deaths (Kung et al., 2008). Over

the same time period, heart disease rose from 6.2% to 26.6%.

How do we explain the dramatic increases? Certainly, our life

span has increased (in 1900, life expectancy was 47.3 years and

for a child born in 2015 it is more than 78; U.S. Bureau of the

Census, 2015), but that alone is not a sufficient explanation for

the greater incidence of cancer and heart disease.

More than any other time in history, people’s health is

likely to be compromised by chronic diseases—conditions

developing across many years—rather than by contagious

diseases, those caused by specific infectious agents (such

as measles, pneumonia, or tuberculosis). Moreover, life-

style and stress play a much larger role in the development

of chronic diseases than they do in contagious diseases.

Today, the three leading chronic diseases (heart disease,

cancer, and stroke) account for almost 60% of all deaths in

the United States, and these mortality statistics reveal only

Psychology and Physical Health 123

healthfinder

Through the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, the

government has opened an ambitious online gateway to consumer-

oriented information about health in all its aspects. Annotated

descriptions are available for all resources identified in no-cost

searches of this database.

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124 C H A P T E R 5

For example, health psychologists are interested in how being

part of an ethnic group affects health. Figure 5.2 identifies

the ten leading causes of death among four ethnic groups in

the United States. As you can see, no two of the groups have

identical profiles regarding causes of death. Some causes do

not even appear on the list for each group, a fact that empha-

sizes the influence that ethnicity—shared national or cultural

traditions—may have on mortality. As we will see, there are

many factors that determine people’s health.

The chapter’s first section analyzes the link between stress

and illness. The second section examines common health-

impairing habits, such as smoking and overeating. The third

section discusses how people’s reactions to illness can affect

their health. The Application expands on one particular type

of health-impairing habit: the use of recreational drugs. ■

Figure 5.2 Ten leading causes of death for four ethnic groups in the United States. This figure shows the rankings of the ten

leading causes of death for European

Americans (Whites), Hispanic Americans,

African Americans (Blacks), and Asian

Americans. Note that a * indicates that this

particular disease is not among ten leading

causes of death for this ethnic group. As you

can see, mortality varies with ethnicity.

Source: Adapted from Table 1.1, page 6, in Brannon, L.,

Feist, J., & Updegraff, J. A. (2014). Health Psychology:

An Introduction to Behavior and Health. Belmont, CA:

Wadsworth Cengage Learning. [Original source: Heron,

M. (2011). Deaths: Leading causes for 2007. National Vital

Statistics Reports, 59(8), Tables E and F.]

Figure 5.1 The biopsychosocial model. Whether one’s health is good or bad, the biopsychosocial model assumes that health is not just attributable

to biological processes. According to this increasingly influential view,

one’s physical health depends on interactions among biolgical factors,

psychological factors, and social system factors. Some key factors in

each category are depicted here.

Stress

Immune response

Social (system) factors

Biological factors

Psychological (behavioral)

factors

Health education

Pollution control

Infectious agents

Environ- mental toxins

Genetic predis-

position Physio- logical

reactivity

Coping tactics

Personality

Physical health and illness

Eu ge

ni aF

F/ S

hu tt

er st

oc k.

co m

Medical care

Reactions to illness

Health- related habits

Sanitation

Social support

TEN LEADING CAUSES OF DEATH FOR FOUR ETHNIC GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES, 2007

European

Americans

Hispanic

Americans

African

Americans

Asian

Americans

Heart disease 1 1 1 2

Cancer 2 2 2 1

Chronic lower respiratory

disease

3 7 8 7

Stroke 4 4 3 3

Unintentional injuries 5 3 4 4

Alzheimer’s disease 6 * * 10

Diabetes 7 5 5 5

8 10 * 6

Kidney disease 9 * 7 9

Suicide 10 * * 8

Septicemia * * 10 *

Chronic liver disease * 6 * *

Homicide * 8 6 *

HlV * * 9 *

Conditions originating in

perinatal period

* 9 * *

Psychology and Physical Health 125

5.1 Stress, Personality, and Illness

What does it mean to say that personality can affect wellness? A guiding assumption is

that a person’s characteristic demeanor can influence his or her physical health (Friedman

& Martin, 2011; Hill & Gick, 2011). As noted in Chapter 2, personality is made up of the

unique grouping of behavioral traits that a person exhibits consistently across situations.

Thus, an individual who is chronically grumpy, often hostile toward others, and routinely

frustrated is more likely to develop an illness and perhaps even to die earlier than some-

one who is emotionally open, is routinely warm and friendly toward others, and leads a

balanced life (Friedman, 2007). Of course, the link between personality and disease is

somewhat more complex, but nonetheless real (Kern & Friedman, 2011a, b). We begin with

a look at heart disease, far and away the leading cause of death in North America.

Personality, Emotions, and Heart Disease

As noted earlier, heart disease accounts for nearly 27% of the deaths in the United States

every year. Coronary heart disease results from a reduction in blood flow through the

coronary arteries, which supply the heart with blood. This type of heart disease causes

about 90% of heart-related deaths. Atherosclerosis is the principal cause of coronary

disease (American Heart Association, 2012). Atherosclerosis is a gradual narrowing of

the coronary arteries, usually caused by a buildup of fatty deposits and other debris on the

inner walls (see Figure 5.3). Atherosclerosis progresses slowly over many years. Narrowed

coronary arteries may eventually lead to situations in which the heart is temporarily

deprived of adequate blood flow, causing a condition known as myocardial ischemia. This

ischemia may be accompanied by brief chest pain, called angina, as well as shortness of

breath. If a coronary artery is blocked completely (by a blood clot, for instance), the abrupt

interruption of blood flow can produce a full-fledged heart attack, or myocardial infarction.

Established risk factors for coronary disease include smoking, diabetes, high choles-

terol levels, and high blood pressure (Fukushima et al., 2012). Smoking and diabetes are

somewhat stronger risk factors for women than for men (Stoney, 2003). Contrary to pub-

lic perception, cardiovascular diseases—those related to the heart and blood vessels—kill

women just as much as men (Liewer et al., 2008), but these diseases tend to emerge in

women about 10 years later than in men, presumably due to both physiology and lifestyle

(Pilote et al., 2007).

Recently, attention has shifted to the possibility that inflammation may contribute

to atherosclerosis and elevated coronary risk. Evidence is mounting that the swelling and

reddening of arteries in the heart plays a key role in the initiation and

progression of atherosclerosis, as well as the acute complications that

trigger heart attacks (Abi-Saleh et al., 2008). The presence of stress,

anxiety, and depression, too, can be related to inflammation (Shen et al.,

2008; Whang et al., 2009).

Hostility and Coronary Risk

In the 1960s and 1970s a pair of cardiologists, Meyer Friedman and Ray

Rosenman (1974), were investigating the causes of coronary disease.

Originally, they were interested in the usual factors thought to produce

a high risk of heart attack: smoking, obesity, physical inactivity, and so

forth. Although they found these factors to be important, they eventu-

ally recognized that a piece of the puzzle was missing. Many people who

smoked constantly, got little exercise, and were severely overweight still

managed to avoid the ravages of heart disease. Meanwhile, others who

seemed to be in much better shape with regard to these risk factors ex-

perienced the misfortune of a heart attack. What was their explanation

Learning Objectives

■ Describe the Type A personality and its

link to hostility and heart disease.

■ Summarize evidence relating emotional

reactions and depression to heart

disease.

■ Discuss the evidence linking stress to

cancer, various diseases, and immune

functioning.

■ Evaluate the strength of the relationship

between stress and illness.

Cholesterol, fatty deposits, and cellular debris

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 5.3 Atherosclerosis. Atherosclerosis, a narrowing of the coronary arteries, is the principal cause of coronary disease. (a) A normal

artery. (b) Fatty deposits, cholesterol, and cellular debris on the walls

of the artery have narrowed the path for blood flow. (c) Advanced

atherosclerosis. In this situation, a blood clot might suddenly block

the flow of blood through the artery.

126 C H A P T E R 5

for these perplexing findings? Stress! Specifically, they identified an apparent connection

between coronary risk and a pattern of behavior they called the Type A personality, which

involves self-imposed stress and intense reactions to stress (Allan, 2011).

Friedman and Rosenman divided people into two basic types (Friedman, 1996;

Rosenman, 1993). The Type A personality includes three elements: (1) a strong compet-

itive orientation, (2) impatience and time urgency, and (3) anger and hostility. In con-

trast, the Type B personality is marked by relatively relaxed, patient, easygoing, amicable

behavior. Type A’s are ambitious, hard-driving perfectionists who are exceedingly time con-

scious. They routinely try to do several things at once. They fidget frantically over the briefest

delays, are concerned with numbers, and often focus on the acquisition of material objects.

They tend to be highly competitive, achievement-oriented workaholics who drive them-

selves with many deadlines. They are easily aggravated and get angry quickly. In contrast,

Type B’s are less hurried, less competitive, and less easily angered than Type A’s, and there

is some evidence that Type B’s engage in more preventive and less risky behaviors when

facing stress (Korotkov et al., 2011).

Decades of research uncovered a tantalizingly modest correlation between Type A

behavior and increased coronary risk. More often than not, studies found an association

between Type A personality and an elevated incidence of heart disease, but the findings

were not as strong or as consistent as expected (Smith & Gallo, 2001). However, in recent

years, researchers have found a stronger link between personality and coronary risk by

focusing on a specific component of the Type A personality: anger and hostility (Lampert,

2010). Hostility refers to a persistent negative attitude marked by cynical, mistrusting

thoughts, feelings of anger, and overtly aggressive actions. In fact, an early researcher

interested in hostility argued that individuals who use anger as a response for dealing with

interpersonal problems were at an elevated risk for heart disease (Chida & Steptoe, 2009).

For example, in one study of almost 13,000 men and women who had no prior history of

heart disease, investigators found an elevated incidence of heart attacks among participants

who exhibited an angry temperament (Williams et al., 2000). The participants, who were

followed for a median period of 4.5 years, were classified as being low (37.1%),

moderate (55.2%), or high (7.7%) in anger. Among those with normal blood

pressure, the high-anger subjects experienced almost three times as many cor-

onary events as the low-anger subjects (see Figure 5.4). Bear in mind that anger

and hostility are not the only negative emotions that influence heart disease.

Other negative emotions, such as fear or anxiety, are also linked to cardiac

events (Betensky, Contrada, & Glass, 2012).

Why are anger and hostility associated with coronary risk? There are

several reasons. First, let’s be clear about some distinctions between these two

responses. Anger is an unpleasant emotion that is accompanied by physiologi-

cal arousal, whereas hostility involves a social component—a negative attitude

and often reaction toward others (Suls & Bunde, 2005). People cannot avoid

experiencing anger in their lives, however, which means it may be less of a risk

factor in the development of heart disease. The manner in which individuals

deal with their anger, though, may be quite consequential, creating a link to

hostility toward others. Research has uncovered a number of possible explana-

tions linking anger and hostility (see Figure 5.5). First, anger-prone individuals

appear to exhibit greater physiological reactivity than those lower in hostility

(Smith & Gallo, 1999). The frequent ups and downs in heart rate and blood

pressure may create wear and tear in their cardiovascular systems.

Second, hostile people probably create additional stress for themselves

(Smith, 2006). For example, their quick anger may provoke many arguments

and conflicts with others, including friends and family members. Consistent

with this line of thinking, Smith and colleagues (1988) found that subjects high

in hostility reported more hassles, more negative life events, more marital con-

flict, and more work-related stress than subjects who were lower in hostility.

Third, thanks to their antagonistic ways of relating to others, hostile indi-

viduals tend to have less social support than others (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2008).

3.5

3.0

2.5

2.0

1.5

1.0

0.5

Anger level

Re la

ti ve

ri sk

o f c

or on

ar y

ev en

Low Moderate High

Figure 5.4 Anger and coronary risk. Working with a large sample of healthy men and women who were followed for a median

of 4.5 years, Williams et al. (2000) found an association

between trait anger and the likelihood of a coronary event.

Among subjects who manifested normal blood pressure

at the beginning of the study, a moderate anger level was

associated with a 36% increase in coronary attacks, and

a high level of anger nearly tripled participants’ risk for

coronary disease.

Psychology and Physical Health 127

Why? One reason is that hostile behavior leads to reduced interaction with others: People

avoid those who treat them poorly. In turn, the lack of social support available to angry or

hostile individuals takes a toll. For example, women who perceive little or no social support

at home or at work are at greater risk for mortality resulting from a heart attack than other

women (Kawachi et al., 1994).

Fourth, perhaps because of their cynicism, people high in anger and hostility seem to

exhibit a higher prevalence of poor health habits that may contribute to the development

of cardiovascular disease. For example, people high in hostility are more likely to smoke,

drink alcohol and coffee, and be overweight than others (Everson et al., 1997). One reason

this matters is that physical fitness mediates cardiac reactivity: People who stay in good

physical shape have lower reactivity than those in poor shape (Wright et al., 2007).

Finally, keep in mind that hostility does not always lead to the development of cardio-

vascular problems. One large-population project did not find any overall effect for hostility

and the onset of heart disease (Surtees et al., 2005). This result does not mean that hostility

is not a good predictor—ample evidence we already examined indi-

cates that it can be. Instead, hostility may be a decided risk factor for

some people but not others, just as it may exert its influence on pro-

moting heart disease through some other pathway.

Emotional Reactions and Heart Disease

Although work on personality risk factors has dominated research

on how psychological functioning contributes to heart disease, recent

studies suggest that emotional reactions may also be critical. One line

of research has supported the hypothesis that transient mental stress and

the resulting emotions can tax the heart. Laboratory experiments with

cardiology patients have shown that brief periods of mental stress can

trigger acute symptoms of heart disease, such as myocardial ischemia

and angina (Gottdiener et al., 1994).

Related research considers the impact of holding back or sup-

pressing emotions, particularly anger. Ironically, perhaps, keeping

Figure 5.5 Mechanisms that may link hostility and anger to heart disease. Explanations for the apparent link between cynical hostility and heart disease are many and varied. Four widely discussed possibilities are

summarized in the middle column of this diagram.

Research suggests that excessive anger and hostility are associated with

an increased risk for various types of heart disease.

S ie

ph ot

o/ M

as te

rfi le

128 C H A P T E R 5

negative emotions to oneself is potentially more harmful than expressing anger toward

others (Jorgensen & Kolodziej, 2007). A related form of suppressed emotion is rumination—

engaging in repetitive negative thinking about some event. Going over and over the incident

heightens negative feelings as well as depression (Hogan & Linden, 2004). Over time, this

relentless mental “stewing” can become a negative coping strategy that actually increases

people’s risk for cardiac problems. Learning to recognize one’s impending emotional state,

such as feeling angry, but then expressing the emotion as calmly and rationally as possible

may be a healthier response. Individuals who work through their anger in ways that attempt

to resolve disputes or cope with interpersonal problems tend to have better cardiovascular

health (Davidson & Mostofsky, 2010). This finding is particularly true for men.

Depression and Heart Disease

Another line of research has recently implicated depression as a major risk factor

for heart disease (Glassman, Maj, & Sartorius, 2011). Depressive disorders, which are

characterized by persistent feelings of sadness and despair, are a fairly common form

of psychological disorder (see Chapter 14). Over the years, many studies have found

elevated rates of depression among patients suffering from heart disease, but most

theorists have explained this correlation by asserting that being diagnosed with heart

disease makes people depressed. Indeed, depression is the most common psychological

reaction to having a heart attack (Artham, Lavie, & Milani, 2008). However, studies

conducted in the last decade or so have suggested that the causal relation may also flow

in the opposite direction—that the emotional dysfunction of depression may cause heart

disease (Brown et al., 2011).

Overall, studies have found that depression roughly doubles one’s chances of devel-

oping heart disease (Lett et al., 2004). Although the new emphasis is on how depression

contributes to heart disease, experts caution that the relationship between the two condi-

tions is surely bidirectional and that heart disease also increases vulnerability to depression.

Stress and Cancer

People generally view cancer as the most sinister, tragic, frightening, and unbearable of

diseases. In reality, cancer is actually a collection of more than 200 related diseases that

vary in their characteristics and amenability to treatment (Nezu et al., 2003). Cancer

refers to malignant cell growth, which may occur in many organ systems in the body.

The core problem in cancer is that cells begin to reproduce in a rapid, disorganized fash-

ion. As this reproduction process lurches out of control, the teeming new cells clump

together to form tumors. If this wild growth continues unabated, the spreading tumors

cause tissue damage and begin to interfere with normal functioning in the affected

organ systems.

Cancer is a psychological problem as much as it is a medical challenge (Green et al.,

2015). It is widely believed by the general public that stress and personality play major roles in

the development of cancer (McKenna et al., 1999), and researchers have considered the links

between stressful circumstances and traits (Johansen, 2010). Some psychologists searched

for evidence for the so-called Type C or “cancer-prone personality” but failed to find any link

between personality traits and the development of the disease (Temoshok, 2004). In fact, the

research linking psychological factors to the onset of cancer is extremely weak. For example,

one prospective study of twins found that extraversion and neuroticism (two of the Big Five

personality traits; see Chapter 2) were unrelated to increased risk of cancer (Hansen et al.,

2005). Large-scale studies, too, have found only weak links between psychosocial factors and

the incidence of cancer (Levin & Kissane, 2006; Stürmer, Hasselbach, & Amelang, 2006).

In fact, the strongest links are between negative emotionality and an inclination to repress

rather than express emotions.

Although efforts to link psychological factors to the onset of cancer have produced

equivocal findings, more convincing evidence has shown that stress and personality in-

fluence the course of the disease. The onset of cancer frequently sets off a chain reaction of

stressful events, and people display different responses as they try to adjust to the disease

Psychology and Physical Health 129

and its consequences (Helgeson, Snyder, & Seltman, 2004). Patients

typically have to grapple with fear of the unknown; difficult and aversive

treatment regimens; nausea, fatigue, and other treatment side effects;

interruptions in intimate relationships; career disruptions; job discrim-

ination; and financial worries.

At present, psychological interventions aimed at helping cancer

patients cope can enhance their quality of life (Cameron et al., 2007).

What about the quantity of life? Unfortunately, research does not

suggest that such interventions prolong life or extend survival rates

(Edwards et al., 2008).

Stress and Other Diseases

The development of questionnaires to measure life stress has

allowed researchers to look for correlations between stress and

a variety of diseases. On one end of the spectrum, consider head-

aches, a common problem or “everyday disease” but one that can

sometimes point to more serious health conditions. So-called

tension headaches, marked by muscle rigidity in the region of the

head and neck, are what people most frequently experience. Stress

is characterized as the one of the leading causes of headaches

(Deniz et al., 2004). Among infectious diseases, stress has been

clearly implicated in development of the common cold (Cohen,

2005). The typical research paradigm is to intentionally inoculate

healthy volunteers with cold viruses, keep them under quarantine

(in separate hotel rooms), and then observe who does or does not

come down with a cold. The finding? People reporting higher levels

of stress are more likely to become ill. Interestingly, people who are

social and agreeable are at lower risk of getting a cold after exposure

to a virus (Cohen, 2005; Cohen et al., 2003).

Figure 5.6 provides a longer list of health problems that have been

linked to stress, including several chronic diseases. Many of these

stress-illness connections are based on tentative or inconsistent find-

ings, but the sheer length and diversity of the list is remarkable. Why

should stress increase the risk for so many kinds of illness? A partial

answer may lie in immune functioning.

Stress and Immune Functioning

The apparent link between stress and many types of illness probably

reflects the fact that stress can undermine the body’s immune func-

tioning (Moynihan et al., 2014). The immune response is the body’s

defensive reaction to invasion by bacteria, viral agents, or other

foreign substances. The human immune response works to protect the body from many

forms of disease. Studies by Janice Kiecolt-Glaser and her colleagues have related stress

to suppressed immune activity in humans (Kiecolt-Glaser, 2009). In one study, medical

students provided researchers with blood samples so that their immune response could be

assessed at various points (Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 1984). The students provided the baseline

sample a month before final exams and contributed the “high-stress” sample on the first

day of their finals. The subjects also responded to the Social Readjustment Rating Scale

(SRRS; see Chapter 3) as a measure of recent stress. Reduced levels of immune activity

were found during the extremely stressful finals week. Reduced immune activity was also

correlated with higher scores on the SRRS.

Other research by Kiecolt-Glaser and colleagues indicates that immune function

can be compromised by particular stressors, including loneliness (Jaremka et al., 2013a),

depression (Fagundes et al., 2013), and marital problems (Jaremka et al., 2013b). There is

Figure 5.6 Stress and healh problems. The onset or progress of the health problems listed here may be affected by stress. Although the

evidence is fragmentary in many instances, it’s alarming to see the

number and diversity of problems on this list.

HEALTH PROBLEMS THAT MAY BE LINKED TO STRESS

Health problem Representative evidence

Common cold Mohren et al. (2005)

Ulcers Kanno et al. (2013)

Asthma Schmaling (2012)

Schramm et al. (2014)

Nillni et al. (2013)

Migraine headaches

Premenstrual distress

Herpes virus Ashcraft & Bonneau (2008)

Skin disorders Magnavita et al. (2011)

Davis et al. (2013)Rheumatoid arthritis

Chronic back pain Preuper et al. (2011)

Diabetes Nezu et al. (2013)

Roy-Matton et al. (2011)Complications of pregnancy

Hyperthyroidism Vita et al. (2015)

Hemophilia Perrin et al. (1996)

Stroke Tsutsumi, Kayaba, & Ishikawa (2011)

Appendicitis Schietroma et al. (2012)

Multiple sclerosis Senders et al. (2014)

Periodontal disease Parwani & Parwani (2014)

Hypertension Emery, Anderson, & Goodwin (2012)

Cancer Dalton & Johansen (2005)

Bunker et al. (2003)Coronary heart disease

AIDS

Inflammatory bowel disease Kuroki et al. (2011)

Perez, Cruess, & Kalichman (2010)

Epileptic seizures Novakova et al. (2013)

Janice Kiecolt-Glaser has explored how

stress can reduce beneficial immune system

activity in humans, thereby putting affected

people at risk for various illnesses.

130 C H A P T E R 5

even evidence that where people perceive themselves on the “social ladder”

can influence immune function (Derry et al., 2013). Those who see them-

selves as being lower in the social hierarchy experience frequent and high

stress, which is predictive of poor health.

Conclusions

A wealth of evidence suggests that stress influences physical health. How-

ever, virtually all of the relevant research is correlational, so it cannot

demonstrate conclusively that stress causes illness (Smith & Gallo, 2001).

The association between stress and illness could be due to a third variable.

Perhaps some aspect of personality or some type of physiological predis-

position makes people overly prone to interpret events as stressful and

overly prone to interpret unpleasant physical sensations as symptoms of

illness (see Figure 5.7). Alternatively, stress may simply alter health-related

behaviors, increasing the incidence of “bad habits”—smoking, eating

poorly, drinking alcohol, using illegal drugs, sleeping less—all of which

increase people’s risk for diseases and disrupt their immunity (Segerstrom

& Miller, 2004). In the next section we look at some of these factors as we

examine health-impairing habits and lifestyles.

Figure 5.7 The stress/illness correlation. Based on the evidence as a whole, most health psychologists would probably accept the

assertion that stress often contributes to the causation of illness.

However, some critics argue that the stress-illness correlation

could reflect other causal processes. One or more aspects of

personality, physiology, or memory might contribute to the

correlation between high stress and a high incidence of illness.

Aspects of personality,

physiology, memory

High stress High

incidence of illness

Some people seem determined to dig an early grave for themselves. They do precisely

those things they have been warned are particularly bad for their health. For example,

some people drink heavily even though they know they’re corroding their liver. Others

eat all the wrong foods even though they know they’re increasing their risk for a heart

attack. Unfortunately, health-impairing habits contribute to far more deaths than most

people realize. In an analysis of the causes of death in the United States, Mokdad and

colleagues (2004) estimate that unhealthy behaviors are responsible for about half of

all deaths each year. The habits that account for the most premature mortality, by far,

are smoking and poor diet/physical inactivity. Other leading behavioral causes of death

include alcohol consumption, unsafe driving, sexually transmitted diseases, and illicit

drug use.

It may seem puzzling that people behave in self-destructive ways. Why do they do it?

Several factors are involved. First, many health-impairing habits creep up on people slowly.

For instance, drug use may grow imperceptibly over years, or exercise habits may decline

ever so gradually. Second, many health-impairing habits involve activities that are quite

pleasant at the time. Actions such as eating favorite foods, smoking cigarettes, and getting

“high” are potent reinforcing events that are often encouraged, even celebrated, by our cul-

ture. Third, the risks associated with most health-impairing habits are related to chronic

diseases such as cancer that usually take 10, 20, or 30 years to develop. It is relatively easy to

ignore risks that lie in the distant future.

Fourth, it appears that people have a tendency to underestimate the risks associated

with their own health-impairing habits while viewing the risks associated with others’ self-

destructive behaviors much more accurately (Weinstein, 2003). In other words, most

people are aware of the dangers associated with certain habits, but they often engage in

denial when it is time to apply this information to themselves. Thus, some people exhibit

unrealistic optimism, in which they are aware that certain health-related behaviors are

dangerous, but they erroneously view those dangers as risks for others rather than them-

selves. In effect, they say to themselves “bad things may well happen to other people, but not

to me” (Shepperd et al., 2013). Of course, we have already learned that, in general, optimism

is a beneficial personality trait (see Chapter 3). However, in the context of taking health risks

5.2 Habits, Lifestyles, and Health ■ Identify some reasons why people

develop health-impairing habits.

■ Discuss smoking’s health effects, the rise

in popularity of e-cigarettes, and the

challenges of quitting smoking.

■ Summarize data on patterns of alcohol

use and the health risks and social costs

of drinking.

■ Discuss obesity’s origins and health

risks, as well as effective weight-loss and

exercise programs.

■ Describe AIDS, and summarize evidence

on the transmission of the HIV virus.

Learning Objectives

Psychology and Physical Health 131

and engaging in unwise behavior, unrealistic optimism may prevent people from taking

appropriate precautions to protect their physical and mental well-being (Waters et al., 2011).

In this section we discuss how health is affected by smoking, drinking, overeating and

obesity, poor nutrition, and lack of exercise. We also look at behavioral factors that relate

to AIDS.

Smoking

Here is a surprising and stark fact: Cigarettes lead to the death of more people each year

than suicides, car accidents, homicides, alcohol, illegal drugs, fire-arm related incidents,

and AIDS combined (American Cancer Society, 2008; CDC, 2014). And here is another:

Smoking is actually the most preventable cause of mortality in the United States.

Why do people smoke? Tobacco smoking, a discovery in the “new world,” became

popular in the sixteenth century and has been with us ever since (Kluger, 1996). Social

factors, such as peer pressure among adolescents (Stewart-Knox et al., 2005) and the influ-

ence of advertising (Pierce et al., 2005), are obvious candidates, but some people smoke in

order to control their weight (Jenks & Higgs, 2007), and many smokers claim that cigarettes

elevate their mood, suppress hunger pangs (which they believe helps them stay thin), and

enhances alertness and attention.

Who smokes? Roughly one in five Americans smoke, which means there are cur-

rently about 42 million adult smokers. About 16 million of these smokers live with some

chronic disease tied to their smoking habit. Fortunately, the percentage of people who

smoke has declined noticeably since the mid-1960s (see Figure 5.8). Nonetheless, about

20.5% of adult men and 15.3% of adult women in the United States continue to smoke

regularly (CDC, 2013).

Smoking among college-aged students has dropped from close to 30% to just under

20% (Harris, Schwartz, & Thompson, 2008). More college-aged men than women smoke,

and one study argues that this gender gap is explained by males with low self-esteem who

view smoking favorably (Hale et al., 2015). Some students are exploring a new way to smoke

by using electronic cigarettes (also called e-cigarettes), which are battery-run devices that

transport nicotine through a vapor that is then inhaled (Sutfin et al., 2013). One problem

with e-cigarettes is that there is little research on either the short- or long-term health con-

sequences of using them. Younger adults do not appear to use e-cigarettes as a way to quit

smoking, a reason many older smokers seem to adopt them. Students may be drawn to

e-cigarettes because they are perceived to be more acceptable for smoking in public than

traditional cigarettes (Trumbo & Harper, 2013). E-cigarettes might also encourage some

students to engage in more risky behaviors, such as smoking actual cigarettes, using

Centers for Disease Control

and Prevention (CDC)

The CDC is the federal agency charged

with monitoring and responding to

serious threats to the nation’s health as

well as taking steps to prevent illness.

This site’s “Health Information from A

to Z” offers the public in-depth medical

explanations of many health problems

both common (flu, allergies) and unusual

(fetal alcohol syndrome, meningitis).

Learn More Online

Pa ve

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a nd

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1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2013

Year

Females

Males

Figure 5.8 The prevalence of smoking in the United States. This graph shows how the percentage of U.S. adults who smoke

has declined steadily since the mid-1960s.

Although considerable progress has been

made, smoking still accounts for about 435,000

premature deaths each year. (Data from

Centers for Disease Control)

132 C H A P T E R 5

marijuana, and consuming alcohol (Saddleson et al.,

2015). Still other students—approximately one in five—

are smoking by using a hookah or waterpipe, often be-

cause they erroneously believe that waterpipe smoking

has a less destructive effect on health than traditional

cigarettes (Grekin & Ayna, 2015). Such attitudes may

explain why college students are likely to try smoking

hookah pipes initially (Sidani et al., 2014).

Health Effects

Accumulating evidence clearly shows that smokers

face a much greater risk of premature death than non-

smokers. For example, the average smoker has an esti-

mated life expectancy 13 to14 years shorter than that of

a similar nonsmoker (Schmitz & Delaune, 2005). The

overall risk is positively correlated with the number of

cigarettes smoked and their tar and nicotine content.

Despite people’s beliefs to the contrary, cigar smok-

ing, which has increased dramatically in recent years,

elevates health risks almost as much as cigarette smok-

ing (Baker et al., 2000).

Why are mortality rates higher for smokers? In

the first place, tobacco smoke contains about 7000

chemicals, and at least 70 of the latter are known

cancer-causing agents, or carcinogens (U.S. Depart-

ment of Health and Human Services, 2014). Smoking

increases the likelihood of developing a surprisingly

large range of diseases, as you can see in Figure 5.9

(Schmitz & Delaune, 2005; Woloshin, Schwartz, &

Welch, 2002). Lung cancer and heart disease kill the largest number of smokers; in fact,

smokers are almost twice as likely to succumb to cardiovascular disease as nonsmokers

are. Smokers also have an elevated risk of a wide variety of cancers throughout the body,

including oral, bladder, and kidney cancer, as well as cancers of the larynx, esophagus,

and pancreas; for atherosclerosis, hypertension, stroke, and other cardiovascular diseases;

and for bronchitis, emphysema, and other pulmonary diseases (CDC, 2014).

Giving Up Smoking

Studies show that if people can give up smoking, their health risks decline reasonably

quickly (Kenfield et al., 2008; Williams et al., 2002). Five years after people stop smok-

ing, their health risk is already noticeably lower than that for people who continue

to smoke. The health risks for people who give up tobacco continue to decline until

they reach a normal level after about 15 years. About seven out of ten regular smokers

would like to quit completely (CDC, 2011), but they are reluctant to give up a major

source of pleasure and they worry about craving cigarettes, gaining weight, becoming

anxious and irritable, and feeling less able to cope with stress (Grunberg, Faraday, &

Rahman, 2001).

Research shows that long-term success rates for efforts to quit smoking are in the

vicinity of only 25% (Cohen et al., 1989). Light smokers are somewhat more successful at

quitting than heavy smokers, as are older smokers compared to younger ones (Ferguson

et al., 2005). Discouragingly, people who enroll in formal smoking cessation programs are

only slightly more successful than people who try to quit on their own (Swan, Hudman, &

Khroyan, 2003). In fact, it is estimated that the vast majority of people who successfully give

up smoking quit without professional help (Shiffman et al. 2008). And here is one myth that

can be dispelled: Men do not have an easier time quitting smoking than women—there is

virtually no difference between the sexes (O’Connor, 2012).

Stroke

Cancer of larynx

Lung cancer (risks greatly elevated)

Heart attacks (smoking more than doubles risks)

Peptic (stomach) ulcers

Pancreatic cancer (30% linked to smoking)

Catarats

Oral cancer

Esophageal cancer

Chronic obstructive lung diseases

Circulatory diseases

Bladder and kidney cancers

Unborn babies at risk for premature birth, stunted development, and infant death if mother smokes

Reproductive system

cervical cancer

Figure 5.9 Health risks associated with smoking. This figure provides an overview of the various diseases that are more common among smokers than nonsmokers. As you

can see, tobacco elevates one’s vulnerability to a remarkably diverse array of diseases,

including the three leading causes of death in the modern world—heart attack, cancer,

and stroke.

The QuitNet Community

The Boston University School of Public

Health sponsors an online community

of individuals who seek to quit smoking

and tobacco use. A range of resources,

including an online support “community”

available 24 hours a day, can help make

this behavioral health change a reality.

Learn More Online

Psychology and Physical Health 133

In recent years attention has focused on the potential value

of nicotine substitutes, which can be delivered via gum, pills like

Chantix, skin patches, nasal sprays, or inhalers. The rationale for

nicotine substitutes is that insofar as nicotine is addictive, using

a substitute might be helpful during the period when the person

is trying to give up cigarettes. Do these substitutes work? They

do help (Stead et al., 2008). Controlled studies have demonstrated

that nicotine substitutes increase long-term rates of quitting in

comparison to placebos (Stead et al., 2008). However, the increases

are modest, and the success rates are still discouragingly low.

Nicotine substitutes are not a magic bullet or a substitute for a

firm determination to quit. The various methods of nicotine de-

livery seem to be roughly equal in effectiveness, but combining a

couple of methods appears to increase the chances of quitting suc-

cessfully (Schmitz & Delaune, 2005). Considering an alternative

way to quit smoking is the focus of our Spotlight on Research in

this chapter.

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Quitting Smoking: Do Monetary Incentives Work?

Source: Halpern, S. D., French, B., Small, D. S., Saulsgiver, K., Harhay, M. O.,

Audrain-McGovern, J., Loewenstein, G., Brennan, T. A., Asch, D. A., & Volpp,

K. G. (2015). Randomized trial of four financial-incentive programs for

smoking cessation. New England Journal of Medicine, 372 (22), 2108–2117.

doi: 10.1056/NEJMoa1414293

Quitting smoking is difficult. Various programs designed to help

people stop smoking have been tried. Few lead to success. Some

research suggests that incentive programs—those that end

up paying people money if they actually quit—can sometimes

work. Here’s an intriguing question: Would people be more

likely to stop smoking if they got a big reward for succeeding

or a smaller penalty for failing? Most incentive programs do not

cost participants anything—if they succeed, they earn money.

However, two groups in the present study were asked to provide

a deposit of $150 to participate. If they successfully quit smoking

for at least six months, they got their money and another $650

back. If they failed, they forfeited the $150. Other groups in

the study were just offered the $800 reward for stopping. The

investigators hypothesized that because losses loom larger than

gains in people’s experience, those who were at risk for losing

$150 would be more likely to quit smoking than those who could

only gain money if they succeeded.

Method Researchers used a web portal to recruit CVS Caremark employees,

friends, and family from around the United States. Participants

had to be at least 18 years old, indicated they smoked more than

five cigarettes per day, had access to the Internet, and expressed

interest in learning about how to quit smoking. They were told

they would be paid for filling out questionnaires, providing

samples to confirm they abstained from smoking, and that

the study explored different approaches to providing financial

incentives to encourage smoking cessation. The sample included

2538 men and women who were randomly assigned to one of

four incentive programs or to a usual care (control) condition. Two

incentive programs were aimed at individuals, and two were run

in small groups of six participants each. Half the individual- and

group-oriented programs were offered rewards of approximately

$800 for quitting smoking. The remaining individuals and groups

were asked to give refundable deposits of $150 and were told

they would receive $650 if they quit smoking. The usual care

group received informational resources and some free smoking-

cessation aids (e.g., counseling, nicotine gum, nicotine patches,

medication).

Results The reward-based programs were more popular than the

deposit programs, and 90% of those assigned to them agreed

to participate. In contrast, only 13.7% of those placed in the

deposit-based programs signed up. Six-month abstinence

from smoking rates were higher in each of the four incentive

programs (range of quitting was between 9.4% and 16% of the

participants) as compared to the cessation rate in the usual care

group (6% of the participants). The reward-based programs were

not only more popular than the deposit-based program, they

also led to higher rates of quitting. Being assigned to a group or

an individual-oriented program had no effect on whether people

quit smoking.

Discussion Most of the people who took part in this study—more than

80%—were still smoking when it was over. Yet the overall

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

continued

134 C H A P T E R 5

Drinking

Alcohol rivals tobacco as one of the leading causes of health problems in North America.

Alcohol encompasses a variety of beverages containing ethyl alcohol, such as beers, wines,

and distilled spirits. The concentration of alcohol in these drinks varies from about 4% in

most beers up to 40% in 80-proof liquor (or more in higher-proof liquors). Survey data

indicate that about half of adults in the United States drink (USDA & USDHHS, 2010).

Figure 5.10 shows the percentage of adults in the United States who are regular, infrequent,

or former drinkers.

Drinking is particularly prevalent on college campuses. When researchers from the

Harvard School of Public Health surveyed nearly 11,000 undergraduates at 119 schools,

they found that 81% of the students drank (Wechsler et al., 2002). Moreover, 49% of the

men and 41% of the women reported that they engage in binge drinking with the intention

of getting drunk, and 40% of college students report drinking five or more alcoholic drinks

at one sitting at least monthly (Johnston et al., 2009). For comparison, moderate drinking is

defined as one drink per day for women and two drinks per day for men (USDA & USDHHS,

2010). College students who belong to fraternities and sororities consume more alcohol than

those who do not belong to these organizations (Karam, Kypri, & Salamoun, 2007). Due

to the hazards resulting from it (unintended injuries, homicide, suicide), binge drinking—

five or more drinks at one time—is a particular problem for this age group (Panagiotidis

success rate for those in the incentive groups was much higher

than those who received the traditional (control) treatment.

Thus, offering a “carrot” to people who want to quit smoking

can be a good idea, but the intriguing result is that the “stick”

associated with risking the $150 deposit doubled the chances

of quitting for the relatively few in those conditions. Future

research on smoking cessation should explore both the “carrot”

and “stick” incentives to fight a disease that leads to the death

of more than 480,000 Americans each year.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Knowing what you know now, if you took part in this or a

similar study, would you want to be assigned to the reward-

based program or the deposit-based program? Why?

2. Were you surprised by the fact that more than 80% the study’s

participants were still smoking after six months? What does

this fact suggest about nicotine addiction?

3. If you were to design the next study, would you focus on the

incentive (“carrot”) approach or the deposit (“stick”) method?

Why?

61% CURRENT DRINKERS

39% NONDRINKERS

25% Lifetime

abstainers

49% Regular drinkers

14% Former drinkers

12% Infrequent drinkers

Figure 5.10 Types of Adult Drinkers in the United States. Just over 60% of adults in the United States categorize themselves

as current drinkers. About one-quarter of

all adults are lifelong abstainers.

Source: Adapted from Healthy United States, 2007

(Table 68), 2007, by National Center for Health

Statistics, Hyattsville, MD; U.S. Government Printing

Office.

Psychology and Physical Health 135

et al., 2008). Perhaps most telling, college students spend far

more money on alcohol ($5.5 billion annually) than they do

on their books.

Why Do People Drink?

The effects of alcohol are influenced by the user’s experi-

ence, relative size and weight, gender, motivation, and

mood, as well as by the presence of food in the stomach,

the proof of the beverage, and the rate of drinking. Thus,

we see great variability in how alcohol affects different

people on different occasions. Nonetheless, the central

effect is a “Who cares?” brand of euphoria that tempo-

rarily boosts self-esteem as one’s problems and feelings

of stress melt away (Ostafin & Brooks, 2011). Negative

emotions such as tension, worry, anxiety, and depression

are dulled, and inhibitions may be loosened (Johnson

& Ait-Daoud, 2005). Thus, when first-year college stu-

dents are asked why they drink, they say it’s to relax, to

feel less tense in social situations, to keep friends company, and to forget their problems.

Of course, many other factors are also at work. Families and peer groups often encourage

alcohol use. Drinking is a widely endorsed and encouraged social ritual in our culture,

notably through media and advertising (Koordeman, Anschutz, & Engels, 2012). Its central

role is readily apparent if you think about all the alcohol consumed at weddings, reunions,

sports events, holiday parties, and so forth.

Short-Term Risks and Problems

Alcohol has a variety of side effects, including some that can be very problematic. To begin

with, we have that infamous source of regret, the “hangover,” which may include head-

aches, dizziness, nausea, and vomiting. In the constellation of alcohol’s risks, however,

hangovers are downright trivial. For instance, although it’s possible to overdose with alco-

hol alone, a more common problem is overdosing on combinations of alcohol and sedative

or narcotic drugs.

In substantial amounts, alcohol has a decidedly negative effect on intellectual

functioning and perceptual-motor coordination. The resulting combination of tainted

judgment, slowed reaction time, and reduced coordination can be deadly when

people attempt to drive after drinking (Gmel & Rehm, 2003). Depending on one’s

body weight, it may take only a couple of drinks for driving to be impaired. It’s

estimated that alcohol contributes to 40% of all automobile fatalities in the United

States (Yi et al., 2006). People with serious alcohol problems have more than twice

the mortality risk compared to individuals who have no alcohol problems (Fichter,

Quadflieg, & Fischer, 2011).

Long-Term Health Effects

Alcohol’s long-term health risks are mostly (but not exclusively) associated with chronic,

heavy consumption of alcohol. Estimates of the number of people at risk vary consider-

ably. According to Schuckit (2000) approximately 5%–10% of American men and women

engage in chronic alcohol abuse and another 10% of men and 3%–5% of women prob-

ably suffer from alcohol dependence, or alcoholism. Alcohol dependence (alcoholism) is

a chronic, progressive disorder marked by a growing compulsion to drink and im-

paired control over drinking that eventually interferes with health and social behavior.

Whether alcoholism is best viewed as a disease or as a self-control problem is the source of

considerable debate, but experts have reached a reasonable consensus about the warning

signs of a drinking problem and alcohol abuse. These signs include drinking in secret,

Alcohol is very popular on college campuses and many students engage in binge

drinking.

National Institute on Alcohol

Abuse and Alcoholism

Just two of the many scientific research

sources from this NIH agency include the

entire collection of the bulletin Alcohol

Alert, issued since 1988 on specific topics

related to alcoholism (such as “Alcohol

and Sleep” and “Youth Drinking”), and the

ETOH Database, a searchable repository

of more than 100,000 records on

alcoholism and alcohol abuse.

Learn More Online

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136 C H A P T E R 5

experiencing “blackouts,” drinking to cope with stress or worry, and

neglecting responsibilities at home, school, or work, among the other

indicators listed in Figure 5.11.

Alcoholism and problem drinking are associated with an elevated

risk for a wide range of serious health problems, which are summarized

in Figure 5.12 (Mack, Franklin, & Frances, 2003). Although there is

some thought-provoking evidence that moderate drinking may reduce

one’s risk for coronary disease (Klatsky, 2008) and Type 2 diabetes

(Hendriks, 2007), it is clear that heavy drinking increases the risk for

heart disease, hypertension, and stroke. Excessive drinking is also cor-

related with an elevated risk for various types of cancer, including oral,

stomach, pancreatic, colon, and rectal cancer. Moreover, serious drink-

ing problems can lead to cirrhosis of the liver, malnutrition, pregnancy

complications, brain damage, and neurological disorders. Finally, alco-

holism can produce severe psychotic states, characterized by delirium,

disorientation, and hallucinations.

Overeating

Obesity is a common health problem (Sanger-Katz, 2015). About

one-third (36 percent) of American adults are obese (Flegal et al.,

2012). The percentage of obese citizens is projected to rise to 42%

by 2030 (Trogdon et al., 2012). Obesity, then, is an immediate

and growing problem: For instance, as recently as the 1980s,

only 13% of adult Americans were considered to be obese (Ogden,

Carroll, & Flegal, 2008).

Many experts prefer to assess obesity in terms of body mass index

(BMI)—weight (in kilograms) divided by height (in meters) squared

(kg/m2). This increasingly used index of weight controls for variations

in height. A BMI of 25.0–29.9 is typically regarded as overweight, and

a BMI over 30 is considered obese. If a BMI over 25 is used as the cut-

off, almost two-thirds of American adults are struggling with weight

problems (Sarwer, Foster, & Wadden, 2004). Moreover, they have plenty

of company from their children, as weight problems among children

and adolescents have increased 15%–22% in recent decades (West,

Harvey-Berino, & Raczynski, 2004).

Obesity is similar to smoking in that it exerts a relatively sub-

tle impact on health that is easy for many people to ignore. Never-

theless, the long-range effects can be quite dangerous; obesity is a

significant health problem that elevates one’s mortality risk (Wing &

Phelan, 2012). In fact, obesity is probably responsible for the early deaths of well over a

quarter of a million people in North America each year (DeAngelis, 2004). Overweight

people are more vulnerable than others to heart disease, diabetes, hypertension, respi-

ratory problems, gallbladder disease, stroke, arthritis, some cancers, muscle and joint

pain, and back problems (USDA & USDHHS, 2010). For example, Figure 5.13 shows how

the prevalence of diabetes, hypertension, coronary disease, and musculoskeletal pain are

elevated as BMI increases.

Determinants of Obesity

A few decades ago, obesity was thought to occur mostly in depressed, anxious, com-

pulsive people who overeat to deal with their negative emotions or in individuals who

are lazy and undisciplined. However, research eventually showed that there is no such

thing as an “obese personality” (Rodin, Schank, & Striegel-Moore, 1989), although

some traits are associated with weight fluctuation (Sutin et al., 2011). Instead, re-

search indicated that a complex network of interacting factors—biological, social, and

Figure 5.11 Identifying an alcohol problem. Facing the reality that one has a problem with alcohol is always difficult. Here is a list of signs pointing

to a possible drinking problem as well as a list indicating the likely

presence of alcohol abuse, respectively.

Source: Based on http://www.helpguide.org/mental/alcohol_abuse_alcoholism

_signs_effects_treatments.htm; http://www.med.unc.edu/alcohol/prevention/signs

.html http://www.webmd.com/mental-health/alcoholabuse/alcohol-abuse-and

-dependencesymptoms

IDENTIFYING AN ALCOHOL PROBLEM

You may have a drinking problem if:

You drink in secret.

You feel worried about your drinking.

You routinely consume more alcohol than you expected.

You experience “blackouts” so that you forget what you did or

said while drinking.

You hear concern expressed by family and friends about your

drinking.

You cover up or lie about how often, and how much, you drink.

You feel ashamed about your drinking.

You get into arguments with those close to you about your

drinking.

You may be abusing alcohol if:

You frequently consume alcohol to deal with stress or worry.

You know your drinking is harming your personal relationships,

but you continue to drink anyway.

Your drinking is causing you to neglect your responsibilities at

home, at school, or at work.

Your behavior is illegal and dangerous to others (e.g., you drink

and drive).

You want to stop drinking but you cannot seem to do it.

spending time with friends or family) because you need to have a

drink.

Psychology and Physical Health 137

psychological—determine whether people develop weight problems

(Berthoud & Morrison, 2008).

Heredity. Chief among the factors contributing to obesity is genetic pre-

disposition (Bouchard, 2002; Bradfield et al., 2012). In one influential

study, adults raised by foster parents were compared with their biological

parents in regard to body mass index (Stunkard et al., 1986). The inves-

tigators found that the adoptees resembled their biological parents much

more than their adoptive parents. In a subsequent twin study, Stunkard

and associates (1990) found that identical twins reared apart were far

more similar in body mass index than fraternal twins reared together (see

Chapter 2 for a discussion of the logic underlying twin studies). Based

on a study of more than 4000 twins, Allison and colleagues (1994) esti-

mate that genetic factors account for 61% of the variation in weight among

men and 73% of the variation among women. These genetic factors prob-

ably explain why some people can eat constantly without gaining weight

whereas other people grow chubby eating far less (Cope, Fernández,

& Allison, 2004). However, keep in mind that hereditary explanations

must still consider the interaction between genes and environmental

constraints in order to understand the complexity inherent in weight

control and obesity (Wells, 2011).

Excessive eating and inadequate exercise. The bottom line for overweight people

is that their energy intake from food consumption chronically exceeds their

energy expenditure from physical activities and resting metabolic processes.

Brain and central nervous system m g n ntu destr

br mem nses

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Immune system r n

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n u n r h h s nd

Gastrointestinal tract

M n n r

Heart M r ressure

r h

Stomach and intestines

M gg n

Reproductive system

m hormon m r n m

m r h

Figure 5.12 Health risks associated with drinking. This figure provides an overview of the various diseases

more common among drinkers than

abstainers. As you can see, alcohol

elevates one’s vulnerability to a great

variety of diseases.

P a ti

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% )

20–25 25–30 30–35 Over 35

Hypertension

Coronary heart disease

Diabetes

Musculoskeletal pain

Body mass index (BMI)

Figure 5.13 Weight and the prevalence of various diseases. This graph shows how obesity, as indexed by BMI, is related to the

prevalence of four common types of illness. The prevalence of

diabetes, heart disease, muscle pain, and hypertension increases

as BMI goes up. Clearly, obesity is a significant health risk. (Data

from Brownell & Wadden, 2000)

138 C H A P T E R 5

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Obesity is a serious problem in the United

States because many people eat high-caloric

meals and get too little exercise.

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In other words, they eat too much in relation to their level of exercise. In modern America,

the tendency to eat too much and to exercise too little is easy to understand (Henderson &

Brownell, 2004). Tasty, caloric, high-fat foods are readily available nearly everywhere,

not just in restaurants and grocery stores but in shopping malls, airports, gas stations,

schools, and workplaces. And when people eat out, they tend to eat larger meals and

consume more high-fat food than they would at home (French, Harnack, & Jeffery,

2000). Portion sizes have grown (Young & Nestle, 2002), as has people’s desire for

sugar-sweetened soda (Tam et al., 2006) and sweet food more generally (Swithers et al.,

2010). Unfortunately, the increased availability of these highly caloric foods in America

has been paralleled by declining physical activity.

Set point. People who lose weight on a diet have a rather strong (and depressing) ten-

dency to gain back all the weight they lose. The reverse is also true: People who have to

work to put weight on often have trouble keeping it on (Leibel, Rosenbaum, & Hirsch,

1995). According to Richard Keesey (1995), these observations suggest that each body

may have a set point, or a natural point of stability in body weight. Set-point theory

proposes that the body monitors fat-cell levels to keep them (and weight) fairly

stable. When fat stores slip below a crucial set point, the body supposedly begins to

compensate for this change. This compensation apparently leads to increased hunger

and decreased metabolism (Horvath, 2005). Studies have raised some doubts about

various details of set-point theory, leading some researchers to propose an alternative

called settling-point theory (Pinel et al., 2000). Settling-point theory proposes that weight

tends to drift around the level at which the constellation of factors that determine food

consumption and energy expenditure achieve an equilibrium. According to this view,

weight tends to remain stable as long as there are no durable changes in any of the factors

that influence it (e.g., diet, exercise or the lack thereof, stress, sleep). Settling-point theory

casts a much wider net than set-point theory, which attributes weight stability to specific

physiological processes. Another difference is that set-point theory asserts that an obese

person’s body will initiate processes that actively defend an excessive weight, whereas set-

tling-point theory suggests that if an obese person makes long-term changes in eating or

exercise, that person’s settling point will drift downward without active resistance. Thus,

settling-point theory is a little more encouraging to those who hope to lose weight.

Losing Weight

Whether out of concern about their health or just old-fashioned vanity, an ever-increasing

number of people are trying to lose weight. One study found that at any given time, about

21% of men and 39% of women are dieting (Hill, 2002), and a subsequent survey yielded sim-

ilar percentages by gender (Kruger et al., 2004). Research has provided some good news for

those who need to lose weight. Studies have demonstrated that relatively

modest weight reductions can significantly diminish many of the health

risks associated with obesity. For example, a 10% weight loss is associated

with reduced risks for diabetes, cancer, and heart disease (Jeffery et al.,

2000). Thus, the traditional objective of obesity treatment—reducing to

one’s ideal weight—has been replaced by more modest and realistic goals

(Sarwer et al., 2004).

Although many factors may contribute to obesity, there is only

one way to lose weight: Individuals must change their ratio of energy

intake (food consumption) to energy output (physical activities). To be

quite specific, to lose 1 pound a person needs to burn up 3500 more

calories than he or she consumes. Those wanting to shed pounds have

three options in trying to change their ratio of energy input to energy

output: (1) sharply reduce food consumption, (2) sharply increase

exercise output, or (3) simultaneously decrease food intake and step

up exercise output in more moderate ways. Dieting alone is unlikely

to be sufficient to lose weight and maintain the loss (Jeffery et al.,

Psychology and Physical Health 139

2004), nor will an exclusive focus on exercise (Thorogood et al., 2011). Virtually all experts

recommend the third option. Simply put, exercise is an essential ingredient of an effec-

tive weight-loss regimen (Manson et al., 2004). Exercise seems especially important for

maintaining reduced weight because it is the single best predictor of long-term weight loss

(Curioni & Lourenco, 2005).

Some people opt for surgery to reduce their weight, an increasingly popular choice for

weight control (Vetter, Dumon, & Williams, 2011). This option is generally reserved for

individuals who are seriously obese or who have other weight problems that warrant dras-

tic action to cause weight loss quickly. One popular form of surgery essentially shrinks the

size of the stomach by placing what is known as a gastric band around it. Another surgical

option is a gastric bypass, in which food is rerouted around the bulk of the stomach and

a portion of the intestines (Buchwald et al., 2004). Both procedures can lead to dramatic

weight loss (Moldovan & David, 2011), but involve risks and are life altering; patients must

usually take food supplements while carefully watching their food consumption for the rest

of their lives (Tucker, Szomstein, & Rosenthal, 2007).

Poor Nutrition

Nutrition is a collection of processes (mainly food consumption) through which

an organism utilizes the materials (nutrients) required for survival and growth.

The term also refers to the study of these processes. Unfortunately, most of us don’t

study nutrition very much. Moreover, the cunning mass marketing of nutritionally

worthless foods makes maintaining sound nutritional habits more and more difficult.

Nutrition and Health

We are what we eat. Evidence is accumulating that patterns of nutrition influence sus-

ceptibility to a variety of diseases and health problems. For example, in a study of more

than 42,000 women, investigators found an association between a measure of overall diet

quality and mortality. Women who reported poorer quality diets had elevated mortality

rates (Kant et al., 2000). What are the specific links between diet and health? In addition to

the problems associated with obesity, other possible connections between eating patterns

and health include the following.

1. Heavy consumption of foods that elevate serum cholesterol level (eggs, cheeses, butter, shellfish, sausage) appears to increase the risk of cardiovascular disease (Stamler

et al., 2000; see Figure 5.14). Regular diets high in saturated fats are also linked to cardio-

vascular problems (Levy & Brink, 2005; Iqbal et al., 2008). Eating habits are only one of

neuroticism) while the second half examines how their life circumstances (e.g., health and exercise, career choices, and marriage) influenced how long they lived. The empirical upshot is discerning what is most suitable for people as individuals, rather than following conventional wisdom or what society at large sees as healthy. Adhering to strict gym regimens, marriage, prayer, and following one’s dreams, for example, do not seem to extend life. In fact, going against one’s inner “voice” may prove to be more detrimental than following our culture’s counsel concerning sources of health, well-being, and longevity.

The Longevity Project: Surprising Discoveries for Health

and Long Life from the Landmark Eight-Decade Study

Work less. Lose weight. Get married—and stay that way. And relax—but exercise vigorously, too. These and other health- related mantras are familiar to all of us because enacting them is presumed to lead to long and healthy lives. What if these claims are wrong? To refute what might be strongly held myths, the authors relied on contemporary research methods and secondary data analyses to explore the well-known longitudinal data collected by Lewis Terman at Stanford University. Beginning in 1921, 1500 men and women from California were followed across eight decades.

The book’s first half covers aspects of their personality linked to longevity (e.g., conscientiousness, sociability, and

Recommended Reading

by Howard S. Friedman and Leslie R. Martin (Plume, 2012)

140 C H A P T E R 5

several factors that influence serum cholesterol level, but they do make

an important contribution.

2. Vulnerability to cardiovascular diseases may also be influenced

by other dietary factors. For example, low-fiber diets may increase the

likelihood of coronary disease (Timm & Slavin, 2008), and high intake

of red and processed meats, sweets, potatoes, and refined grains is asso-

ciated with increased cardiovascular risk (Hu & Willett, 2002). Research

indicates that the omega-3 fatty acids found in fish and fish oils offer

some protection against coronary disease (Din, Newby, & Flapan, 2004),

as do foods that are high in fiber (Pereira et al., 2004).

3. High salt intake is thought to be a contributing factor in the

development of hypertension (Havas, Dickinson, & Wilson, 2007),

although there is still some debate about its exact role.

4. High caffeine consumption may elevate one’s risk for hyperten-

sion (James, 2004) and for coronary disease (Happonen, Voutilainen, &

Salonen, 2004), although the negative effects of caffeine appear relatively

modest. In fact, there is other evidence suggesting that drinking coffee

regularly in moderate amounts can protect against some types of cancer

(Yu et al., 2011).

5. High-fat diets have been implicated as possible contributors

to cardiovascular disease (Melanson, 2007) and to some forms of can-

cer, especially prostate cancer (Rose, 1997), colon and rectal cancer

(Murtaugh, 2004), and breast cancer (Wynder et al., 1997). Some studies

also suggest that high-fiber diets may reduce one’s risk for breast cancer,

colon cancer, and diabetes (Timm & Slavin, 2008).

Of course, nutritional habits interact with other factors—genetics,

exercise, environment, and so on—to determine whether someone will

develop a particular disease. Nonetheless, the examples just described

indicate that eating habits can influence physical health.

Nutritional Goals

The most healthful approach to nutrition is to follow well-moderated patterns of food

consumption that ensure nutritional adequacy while limiting the intake of certain substances

that can be counterproductive. Here are some general guidelines for achieving these goals.

1. Consume a balanced variety of foods. Food is made up of a variety of components, six

of which are essential to your physical well-being. These six essential nutrients are proteins,

fats, carbohydrates, vitamins, minerals, and fiber. Proteins, fats, and carbohydrates supply the

body with its energy. Vitamins and minerals help release that energy and serve other impor-

tant functions as well. Fiber provides roughage that facilitates digestion. Educational efforts

to promote adequate intake of all essential nutrients have generally suggested that people

should be guided by the classic food pyramid published by the U.S. Department of Agricul-

ture (see Figure 5.15). Although the food pyramid remains a useful benchmark, it has been

subjected to considerable criticism and hotly debated revisions (Norton, 2004). The principal

problem with the food pyramid is its failure to distinguish among different types of fat, differ-

ent forms of carbohydrates, and different sources of protein (Willett & Stampfer, 2003). For

example, the current thinking is that monounsaturated and polyunsaturated fats are healthy,

whereas saturated fats should be consumed sparingly. A revised food diagram (Figure 5.16),

which takes the form of a pie chart, takes distinctions such as these into consideration.

2. Avoid excessive consumption of saturated fats, cholesterol, refined-grain carbohy-

drates, sugar, and salt. Limit the intake of saturated fats by eating less beef, pork, ham,

hot dogs, sausage, lunch meats, whole milk, and fried foods. Consumption of many of

these foods should also be limited in order to reduce cholesterol intake, which influences

vulnerability to heart disease. In particular, beef, pork, lamb, sausage, cheese, butter, and

eggs are high in cholesterol. Refined-grain carbohydrates, such as white bread, pasta, and

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<160 160–199 200–239 240–279 >280 Serum cholesterol level at baseline

Figure 5.14 The link between cholesterol and coronary risk. In a review of several major studies, Stamler et al. (2000) summarize

evidence on the association between cholesterol levels and the

prevalence of cardiovascular disease. This graph is based on a

sample of more than 11,000 men who were ages 18 to 39 at the

beginning of the study when their serum cholesterol level was

measured. The data shown here depict participants’ relative risk

for coronary heart disease during the ensuing 25 years. Although

there is debate about whether cholesterol is a causal agent in

heart disease, it is clear that there is a meaningful correlation

between cholesterol and cardiovascular health.

Go Ask Alice!

One of the longest standing and most

popular sources of frank information on

the web has been Alice! from Columbia

University’s Health Education Program.

Geared especially to the needs of

undergraduate students, Alice! offers

direct answers to questions about

relationships, sexuality and sexual health,

fitness and nutrition, alcohol and drug

consumption, emotional health, and

general health.

Learn More Online

Psychology and Physical Health 141

Fats, oils, and sweets

Use sparingly

Milk, yogurt, and cheese

2–3 servings

Vegetable group 3–5 servings

Fruit group 2–4 servings

Breads, cereal, rice, and pasta group 6–11 servings

Fats (naturally occurring and added)

Sugars (added)

Figure 5.15 The food guide pyramid. The food pyramid, endorsed in 1992 by the U.S.

Department of Agriculture, is intended

to provide a simple and easy guide to

nutritionally balanced eating. It identifies

key categories of food and makes

recommendations about how many daily

servings one should have in each category.

As your text explains, it has been subjected

to considerable criticism.

Figure 5.16 The healthy eating pie chart. This alternative food pyramid was developed by

Walter Willett and colleagues at the Harvard

Medical School. It corrects a variety of

flaws that were apparent in the USDA food

pyramid and incorporates recent scientific

findings on healthy versus unhealthy fats and

carbohydrates.

Source: Adapted from Willett, W. C. (2001). Eat, drink, and

be healthy: The Harvard Medical School guide to healthy

President and Fellows at Harvard College. Adapted with

permission of Simon & Schuster Adult Publishing Group.

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142 C H A P T E R 5

white rice, are problematic because they increase glucose levels in the blood too quickly.

Refined (processed) sugar is believed to be grossly overconsumed. Hence, people should

limit their dependence on soft drinks, chocolate, candy, pastries, and high-sugar cereals.

Finally, many people should cut down on their salt intake.

3. Increase consumption of polyunsaturated fats, whole-grain carbohydrates, natural

sugars, and foods with fiber. To substitute polyunsaturated fats for saturated ones, people

can eat more fish, chicken, turkey, and veal; trim skin and fat off meats more thoroughly;

use skim (nonfat) milk; and switch to vegetable oils that are high in polyunsaturated fats.

Healthy carbohydrates include whole-grain foods such as whole wheat bread, oatmeal,

and brown rice, which are digested more slowly than refined-grain carbohydrates. Fruits

and vegetables tend to provide natural sugars and ample fiber.

Lack of Exercise

A great deal of evidence suggests that there is a link between exercise and health. Research

indicates that regular exercise is associated with increased longevity (Lee & Skerrett, 2001),

yet only about 33% of Americans engage in it regularly (Pleis et al., 2009). Moreover, you

don’t have to be a dedicated athlete to benefit from exercise. Even a moderate level of

reasonably regular physical activity is associated with lower mortality rates (Richardson

et al., 2004; see Figure 5.17), even if the time involved is as low as 75 minutes per week

(or 15 minutes per day for 5 days a week; Church et al., 2007). That’s not a lot of time, yet

our sedentary ways and love of technology often get in the way. Video games and other

online pursuits may exercise the mind but, as you will see, we need rigorous, regular phys-

ical exercise to maintain health and well-being.

Benefits and Risks of Exercise

Exercise is correlated with greater longevity because it promotes a diverse array of

specific benefits. First, an appropriate exercise program can enhance cardiovascular fitness

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

FITNESS CATEGORY

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Figure 5.17 Physical fitness and mortality. Blair et al. (1989) studied death rates among men and women who exhibited low, medium, or high fitness. Even medium fitness was associated with lower mortality rates in

both genders. The investigators note that one could achieve this level of fitness by taking a brisk half-hour

walk each day.

Psychology and Physical Health 143

and thereby reduce one’s susceptibility to cardiovascular problems. In-

deed, the reduced cardiovascular risk seems to benefit men and women

equally and has a similar impact across different ethnicities (Bassuk &

Manson, 2010; Warburton et al., 2010). Second, regular physical activity

can contribute to the avoidance of obesity (Hill & Wyatt, 2005), reduc-

ing one’s risk for a variety of obesity-related health problems, including

diabetes, respiratory difficulties, arthritis, and back pain. Third, some

studies suggest that physical fitness is also associated with a decreased

risk for colon cancer and for breast and reproductive cancer in women

(Monninkhof et al., 2007; Thune & Furberg, 2001).

Fourth, exercise may serve as a buffer that reduces the potentially

damaging effects of stress and anxiety (Plante, Caputo, & Chizmar,

2000). This buffering effect may occur because people high in fitness

show less physiological reactivity to stress than those who are less fit.

Fifth, exercise may have a favorable impact on mental health, which in turn may have

positive effects on physical health. Exercise increases people’s happiness (Hyde et al.,

2011). Studies have also found a consistent association between regular exercise over

a period of at least 8 weeks and reduced depression (Phillips, Kiernan, & King, 2001),

which is important given the evidence that depression is correlated with increased

vulnerability to heart disease. Sixth, successful participation in an exercise program

can produce desirable personality changes, such as enhanced self-esteem (Ryan,

2008), that may promote physical wellness. Research suggests that fitness training can

lead to improvements in one’s mood, self-esteem, and work efficiency, as well as

reductions in tension and anxiety (Dunn, Trivedi, & O’Neal, 2001; Wipfli, Rethorst, &

Landers, 2008).

Devising an Exercise Program

Putting together a good exercise program is difficult for many people. People who do

not get enough exercise cite lack of time, lack of convenience, and lack of enjoyment as

the reasons (Jakicic & Gallagher, 2002). To circumvent these problems, it is wise to heed the

following advice (Greenberg, 2002; Jakicic & Gallagher, 2002).

1. Look for an activity that you will find enjoyable. You have a great many physical

activities to choose from (see Figure 5.18). Shop around for one that you find intrinsically

enjoyable. Doing so will make it much easier for you to follow through and exercise regu-

larly. Walking is a good choice that meets health requirements (Lee & Buchner, 2008), and

it does not require expensive equipment or a particular facility, such as a gym or health

club. It can be done outdoors in pleasant weather or indoors (a shopping mall) when the

weather is bad.

2. Exercise regularly without overdoing it. Sporadic exercise will not improve your fit-

ness. At the other extreme, an overzealous approach can lead to frustration, not to men-

tion injury. Moderation is key; more is not always better and may be counterproductive

(Reynolds, 2012).

3. Increase the amount of time you exercise gradually. Don’t rush it. Start slowly and

build up because any amount of exercise is apt to be better than no exercise. For example,

healthy people between the ages of 18 and 65 should do some moderate physical activity

for half an hour, 5 days a week (or vigorous exercise three times a week for 20 minutes)

(Haskell et al., 2007).

4. Reinforce yourself for your participation. To offset the inconvenience or pain that

may be associated with exercise, it is a good idea to reinforce yourself for your partici-

pation. The behavior modification procedures discussed in Chapter 3 can be helpful in

devising a viable exercise program.

5. It’s never too late to begin an exercise regimen. Be forewarned: The number of peo-

ple who engage in regular exercise declines with age. Yet even modest regular exercise has

pronounced health benefits, as has been shown in studies with participants well into their

70s, 80s, and 90s (Everett, Kinser, & Ramsey, 2007).

Physical fitness through regular exercise is

important for all age groups.

LW A

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144 C H A P T E R 5

Figure 5.18 A scorecard on the benefits of fourteen sports and exercises. Here is a summary of how seven experts rated the value of fourteen sports activities (the highest rating possible on any one item was 21).

The ratings were based on vigorous participation four times per week.

Source: Adapted from Conrad, C. C. (1976, May). How different sports rate in promoting physical fitness. Medical Times, p. 45.

Behavior and AIDS

At present, some of the most problematic links between behavior and health may be

those related to AIDS, a pandemic, or worldwide epidemic (Antoni & Carrico, 2012).

AIDS stands for acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), a disorder in which the

immune system is gradually weakened and eventually disabled by the human immu-

nodeficiency virus (HIV). Being infected with the HIV virus is not equivalent to having

AIDS. AIDS is the final stage of the HIV infection process, typically manifested about 7

to 10 years after the original infection (Carey & Vanable, 2003). With the onset of AIDS,

one is left virtually defenseless against a number of opportunistic infectious agents. The

symptoms of AIDS vary widely depending on the specific constellation of diseases that one

develops (Cunningham & Selwyn, 2005). And, unfortunately, some people infected with

HIV sincerely believe that there is no evidence the virus causes AIDS (Kalichman, Eaton,

& Cherry, 2010).

Since the mid-1990s, U.S. death rates for people with AIDS have declined dramatically,

but only recently have mortality rates started to level off around the world (UNAIDS, 2010).

Figure 5.19 illustrates the decline in AIDS cases reported each year (incidence) after 1992, as

well as the decline in deaths after 1995. As shown in Figure 5.19, prevalence is a measure of

all people affected by AIDS at a particular time. As you can see, due to accumulating cases

and reduced mortality, this prevalence figure has been climbing steadily. Advances in the

treatment of AIDS with drug regimens referred to as highly active antiretroviral therapy are

responsible for the decline in AIDS-related mortality (Pichenot et al., 2012). Although con-

siderable progress has been made, medical experts are concerned that the general public

has gotten the impression that these treatments have transformed AIDS from a fatal disease

to a manageable one, which is a premature conclusion. HIV strains are evolving, and many

have developed resistance to the currently available antiretroviral drugs (Trachtenberg &

HOW BENEFICIAL IS YOUR FAVORITE SPORT?

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21 19 21 18 19 19 16 19 16 10 13 8 6 5

Muscular endurance 20 18 20 17 18 19 18 17 16 13 14 8 8 5

Muscular strength 17 16 14 15 15 15 15 15 14 16 11 9 7 5

Flexibility 9 9 15 13 16 14 14 13 14 19 7 9 9 7

Balance 17 18 12 20 17 16 21 16 16 15 8 8 7 6

General well-being

Weight control 21 20 15 17 19 17 15 19 16 12 13 6 7 5

14 15 14 14 11 12 14 13 13 18 11 6 5 5

Digestion 13 12 13 11 13 12 9 10 12 11 11 7 8 7

Sleep 16 15 16 15 12 15 12 12 11 12 14 6 7 6

Total 148 142 140 140 140 139 134 134 128 126 102 67 64 51

Psychology and Physical Health 145

Sande, 2002). Moreover, many patients do not respond well to the new drugs, which often

have adverse side effects (Beusterien et al., 2008).

Although the aforementioned drug regimens have played a crucial role, other factors

have also contributed to recent progress in the battle against AIDS. Increases in longev-

ity are due in part to early detection of the disease and behavioral changes that promote

health and well-being. Thus, smoking, drinking alcohol, and enjoying illicit drugs are out,

while regular exercise, healthy eating, and sufficient rest are helping people with HIV/

AIDS live longer (Chou et al., 2004). Having a positive and optimistic attitude and seeking

positive meaning is also linked with reduced AIDS mortality rates (Ikovics et al., 2006;

Moskowitz, 2003).

Transmission

The HIV virus is transmitted through person-to-person contact involving the exchange

of bodily fluids, primarily semen and blood. The two principal modes of transmission

in the United States have been sexual contact and the sharing of needles by intravenous

(IV) drug users. In the United States, sexual transmission has occurred primarily among

gay and bisexual men, but heterosexual transmission has increased in recent years (Cen-

ters for Disease Control, 2006). In the world as a whole, infection through heterosexual

relations has been more common from the beginning (UNAIDS, 2007). In heterosexual

relations, male-to-female transmission is estimated to be about eight times more likely

than female-to-male transmission (Ickovics, Thayaparan, & Ethier, 2001). Although the

HIV virus can be found in the tears and saliva of infected individuals, the concentrations

are low, and there is no evidence that the infection can be spread through casual contact.

Even most forms of noncasual contact, including kissing, hugging, and sharing food with

infected individuals, appear safe (Kalichman, 1995). Children of HIV-positive women can

also acquire the disease during the pregnancy, the birthing process, or from breastfeeding

(UNAIDS, 2007).

19 81

10,000

20,000

30,000

40,000

50,000

N u

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o f

ca se

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e a

th s

60,000

70,000

80,000

90,000

Number of new cases

Number of deaths

Number of persons living with AIDS

1993 definition implementation

50,000

100,000

150,000

200,000

250,000

N u

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350,000

400,000

450,000

500,000

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19 82

19 83

19 84

19 85

19 86

19 87

19 88

19 89

19 90

19 91

19 92

19 93

19 94

Year

19 95

19 96

19 97

19 98

19 99

20 00

20 01

20 02

20 03

20 04

20 05

20 06

20 07

20 08

20 09

Figure 5.19 Incidence, prevalence, and deaths from AIDS cases by year, United States, 1981–2009. In 1992, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention revised its definition of HIV infection. Hence,

incidence figures from 1992 and subsequent years are not directly comparable to earlier figures. This graph

shows that the incidence of new cases and deaths due to AIDS have declined since the early 1990s. That

said, the prevalence of individuals affected by AIDS has been increasing steadily.

Sources: Klevens, R. M. & Neal, J. J. (2002). Update, AIDS—United States: 2000. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 51(27), 593; HIV/AIDS

Surveillance Report, 2002, by Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2004, vol. 14; HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report, 2006, by Centers for

Disease Control and Prevention, 2008, vol. 18; HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report, 2010, by Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012, vol. 22.

146 C H A P T E R 5

Misconceptions

Misconceptions about AIDS are widespread. Ironically, the people who hold these

misconceptions fall into two polarized camps. On the one hand, a great many people have

unrealistic fears that AIDS can be readily transmitted through casual contact with infected

individuals. These people worry unnecessarily about contracting AIDS from a handshake,

a sneeze, or an eating utensil. They tend to be paranoid about interacting with homosexu-

als, thus fueling discrimination against gays. Some people also believe that it is dangerous

to donate blood when, in fact, blood donors are at no risk whatsoever. In sum, many myths

about AIDS persist, despite extensive efforts to educate the public about this complex and

controversial disease. Figure 5.20 contains a short quiz to test your knowledge of the facts

about AIDS.

Prevention

The behavioral changes that minimize the risk of developing AIDS are fairly straightforward,

although making the changes is often easier said than done. In all groups, the more sexual

Figure 5.20 A quiz on knowledge of AIDS. Because misconceptions about AIDS abound, it may be wise to take this brief quiz to test your knowledge.

Source: Adapted from Kalichman, S. C. (1995). Understanding AIDS: A guide for mental health professionals. Washington, DC: American

AIDS RISK KNOWLEDGE TEST

Answer the following “true” or “false.”

T F 1. The AIDS virus cannot be spread through kissing.

T F 2. A person can get the AIDS virus by sharing kitchens and bathrooms with someone who

has AIDS.

T F 3. Men can give the AIDS virus to women.

T F 4.

T F 5.

T F 6. You can get AIDS by touching a person with AIDS.

T F 7. Women can give the AIDS virus to men.

T F 8. A person who got the AIDS virus from shooting up drugs cannot give the virus to someone by

having sex.

T F 9. A pregnant woman can give the AIDS virus to her unborn baby.

T F 10. Most types of birth control also protect against getting the AIDS virus.

T F 11. Condoms make intercourse completely safe.

T F 12. Oral sex is safe if partners “do not swallow.”

T F 13.

T F 14. It is more important to take precautions against AIDS in large cities than in small cities.

T F 15. A positive result on the AIDS virus antibody test often occurs for people who do not even

have the virus.

T F 16. Only receptive (passive) anal intercourse transmits the AIDS virus.

T F 17. Donating blood carries no AIDS risk for the donor.

T F 18. Most people who have the AIDS virus look quite ill.

Answers: 1. T 2. F 3. T 4. T 5. F 6. F 7. T 8. F 9. T 10. F 11. F 12. F 13. F 14. F 15. F 16. F 17. T 18. F

Psychology and Physical Health 147

partners a person has, the higher the risk that he or she will be exposed to the HIV virus.

Thus, people can reduce their risk by having sexual contacts with fewer partners and by us-

ing condoms to control the exchange of semen. It is also important to curtail certain sexual

practices (in particular, anal sex) that increase the probability of semen/blood mixing. New

cohorts of young people appear to be much less concerned about the risk of HIV infection

than the generation that witnessed the original emergence of AIDS (Mantell, Stein, & Susser,

2008). This false sense of security among young adults may have dire consequences in the

long run unless they adopt prevention practices and an attitude of vigilance.

Learning Objectives

■ Summarize evidence on patterns of

treatment-seeking behavior, including

the appeal of the “sick role.”

■ Identify factors that can undermine

doctor-patient communication and

discuss how to improve it.

■ Discuss the prevalence of and factors

influencing nonadherence to medical

advice.

5.3 Reactions to Illness

So far we have emphasized the psychosocial aspects of maintaining health and minimizing

the risk of illness. Health is also affected by how individuals respond to physical symptoms

and illnesses. Some people engage in denial and ignore early warning signs of developing

diseases. Others engage in active coping efforts to conquer their diseases. In this section, we

discuss the decision to seek medical treatment, the sick role, communication with health

providers, and compliance with medical advice.

The Decision to Seek Treatment

Have you ever experienced nausea, diarrhea, stiffness, headaches, cramps, chest pains,

or sinus problems? Of course you have; everyone experiences some of these problems

periodically. However, whether you view these sensations as symptoms is a matter of

individual interpretation, and the level of symptoms is what prompts people to seek med-

ical advice (Ringström et al., 2007). When two persons experience the same unpleasant

sensations, one may shrug them off as a nuisance, while the other may rush to a physician

(Leventhal, Cameron, & Leventhal, 2005). Studies suggest that those who are relatively

high in anxiety and neuroticism tend to report more symptoms of illness than others do

(Charles et al., 2008). Those who are extremely attentive to bodily sensations and health

concerns also report more symptoms than the average person (Barsky, 1988). When

feeling ill, women report more symptoms and higher distress than men do (Koopmans

& Lamers, 2007).

Variations in the perception of symptoms help explain why people vary so much in

their readiness to seek medical treatment. Generally, people are more likely to seek medical

care when their symptoms are unfamiliar, appear to be serious, last longer than expected, or

disrupt their work or social activities (Martin et al., 2003). Social class matters, too. Higher

socioeconomic groups report having fewer symptoms and better health, but when sickness

occurs, member of these groups are more likely to seek medical care than lower-income

people are (Matthews & Gallo, 2011; Stone, Krueger, et al., 2010).

Another key consideration is how friends and family react to the symptoms. Visibil-

ity of symptoms usually prompts people to seek medical care (Unger-Saldaña & Infante-

Castañeda, 2011). Medical consultation is much more likely when friends and family view

symptoms as serious and encourage the person to seek medical care, although nagging a

person about seeking care can sometimes backfire (Martin et al., 2003). Gender also in-

fluences decisions to seek treatment because women are much more likely than men to

utilize medical services (Galdas, Cheater, & Marshall, 2005). Finally, age matters: Young

children (age 5 and under) and older adults (late middle age and beyond) are more likely to

utilize health services. These facts should not be surprising, especially in the case of young

children, who often experience illnesses and vaccinations and have parents or caregivers

who take them for frequent checkups.

The process of seeking medical treatment can be divided into three stages of active,

complex problem solving (Martin et al., 2003). First, people have to decide that their

148 C H A P T E R 5

physical sensations are symptoms—that they are indicative of illness. Second, they have to

decide that their apparent illness warrants medical attention. Third, they have to go to the

trouble to make the actual arrangements for medical care, which can be complicated and

time consuming.

The Sick Role

Although many people tend to delay medical consultations, some people are actually

eager to seek medical care. Given this reality, it is not surprising that up to 60% of

patients’ visits to their primary care physicians appear to have little medical basis

(Ellington & Wiebe, 1999). Many of the people who are quick to solicit medical assis-

tance probably have learned that there are potential benefits in adopting the “sick role”

(Hamilton, Deemer, & Janata, 2003). For instance, the sick role absolves people from

responsibility for their incapacity and can be used to exempt them from many of their

normal duties and obligations (Segall, 1997). Fewer demands are placed on sick people,

who can often be selective in deciding which demands to ignore. Illness can provide a

convenient, face-saving excuse for one’s failures. Sick people may also find themselves

receiving lots of attention (affection, concern, sympathy) from friends and relatives.

This positive attention can be rewarding and can encourage the maintenance of symp-

toms (Walker, Claar, & Garber, 2002). Other individuals have medically unexplained

symptoms which puts pressure on physicians to judge the legitimacy of their claims

while also considering explanations linked to social problems or challenging personal-

ity traits (Mik-Meyer & Obling, 2012).

Communicating with Health Providers

When people seek help from physicians and other health-care providers, many factors can

undermine effective communication. If a physician communicates poorly, patients will be

less likely to follow whatever advice is offered (Zolnierek & DiMatteo, 2009). A large por-

tion of medical patients leave their doctors’ offices not understanding what they have been

told and what they are supposed to do (Johnson & Carlson, 2004). Research indicates that

Communication between health-care providers and patients tends to be far from optimal for a variety

of reasons.

MedFriendly

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Psychology and Physical Health 149

female physicians tend to be more patient-centered, spend more time with patients, ask

more questions, employ more emotionally focused language, and make more of an effort

to form a behavioral partnership with their patients than their male counterparts (Hall,

Blanch-Hartigan, & Roter, 2011).

There are many barriers to effective provider-patient communication (DiMatteo, 1997).

Economic realities dictate that medical visits usually be quite brief, allowing little time for

discussion. Illness and pain are subjective matters that may be difficult to describe. Many

providers use too much medical jargon and overestimate their patients’ understanding of

technical terms. Doctors and nurses often believe their explanations are clear; however,

patient misunderstanding can be a common phenomenon, one posing particular prob-

lems for individuals whose instructions regarding diagnosis, treatment, and medication are

complex (Parker, 2000).

Adherence to Medical Advice

Many patients fail to adhere to the instructions they receive from physicians and other

health-care professionals. Noncompliance with medical advice may occur 30% of the

time when short-term treatments are prescribed for acute conditions and 50% of the

time when long-term treatments are needed for chronic illness (Johnson & Carlson,

2004). Nonadherence takes many forms. Patients may fail to begin a treatment regimen,

may stop the regimen early, may reduce or increase the levels of treatment that were

prescribed, or may be inconsistent and unreliable in following treatment procedures

(Clifford, Barber, & Horn, 2008). The high costs of medication and other out-of-pocket

expenses can promote nonadherence among older adults who may be on fixed incomes

(Zivin et al., 2010).

Nonadherence is a major problem that has been linked to increased sickness,

treatment failures, and higher mortality (DiMatteo et al., 2002). What factors promote

adherence to taking medications? A recent meta-analysis suggests that adherence rates

increase with age; however, there is the related finding that it declines based on more fre-

quent dosing (Assawasuwannakit et al., 2015; see also, Gellad et al., 2011). Advancing age

reduces the likelihood of following dosing schedules. Here are some other considerations

that influence the likelihood of adherence (Dunbar-Jacob & Schlenk, 2001; Johnson &

Carlson, 2004).

1. Frequently, noncompliance occurs because patients simply forget instructions or

fail to understand the instructions as given. Medical professionals often forget that what

seems obvious and simple to them may be obscure and complicated to many of their

patients.

2. Instructions to patients are more effective when they are given verbally as well as in

written form. Instructions should be clear and delivered both ways in order to increase

compliance with medical directives (Johnson et al., 2007).

3. Another key factor is how aversive or difficult the treatments are. If the prescribed

regimen is unpleasant, compliance tends to decrease (Martin et al., 2010). For example,

adherence is reduced when prescribed medications have many severe side effects and

when instructions interfere with routine behavior.

4. If a patient has a negative attitude toward a physician, the probability of noncom-

pliance will increase. When patients are unhappy with their doctors, they’re more likely to

ignore the medical advice provided. When a working alliance is formed between patient

and physician, however, then compliance is likely to occur (Fuertes et al., 2007).

5. Treatment adherence can be improved when physicians do follow-ups. Patients are

more likely to follow prescribed treatments if their doctors pay attention to them after the

diagnosis has been made (Llorca, 2008).

150 C H A P T E R 5

National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA)

This government-sponsored site houses a great deal of information on

the medical consequences of abusing various drugs. It is also a resource

for statistics on trends in drug abuse.

Learn More Online

Answer the following “true” or “false.”

1. Smoking marijuana can make men impotent and sterile.

2. Overdoses caused by cocaine are relatively rare.

3. It is well documented that LSD causes chromosome

damage.

4. Hallucinogens are addictive.

5. Ecstasy is a relatively harmless drug.

As you will learn in this Application, all of these statements are

false. If you answered all of them accurately, you may already

be well informed about drugs. If not, you should be. Intelligent

decisions about drugs require an understanding of their effects

and risks.

This Application focuses on the use of drugs for their

pleasurable effects, commonly referred to as drug abuse or

recreational drug use. Drug abuse reaches into every corner

of our society and is a problematic health-impairing habit,

one that accounts for about 2% of deaths in the United States

each year (Kochanek et al., 2011). Although small declines

appear to have occurred in the overall abuse of drugs in

recent years, survey data show that illicit drug use has

mostly been increasing since the 1960s (Musto & Wish, 2011).

The onset of drug use is typically in adolescence (Swendsen

et al., 2012).

Recreational drug use involves personal, moral, politi-

cal, and legal, as well as occasionally religious, issues that are

not matters for science to resolve. However, the more knowl-

edgeable you are about drugs, the more informed your

decisions and opinions about them will be. Accordingly, this

Application is intended to provide you with nonjudgmen-

tal, realistic coverage of issues related to recreational drug

5.4 Understanding the Effects of Drugs

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Explain the concepts of drug tolerance, physical and psychological

dependence, and overdose.

■ Summarize the main effects and risks of narcotics, sedatives, stimulant

drugs, and hallucinogens.

■ Outline the main effects and risks of marijuana and ecstasy (MDMA).

Learning Objectives use. We begin by reviewing key drug-related concepts and

then examine the effects and risks of six types of widely

abused drugs: narcotics, sedatives, stimulants, hallucinogens,

marijuana, and ecstasy (MDMA).

Drug-Related Concepts

The principal types of recreational drugs are described in

Figure 5.21. This figure lists representative drugs in each of the

five categories and indicates how the drugs are taken, their

desired effects, and their common side effects.

Most drugs produce tolerance effects. Tolerance is a pro-

gressive decrease in a person’s responsiveness to a drug with

continued use. Tolerance effects usually lead people to consume

larger and larger doses of a drug to attain the effects they desire.

Tolerance builds more rapidly to some drugs than to others. The

second column in Figure 5.22 indicates whether various catego-

ries of drugs tend to produce rapid or gradual tolerance.

When evaluating potential problems associated with

using specific drugs, a key consideration is the likelihood

of either physical or psychological dependence. Although

both forms of drug dependence have a physiological basis,

important differences exist between the two syndromes.

Physical dependence exists when a person must continue

to take a drug to avoid withdrawal illness (which occurs

when drug use is terminated). The symptoms of withdrawal

illness (also called abstinence syndrome) vary depending on the

drug. Withdrawal from heroin and barbiturates can produce

fever, chills, tremors, convulsions, seizures, vomiting, cramps,

diarrhea, and severe aches and pains. The agony of withdrawal

from these drugs virtually compels addicts to continue using

them. Withdrawal from stimulants leads to a different and

somewhat milder syndrome dominated by fatigue, apathy,

irritability, depression, and disorientation.

Psychological dependence exists when a person must

continue to take a drug to satisfy intense mental and emo-

tional craving for it. Psychological dependence is more sub-

tle than physical dependence because it is not marked by a

clear withdrawal reaction. However, psychological depen-

dence can create a powerful, overwhelming need for a drug.

The two types of dependence often coexist—that is, many

people manifest both psychological and physical dependence

on a specific drug. Both types of dependence are established

gradually with repeated use of a drug. However, specific drugs

vary greatly in their potential for creating dependence. The

third and fourth columns in Figure 5.22 provide estimates of

the risk of each kind of dependence for the drugs covered in

our discussion.

Psychology and Physical Health 151

Figure 5.21 Major categories of abused drugs. This chart summarizes the methods of ingestion and principal effects of five major types of recreational drugs. Alcohol is covered in the main body of the chapter. (Based on Levinthal, 2014; Ruiz & Strain, 2011)

COMPARISON OF MAJOR CATEGORIES OF ABUSED DRUGS

Oral, injected

Oral, sniffed, injected, freebased, smoked

Narcotics (opiates) Morphine Heroin

Short-term side effectsDesired effects Methods of administration Drugs

Injected, smoked, oral Euphoria, relaxation, anxiety reduction, pain relief

Lethargy, drowsiness, nausea, impaired coordination, impaired mental functioning, constipation

Euphoria, relaxation, anxiety reduction, reduced inhibitions

Lethargy, drowsiness, severely impaired coordination, impaired mental functioning, emotional swings, dejection

Elation, excitement, increased alertness, increased energy, reduced fatigue

Increased blood pressure and heart rate, increased talkativeness, restlessness, irritability, insomnia, reduced appetite, increased sweating and urination, anxiety, paranoia, increased aggressiveness, panic

OralHallucinogens LSD Mescaline Psilocybin

Stimulants Amphetamines Cocaine

Sedatives Barbiturates (e.g., Seconal) Nonbarbiturates (e.g., Quaalude)

Smoked, oral

Increased sensory awareness, euphoria, altered perceptions, hallucinations, insightful experiences

Dilated pupils, nausea, emotional swings, paranoia, jumbled thought processes, impaired judgment, anxiety, panic reaction

Mild euphoria, relaxation, altered perceptions, enhanced awareness

Bloodshot eyes, dry mouth, reduced memory, sluggish motor coordination, sluggish mental functioning, anxiety

Cannabis Marijuana Hashish THC

An overdose is an excessive dose of a drug that can

seriously threaten one’s life. Any drug can be fatal if a per-

son takes enough of it, but some drugs carry more risk of

overdose than others. In Figure 5.22, the fifth column esti-

mates the risk of accidentally consuming a lethal overdose of

various drugs. Drugs that are central nervous system (CNS)

depressants—narcotics and sedatives—carry the greatest risk

of overdose. It’s important to understand that the effects of

these drugs are additive. Many overdoses involve lethal com-

binations of CNS depressants. What happens when people

overdose on these drugs? Their respiratory system usually

grinds to a halt, producing coma, brain damage, and death

within a brief period. In contrast, fatal overdoses with CNS

stimulants (cocaine and amphetamines) usually involve a

heart attack, stroke, or cortical seizure.

Now that our basic vocabulary is spelled out, we can begin to

examine the typical effects and risks of major recreational drugs.

Narcotics

Narcotics are drugs derived from opium that are capable

of relieving pain. Many people recognize the term narcotic

Figure 5.22 Specific risks for various categories of drugs. This chart shows the estimated risk potential for tolerance, dependence, and overdose for the five major categories of drugs discussed in this Application.

RISKS ASSOCIATED WITH MAJOR CATEGORIES OF ABUSED DRUGS

Drugs Tolerance

Risk of physical

dependence

Risk of psychological

dependence

Fatal overdose

potential

Narcotics Rapid High High High

Sedatives Rapid High High High

Stimulants Rapid Moderate High Moderate to high

Hallucinogens Gradual None Very low Very low

Cannabis Gradual None Low to moderate Very low

152 C H A P T E R 5

and can name an example, and they often view the word as

having a negative connotation (Wallace et al., 2013). In con-

trast, the term opioid is less recognized by the general pub-

lic, despite the fact that the overprescribing of opioid pain

relievers is linked to a rise in opioid addiction (Kolodny et al.,

2015). In government regulations, the term narcotic is used

in a haphazard way to refer to a variety of drugs besides opi-

ates. The most widely abused opiates are heroin, morphine,

and a relatively new painkiller called Oxycontin (oxycodone).

However, less potent opiates, such as codeine, Demerol, and

Vicodin, are also subject to misuse.

Effects

The most significant narcotics problem in modern Western

society is the use of heroin. Most users inject this drug in-

travenously with a hypodermic needle. The main effect is an

overwhelming sense of euphoria. This “Who cares?” feel-

ing makes the heroin high an attractive escape from reality.

Common side effects include nausea, lethargy, drowsiness,

constipation, and slowed respiration.

Risks

Narcotics carry a high risk for both psychological and physical

dependence (Epstein, Phillips, & Preston, 2011; Lee, McNeely,

& Gourevitch, 2011). Although heroin withdrawal usually

isn’t life threatening, it can be terribly unpleasant, so “junkies”

feel a desperate need to continue their drug use. Once depen-

dence is entrenched (Woodcock et al., 2015), users tend to

develop a drug-centered lifestyle that revolves around the need

to procure more heroin. This lifestyle occurs because the drug

is expensive and available only through highly undependable

black market channels. Obviously, it is difficult to lead a pro-

ductive life if one’s existence is dominated by a desperate need

to “score” heroin. The inordinate cost of the drug forces many

junkies to resort to criminal activities to support their habit.

Heroin use in the United States has increased by more than

60% in recent years, and heroin is blamed for more than 8000

deaths annually, so overdose is a very real danger (Sifferlin,

2015). The effects of opiates are additive with those of other

CNS depressants, and most narcotic overdoses occur in com-

bination with the use of sedatives or alcohol. Junkies also risk

contracting infectious disease because they often share hypo-

dermic needles and tend to be sloppy about sterilizing them.

The most common of these diseases used to be hepatitis, but

in recent years AIDS has been transmitted at an alarming rate

through the population of intravenous drug users (Goforth

et al., 2011; Lee, McNeely, & Gourevitch, 2011). Finally, there

is emerging evidence that heroin abuse damages white matter

(neural tissue) in the brains of long-term users (Wollman

et al., 2015).

Sedatives

Sedatives are sleep-inducing drugs that tend to decrease

central nervous system and behavioral activity. In street

jargon, they are often called “downers” because they induce

a sense of relaxation and occasional intoxication, accompa-

nied by lowered metabolic function (Julien et al., 2011). Over

the years, the most widely abused sedatives have been the

barbiturates, which are compounds derived from barbituric

acid. However, barbiturates have gradually become medically

obsolete and diminished in availability, so sedative abusers

have had to turn to drugs in the benzodiazepine family, such as

Valium (Ciraulo & Knapp, 2011).

Effects

People abusing sedatives generally consume larger doses than

are prescribed for medical purposes. These overly large doses

have a euphoric effect similar to that produced by drinking

large amounts of alcohol (Ciraulo & Knapp, 2011). Feelings of

tension, anxiety, and depression are temporarily replaced by a

relaxed, pleasant state of intoxication in which inhibitions may

be loosened. Sedatives carry a truckload of dangerous side

effects: reduced motor coordination, slurred speech, and a stag-

gering gait, among other problems. Intellectual functioning also

becomes sluggish, and judgment is impaired. The user’s emo-

tional tone may become unstable, with feelings of dejection

often intruding on the intended euphoric mood.

Risks

Sedatives have the potential to produce both psychological and

physical dependence. They are also among the leading causes of

overdoses in the United States because of their additive inter-

actions with other CNS depressants (especially alcohol) and

because of the degree to which they impair judgment. In their

drug-induced haze, sedative abusers are likely to take doses they

would ordinarily recognize as dangerous. Sedative users also

elevate their risk for accidental injuries because these drugs can

have significant effects on motor coordination.

Stimulants

Whereas sedatives slow people’s metabolic rate (Julien et al.,

2011), stimulants create a feeling of alertness and energetic

awareness. Stimulants are drugs that tend to increase cen-

tral nervous system and behavioral activity. They range from

mild, widely available forms, such as caffeine and nicotine, to

stronger, carefully regulated stimulants, such as cocaine and am-

phetamines (“speed”). All stimulants have some mood-altering

effect. Here we focus on the latter two drugs.

Cocaine, an organic substance extracted from the coca

shrub, is usually consumed as a crystalline powder that is snorted

through the nasal cavities, although it can be consumed orally or

intravenously. It is a dangerous drug (Huq, 2007). “Crack” is a

processed variant of cocaine, consisting of little chips of cocaine

that are usually smoked. Smoking crack tends to be more dan-

gerous than snorting cocaine powder because smoking leads to

a more rapid absorption of the drug into the bloodstream and

more concentrated delivery of the drug to the brain. That said,

all the forms of cocaine and all the routes of administration can

Psychology and Physical Health 153

deliver highly toxic amounts of the drug to the brain (Paczynski

& Gold, 2011).

Effects

Amphetamines and cocaine have almost indistinguishable

effects, except that cocaine produces a very brief high (20–30

minutes unless more is taken), while a speed high can last many

hours. Stimulants create a euphoria very different from that cre-

ated by narcotics or sedatives. They produce a buoyant, elated,

enthusiastic, energetic, “I can conquer the world!” feeling ac-

companied by increased alertness. Common side effects include

increased blood pressure, muscle tension, sweating, and rest-

lessness. Some users experience unpleasant feelings of irritabil-

ity, anxiety, and paranoia.

Risks

Stimulants can cause physical dependence, but the physi-

cal distress caused by withdrawal is mild compared to that

caused by narcotic or sedative withdrawal. Psychological de-

pendence on stimulants is a more common problem. Cocaine

can create an exceptionally powerful psychological dependence

that compels the user to pursue the drug with a fervor nor-

mally seen only when physical dependence exists (Paczynski

& Gold, 2011).

Both cocaine and amphetamines can suppress appetite and

disrupt sleep. Thus, heavy use of stimulants may lead to poor

eating, poor sleeping, and ultimately, a deterioration in physi-

cal health. Furthermore, stimulant use increases one’s risk for

stroke, heart attack, and other forms of cardiovascular disease,

and crack smoking is associated with a host of respiratory prob-

lems (Paczynski & Gold, 2011). Regular cocaine users show

greater incidence of cardiovascular disease than nonusers, but

even novice users place themselves at risk for cardiac symp-

toms (Darke, Kaye, & Duflou, 2006). Heavy stimulant use oc-

casionally leads to the onset of a severe psychological disorder

called amphetamine or cocaine psychosis (depending on the drug

involved), which is dominated by intense paranoia (Hill &

Weiss, 2011). All of the risks associated with stimulant use

increase when more potent forms of the drugs (crack and ice)

are used. Overdoses on stimulants used to be relatively infre-

quent. However, in recent years, cocaine overdoses have increased

sharply as more people experiment with more dangerous modes

of ingestion.

Hallucinogens

Hallucinogens are a diverse group of drugs that have pow-

erful effects on mental and emotional functioning, marked

most prominently by distortions in sensory and perceptual

experience. The principal hallucinogens are LSD, mescaline,

and psilocybin, which have similar effects, although they vary

in potency. Mescaline comes from the peyote plant, psilocybin

comes from a particular type of mushroom, and LSD is a syn-

thetic drug. Common street names for hallucinogens include

acid, mushrooms, fry, and blotter.

Effects

Hallucinogens intensify and distort perception in ways that are

difficult to describe, and they temporarily impair intellectual

functioning as thought processes become meteoric and jumbled.

These drugs can produce awesome feelings of euphoria that

sometimes include an almost mystical sense of “oneness” with

the human race. This is why they have been used in religious

ceremonies in various cultures. Unfortunately, at the other end of

the emotional spectrum, they can also produce nightmarish feel-

ings of anxiety, fear, and paranoia, commonly called a “bad trip.”

Risks

There is no potential for physical dependence on hallucino-

gens, and no deaths attributable to overdose are known to

have occurred. Psychological dependence has been reported

but appears to be rare. Tolerance to LSD happens quickly but

can dissipate within a week or two if use of the drug ends

(Erikson, 2007).

Although the dangers of hallucinogens have probably

been exaggerated in the popular press, there are some sig-

nificant risks (Pechnick & Cunningham, 2011). Emotion is

highly volatile with these drugs, so users can never be sure

they won’t experience acute panic from a terrifying bad trip.

Generally, this disorientation subsides within a few hours,

leaving no permanent emotional scars. However, in such a se-

vere state of disorientation, accidents and suicide are possible.

Flashbacks are vivid hallucinogenic experiences occurring

long after the original drug ingestion. They do not appear to

be a common problem, but repetitious flashbacks have proved

troublesome for some individuals. In a small minority of

users, hallucinogens may contribute to the emergence of a

variety of psychological disorders (psychoses, depressive reac-

tions, paranoid states) that may be partially attributable to the

drug (Pechnick & Cunningham, 2011).

Marijuana

Cannabis is the hemp plant from which marijuana, hashish,

and THC are derived. Marijuana (often called pot, weed, reefer,

or grass) is a mixture of dried leaves, flowers, stems, and seeds

taken from the plant, while hashish comes from the plant’s resin.

Although marijuana remains illegal in most states, it is now avail-

able for legal recreational use in Colorado, Oregon, Alaska, and

Washington State, and for medical use in other states (Ghosh

et al., 2015). Some researchers argue that the legalization of

marijuana for medical purposes can provide appropriate regula-

tion while establishing standards for the drug’s potency, dosing,

and method of delivery, thus minimizing problems (Loflin &

Earleywine, 2015). Other researchers believe legalizing the drug

for medicinal purposes will have long-term, negative conse-

quences for young people (Wright, 2015).

Effects

When smoked, cannabis has an almost immediate impact that

may last several hours. The effects of the drug vary greatly,

154 C H A P T E R 5

depending on the user’s expectations and experience with it, the

drug’s potency, and the amount smoked. The drug has subtle

effects on emotion, perception, and cognition (Budney, Vandey,

& Fearer, 2011). Emotionally, the drug tends to create a mild,

relaxed state of euphoria. Perceptually, it enhances the impact

of incoming stimulation, thus making music sound better,

food taste better, and so on. Cannabis tends to produce a slight

impairment in cognitive functioning (especially short-term

memory) and perceptual-motor coordination while the user is

high. However, there are huge variations among users.

Risks

Overdose and physical dependence are not problems with

marijuana, but as with any other drug that produces pleas-

ant feelings, it has the potential to produce psychological de-

pendence (Budney, Vandey, & Fearer, 2011). Marijuana can

also cause transient problems with anxiety and depression in

some people. Of greater concern is recent research suggesting

that marijuana use during adolescence may help to precipitate

schizophrenia in young people who have a genetic vulnerabil-

ity to the disorder (Compton, Goulding, & Walker, 2007; see

Chapter 14). Studies also suggest that cannabis may have a

more negative effect on driving than has been widely believed

(Ramaekers, Robbe, & O’Hanlon, 2000). Indeed, people

often make riskier decisions under the influence of marijuana

(Lane et al., 2005), which may account for its link to in-

creased risk for injuries (Kalant, 2004). Like tobacco smoke,

marijuana smoke carries carcinogens and impurities into

the lungs, thus increasing one’s chances for respiratory and

pulmonary diseases, and probably lung cancer (Kalant, 2004).

Recent decriminalization of marijuana in some states has

been found to be a risk factor for increased acceptance and

use of the drug among young people (Miech et al., 2015).

However, the evidence on other widely publicized risks

remains controversial. Here is a brief overview of the evi-

dence on some of these controversies.

● Does marijuana reduce one’s immune response? Research

with animals clearly demonstrates that cannabis can suppress

various aspects of immune system responding (Cabral

& Pettit, 1998). However, infectious diseases do not appear

to be more common among marijuana smokers than

among nonsmokers. Thus, it is unclear whether marijuana

increases susceptibility to infectious diseases in humans (Bredt

et al., 2002). ● Does marijuana lead to impotence and sterility in men?

Research with humans has yielded weak, inconsistent, and

reversible effects on testosterone and sperm levels (Brown &

Dobs, 2002). At present, the evidence suggests that marijuana

has little lasting impact on male smokers’ fertility or sexual

functioning (Budney, Vandey, & Fearer, 2011). ● Does marijuana have long-term negative effects on

cognitive functioning? Some studies using elaborate and

precise assessments of cognitive functioning have found

an association between chronic, heavy marijuana use and

measureable impairments in attention and memory that show

up when users are not high (Solowij et al., 2002). However,

the cognitive deficits that have been observed are modest and

certainly not disabling, and one study found that the deficits

vanished after a month of marijuana abstinence (Pope, Gruber,

& Yurgelun-Todd, 2001).

Ecstasy (MDMA) A relatively recent drug controversy in Western society cen-

ters on MDMA, better known as “ecstasy.” Derived from

methamphetamine, MDMA was originally formulated in

1912 but was not widely used in the United States until the

1990s, when it became popular in the context of “raves” and

dance clubs. Popularity of the drug, which peaked around

2001 and then dropped (Johnston et al., 2008), is greater

among high school students than young adults (Johnston

et al., 2007; Wardle, Kirkpatrick, & de Wit, 2015). MDMA is

a compound related to both amphetamines and hallucino-

gens, especially mescaline; it produces a high that typically

lasts a few hours or more. Users report that they feel warm,

friendly, euphoric, sensual, insightful, and empathetic, yet

alert and energetic. Problematic side effects include increased

blood pressure, muscle tension, sweating, blurred vision,

insomnia, and transient anxiety. Marijuana is less dangerous than most abused drugs, but as the text notes,

it is not without its risks.

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Psychology and Physical Health 155

MDMA, better known as “ecstasy,” surged in popularity in the 1990s in the context of “raves” and dance clubs. Although

many people view MDMA as a relatively harmless drug, recent research suggests otherwise.

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MDMA does not appear to be especially addictive, but

psychological dependence can clearly become a problem for

some people. MDMA has been implicated in cases of stroke

and heart attack, seizures, heat stroke, and liver damage, but

its exact contribution is hard to gauge given all the other

drugs that MDMA users typically consume (McCann, 2011).

Chronic, heavy use of ecstasy appears to be associated with

sleep disorders, depression, and elevated anxiety and hostility

(Morgan, 2000). Recent research indicates that recreational

MDMA users show increased levels of the stress hormone

cortisol as well as significant memory impairments (Downey

et al., 2015; Ruis et al., 2015). Other studies have found

decreased performance on laboratory tasks requiring atten-

tion and learning (Gallagher et al., 2014). Thus, although

more research is needed, there are many reasons to be con-

cerned about the possible deleterious effects of ecstasy.

C H A P T E R 5 Review Key Ideas

5.1 Stress, Personality, and Illness ● The biopsychosocial model holds that physical health is influenced by

a complex network of biological, psychological, and sociocultural factors. Stress is one of the psychological factors that can affect physical health. In particular, cynical hostility has been implicated as a contributing cause of coronary heart disease. A number of mechanisms may contribute to this connection.

● Emotional reactions may also influence susceptibility to heart disease. Recent research has suggested that transient mental stress and the negative emotions that result may tax the heart. Yet another line of research has identified the emotional dysfunction of depression as a risk factor for heart disease.

● The connection between psychological factors and the onset of cancer is not well documented, but stress and personality do appear to influence the course of the disease. Researchers have found associations between stress and the onset of a variety of other diseases. Stress may play a role in a variety of diseases because it can temporarily suppress immune functioning. Although there’s little doubt that stress can contribute to the development of physical illness, the link between stress and illness is modest.

5.2 Habits, Lifestyles, and Health ● People commonly engage in health-impairing habits and lifestyles.

These habits creep up slowly, and their risks are easy to ignore because the dangers often lie in the distant future.

● Smokers have much higher mortality rates than nonsmokers because they are more vulnerable to a variety of diseases. Giving up smoking can reduce one’s health risks, but doing so is difficult and relapse rates are high. The Spotlight on Research suggested that monetary incentives may help people to give up smoking.

● Drinking rivals smoking as a source of health problems. In the short term, drinking can impair driving, cause various types of accidents, and increase the likelihood of aggressive interactions or reckless sexual behavior. In the long term, chronic, excessive alcohol consumption increases one’s risk for numerous health problems, including cirrhosis of the liver, heart disease, hypertension, stroke, and cancer.

● Obesity elevates one’s risk for many health problems. Body weight is influenced by genetic endowment, eating and exercise habits, and perhaps set point or settling point. Weight loss is best accomplished by decreasing caloric consumption while increasing exercise.

● Poor nutritional habits have been linked to many health problems, including cardiovascular diseases and some types of cancer, although some of the links are tentative. One’s health can best be served by eating a balanced diet while limiting the intake of saturated fats, cholesterol, refined carbohydrates, sugar, and salt.

● Lack of exercise is associated with elevated mortality rates. Regular exercise can reduce one’s risk for cardiovascular disease, cancer, and obesity-related diseases; buffer the effects of stress; and lead to desirable personality changes.

● Although misconceptions abound, HIV is transmitted almost exclusively by sexual contact and the sharing of needles by intravenous drug users. One’s risk for HIV infection can be reduced by avoiding IV drug use, having fewer sexual partners, using condoms, and curtailing certain sexual practices.

5.3 Reactions to Illness ● Variations in seeking treatment are influenced by the severity,

duration, and disruptiveness of one’s symptoms and by the reactions of friends and family. The biggest problem is the tendency of many people

to delay needed medical treatment. At the other extreme, a minority of people learn to like the sick role because it earns them attention and allows them to avoid stress.

● Good communication is crucial to effective health services, but many factors undermine communication between patients and health providers, such as short visits, overuse of medical jargon, and patients’ reluctance to ask questions.

● Noncompliance with medical advice is a major problem, which appears to occur 30%–50% of the time. The likelihood of nonadherence is greater when instructions are difficult to understand, when recommendations are difficult to follow, and when patients are unhappy with their doctor.

5.4 Application: Understanding the Effects of Drugs ● Recreational drugs vary in their potential for tolerance effects,

psychological dependence, physical dependence, and overdose. The risks associated with narcotics use include both types of dependence, overdose, and the acquisition of infectious diseases.

● Sedatives can also produce both types of dependence, are subject to overdoses, and elevate the user’s risk for accidental injuries. Stimulant use can lead to psychological dependence, overdose, psychosis, and a deterioration in physical health. Cocaine overdoses have increased greatly in recent years.

● Hallucinogens can in some cases contribute to accidents, suicides, and psychological disorders, and they can cause flashbacks. The risks of marijuana use include psychological dependence, impaired driving, transient problems with anxiety and depression, and respiratory and pulmonary diseases. Recent studies suggest that marijuana use may have some long-term negative effects on cognitive processes.

● More research is needed, but it appears that the use of ecstasy (MDMA) may contribute to a variety of acute and chronic physical maladies. MDMA may also have subtle, negative effects on cognitive functioning.

Acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) p. 144

Alcohol dependence (alcoholism) p. 135

Atherosclerosis p. 125 Biopsychosocial model p. 123 Body mass index (BMI) p. 136 Cancer p. 128 Cannabis p. 153 Coronary heart disease p. 125 Hallucinogens p. 153 Health psychology p. 123 Hostility p. 126 Immune response p. 129

MDMA, p. 154 Narcotics p. 151 Nutrition p. 139 Overdose p. 151 Physical dependence p. 150 Psychological dependence p. 150 Sedatives p. 152 Set-point theory p. 138 Settling-point theory p. 138 Stimulants p. 152 Tolerance p. 150 Type A personality p. 126 Type B personality p. 126 Unrealistic optimism p. 130

Key Terms

Meyer Friedman and Ray Rosenman pp. 125–126

Janice Kiecolt-Glaser p. 129

Key People

156 C H A P T E R 5

C H A P T E R 5 Practice Test 9. Which of the following risks is not typically associated with

narcotics use? a. Overdose b. Infectious disease c. Physical dependence d. Flashbacks

10. The use of sedatives may result in personal injury because they a. cause motor coordination to deteriorate. b. enhance motor coordination too much, making people

overconfident about their abilities. c. suppress pain warnings of physical harm. d. trigger hallucinations such as flying.

1. The greatest threats to health in our society today are a. environmental toxins. b. accidents. c. chronic diseases. d. contagious diseases caused by specific infectious agents.

2. Which of the following is not associated with elevated coronary risk? a. Cynical hostility b. Strong emotional reactions to transient mental stress c. Obsessive-compulsive disorder d. Depression

3. Why do people tend to act in self-destructive ways? a. Because many health-impairing habits creep up on them b. Because many health-impairing habits involve activities that

are quite pleasant at the time c. Because the risks tend to lie in the distant future d. All of the above

4. Some short-term risks of alcohol consumption include all but which of the following? a. Hangovers and life-threatening overdoses in combination

with other drugs b. Poor perceptual coordination and driving drunk c. Increased aggressiveness and argumentativeness d. Transient anxiety from endorphin-induced flashbacks

5. Twin studies and other behavioral genetics research suggest that a. genetic factors have little impact on people’s weight. b. heredity has scant influence on BMI but does influence

weight. c. heredity accounts for 60% or more of the variation in

weight. d. heredity is responsible for severe, morbid obesity but has

little influence over the weight of normal people.

6. Which of the following has not been found to be a mode of transmission for AIDS? a. Sexual contact among homosexual men b. The sharing of needles by intravenous drug users c. Sexual contact among heterosexuals d. Sharing food or a food utensil

7. Regarding the seeking of medical treatment, the biggest problem is a. the tendency of many people to delay seeking treatment. b. the tendency of many people to rush too quickly for medical

care for minor problems. c. not having enough doctors to cover peoples’ needs. d. the tendency of people in higher socioeconomic categories

to exaggerate their symptoms.

8. In which of the following cases are people most likely to follow the instructions they receive from health-care professionals? a. When the instructions are complex and punctuated with

impressive medical jargon b. When they do not fully understand the instructions but still

feel the need to do something c. When they like and understand the health-care professional d. All of the above

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 5.1 Self-Assessment: Health Locus of Control Scale

Exercise 5.2 Self-Reflection: How Do Your Health Habits Rate?

Answers 1. c Page 123 2. c Pages 125–128 3. d Pages 130–131 4. d Page 135 5. c Page 137

6. d Page 146 7. a Page 147 8. c Page 149 9. d Pages 151–152

10. a Page 152

Psychology and Physical Health 157

C H A P T E R 6 The Self

6.1 Self-Concept

The Nature of the Self-Concept

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Possible Selves and Late Life Depression

Self-Discrepancies

Factors Shaping the Self-Concept

6.2 Self-Esteem

The Importance of Self-Esteem

The Development of Self-Esteem

Ethnicity, Gender, and Self-Esteem

6.3 Basic Principles of Self-Perception

Cognitive Processes

Self-Attributions

Explanatory Style

Motives Guiding Self-Understanding

Methods of Self-Enhancement

RECOMMENDED READING The Marshmallow Test by Walter Mischel

6.4 Self-Regulation

Self-Efficacy

Self-Defeating Behavior

6.5 Self-Presentation

Impression Management

Self-Monitoring

6.6 APPLICATION: Building Self-Esteem

Review

Practice Test

NAS CRETIVES/Shutterstock.com

6.1 Self-Concept

If you were asked to describe yourself, what would you say? You’d probably start off with

some physical attributes such as “I’m tall,” “I have brown eyes,” or “I’m blonde.” Soon you’d

move on to psychological characteristics: “I’m friendly,” “I’m honest,” “I have a good sense

of humor,” and so forth. People usually identify whatever makes them unique or distinct

in a particular situation (McGuire & Padawer-Singer, 1978). These distinctive qualities fit

into their self-definitions. As we will see, the self is both a cognitive and a social construct

(Baumeister, Masicampo, & Twenge, 2013), one containing a subjective awareness (Klein,

2012) that emerges in early childhood and unfolds through adolescence (Harter, 2012).

How did you develop beliefs about yourself ? Have your self-views changed over time?

Read on.

The Nature of the Self-Concept

Although the self-concept is usually talked about as a single entity, it is actually a mul-

tifaceted structure (Oyserman, Elmore, & Smith, 2012). As defined in chapter 2, the

self-concept is a collection of beliefs about one’s own basic nature, unique qualities, and

typical behavior. The self-concept entails your beliefs about your personality (Markus &

Cross, 1990), those things that come to mind when you think about yourself (Stets & Burke,

2003), what you believe to be true about yourself (Forgas & Williams, 2002), and your

particular goals (Burkley et al., 2015). These beliefs, also called self-schemas, shape social

perception (Showers & Zeigler-Hill, 2012), are developed from past experience, and are

concerned with your personality traits, abilities, physical features, values, goals, and social

and cultural roles (Brannon, Markus, & Taylor, 2015). For example, students’ academic

identities can frame their educational journeys in positive ways that promote engagement

with the demands of college work (Landau et al., 2014). Thus, people have self-schemas on

dimensions that are important to them, including both strengths and weaknesses. Figure 6.1

depicts the self-concepts of two hypothetical individuals.

accounting, which will lead right to a career. Wait a minute:

What if the professor calls on you in front of all these strang-

ers who are already friends? Will you sound intelligent or

look foolish? As the professor begins to take the class roll,

your mind is racing. You feel tense and your stomach gets a

little queasy as she gets closer in the alphabet to your name.

This scenario illustrates the process of self-perception

and the effects it can have on emotion, motivation, and goal

setting. People engage in this sort of self-reflection con-

stantly, especially when they are trying to understand their

own behavior or when they must decide how to act.

In this chapter, we highlight the self and its impor-

tant role in adjustment. We begin by looking at two major

components of the self: self-concept and self-esteem. Then

we review some key principles of the self-perception pro-

cess. Next, we turn to the important topic of self-regulation.

Finally, we focus on how people present themselves to others.

In this chapter’s Application, we offer some suggestions for

building self-esteem. ■

A t last you are in college and on your own, away from

home. You are a little nervous but excited about your

new life and its challenges. Today is your first official

day of college and psychology is your first class. You arrive

early. You take a seat near the front of the lecture hall and

immediately feel conspicuous. You don’t know anyone in

the class; in fact, you suddenly realize you don’t know any-

one at the university except your roommate, who is still a

stranger. Many students seem to know one another. They

are laughing, talking, and catching up while you just sit

there, quiet and alone. They seem friendly, so why won’t

they talk to you? Should you speak to them first? Are you

dressed okay—what about your hair? You begin to question

yourself: Will you ever make any friends in this class or

at the university? Oh, here comes the professor. She seems

nice enough, but you wonder what she expects. Will this

class be difficult? Well, you do plan to work hard and study

a lot, but how will psychology help you in the future? Per-

haps you should be taking a more practical class, maybe

Learning Objectives

■ Identify some key aspects of the self-

concept and describe the Spotlight on

Research regarding possible selves.

■ Cite two types of self-discrepancies and

describe their effects and ways to cope

with them.

■ Discuss important factors that help

form the self-concept.

■ Explain how individualism and

collectivism influence the self-concept.

The Self 159

160 C H A P T E R 6

Each self-schema is characterized by relatively distinct thoughts and feelings. For

instance, you might have considerable information about your social skills and feel quite

self-assured about them but have limited information and less confidence about your phys-

ical skills. Your self-concept is apt to be “relational”—that is, your sense of self is based on

your current and past relationships with significant others in your life, such as friends,

family, and romantic partners (Chen, Boucher, & Tapias, 2006).

Beliefs about the self influence not only current behavior but also future behavior.

Possible selves are one’s conceptions about the kind of person one might become in

the future (Destin & Oyserman, 2009; Erikson, 2007). If you have narrowed your career

choices to personnel manager and psychologist, they would represent two possible selves

in the career realm. According to Hazel Markus, possible selves are developed from past

experiences, current behavior, and future expectations. They make people attentive to

goal-related information and role models and mindful of the need to practice goal-related

skills. As such, they help individuals not only to envision desired future goals but also to

achieve them (McElwee & Haugh, 2010) while moderating reactions to

both positive and negative feedback (Niedenthal, Setterlund, & Wherry,

1992). Interestingly, it has been found that, for individuals who have experi-

enced traumatic events, psychological adjustment is best among those who

are able to envision a variety of positive selves (Morgan & Janoff-Bulman,

1994). Sometimes, however, possible selves are negative and represent

what you fear you might become—such as an alcoholic like Uncle George

or a recluse lacking intimate relationships like your next-door neighbor.

In these cases, possible selves function as images to be avoided (e.g., Lee &

Oyserman, 2009).

What motivates people to approach or avoid particular possible

selves? One answer appears to be motives that enhance one’s identity.

Vignoles and colleagues (2008) found that people desired possible selves

that enhanced their self-esteem, self-perceived effectiveness, and sense of

meaning or purpose, among other motives. At the same time, however,

they feared developing identities in which such desired motives would be

blocked. Other research finds that motivation linked to positive selves is

contextually based (Oyserman, Destin, & Novin, 2015). When people are

focused on success-likely contexts (an athlete competes in a familiar sport)

rather than success-unlikely situations (competing in an unfamilar sport),

they are more motivated to perform if they are also thinking about a

desired (winning) rather than an undesired possible future (losing). Thus,

the fit between context and future self matters.

Individuals’ beliefs about themselves are not set in concrete—but neither

are they easily changed. People are strongly motivated to maintain a consis-

tent view of the self across time and situations. Thus, once the self-concept

is established, the individual has a tendency to preserve and defend it. In

the context of this stability, however, self-beliefs do have a certain dynamic

quality. For example, when coupled with educational strategies, “academic

possible selves” led to positive changes in planning, test scores, grades, and

attendance in a sample of low-income minority youth (Oyserman, Bybee,

& Terry, 2006). Individuals with academic or career-oriented possible selves

are also more persistent when it comes to scholastic achievement than those

with different self-goals (Leondari & Gonida, 2008). Self-concepts seem to

be most susceptible to change when people shift from an important and

familiar social setting to an unfamiliar one, such as when they go off to col-

lege or to a new city for their first “real” job. Uncertainty can be motivating,

leading to productive behavior if people believe they have the skills neces-

sary to tackle desired goals (Smith et al., 2014).

How do possible selves influence our mental health in our later years?

That question motivated this chapter’s Spotlight on Research.

Hazel Markus, a social psychologist,

identified the influence of possible selves

in how people conceive of what they may

become or be like in the future.

Sense of humor

Jason’s self-concept

Chris’s self-concept

Athlete Tall

Cynical

Aspiring journalist

Intelligent

Masculine

Average- looking

IntrovertedAmbitious

Inquisitive

Son

Determined

Energetic

Helpful

Student

Conservative

Masculine Aspiring

sales manager

Student

Optimistic

Attractive

Friendly

Son

Fraternity member

LiberalHelpful

Intelligent

Figure 6.1 The self-concept and self-schemas. The self-concept is composed of various self-schemas, or beliefs about the self. Jason

and Chris have different self-concepts in part because they have

different self-schemas.

The Self 161

Possible Selves and Late Life Depression

Source: Bolkan, C., Hooker, K., & Coehlo, D. (2015). Possible selves and

depressive symptoms in later life. Research on Aging, 37(1), 41–62.

doi: 10.1177/0164027513520557

Psychologists know that having personal goals can promote

general well-being, but not much is known about whether

the goals of older adults can influence depression connected

with age-related changes in health. Health-related goals in this

study were assessed through possible selves, which can provide

motivational incentives for the future by helping individuals

develop, follow, avoid, or even abandon goals allowing them to

achieve desirable outcomes or evade negative ones. For each

person, health-related possible selves could include future

images of the individual exercising, eating fruits and vegetables,

and maintaining a healthy weight or losing excess pounds. The

participants were older adults who lived in the same community.

All the participants completed face-to-face, semi-structured

interviews where they reacted to and thought about possible

selves (future images of themselves) and completed measures of

health and depressive symptoms. The investigators hypothesized

that health-related possible selves would lead the participants

to experience fewer depressive symptoms by encouraging them

to strive for hoped-for possible selves while avoiding feared

possible selves.

Method Participants. The participants were eighty-five community- dwelling older adults (fifty-seven women, twenty-eight men) from

two primary care clinics in a small city. They ranged in age from 60

to 92 (mean age was 74, standard deviation was 7.5). Most of the

participants were white (99%), married (66%), retired (86%), and

had at least a high school education (67%).

Materials and procedure. Trained researchers interviewed the participants. Each interview, which was conducted in the

participants’ homes or in a private office in the primary care clinic,

lasted between 90 and 100 minutes. During the interview, the

participants completed a fifteen-item geriatric depression scale,

where a higher score indicates the presence of greater depression.

The role of possible selves in future events was first explained (with

an emphasis on hoped-for possible selves and feared possible

selves), and then the participants were told to take a few minutes

to think about their possible selves. They then generated up

to three of their most hoped-for and three of their most feared

possible selves. Their responses were then coded into one of

several categories (e.g., lifestyle, independence/dependency,

death, bereavement). Finally, the participants rated their health on

a 4-point scale, where higher numbers indicated better health.

Results Across the sample, more hoped-for possible selves (203) were

generated than were feared selves (133). As anticipated, the

most frequently reported possible selves were related to health

(seventy-one total; forty-five hoped-for selves and twenty-

six feared selves). Most of the older adults reported good to

excellent health (77%) and the average depression score was

low (Mean � 2.3). Approximately 18% of the sample was at risk

for depression. The results indicated that health-related possible

selves (framed as a hope or a fear) were significantly related to

fewer reported depressive symptoms. A subsequent analysis

determined that the presence of feared selves was linked to

significantly fewer reported depressive symptoms even when

other variables such as age, gender, and self-reported health,

were considered.

Discussion It is likely that the demands of later life make some issues,

such as health and well-being, very salient, which means

that goal setting may be a way to effectively adapt. Most of

the older adults who took part in this research were able to

spontaneously generate health-related possible selves. These

individuals reported significantly fewer depressive symptoms

than those who did not possess health-related possible

selves. Moreover, working to prevent the onset of disease (as

represented by concern over feared health-related possible

selves) by promoting or maintaining health was also linked

to fewer reported depressive symptoms. Future research

should consider exploring the precise mechanisms underlying

motivational strategies linked to possible selves.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Why do you think that feared possible selves had a stronger

link with reduced depressive symptoms than did hoped-for

possible selves?

2. There was no control condition in this study. Does that present

any problems regarding the interpretation or use of the

findings? Why or why not?

3. Could this study have also examined possible selves for

mental rather than physical health? If yes, what changes

would you introduce to the study’s method to examine

mental health?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

162 C H A P T E R 6

Self-Discrepancies

Some people perceive themselves pretty much the way they’d like

to see themselves. Others experience a gap between what they actu-

ally see and what they’d like to see. For example, Nathan describes

his actual self as “shy” but his ideal self as “outgoing.” Accord-

ing to E. Tory Higgins (1987), individuals have several organized

self-perceptions: an actual self (qualities you believe you actually

possess), an ideal self (characteristics you would like to have), and

an ought self (traits you believe you should possess). The ideal

and ought selves serve as personal standards or self-guides that

direct behavior. Self-discrepancy consists of a mismatch between

the self-perceptions that make up the actual self, ideal self, and

ought self. These self-discrepancies are measureable and have con-

sequences for how people think, feel, and act (Phillips & Silvia,

2010; Shah & Higgins, 2001).

Self-Discrepancies and Their Effects

The differences among one’s actual, ideal, and ought selves influence

how one feels about oneself and can create some particular emo-

tional vulnerabilities (Higgins, 1999). When people live up to their

personal standards (ideal or ought selves), they experience high

self-esteem; when they don’t meet their own expectations, their

self-esteem suffers (Moretti & Higgins, 1990). In addition, certain

types of self-discrepancies are associated with specific emotions

(see Figure 6.2). One type of self-discrepancy occurs when the

actual self is at odds with the ideal self. Such instances trigger

dejection-related emotions (sadness, disappointment). As actual/

ideal discrepancies outnumber actual/ideal congruencies, sadness

increases and cheerfulness decreases (Silvia & Eddington, 2012).

Consider Tiffany’s situation: She knows that she’s attractive, but

she is also overweight and would like to be thinner. Self-discrepancy theory predicts

that she would feel dissatisfied and dejected. Interestingly, research has shown an as-

sociation between discrepant actual/ideal views of body shape and eating disorders

(Sawdon, Cooper, & Seabrook, 2007).

A second type of discrepancy involves a mismatch between actual and ought selves.

Let’s say you don’t stay in touch with your grandparents as often as you feel you should.

According to Higgins, actual/ought self-discrepancies produce agitation-related emo-

tions (irritability, anxiety, and guilt). As actual/ought discrepancies outnumber actual/

ought congruencies, anxiety increases and calm emotions decrease (Higgins, Shah, &

Friedman, 1997). Extreme discrepancies of this type can result in anxiety-related psycho-

logical disorders.

Self-discrepancy Emotional state Possible consequences

Actual self vs.

ideal self

Disappointment

Dejection

Sadness Depression

Actual self vs.

ought self

Anxiety

Irritability

Guilt

Anxiety-related disorders

Figure 6.2 Types of self-discrepancies, their effects on emotional states, and possible consequences. According to E. Tory Higgins (1989), discrepancies between actual and ideal selves

produce disappointment and sadness, whereas discrepancies

between actual and ought selves result in irritability and guilt.

Such self-discrepancies can make individuals vulnerable to serious

psychological problems, such as depression and anxiety-related

disorders.

The self is a source of fascination for us. We think about ourselves all

the time, wondering who we really are and what sort of person we will

turn out to be.

Pr es

sm as

te r/

S hu

tt er

st oc

k. co

The Self 163

Everyone experiences self-discrepancies, yet most people

manage to feel reasonably good about themselves. How is this

possible? Three factors seem to be important: the amount of dis-

crepancy experienced, the person’s awareness of the discrepancy,

and whether the discrepancy is actually important to the person

(Higgins, 1999). Thus, a pre-med major who gets a C in calculus

will probably feel a lot worse than an English major who gets a C

in the course.

Coping with Self-Discrepancies

Can individuals do anything to blunt the negative emotions and

blows to self-esteem associated with self-discrepancies? Yes! For

one thing, people can change their behavior to bring it more in

line with their ideal or ought selves. For instance, if your ideal

self is a person who gets above-average grades and your actual

self just got a D on a test, you can study more effectively for the

next test to improve your grade. But what about the times you

can’t match your ideal standards? Perhaps you had your heart set

on being on the varsity tennis team but didn’t make the cut. One

way to ease the discomfort associated with such discrepancies is to bring your ideal self a

bit more in line with your actual abilities. You may not achieve your ideal self right away, if

ever, but by behaving in ways that are consistent with that self, you will get closer to it and

be more content (T. D. Wilson, 2011).

Heightened self-awareness intensifies people’s internal sensations (Silvia & Duval,

2001), including through direct eye-contact with another person (Baltazar et al., 2014), but

it doesn’t always make people focus on self-discrepancies and negative aspects of the self.

If that were true, most people would feel a lot worse about themselves than they actually

do. As you recall, self-concepts are made up of numerous self-beliefs—many positive, some

negative. Because individuals have a need to feel good about themselves, they tend to focus

on their positive features rather than their “warts” (Tesser, Wood, & Stapel, 2005). In fact,

when a person’s self-concept is threatened (a job interview doesn’t go well), the individual

can recover by affirming competence in an unrelated domain (focusing on extraordinary

talent as a salsa dancer) (Aronson, Cohen, & Nail, 1999).

Factors Shaping the Self-Concept

A variety of sources influence one’s self-concept. Chief among them are one’s own observa-

tions, feedback from others, and cultural values.

One’s Own Observations

Individuals begin observing their own behavior and drawing conclusions about them-

selves early in life. Children will make statements about who is the tallest, who can run

fastest, or who can swing the highest. Leon Festinger’s (1954) social comparison theory

proposes that individuals compare themselves with others in order to assess their

abilities and opinions. People compare themselves to others to determine how attrac-

tive they are, how they did on the history exam, how their social skills stack up, and

so forth (Dijkstra, Gibbons, & Buunk, 2010). Individuals cannot help themselves: They

compare their own behavior with that of their peers (Suls & Wheeler, 2012).

Although Festinger’s original theory claimed that people engage in social comparison

for the purpose of accurately assessing their abilities, research suggests that they also en-

gage in social comparison to improve their skills and to maintain their self-image (Wheeler

& Suls, 2005). Sometimes social comparison is self-focused, such as when a successful

professional woman compares her “current self ” to the passive, withdrawn “past self ” of

high school (Ross & Wilson, 2002). Generally, however, people compare themselves against

Self-Concept at Simply

Psychology

Self-concept, which falls under social

psychology at the Simply Psychology

website, appears with related constructs,

including self-image, self-esteem and self

worth, and the ideal self. Links to other

Recommended Reading

by Walter Mischel (Little, Brown and Company, 2014)

G dt

/S to

ne /G

et ty

Im ag

The Self 179

their overpractice rather than a lack of skill, which is a more psychologically threatening

explanation (Smith, Hardy, & Arkin, 2009). People use a variety of other tactics for handi-

capping their performance: alcohol, drugs, procrastination, a bad mood, a distracting stim-

ulus, anxiety, depression, and being overcommitted (Baumeister, 1998).

6.4 Self-Regulation

“Should I have that hot fudge sundae or not?” “I guess I’d better get started on that English

paper.” “Would I better off checking Facebook one more time or going to bed?” People

are constantly trying to resist impulses and make themselves do things they don’t really

want to do. Self-regulation is the process of directing and controlling one’s behavior

to achieve desired goals. Clearly, the ability to manage and direct what you think, how

you feel, and how you behave is tied to your success at work, your relationships, and your

mental and physical health (Vohs & Baumeister, 2011), as well as the ability to avoid

addiction (Baumeister & Vonasch, 2015). Being able to forgo immediate gratification

(studying instead of partying) and focus your behavior on important, longer-range goals

(graduating and getting a good job) is of paramount importance for success in life (Doerr

& Baumeister, 2010).

It’s possible that people have a limited amount of self-control resources. If you tax

these resources resisting temptation in a given situation, you may have a hard time resist-

ing the next temptation or persisting at a new task. As a result, self-control can have a cost

(Baumeister & Alquist, 2009). At least that’s the idea behind the ego depletion model of

self-regulation (Baumeister et al., 1998). To investigate this hypothesis, researchers asked

college students to participate in a study of taste perception (the study was actually on

self-control) (Baumeister et al., 1998). Some participants were asked to eat two or three

radishes in 5 minutes but not to touch the chocolate candy and chocolate chip cookies

that were nearby. Others were asked to eat some candy or some cookies but were told

not to eat any of the nearby radishes. A control group didn’t participate in this part of

the study. Then all subjects were asked to solve what were, unbeknownst-to-them, un-

solvable puzzles while they supposedly waited for another part of the study. Research-

ers measured the subjects’ self-control by the amount of time they per-

sisted at the puzzles and the number of attempts they made. According

to the ego depletion model, the radish eaters would use more self-control

resources (resisting the chocolate) than the chocolate eaters (resisting the

radishes) or the subjects in the no-food control group. Thus, this group

should have the fewest self-control resources left to use for persisting at

a difficult task. As you can see in Figure 6.13, the radish eaters gave up

sooner and made fewer attempts on the puzzles than the chocolate eaters

or the control group.

Self-regulation seems to develop early and remain relatively stable,

and there is compelling evidence that self-regulation is transmitted from

one generation (parents) to another (children) (Bridgett et al., 2015). One

study reported that 4-year-olds who were better at delaying gratification

did better in terms of both academic performance and social competence

some 10 years later (Mischel, Shoda, & Peake, 1988; Shoda, Mischel, &

Peake, 1990). Research also suggests that self-regulation is malleable and

can be strengthened like a muscle, which means that with regular “exercise,”

people can become less vulnerable to ego depletion effects (Baumeister

et al., 2006). Being in a good mood (Tice et al., 2007) and ingesting sugar,

which fuels energy (Gailliot et al., 2007), can restore people’s self-control,

as can exposure to nature scenes (Chow & Lau, 2015). In the next section,

we examine self-efficacy, a key aspect of self-regulation, and then discuss

self-defeating behavior, a case of self-control failure.

Learning Objectives

■ Define self-regulation and explain the

ego-depletion model of self-regulation.

■ Explain how self-efficacy develops and

why it is important to psychological

adjustment.

■ Describe the three categories of self-

defeating behavior.

Radish

Chocolate

Co nd

it io

No food control

Persistence (time on task)

8.35 minutes

18.90 minutes

20.86 minutes

19.40

34.29

32.81

Persistence (number of attempts)

Figure 6.13 Persistence on unsolvable puzzles. Participants who were instructed to eat radishes and not to eat chocolate treats used

more self-control resources than participants who were instructed

to eat the chocolate and not touch the radishes or participants in

the no-food control group. Because the radish eaters had relatively

few self-control resources remaining to help them persist at a

difficult task (unsolvable puzzles), they persisted for the shortest

time and made the fewest attempts to solve the puzzles when

compared to the other two groups. (Adapted from Baumeister

et al., 1998)

180 C H A P T E R 6

Self-Efficacy

As explained in Chapter 2, self-efficacy refers to one’s belief about one’s ability to perform

behaviors that should lead to expected outcomes. It represents people’s conviction that

they can achieve specific goals. According to Albert Bandura (2012, 2013), efficacy beliefs

vary according to the person’s skills. You may have high self-efficacy when it comes to mak-

ing friends but low self-efficacy when it comes to speaking in front of a group. However,

simply having a skill doesn’t guarantee that you will be able to put it into practice. Like the

Little Engine That Could, you must also believe that you are capable of doing so (“I think

I can, I think I can . . .”). In other words, self-efficacy is concerned not with the skills you

have, but with your beliefs about what you can do with these skills.

Correlates of Self-Efficacy

A number of studies have shown that self-efficacy affects individuals’ commitments to

goals, their performance on tasks, and their persistence toward goals in the face of obstacles

(Maddux & Gosselin, 2003). Self-efficacy is related to health promotion (Bandura, 2004),

academic performance (Prat-Sala & Redford, 2012), career choice (Betz & Klein, 1996),

job satisfaction and performance (Alessandri et al., 2015; Peng & Mao, 2015), and cop-

ing with unemployment (Creed, Lehman, & Hood, 2009). Because of the importance of

self-efficacy in psychological adjustment, it is worth keeping in mind that self-efficacy is

learned and can be changed. Research shows that increasing self-efficacy is an effective

way to improve health (losing weight, stopping smoking) (Maddux & Gosselin, 2003)

and to treat a variety of psychological problems, including burnout (Ventura, Salanova, &

Llorens, 2015), fear of computer use (Wilfong, 2006), phobias (Williams, 1995), eating dis-

orders (Goodrick et al., 1999), and substance abuse (DiClemente, Fairhurst, & Piotrowski,

1995), including marijuana dependence (Lozano, Stephens, & Roffman, 2006).

Developing Self-Efficacy

Self-efficacy is obviously a valuable quality. How does one acquire it? Bandura (2000) iden-

tifies four sources of self-efficacy: mastery experiences, vicarious experiences, persuasion

and encouragement, and interpretation of emotional arousal.

1. Mastery experiences. The most effective path to self-efficacy is through mastering

new skills. Sometimes new skills come easily—learning how to use the copy machine in

the library, for instance. Some things are harder to master, such as learning how to drive

a stick-shift in a standard transmission car or how to play the piano. In acquiring more

difficult skills, people usually make mistakes. If they persist through failure experiences to

eventual success, they learn the lesson of self-efficacy: I can do it!

2. Vicarious experiences. Another way to improve self-efficacy is by watching others

perform a skill you want to learn. It’s important that you choose a model who is competent

at the task, and it helps if the model is similar to you (in age, gender, and ethnicity). For

example, if you’re shy about speaking up for yourself, observing someone who is good at

doing so can help you develop the confidence to do it yourself.

3. Persuasion and encouragement. Although it is less effective than the first two

approaches, a third way to develop self-efficacy is through the encouragement of others.

For example, if you’re having a hard time asking someone for a date, a friend’s encourage-

ment might give you just the push you need.

4. Interpretation of emotional arousal. The physiological responses that accompany

feelings and interpretations of these responses are another source of self-efficacy. Let’s say

you’re sitting in class waiting for your professor to distribute an exam. You notice that

your palms are moist, your stomach feels a little queasy, and your heart is pounding. If you

attribute these behaviors to fear, you can temporarily dampen your self-efficacy, thus de-

creasing your chances of doing well. Alternatively, if you attribute your sweaty palms and

racing heart to the arousal everyone needs in order to perform well, you may be able to

boost your self-efficacy and increase your chances of doing well. Of course, self-regulation

doesn’t always succeed. That’s the case in self-defeating behavior, our next topic.

Albert Bandura argues that self-efficacy

represents a sense of confidence whereby

a person believes he or she can achieve a

desired goal.

Ironically, difficulties and failures can

ultimately contribute to the development of

a strong sense of self-efficacy. Self-efficacy

tends to improve when youngsters learn to

persist through difficulties and overcome

failures.

Jg i/

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The Self 181

Self-Defeating Behavior

People typically act in their own self-interest. But sometimes they knowingly do things that

are bad for them—such as smoking, having unprotected sex, and completing important

assignments at the last minute. Self-defeating behaviors are seemingly intentional actions

that thwart a person’s self-interest. Self-defeating behaviors generally provide short-term

or immediate pleasures but lay the groundwork for long-term problems rather than gains

(Baumeister & Bushman, 2011). According to Roy Baumeister (1997), there are three cat-

egories of intentional self-defeating behaviors: deliberate self-destruction, tradeoffs, and

counterproductive strategies. The key difference among these three behaviors lies in how

intentional they are. Attempts at deliberate self-destruction involve the most intent; coun-

terproductive strategies are the least intentional, and tradeoffs fall in between.

In deliberate self-destruction, people want to harm themselves and choose courses of

action that will forseeably lead to that result. This type of behavior typically occurs in indi-

viduals with psychological disorders; deliberate self-destruction appears to be infrequent

in normal populations.

In tradeoffs, people foresee the possibility of harming themselves but accept it as a nec-

essary accompaniment to achieving a desirable goal. Overeating, smoking, and drinking

to excess are examples that come readily to mind. Other examples include procrastinating

(putting off tasks feels good in the short run, but the struggle to meet looming deadlines

results in poor performance and increased stress and illness), and self-handicapping (get-

ting drunk before an exam explains poor performance but increases the chances of failure).

People engage in tradeoffs because they bring immediate, positive, and reliable outcomes,

not because they want to hurt themselves in the short or the long run.

In counterproductive strategies, a person pursues a desirable outcome but misguid-

edly uses an approach that is bound to fail. Of course, you can’t always know in advance

if a strategy will pay off. Thus, people must habitually use this strategy for it to qualify

as self-defeating. For example, some people tend to persist in unproductive endeavors,

such as pursuing an unreachable career goal or an unrequited love. People persist in these

behaviors because they erroneously believe they’ll be successful, not because they are

intent on self-defeat.

To conclude, although most people engage in self-defeating behavior at some time, there

is little evidence that they deliberately try to harm themselves or to fail at a task. Instead,

self-defeating behavior appears to be the result of people’s distorted judgments or strong

desires to escape from immediate, painful feelings (Twenge, Catanese, & Baumeister, 2002).

Self-defeating behaviors come in many

forms with many underlying motivations.

Overeating is a matter of tradeoffs. People

realize that excessive eating may be harmful

in the long run, but it is enjoyable at the time.

6.5 Self-Presentation

Whereas your self-concept involves how you see yourself, your public self involves how

you want others to see you. A public self is an image presented to others in social interac-

tions. This presentation of a public self may sound deceitful, but it is perfectly normal, and

everyone does it (Schlenker, 2003). Many self-presentations (ritual greetings, for example)

take place automatically and without awareness. But when it really counts (job interviews,

for example), people consciously strive to make the best possible impression so they are

perceived favorably. Typically, individuals have a number of public selves that are tied to

certain situations and certain people. For instance, you may have one public self for your

parents and another for your peers. You may have still others for your teachers, your boss,

your co-workers, and so forth. Also, people differ in the degree of overlap or congruence

among their various public selves (see Figure 6.14). Does it matter whether you perceive

yourself to be essentially the same person in different situations? It seems so. People who

see themselves as being similar across different social roles (with friends, at work, at school,

with parents, with romantic partners) are better adjusted than those who perceive less inte-

gration in their self-views across these roles (Lutz & Ross, 2003).

Learning Objectives

■ Define impression management and cite

some strategies people use to make

positive impressions.

■ Understand how high self-monitors are

different from low self-monitors.

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182 C H A P T E R 6

Impression Management

As noted earlier, the spotlight effect leads people to think others notice and

evaluate them more than is the actual case (Gilovich, Kruger, & Medvec,

2002). In a related phenomenon, the guilty by association effect, people

erroneously assume their social standing suffers as a result of embarrass-

ing actions or blunders perpetrated by those they associate with (“My

friend is making me look bad!”) (Fortune & Newby-Clark, 2008). These

two self-focused responses remind us that people normally strive to make

a positive impression on others in order to be liked, respected, hired, and

so forth (Baumeister & Twenge, 2003), just as they must be careful not to

alienate others by bragging or drawing too much attention to themselves

(Anderson et al., 2006). The sociologist Erving Goffman (1959) used the

term face to describe the idealized image people try to create in the minds

of others. Impression management refers to usually conscious efforts

by people to influence how others think of them. As a skill, impression

management is vital to social life (Koslowsky & Pindek, 2011). Consider

how what you post on Facebook, for example, is a way for you to share

your doings while still controlling what others know about you. Let’s look

at some common impression management strategies.

Impression Management Strategies

One reason people engage in impression management is to claim a particular iden-

tity (Baumeister, 1998). Thus, you select a type of dress, hairstyle, and manner of speech

to present a certain image of yourself. Tattoos and body piercings also create a specific

image. A second motive for impression management is to gain liking and approval from

others—by editing what you say about yourself and by using various nonverbal cues such

as smiles, gestures, and eye contact. Because self-presentation is practiced so often, peo-

ple usually do it automatically. At other times, however, impression management may

be used intentionally—to get a job, a date, a promotion, and so forth. Some common

self-presentation strategies include ingratiation, self-promotion, and supplication (Jones,

1990). To this list, we add a rarely recognized strategy, negative acknowledgment:

1. Ingratiation. Of all the self-presentation strategies, ingratiation is the most fun-

damental and most frequently used. Ingratiation is behaving in ways to make oneself

likable to others. For example, giving compliments is effective, so long as you are sin-

cere (people dislike insincerity and can often detect it). One study found that waitresses

could increase their tips simply by praising the food choices of customers as they ordered

(Seiter, 2007). A recent study found that in a lab setting, ingratiation tactics displayed

by a confederate worker led to higher likability ratings by observers than did the use of

apologies, which caused negative evaluations (Bolino, Klotz, & Daniels, 2014). However,

an accompanying field study using actual supervisors and their ratings found that apol-

ogies and justifications led to better evaluations. The effectiveness of ingratiation may

well depend on good timing and how often (less may be more) it is used to manage the

impressions of others. At the same time they are being “helpful,” however, ingratiators

run the risk of raising suspicion about their motives for doing so (Ham & Vonk, 2011).

The top of Figure 6.15 illustrates how ingratiation can be used during an employment

interview.

2. Self-promotion. The motive behind self-promotion is earning respect. You do so

by playing up your strong points so you will be perceived as competent. For instance, in a

job interview, you might find ways to mention that you earned high honors at school and

that you were president of the student body and a member of the soccer team. What about

self-promotion in public venues? Some care is warranted or you will look boastful. How-

ever, when an audience is cognitively busy—their mental attention is split between two

tasks or they are under some time pressure—they are more likely to give a self-promoter

the benefit of the doubt, even when the social norms of modesty and politeness are

Public selves for (a) spouse (b) parents

b c cd

Person 1 Person 2

Figure 6.14 Public selves and adjustment. Person 1 has divergent public selves with relatively little overlap among them. Person 2, whose

public selves are more congruent with each other, is likely to be

better adjusted than Person 1.

International Society for Self

and Identity

The International Society for Self and

Identity (ISSI) is an interdisciplinary

association of social and behavioral

scientists who are interested in

studying the human self. This site

provides membership information,

announcements, information about

conferences, and links to related sites

concerning self and identity.

Learn More Online

The Self 183

violated (Fragale & Grant, 2015). The lower portion of Figure 6.15

illustrates how self-promotion could be exercised when one is being

interviewed for a job.

3. Supplication. This is usually the tactic of last resort. To get

favors from others, individuals try to present themselves as weak

and dependent—as in the song, “Ain’t Too Proud to Beg” (Van Kleef,

De Dreu, & Manstead, 2006). Students may plead or break into tears

in an instructor’s office in an attempt to get a grade changed. Because

of the social norm to help those in need, supplication may work;

however, unless the supplicator has something to offer the potential

benefactor, it’s not an effective strategy.

4. Negative acknowledgment. Can confessing you’ve made a

relatively minor error motivate people to like you a bit more? Ward

and Brenner (2006) found that making negative acknowledgments—

candidly admitting to possessing some negative quality—triggered

positive responses. In one study, when a hypothetical college student

divulged that his high school record was by no means an outstanding

one, his grades were judged more favorably than when he did not

comment on his academic history. Perhaps negative acknowledgment

leads people to see one as honest. Another possibility is that the pres-

ence of a negative acknowledgment makes it less likely that people

will form counterarguments based on what they know or have heard

(Pfeiffer et al., 2014). As long as the quality does not define the per-

son, admitting that one is not perfect and that everyone makes small

mistakes may sometimes be an advantage.

Individuals tailor their use of self-presentation strategies to match the situation. For

instance, it’s unlikely that you’d try intimidating your boss; you’d be more likely to ingrati-

ate or promote yourself with him or her. All of these strategies carry risks. Thus, to make a

good impression, you must use these strategies skillfully.

Self-Monitoring

According to Mark Snyder (1986; Fuglestad & Snyder, 2009), people vary in their aware-

ness of how they are perceived by others. Self-monitoring refers to the degree to which

people attend to and control the impressions they make on others. People who are

high self-monitors seem to be very sensitive to their impact on others. Low self-monitors,

on the other hand, are less concerned about impression management and behave more

spontaneously.

Compared to low self-monitors, high self-monitors want to make a favorable impres-

sion and try to tailor their actions accordingly; they are skilled at deciphering what others

want to see. In fact, high self-monitors manage their social relations well, earning status

from others by offering them aid while avoiding asking for assistance themselves (Fuglestad

& Snyder, 2010). Because they are able to control their emotions and deliberately regulate

nonverbal signals, they are talented at self-presentation (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000). In

contrast, low self-monitors are more likely to express their true beliefs or, possibly, to try to

convey the impression that they are sincere and genuine individuals.

As you might infer, these two personality types view themselves differently (Gangestad

& Snyder, 2000). Low self-monitors see themselves as having strong principles and be-

having in line with them, whereas high self-monitors perceive themselves as flexible and

pragmatic. Because high self-monitors don’t perceive a necessary connection between their

private beliefs and their public actions, they aren’t troubled by discrepancies between beliefs

and behavior, even when it involves mimicking group-based prejudice (Klein, Snyder, &

Livingston, 2004).

Interestingly, people’s posts on Facebook are reasonably good predictors of whether

they are high or low self-monitors (He et al., 2014). What sorts of posts that you have seen

Figure 6.15 Using ingratiation and self-promotion for strategic self- presentation during an employment interview. Studies on influence tactics used by job applicants during interviews reveal the

common, self-reported use of ingratiation and self-promotion.

Source: Kassin, Fein, & Markus (2014). Social psychology (9th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth

Cengage Learning, Table 3.2, p. 93. (Based on data from Higgins & Judge, 2004; Stevens &

Kristof, 1995)

STRATEGIC SELF-PRESENTATION IN THE EMPLOYMENT INTERVIEW

In studies of the influence tactics that job applicants report using

in employment interviews, the following uses of ingratiation and

self-promotion were commonly reported.

Ingratiation

I complimented the interviewer or organization.

I discussed interests I shared in common with the recruiter.

I indicated my interest in the position and the company.

I indicated my enthusiasm for working for this organization.

I smiled a lot or used other friendly nonverbal behaviors.

Self-Promotion

I played up the value of positive events that I took credit for.

I described my skills and abilities in an attractive way.

I took charge during the interview to get my main points across.

I took credit for positive events even if I was not solely responsible.

I made positive events I was responsible for appear better than they

actually were.

184 C H A P T E R 6

on social media, including links and photographs, as well as text, do you think represent

high or low self-monitors? Do you try to control the impression you convey of yourself

when you post on Facebook or tweet on Twitter?

In the upcoming Application, we redirect our attention to the critical issue of self-esteem

and outline eight steps for boosting it.

Answer the following “yes” or “no.”

1. I worry that others don’t like me.

2. I have very little confidence in my abilities.

3. I often feel awkward in social situations and just don’t

know how to take charge.

4. I have difficulty accepting praise or flattery.

5. I have a hard time bouncing back from failure experiences.

If you answered “yes” to most of these questions, you may suf-

fer from low self-esteem. As we noted earlier, people with low

self-esteem are less happy and more prone to depression, be-

come demoralized after failures, and are anxious in relation-

ships. Moreover, even people with high global self-esteem may

have pockets of low self-esteem. For example, you may feel great

about your “social self ” but not so good about your “academic

self.” Thus, this Application can be useful to many people, as

research demonstrates clearly that people are willing to forgo

other pleasures in order to boost their self-esteem (Bushman,

Moeller, & Crocker, 2011).

As you saw in our discussion of self-efficacy, there is ample

evidence that efforts at self-improvement can pay off by boost-

ing self-esteem. Following are eight guidelines for building

self-esteem. These suggestions are distilled from the advice of

many experts, including Baumeister et al. (2003), McKay and

Fanning (2000), and Zimbardo (1990).

1. Recognize that You Control Your Self-Image

Recognize that you ultimately control how you see yourself. You

do have the power to change your self-image. Your self-image

resides in your mind and is a product of your thinking. Al-

though others may influence your self-concept, you are the final

authority.

2. Learn More about Yourself

People with low self-esteem don’t seem to know themselves in

as much detail as those with high self-esteem. Accordingly, to

boost your self-esteem, you need to take stock of yourself. To

do so, review what you know about your physical appearance,

personality characteristics, relations with others, school and job

performance, intellectual functioning, and sexuality. By think-

ing through each area, you may discover that you’re fuzzy about

certain aspects of yourself. To get a clearer picture, pay careful

attention to your thoughts, feelings, and behavior and utilize

feedback from others.

3. Don’t Let Others Set Your Goals

A common trap that many people fall into is letting others

set the standards by which they evaluate themselves. Others,

6.6 Building Self-Esteem

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ List eight ways to build self-esteem.

Learning Objectives

National Association for Self-Esteem (NASE)

This site is dedicated to fostering self-esteem. It explains the nature of

self-esteem, permits browsers to estimate their self-esteem, discusses

parenting and self-esteem, and provides links to other relevant websites.

Learn More Online

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The Self 185

including close friends, parents, and other family members, are

constantly telling you that you should do this or ought to do

that. Think about the source of and basis for your personal goals

and standards. Do they really represent ideals that you value?

Or are they beliefs that you have passively accepted from others

without thinking?

4. Recognize Unrealistic Goals

Are your goals realistic? Many people demand too much of

themselves. They want to always perform at their best, which

is obviously impossible. Other delude themselves by selecting

goals that are unlikely to be realized, often because they lack rel-

evant skills. Some overly demanding people pervert the social

comparison process by always comparing themselves to the best

rather than to similar others. They assess their looks by com-

paring themselves with famous models, and they judge their

finances by comparing themselves with the wealthiest people

they know or hear about in the media. Such comparisons are

unrealistic and almost inevitably undermine self-esteem. Set

reasonable, realistic goals for yourself.

5. Modify Negative Self-Talk

How you think about your life influences how you see your-

self (and vice versa). People who are low in self-esteem tend to

engage in counterproductive modes of thinking. For example,

when they succeed, they may attribute their success to good

luck, and when they fail, they may blame themselves. Quite

to the contrary, you should take credit for your successes and

consider the possibility that your failures may not be your fault.

Recognize the destructive potential of negative self-talk and

bring it to a halt.

6. Emphasize Your Strengths

This advice may seem trite, but it has some merit. People with

low self-esteem often derive little satisfaction from their accom-

plishments and virtues. They pay little heed to their good quali-

ties while talking constantly about their defeats and frailties. The

fact is that everyone has strengths and weaknesses. You should

accept those personal shortcomings that you are powerless to

change and work on those that are changeable, without becom-

ing obsessed about it. At the same time, you should embrace

your strengths and learn to appreciate them.

7. Cultivate a New Strength

Besides recognizing the strengths you already have, you may

want to cultivate some new ones. What particular personal

strength would you like to improve? Try to select one that will

help you develop meaningful connections to others. Perhaps you

would like to be less shy or tongue-tied when speaking in front

of groups of people. Consider taking a public speaking class so

that you can gradually work up the wherewithal to give a public

presentation. Select one new strength—not several—to work on

and then find the right sort of setting or situation to gradually

develop it. Adding a new strength to your list of strengths can

provide a meaningful rise in self-esteem.

8. Approach Others with a Positive Outlook

Some people with low self-esteem try to cut others down to

their (subjective) size through constant criticism. This fault

finding and negative approach does not go over well. Instead,

it leads to tension, antagonism, and rejection. This rejection

lowers self-esteem still further (see Figure 6.16). You can boost

your esteem-building efforts by recognizing and reversing this

self-defeating tendency. Cultivate the habit of maintaining a

positive, supportive outlook when you approach people. Doing

so will promote rewarding interactions and help you earn others’

acceptance. There is probably nothing that enhances self-esteem

more than acceptance and genuine affection from others.

If you like singing star Taylor Swift,

that’s fine, but she is not a sensible

benchmark for evaluating your

attractiveness or success. Some

people distort the social comparison

process.

Oversensitivity to rejection

Low self-esteem

Actual rejection by others

Negative, hurtful ways of

relating to people

Figure 6.16 The vicious circle of low self-esteem and rejection. A negative self-image can make expectations of rejection a self-

fulfilling prophecy because people with low self-esteem tend

to approach others in negative, hurtful ways. Real or imagined

rejections lower self-esteem still further, creating a vicious circle.X PX

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186 C H A P T E R 6

C H A P T E R 6 Review Key Ideas

6.1 Self-Concept ● The self-concept is composed of a number of beliefs about what one

is like, and it is not easily changed. It governs both present and future behavior. Our possible selves can influence our future behavior and even our mental health. Discrepancies between one’s ideal self and one’s actual or ought self can produce negative emotions and lowered self-esteem. To cope with these negative states, individuals may bring their behavior in line with their ideal selves or blunt their awareness of self-discrepancies.

● The self-concept is shaped by several factors, including individuals’ observations of their own behavior, which often involve social comparisons with others. Self-observations tend to be biased in a positive direction. In addition, feedback from others shapes the self-concept; this information is also filtered to some extent. Cultural guidelines also affect the way people see themselves. Members of individualistic cultures usually have an independent view of the self, whereas those in collectivist cultures often have an interdependent view of the self.

6.2 Self-Esteem ● Self-esteem is a person’s global evaluation of his or her worth. Like

the self-concept, it tends to be stable, but it can fluctuate in response to daily ups and downs.

● Compared to those with high self-esteem, individuals with low self- esteem are less happy, more likely to be depressed, more likely to give up after failure, and less trusting of others.

● Narcissistic individuals are prone to aggression when their self-esteem is threatened. Self-esteem develops through interactions with significant others. Self-esteem, ethnicity, and gender interact in complex ways.

6.3 Basic Principles of Self-Perception ● To avoid being overwhelmed with information, people tend to use

automatic processing, but for important decisions, they shift to controlled processing. To explain the causes of their behavior, individuals make self-attributions. Generally, people attribute their behavior to internal or external factors and to stable or unstable factors. Controllability- uncontrollability is another key dimension of self-attributions.

● People tend to use either an optimistic explanatory style or a pessimistic explanatory style to understand various events that occur in their lives, and these attributional styles are related to psychological adjustment.

● People are guided by two distinct motives in seeking to understand themselves. The self-assessment motive directs people toward accurate feedback about the self. The self-enhancement motive enables people to maintain positive views of themselves.

● Common self-enhancement strategies include making downward comparisons to others whose problems are more serious than one’s own, attributing successes to personal factors and failures to external factors (the self-serving bias), basking in the reflected glory of others who are successful, and sabotaging one’s performance to provide an excuse for possible failure (self-handicapping).

6.4 Self-Regulation ● Self-regulation involves setting goals and directing behavior to

meet those goals. Engaging in self-control can temporarily deplete what appears to be a limited underlying resource. A key aspect of self- regulation is self-efficacy—an individual’s belief that he or she can achieve specific goals. Self-efficacy plays a key role in adjustment and can be learned through mastery experiences, vicarious experiences, persuasion, and positive interpretations of emotional arousal.

● Sometimes normal people knowingly do things that are bad for them. These self-defeating actions fall into three categories: deliberate self- destruction, tradeoffs, and counterproductive strategies.

6.5 Self-Presentation ● Public selves are the various images that individuals project to others.

Generally, people try to manage the impressions they make by using a variety of strategies, including ingratiation, self-promotion, supplication, and negative acknowledgment. High self-monitors pay more attention to the impressions they make on others and tend to be more concerned about making favorable impressions than low self-monitors do.

6.6 Application: Building Self-Esteem ● The eight building blocks to higher self-esteem are (1) recognize that

you control your self-image, (2) learn more about yourself, (3) don’t let others set your goals, (4) recognize unrealistic goals, (5) modify negative self-talk, (6) emphasize your strengths, (7) cultivate new strengths, and (8) approach others with a positive outlook.

Albert Bandura p. 180 Roy Baumeister p. 167

Hazel Markus p. 160

Key People

Key Terms

Basking in reflected glory p. 177 Collectivism p. 166 Downward social

comparison p. 177 Explanatory style p. 174 External attributions p. 173 Impression management p. 182 Individualism p. 166 Ingratiation p. 182 Internal attributions p. 173 Possible selves p. 160 Public self p. 181 Reference group p. 164

Self-attributions p. 173 Self-concept p. 159 Self-defeating behaviors p. 181 Self-discrepancy p. 162 Self-efficacy p. 180 Self-enhancement p. 176 Self-esteem p. 167 Self-handicapping p. 178 Self-monitoring p. 183 Self-regulation p. 179 Self-serving bias p. 177 Social comparison

theory p. 163

The Self 187

C H A P T E R 6 Practice Test 9. The self-presentation strategy of ingratiation involves trying to

make others a. respect you. b. fear you. c. feel sorry for you. d. like you.

10. Which of the following will not help you build higher self-esteem? a. Minimizing negative self-talk b. Comparing yourself with those who are the best in a

given area c. Working to improve yourself d. Approaching others with positive expectations

1. Which of the following statements is not true about the self-concept? a. It is composed of one dominant belief about the self. b. It is composed of many self-beliefs. c. It is relatively stable over time. d. It influences present as well as future behavior.

2. Mismatches between one’s actual and ought selves result in lower self-esteem and a. dejection-related feelings. b. agitation-related feelings. c. feelings of self-enhancement. d. no particular feelings.

3. A person reared in a collectivist culture is likely to have

a(n) __________ self-view, whereas a person reared in an

individualistic culture is likely to have a(n) __________ self-view. a. self-discrepant; self-consistent b. self-consistent; self-discrepant c. independent; interdependent d. interdependent; independent

4. Low self-esteem is associated with a. happiness. b. high trust of others. c. self-concept confusion. d. recovering after failure experiences.

5. Aggression in response to self-esteem threats is more likely to occur in people who are a. high in self-esteem. b. low in self-esteem. c. narcissistic. d. self-defeating.

6. Which of the following is not a basic principle of self-perception? a. People are “cognitive spenders.” b. People’s explanatory style is related to adjustment. c. People want to receive information that is consistent with

their self-views. d. People want to maintain positive feelings about the self.

7. Keisha is upset when a textbook is stolen, but she feels better after she hears that a classmate’s book bag, including her cell phone and wallet, was stolen. This is an example of a. the self-serving bias. b. basking in reflected glory. c. downward comparison. d. self-handicapping.

8. Which of the following statements about self-efficacy is true? a. It can be developed by persevering through failure until one

achieves success. b. It is something that one is born with. c. It is essentially the same as self-esteem. d. It refers to conscious efforts to make a certain impression

on others.

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 6.1 Self-Assessment: Self-Control Schedule

Exercise 6.2 Self-Reflection: How Does Your Self-Concept Compare

to Your Self-Ideal?

Answers 1. a Pages 159–160 2. b Page 162 3. d Pages 165–167 4. c Page 167 5. c Pages 170–171

6. a Pages 172–176 7. c Page 177 8. a Page 180 9. d Page 182

10. b Pages 184–185

C H A P T E R 7 Social Thinking and Social Influence

7.1 Forming Impressions of Others

Key Sources of Information

Snap Judgments versus Systematic

Judgments

Attributions

Perceiver Expectations

Cognitive Distortions

Key Themes in Person Perception

7.2 The Problem of Prejudice

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH When Seeing Is Stereotypically Believing—and Reacting

Old-Fashioned versus Modern Discrimination

Causes of Prejudice

Reducing Prejudice

RECOMMENDED READING Blindspot by Mahzarin R. Banaji and Anthony G. Greenwald

7.3 The Power of Persuasion

Elements of the Persuasion Process

The Whys of Persuasion

7.4 The Power of Social Pressure

Conformity and Compliance Pressures

Pressure from Authority Figures

7.5 APPLICATION: Seeing through Compliance Tactics

The Consistency Principle

The Reciprocity Principle

The Scarcity Principle

Review

Practice Test

Digital Vision/Getty Images

7.1 Forming Impressions of Others

Do you recall the first time you met your roommate? She seemed friendly but a little shy,

and perhaps a bit on the neat side—so much so that you wondered whether you would get

along. You like things less structured; not messy, but decidedly lived-in or comfortable.

You worried that you’d have to change your ways, straightening up your space all the time.

Happily, once you got to know her better, she warmed up to you and your clutter, and

now you are close friends. As people interact with others, they constantly engage in person

perception, the process of forming impressions of others. Because impression formation

is usually such an automatic process, people are unaware that it is occurring. Nonetheless,

the process is a complex one, involving perceivers, their social networks, and those who are

perceived (Moskowitz & Gill, 2013). Let’s review some of its essential aspects.

Key Sources of Information

We are dependent on observations of people to determine what they are like (Uleman &

Saribay, 2012). When forming impressions, people rely on five key sources of observa-

tional information: appearance, verbal behavior, actions, nonverbal messages, and situa-

tional cues.

1. Appearance. Despite the admonition “You can’t judge a book by its cover,” people

frequently do exactly that. Physical features such as height, weight, skin color, clothing

style, and hair color are some of the cues used to “read” other people. Regardless of their

accuracy, beliefs about physical features are used to form impressions of others (Olivola &

Todorov, 2010), including people’s personalities (Naumann et al., 2009).

2. Verbal behavior. Another obvious source of information about others is what

they say. People form impressions based on what and how much others self-disclose

(Derlega, Winstead, & Greene, 2008), how often they give advice and ask questions, and how

judgmental they are. If Tanisha speaks negatively about most of the people she knows, you

will probably conclude that she is a critical person.

3. Actions. Because people don’t always tell the truth, you have to rely on their

behavior to provide insights about them. For instance, when you learn that Wade vol-

unteers 5 hours a week at the local homeless shelter, you are likely to infer that he is a

caring person.

4. Nonverbal messages. As discussed in Chapter 8, a key source of information

about others is nonverbal communication: facial expressions, eye contact, body

This situation illustrates the process of person percep-

tion in everyday life. Everyone asks and answers “why” ques-

tions about the people around them. Individuals constantly

form impressions to try to make sense of the people they en-

counter, not only to understand them but also to predict how

they will behave. This chapter explores how people form im-

pressions of others, as well as how and why such judgments

can be incorrect. Our consideration of social cognition (how

people think about others, as well as themselves) then broad-

ens to examine the problems posed by prejudice. We then

look at how others try to influence one’s beliefs and behavior.

To do so, we explore the power of persuasive messages and

the social pressures to conform and obey. As you will learn,

social thinking and social influence play important roles in

personal adjustment. ■

Y ou have a new boss at work. Your old boss was let go be-

cause of poor performance. The new boss looks very se-

rious. Unlike your old boss, who was friendly and joked

around a lot, this fellow is very reserved. He rarely even says

hello to you when your paths cross in the halls or out in the

parking lot. You wonder whether he doesn’t like you or hap-

pens to treat everyone that way. Maybe he’s just driven by his

work. You resolve to ask around the office to see how he acts

with your co-workers. You do know that he fired a woman who

worked a few doors down the hall. You’re not sure why; she

seemed nice, always smiling and saying hello. She sure looked

like a hard worker. Maybe he thought she was too friendly?

The new boss is also not much older than you—in fact, he

might be your age. What if he thinks you are not working hard

enough? Could he be thinking about firing you?

Learning Objectives

■ Cite the five sources of information

people use to form impressions of

others.

■ Explain the key differences between

snap judgments and systematic

judgments.

■ Define attributions and describe two

attribution-based expectations that can

distort observers’ perceptions.

■ Recognize four important cognitive

distortions and how they operate.

■ Identify some ways in which

perceptions of others are efficient,

selective, and consistent.

Social Thinking and Social Influence 189

190 C H A P T E R 7

language, and gestures. These nonverbal cues provide information about

people’s emotional states and dispositions. For example, in our culture, we

make judgments about others based on their faces (Ito, 2011); thus, a bright

smile and steady eye contact signal friendliness and openness, just as a hand-

shake can indicate extraversion (Bernieri & Petty, 2011). Also, because people

know that verbal behavior is easily manipulated, they often rely on nonverbal

cues to determine the truth of what others say (Jacks & Lancaster, 2015). And

we should not forget about nonverbal cues that appear in written form (how

we say what we say), as the content of email messages or Facebook posts can

suggest personality traits or emotional states of the sender (Fleuriet, Cole, &

Guerrero, 2014).

5. Situational cues. The setting where behavior occurs provides crucial

information about how to interpret a person’s behavior. For instance, without

situational cues (such as being at a wedding versus a funeral), it would be hard

to know whether a person crying is happy or sad.

When it comes to drawing inferences about people, one bad piece of

information can outweigh or undo a collection of positive characteristics.

Social psychological research repeatedly demonstrates that the presence of a

trait perceived to be negative (“untrustworthy”) can have more influence on

forming impressions than several positive qualities (“warm,” “open,” “friendly,”

“clever”) (Vonk, 1993). When an immoral act is performed, other good or

virtuous behaviors cannot undo the damage to people’s perceptions of the

offender’s character (Riskey & Birnbaum, 1974). In fact, a single bad deed can

eliminate a good reputation, but one good deed cannot redeem an otherwise

bad standing in the eyes of others (Skowronski & Carlston, 1992). Thus, in the

realm of perception bad impressions tend to be stronger than good ones (Sparks

& Baumeister, 2008).

Snap Judgments versus Systematic Judgments

In daily life, we are bombarded with more information than we can possibly handle.

To avoid being overwhelmed, we rely on alternative ways to process information

(Kahneman, 2011). Snap judgments about others are those made quickly and based on

only a few bits of information and preconceived notions. Thus, they may not be par-

ticularly accurate. Indeed, there is evidence that when a stranger looks very similar to

someone we know well, such as a romantic partner, we automatically, effortlessly, and

more or less nonconsciously like the person (Günaydin et al., 2012). Nevertheless, peo-

ple can get by with superficial assessments of others quite often. As Susan Fiske (2004)

puts it, “Good-enough accuracy in forming impressions allows us to navigate our social

seas and not collide or run aground too often” (p. 132). Often, interactions with others

are so fleeting or inconsequential that it makes little difference that such judgments

are imprecise.

On the other hand, when it comes to selecting a friend, a partner, or an employee, it’s

essential that impressions be as accurate as possible. Thus, it’s not surprising that people

are motivated to take more care in such assessments. In forming impressions of those who

can affect their welfare and happiness, people make systematic judgments rather than snap

decisions (see Figure 7.1). That is, they take the time to observe the person in a variety of

situations and to compare that person’s behavior with that of others in similar situations. To

determine the cause of others’ behavior, people engage in the process of causal attribution.

Attributions

As noted in earlier chapters, attributions are inferences that people draw about the causes

of their own behavior, others’ behavior, and events. In Chapter 6, we focused on self-

attributions. Here, we’ll apply attribution theory to the behavior of other people (Malle, 2011a).

In forming impressions of others, people rely on cues, such

as appearance, actions, and verbal and nonverbal messages,

as well as the nature of the situation.

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ty Im

ag es

Susan Fiske argues that people generally

use off the cuff or snap judgments when

forming impressions of others. More

systematic or careful judgments are

reserved for important decisions.

Social Thinking and Social Influence 191

For example, suppose that your boss bawls you out for doing a sloppy job on an insignifi-

cant project. To what do you attribute this tongue lashing? Was your work really that bad?

Is your boss under too much pressure?

In Chapter 6, we noted that attributions have three key dimensions: internal versus ex-

ternal, stable versus unstable, and controllable versus uncontrollable (Jones & Davis, 1965;

Weiner, 1974). For this discussion, we focus primarily on the internal/external dimension

(Heider, 1958). When people ascribe the causes of someone’s behavior to personal disposi-

tions, traits, abilities, or feelings, they are making internal attributions. When they impute

the causes of a person’s behavior to situational demands and environmental constraints,

they are making external attributions. For example, if a friend’s business fails, you might

attribute the failure to your friend’s lack of business skills (an internal factor) or to negative

trends in the economy (an external factor).

There is also a fourth dimension of attributions that is receiving renewed attention.

Malle (2011b) notes that Heider also discussed intentional versus unintentional acts as a

source of attributional processing. Intentional acts are those we choose to perform, so that

observers assume our behavior has a reason behind it—and that reason is the cause of our

behavior. In contrast, unintentional acts are often triggered by causes outside the person

(something in the situation, another person). If an unintentional act happens because of

something inside an individual, it may be due to something the affected individual doesn’t

know about (such as an unrecognized illness or the side effect of a medication).

The types of attributions people make about others can have a tremendous impact

on everyday social interactions (Tetlock & Fincher, 2015). Consider the judgments people

make about the nature of others’ emotional experiences or reactions, for example. People

often assume that women are the more emotional gender when, in fact, they are no more

emotional than men except where outward displays of emotion are concerned (DeAngelis,

2001; see Chapter 11). This bias can color the conclusions observers make about the

emotional experiences of men and women in similar circumstances.

Obviously, people don’t make attributions about every person they meet. Research

suggests that people are relatively selective in this process (Malle, 2004). It seems they are

most likely to make attributions (1) when others behave in unexpected or negative ways,

(2) when events are personally relevant, and (3) when they are suspicious about another

person’s motives. For example, if Serena laughs loudly at the local student hangout, no one

bats an eye. But if she does so in the middle of a serious lecture, it raises eyebrows and

generates speculation about why she behaved this way.

Some aspects of the attribution process are logical (Weiner, 2012). Nonetheless, research

also shows that the process of person perception is sometimes illogical and unsystematic, as

in the case of snap judgments. Perceivers may agree on the nature of people’s behavior but

because of their own implicit biases get the cause of the behavior wrong (Robins et al., 2004).

Other sources of error also creep into the process, a topic we take up next.

Perceiver’s observations of Target’s appearance Target’s verbal statements Target’s actions Target’s nonverbal messages

ation

A acy is not a priority

A acy is a priority

ap dgments

Impression of the person

atic dgments,

in ding ions

Figure 7.1 The process of person perception. In forming impressions of others, perceivers rely on various sources of observational information. When it’s important to form accurate impressions of others, people

are motivated to make systematic judgments, including attributions. When accuracy isn’t a priority, people

make snap judgments about others. (Adapted from Kassin, Fein, & Markus, 2011)

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192 C H A P T E R 7

Perceiver Expectations

Remember Evan, that bully from the fourth grade? He made your life miserable—

constantly looking for opportunities to poke fun at you and beat you up. Now when you

meet someone named Evan, your initial reaction is negative, and it takes awhile to warm

up to him (Andersen & Przybylinski, 2014). Why? Your negative past experiences with an

Evan have led you to expect the worst, whether or not it’s warranted (Andersen, Reznik, &

Manzella, 1996). This is just one example of how perceiver expectations can influence the

perception of others (de Calvo & Reich, 2009). Let’s look at two of the principles governing

perceiver expectations: confirmation bias and self-fulfilling prophecy.

Confirmation Bias

Shortly after you begin interacting with someone, you start forming hypotheses about what

the person is like. In turn, these hypotheses can influence your behavior toward that person

in such a way as to confirm your expectations. Thus, if on your first encounter with Xavier

he has a camera around his neck, you will probably hypothesize that he has an interest in

photography and question him selectively about his shutterbug activities. You might also

neglect to ask more wide-ranging questions that would give you a more accurate picture of

him. Confirmation bias is the tendency to seek information that supports one’s beliefs

while not pursuing disconfirming information.

Confirmation bias is a well-documented phenomenon (Nickerson, 1998). It occurs in

casual social interactions and in gender relations (Traut-Mattausch et al., 2011), as well as

in job interviews and in courtrooms, where the interviewer or attorney may ask leading

questions. Law enforcement officers, for example, should be careful to evaluate evidence

without any preconceived notion of a suspect’s guilt or innocence (Lilienfeld & Landfield,

2008). When it comes to forming first impressions of others, the principle is not so much

“seeing is believing” as “believing is seeing” (see Figure 7.2), and some people may be more

susceptible to displaying confirmation biases than others (Rassin, 2008).

Confirmation bias also occurs because individuals selectively recall facts to fit their

views of others. In one experiment, participants watched a videotape of a woman engaging

in a variety of activities, including listening to classical music, drinking beer, and watching

TV (Cohen, 1981). Half of them were told that the woman was a waitress and the other

half were told that she was a librarian. When asked to recall the woman’s actions on the

videotape, participants tended to remember activities consistent with their stereotypes of

waitresses and librarians. Thus, those who thought that the woman was a waitress recalled

her drinking beer; those who thought she was a librarian recalled her listening to classical

music.

Can anything be done to reduce conformation bias? There is some evidence that

intentionally presenting people with information that is inconsistent with their perceptions

and preferences can encourage them to engage in more divergent thinking (Schwind et al.,

Figure 7.2 Confirmation bias. Confirmation bias is a two-pronged process in which people seek

and remember information that supports

their beliefs while discounting and forgetting

information that is inconsistent with their

beliefs. This common cognitive slant often

distorts the process of person perception,

leading to inaccurate impressions of people.

Information that supports one’s

beliefs and decisions

Tendency to attend to

and remember the information

Confirmation of beliefs

Tendency to ignore, discount, and forget

the information

Information that conflicts with one’s beliefs and decisions

Social Thinking and Social Influence 193

2012), but this is unlikely to happen very often in daily life. Other research

suggests that when information is difficult for perceivers to process—they

experience “disfluency”—it can reduce the confirmation bias (Hernandez

& Preston, 2013). When confronted with disfluent information, perceivers

have to switch to more careful and analytical processing, which turns out

to reduce the incidence of the confirmation bias.

Self-Fulfilling Prophecies

Sometimes a perceiver’s expectations can actually change another person’s

behavior (Madon et al., 2011). A self-fulfilling prophecy occurs when expec-

tations about a person cause him or her to behave in ways that confirm

the expectations. This term was originally coined by sociologist Robert

Merton (1948) to explain phenomena such as “runs” on banks that

occurred during the Depression. That is, when unfounded rumors would

circulate that a bank couldn’t cover its deposits, people would rush to the

bank and withdraw their funds, thereby draining the deposits from the

bank and making real what was initially untrue.

Figure 7.3 depicts the three steps in a self-fulfilling prophecy. First, the

perceiver has an initial impression of someone. (A teacher believes that

Jennifer is highly intelligent.) Then the perceiver behaves toward the tar-

get person according to his or her expectations. (He asks her interesting

questions and praises her answers.) The third step occurs when the target

person adjusts his or her behavior to the perceiver’s actions, confirming

the perceiver’s hypothesis about the target person. (Jennifer performs well

in class.) Note that both individuals are unaware that this process is oper-

ating. Also note that because perceivers are unaware of their expectations

and of the effect they can have on others, they mistakenly attribute the

target person’s behavior to an internal cause (Jennifer is smart), rather than

an external one (their own expectations).

The best-known experiments on self-fulfilling prophecy have been conducted in

classroom settings, looking at the effect of teachers’ expectations on students’ academic

performance (Rosenthal, 2006; Rubie-Davies et al., 2015). A review of 400 studies of this

phenomenon over a period of 30 years reported that teacher expectations significantly

influenced student performance in 36% of the experiments. In a related vein, perhaps the

“storm and stress” of early adolescence, particularly teen rebellion and risk taking and the

predictable parental reactions, are sometimes expectation based (Buchanan & Hughes,

2009). When both teens and parents anticipate tension and alienation, for example, they

may look for, instigate, or see other behaviors as fitting their respective perceptions. Still,

there is research suggesting that in some venues, such as aging, people’s expectations—their

self-perceptions of aging following a health crisis—can impair later positive health behav-

iors and beliefs (Wurm et al., 2013). Instead of engaging in self-regulation strategies that

promote a healthy lifestyle, they may assume that physical loss and compromised health are

inevitable, thereby becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Cognitive Distortions

Another source of error in person perception comes from distortions in the minds of

perceivers. These errors in judgment are most likely to occur when a perceiver is in a hurry,

is distracted, or is not motivated to pay careful attention to another person.

Social Categorization

One of the ways people efficiently process information is to classify objects (and people)

according to their distinctive features (North & Fiske, 2014). Thus, people quite often cate-

gorize others on the basis of nationality, race, ethnicity, gender, age, religion, sexual orienta-

tion, and so forth (Crisp & Hewstone, 2006). Indeed, age, race, and gender lead to especially

Figure 7.3 The three steps of the self-fulfilling prophecy. Through a three-step process, your expectations about a person can cause

that person to behave in ways that confirm those expectations.

First, you form an impression of someone. Second, you behave

toward that person in a way that is consistent with your

impression. Third, the person exhibits the behavior that you

encourage, which confirms your initial impression.

Source: Adapted from Smith, E. R., & Mackie, D. M. (1995). Social psychology. New

confirms

leads to

produces

Perceiver’s impression of other person She is really funny.

Perceiver’s behavior based on that impression

“Tell us the story about the time when . . .”

(laughter at her witty comments)

Corresponding behavior elicited from the other person

She tells humorous story as requested and tries to make witty comments.

194 C H A P T E R 7

quick categorization because they dominate our perception (Yzerbyt & Demoulin, 2010).

Thus, people frequently take the easy path of categorizing others into groups, thereby saving

both time and effort. The cost of doing so is that such reduced cognitive effort often leads

to less accurate impressions. A particular problem associated with categorizing people into

different groups is that we tend to overestimate the differences between groups and under-

estimate the differences within groups (Krueger & DiDonato, 2008).

People classify those who are similar to them as members of their ingroup (“us”) and

those who are dissimilar to them as being in the outgroup (“them”). Such categorizing has

three important results. First, people usually have less favorable attitudes toward outgroup

members than ingroup members (Brewer & Brown, 1998), such that empathic reactions

to those perceived to be in their ingroup are often exaggerated (Brewer, 2007). Second,

individuals usually see outgroup members as being much more alike than they really are,

whereas they see members of their ingroup as unique individuals (Oakes, 2001). In other

words, people frequently explain the behavior of outgroup members on the basis of the

characteristic that sets them apart (“Those Nerdians are all drunks”) but attribute the same

behavior by an ingroup member to individual personality traits (“Brett is a heavy drinker”).

This phenomenon, in which others are seen as “all alike” and one’s own group is perceived

to be “diverse,” is termed the outgroup homogeneity effect (Ostrom & Sedikides, 1992).

The third result of categorizing is that it heightens the visibility of outgroup members

when there are only a few of them within a larger group. In other words, minority group

status in a group makes more salient the quality that distinguishes the person—ethnicity,

gender, whatever. When people are perceived as being unique or distinctive, they are also

seen as gaining more attention in a group, and their good and bad qualities are given extra

weight (Crocker & McGraw, 1984). Significantly, distinctiveness—some quality that makes

one person stand out from others—can also trigger stereotyping. People tend to define

others by those traits or actions that are rare, uncommon, or otherwise distinctive.

Finally, based on their proclivity to categorize, people are even likely to see outgroup

members as looking more like one another than they actually do. Various studies clearly

show that eyewitnesses are better at identifying people of their own race than those who be-

long to a different racial group (Meissner & Brigham, 2001). In fact, to observers, outgroup

members even look alike, which means that people are not very accurate when it comes

to distinguishing among and recognizing faces of racial outgroup members as compared

to ingroup members (Young et al., 2012). An exception to this rule occurs when outgroup

members are angry (Ackerman, et al., 2006). That is, angry outgroup members are much

easier to identify than angry ingroup members, suggesting that the human mind carefully

tracks strangers who may pose a threat.

Stereotypes

Stereotypes are widely held beliefs that people have certain characteristics because of

their membership in a particular group. For example, many people assume that Italians

are loud and passionate, that African Americans have special athletic and musical abilities,

and that Muslims are religious fanatics. Although a kernel of truth may underlie some ste-

reotypes, it should be readily apparent that not all Italians, African Americans, Muslims, and

so forth behave alike. If you take the time to think about it, you will recognize that there is

enormous diversity in behavior within any group. So, despite the fact that stereotypes

can employ reality-based information, they are also often based on biased expectations

(Spears & Strobe, 2015). The very real problem, of course, is that stereotypes are linked with

prejudice and discrimination (Bodenhausen & Richeson, 2010).

Stereotypes may also be based on physical appearance. In particular, there is plenty of

evidence that physically attractive people are believed to have desirable personality traits.

This widespread perception is termed the “what-is-beautiful-is-good” stereotype (Dion,

Berscheid, & Walster, 1972). Specifically, beautiful people are usually viewed as happier,

more socially competent, more assertive, better adjusted, and more intellectually compe-

tent than those who are less attractive (Jackson, Hunter, & Hodge, 1995). In fact, people

believe they remember more positive qualities associated with attractive people and more

Social Cognition Paper

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Eliot R. Smith at Indiana University

maintains a popular site that includes

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Social Thinking and Social Influence 195

negative characteristics with unattractive individuals (Rohner & Rasmussen, 2012). Inter-

estingly, some researchers believe that attributing desirable characteristics to physically

attractive people is a way to project our interpersonal goals onto others (LeMay, Clark, &

Greenberg, 2010). In essence, we want to bond with beautiful people, whether as friends or

romantic partners. Yet most such perceptions have little basis in fact.

Attractive people do have an advantage in the social arena. Attractive children, for

example, tend to be perceived as more popular than less attractive ones; sad to say, their

teachers like them better, too (Dion, 1973). Is there a long-term consequence? Well,

good-looking adults have better social skills, are more popular, are less socially anxious

(especially about interactions with the other gender), are less lonely, and are more sexually

experienced (Feingold, 1992b). However, they are not any different from others in intel-

ligence, happiness, mental health, or self-esteem (Langlois et al., 2000). Thus, attractive

people are perceived in a more favorable light than is actually justified. Unfortunately, the

positive biases toward attractive people also operate in reverse. Hence, unattractive people

are unjustifiably seen as less well adjusted and less intellectually competent than others.

How does the attractiveness stereotype affect most people? First, the bad news: Highly

attractive people end up with one another (all else being equal, a perfect “10” might marry

a “9,” for example, but is unlikely to pair off with a “4” or a “5”). If there is any solace in this

news, it’s this: Most people pair up with others who match their own level of attractiveness.

Thus, individuals are likely to date those who match their own level of attractiveness

(Berscheid et al., 1971).

Stereotypes can be spontaneously triggered when people—even in those who are not

prejudiced—encounter members of commonly stereotyped groups (Dunning & Sherman,

1997). Worse still, racially based stereotypes can cause regrettable—and potentially

dangerous—split-second decisions in which people see a weapon that isn’t actually there

(Payne, 2006). Stereotypes can exist outside a person’s awareness (Nosek et al., 2007).

Because stereotyping is automatic, some psychologists are pessimistic about being able

to control it (Bargh, 1999); others take a more optimistic view (Uleman et al., 1996). For

example, one study found less automatic race bias when men and women of different races

(except blacks) were surreptitiously induced to smile while looking at photographs of

blacks (Ito et al., 2006). If people put forth effort to respond in a friendly and open manner

to individuals who are different from them on some important dimension (race, sexual

orientation), perhaps the positive behaviors will lead to a reduction in automatic biases

when reacting to others.

There is also some intriguing new evidence that imagining an encounter between

oneself and an outgroup member can reduce hostile feelings linked to stereotyping (Crisp

& Turner, 2013). Brambilla, Ravenna, and Hewstone (2012) had participants imagine

interacting with someone from an outgroup usually rated as either high or low on warmth

and competence. The imagined encounters promoted feelings of warmth and competence

toward the members of groups usually dehumanized (e.g., poor people), envied (e.g.,

wealthy people), or otherwise targeted for condescending behavior (e.g., elderly people).

A key component of imagined intergroup contact theory is that the imagined contact must

be positive and high quality, otherwise, negative attitudes toward particular outgroups

(e.g., homeless persons, people with schizophrenia) can remain (Falvo et al., 2015; West,

Holmes, & Hewstone, 2011).

The Fundamental Attribution Error

When explaining the causes of others’ behavior, people invoke personal attributions and

discount the importance of situational factors. Although this tendency is not univer-

sal (Miyamoto & Kitayama, 2002), it is strong enough that Lee Ross (1977) called it the

“fundamental attribution error.” The fundamental attribution error refers to the tendency to

explain other people’s behavior as the result of personal, rather than situational, factors.

This tendency differs from stereotyping in that inferences are based on actual behavior.

Nonetheless, those inferences may still be inaccurate. If Jeremy leaves class early, you may

be correct in inferring that he is inconsiderate, but he might also have had a previously

196 C H A P T E R 7

scheduled job interview. Thus, a person’s behavior at a given time may or may not reflect his

or her personality or character—but observers tend to assume that it does. The situations

people encounter can have profound effects on their behavior, often overpowering the

influence of their dispositions—they just don’t realize it.

What’s behind this tendency to discount situational influences on people’s behavior?

Once again, the culprit is people’s tendency to be cognitive misers. It seems that making

attributions is a two-step process (Gilbert & Malone, 1995). As you can see in Figure 7.4, in

the first step, which occurs automatically, observers make an internal attribution because

they are focusing on the person rather than the situation. (At your bank, if you observe the

man ahead of you yell at the teller, you might infer that he is a hostile person.) In the second

step, observers weigh the impact of the situation on the target person’s behavior and adjust

their inference. (If you overhear the customer claim this is the third time in three weeks

that the bank has made the same error in his account, you’re likely to temper your initial

judgment about his hostile tendencies.)

The first step in the attribution process occurs spontaneously, but the second step

requires cognitive effort and attention. Thus, it is easy to stop after step one—especially

if one is in a hurry or distracted. Failure to take the effortful second step can result in

the fundamental attribution error. However, when people are motivated to form accurate

impressions of others (Webster, 1993) or when they are suspicious about another’s motives

(Fein, 1996), they do expend the effort to complete the second step. In these cases, they

are more likely to make accurate attributions. Some evidence suggests that these two steps

may be related to different types of brain activity (Lieberman et al., 2004). One recent study

using fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging) technology, which measures brain

activity, found that observers spontaneously process others’ mental states, such as their mo-

mentary feelings or their presumed personality traits. Participants read a series of stories

that described ambiguous behaviors performed by a target person in a social setting, and

then judged whether the behaviors were attributable to an internal disposition or external

situational factors. The fMRI revealed that areas of the brain associated with mental state

inferences (based on previous research) predicted use of dispositional rather than

situational attributions.

Defensive Attribution

Observers are especially likely to make internal attributions in trying to explain the

calamities and tragedies that befall other people. When a woman is abused by a boyfriend

Figure 7.4 Explaining the fundamental attribution error. People automatically take the first step in the attribution process (making a personal attribution). However, they often fail to take the second step

(considering the possible influence of situational factors on a person’s behavior) because that requires extra

effort. The failure to consider situational factors causes observers to exaggerate the role of personal factors in

behavior—that is, they make the fundamental attribution error. (Adapted from Kassin, Fein, & Markus, 2011)

Observer makes initial

observation of actor’s behavior

A customer argues loudly with a bank

teller.

Observer makes a personal attribution

”He’s a hostile person.”

Observer becomes aware of situational

influences on actor’s behavior

Observer hears customer say that the bank

has often made the same error

Observer modifies initial

attribution based on

situational information

”He’s probably not such a

hostile person after all.”

Step 1 (automatic, mindless)

Step 2 (effortful, mindful)

Social Thinking and Social Influence 197

or husband, for example, people frequently blame the victim by remark-

ing on how stupid she is to stay with the man, rather than condemning

the aggressor for his behavior (Summers & Feldman, 1984). Similarly,

rape victims are often judged to have “asked for it” (Abrams et al., 2003).

Defensive attribution is a tendency to blame victims for their mis-

fortune, so that one feels less likely to be victimized in a similar way.

Blaming victims for their calamities also helps people maintain their be-

lief that they live in a “just world” where people get what they deserve and

deserve what they get (Haynes & Olson, 2006). Bystanders to a crime,

too, can be subject to blame based on defensive attributions (“He should

have done something to help even if it was risky to do so—he’s almost

as bad as the perpetrator”) (Levy & Ben-David, 2015). Acknowledg-

ing that the world is not just—that unfortunate events can happen as a

result of chance factors—would mean having to admit the frightening

possibility that the catastrophes that happen to others could also hap-

pen to oneself (Lambert, Burroughs, & Nguyen, 1999), especially when

the victim is perceived to be like oneself (Correia, Vala, & Aguiar, 2007).

Defensive attributions are a self-protective, but irrational, strategy that allows people to

avoid such unnerving thoughts and helps them feel in control of their lives (Hafer, 2000).

Key Themes in Person Perception

The process of person perception—how people mentally construe one another’s behavior—

is a complex one (Trope & Gaunt, 2003). Nonetheless, we can detect three recurrent themes

in this process: efficiency, selectivity, and consistency.

Efficiency

In forming impressions of others, people prefer to exert no more cognitive effort or time

than is necessary. Thus, much social information is processed automatically and effort-

lessly. According to Susan Fiske (1993), people are like government bureaucrats, who “only

bother to gather information on a ‘need to know’ basis” (p. 175). Efficiency has two impor-

tant advantages: People can make judgments quickly, and it keeps things simple, for exam-

ple, by searching for similarities between the target person and comparison criteria already

held by the perceiver (Corcoran, 2013). The big disadvantage is that snap judgments are

error-prone. Still, on balance, efficiency works pretty well as an operating principle.

Selectivity

The old saying that “people see what they expect to see” has been confirmed repeatedly by

social scientists. In a classic study, Harold Kelley (1950) showed how a person is preceded

by his or her reputation. Students in a class at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology

were told that a new lecturer would be speaking to them that day. Before the instructor

arrived, the students were given a short description of him, with one important variation.

Half the students were led to expect a “warm” person, while the other half were led to

expect a “cold” one. All the participants were exposed to exactly the same 20 minutes of

lecture and interaction with the new instructor. However, those who were led to expect a

warm person rated the instructor as significantly more considerate, sociable, humorous,

good natured, informal, and humane than those who expected a cold person.

Consistency

How many times did your parents remind you to be on your best behavior when you were

meeting someone for the first time? As it turns out, they were onto something! Consid-

erable research supports the idea that first impressions are powerful (Belmore, 1987). A

primacy effect occurs when initial information carries more weight than subsequent

information. Primacy effects are likely to occur when perceivers—the people who meet us

A common example of defensive attribution is the tendency to blame

the homeless for their plight.

S us

an M

on tg

om er

y/ S

hu tt

er st

oc k.

co m

198 C H A P T E R 7

for the first time—are in good rather than bad moods (Forgas, 2011). We risk being labeled

a hypocrite, for example, if we say one thing and then do another (such as claiming to have

an open mind and then make a cutting, judgmental remark about someone) rather than

the reverse (Barden, Rucker, & Petty, 2005). Initial negative impressions may be especially

hard to change (Mellers, Richards, & Birnbaum, 1992) because, as we learned earlier, bad

can indeed be stronger than good. Only if people are motivated to form an accurate impres-

sion and are not tired will they be less likely to lock in their initial impressions (Webster,

Richter, & Kruglanski, 1996). Interestingly, such primacy effects may be culturally based, as

one recent investigation finds first impressions to hold greater weight in judgments made

by American than by Japanese observers (Noguchi, Kamada, & Shrira, 2014). Why are

primacy effects so potent? Because people find comfort in cognitive consistency; cognitions

that contradict each other create tension and discomfort.

To conclude, although the process of person perception is highly subjective, people

are relatively accurate perceivers of others. Even when misperceptions occur, they are often

harmless. However, there clearly are occasions when such inaccuracies are problematic,

which is certainly true in the case of prejudice.

7.2 The Problem of Prejudice ■ Explain how old-fashioned and modern

discrimination differ and describe

the Spotlight on Research regarding

stereotypes.

■ Understand how authoritarianism and

cognitive distortions can contribute to

prejudice.

■ Clarify how intergroup competition

and threats to social identity can foster

prejudice.

■ Describe the operation of some

strategies for reducing prejudice.

Learning Objectives

Let’s begin our discussion by clarifying a couple of terms. Prejudice is a negative attitude

toward members of a group; discrimination involves behaving differently, usually un-

fairly, toward members of a group. Prejudice and discrimination do tend to go together,

but that is not always the case (see Figure 7.5). One classic social psychology study found

almost no discriminatory behavior aimed at a Chinese couple traveling around the coun-

try with a white professor in the 1930s. Before making the trips, the professor antici-

pated that they would encounter some prejudice about where they could stay or dine,

but the three were declined service only a few times. Months later, when the professor

wrote to all the establishments they had visited to ask whether Chinese guests were wel-

come, however, the majority of the responses were, in fact, prejudiced and rather unin-

viting, showing that attitudes don’t always predict behavior (LaPiere, 1934). Why can

people respond in discriminatory ways sometimes, but not always? It is possible that a

restaurant owner would be prejudiced against Chicanos and yet treat them like

anyone else because he needed their business. This is an example of prejudice without

discrimination. Although it is probably less common,

discrimination without prejudice may also occur. For

example, an executive who has favorable attitudes toward

blacks may not hire them because he thinks his boss would

be upset.

Sometimes, too, prejudices and stereotypes can be

triggered without conscious awareness (Greenwald et al.,

2009) and can have consequences for behavior. For exam-

ple, in one study, college students were given a sentence

completion task in which half of them received a word list

containing words stereotypically associated with elderly

people (wrinkle, gray, Florida). Once the idea of old age

was surreptitiously “primed” in their thoughts, these same

college students were later found to take 13% longer to walk

to an elevator than a control group that received a neutral

word list (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996). Our Spotlight

on Research deals with the ways race and stereotypes

can guide visual perception and have decided conse-

quences for behavior.

Absent

Present

Prejudice

D is

cr im

in at

io n

No relevant behavior

A restaurant owner who is bigoted against

Hispanics treats them fairly because she

needs their business.

An executive with favorable attitudes toward blacks doesn’t hire them because he would get in trouble with his boss.

A professor who is hostile toward women

grades his female students unfairly.

Figure 7.5 Prejudice and discrimination. Prejudice and discrimination are highly correlated, but they don’t necessarily go hand in hand. As the examples in the blue

cells show, prejudice can exist without discrimination and discrimination without

prejudice.

Social Thinking and Social Influence 199

When Seeing Is Stereotypically Believing—and Reacting

Source: Correll, J., Wittenbrink, B., Crawford, M. T., & Sadler, M. S. (2015).

Stereotypic vision: How stereotypes disambiguate visual stimuli.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 108(2), 219–233.

doi:10.1037/pspa0000015

Stereotypes are powerful guides for our perceptions, allowing

us to process social information in consistent ways, direct our

attention to particular aspects of a stimulus or a target person,

and adding information that is not necessarily present. This

experiment examined how race and racial stereotypes influence

visual perception in what is known as a first-person-shooter

task, or FPST. Participants saw a series of men (who were either

black or white), each of whom was holding either a weapon (e.g.,

gun) or some innocuous object (e.g., wallet). The participants’

goal was to shoot any armed targets but to avoid shooting any

unarmed targets. The research goal was to demonstrate that

racial stereotypes actually shape what people see—literally

their visual perception—so that participants (shooters) actually

“see” different objects based on the target’s race. Thus, black

male targets are associated stereotypically with feelings of

danger, whereas white male targets (all else being equal) are not.

This study hypothesized that participants would rely on more

ambiguous information (assessed by eye-tracking equipment

that followed the angle of each participant’s gaze and visual

search of target figures) when responding to stereotypic targets

(i.e., black target holding gun, white target not holding a gun).

Doing so indicates a reliance on stereotypes to guide decisions.

When responding to counter-stereotypic targets (i.e., white

target holding a gun, black target not holding a gun) they

were expected to achieve greater clarity before responding by

shooting or not shooting a target.

Method Participants and design. Participants were forty-two nonblack undergraduates who participated for course credit. The experiment

manipulated the race (black versus white) of the stimulus person

and the type of object the person held (gun versus nongun). Each

participant in FPST made a decision to shoot or not shoot targets

over a series of 120 trials.

Apparatus. An eye-tracking device that recorded where and what participants viewed during each trial recorded participants’ eye

movements.

Procedure. Each participant was run individually. After being seated in front of a computer screen, the experimenter

explained the FPST task and then gave the participant a

gun-gaming mouse that had two buttons. One button would

“shoot” the target, the other represented “don’t shoot” the

target (this nonshoot button was described as the gun’s

safety switch). Because the gun mouse was designed for

right-handed players, all participants were right handed. After

completing the trials, the participants were debriefed, thanked,

and dismissed.

Results Participants made fewer decision errors when confronted with

armed rather than unarmed targets; however, this finding was

qualified by the fact that participants were more likely to shoot

an unarmed target if he was black rather than white. When

targets were armed, the pattern was reversed: Participants were

less likely to choose “don’t shoot” if the armed target was white

rather than black. Where visual search was concerned, responses

(shooting or not) were made for black targets when participants

had poorer visual resolution regarding relevant information

(what was the object in the target’s hand?). When targets where

white, participants waited to achieve greater visual acuity

before responding. Participants who displayed more racial bias

ended their visual searches sooner and relied on less clear visual

information when responding to the stereotypic targets. These

results suggest that racial stereotypes are used together with visual

processing, so that stereotypic decisions are made more quickly

and require less clarity.

Discussion Eye-tracking results found that when confronted with stereotypic

target information, participants were more likely to end their

visual search before full clarity regarding what they saw was

realized. They were also less likely to actually focus on the object

held by the target before they made a “shoot” or “don’t shoot”

decision, presumably because the target’s race guided their

interpretation and often their choice. The research implications

are that when information is ambiguous, people may react by

relying on stereotypes to guide their decisions and behavior. Sadly,

stereotypes may affect response tendencies—especially when

time is limited—so that the presence of black targets leads to more

hostile decisions than white targets.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Do you think there are methods to counteract the influence

of racial stereotypes, so that participants in a variation of this

study could somehow be trained to avoid relying on biased

beliefs? How might that be achieved?

2. Does this research have any implications for other types of

decisions that people make in daily life?

3. How do you think law enforcement officers might view this

research?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

200 C H A P T E R 7

Old-Fashioned versus Modern Discrimination

Prejudice and discrimination against minority groups have diminished in the United

States. Racial segregation is no longer legal, and discrimination based on race, ethnic-

ity, gender, and religion is much common it was in the 1950s and 1960s. Thus, the good

news is that overt, or old-fashioned, discrimination against minority groups has declined.

The bad news is that a more subtle form of prejudice and discrimination has emerged

(Gawronski et al., 2012). People may privately harbor racist or sexist attitudes but ex-

press them only when they feel such views are justified or when it’s safe to do so. This new

phenomenon is termed modern discrimination (also called modern racism). Modern

discrimination also operates when people endorse equality as an abstract principle but

oppose programs intended to promote equality on the grounds that discrimination against

minority groups no longer exists (Wright & Taylor, 2003).

Although modern racists do not wish to return to the days of segregation, they also

feel that minority groups should not push too fast for advancement or treatment by the

government. Individuals who endorse statements that favor modern discrimination are

much more likely to vote against a black political candidate, to oppose affirmative action,

and to favor tax laws that benefit whites at the expense of blacks compared to those who do

not endorse such views (Murrell et al., 1994).

One important trend in the study of prejudice is the recognition that most white peo-

ple consider the possibility that they might hold racist views to be very upsetting; indeed,

they are conflicted about it. As a result, they avoid acting in ways that might be construed as

racist by others or even by themselves. The upshot is that well-intentioned whites can

engage in aversive racism, an indirect, subtle, ambiguous form of racism that occurs when

their conscious endorsement of egalitarian ideals conflicts with unconscious, negative reac-

tions to minority group members (Hodson, Dovidio, & Gaertner, 2010). One study found

that black patients had less positive interactions with white physicians who harbored feel-

ings consistent with aversive racism (Penner et al., 2010). An aversive racist might act in a

racist manner when a nonracist excuse is available (“I interviewed several qualified blacks

for the job but I had to hire the best candidate, who happened to be white”). Aversive

racism may have its roots in childhood, as intergroup biases based on race appear among

elementary school aged children (de França & Monteiro, 2013). Fortunately, researchers are

seeking ways to combat such unintended but real bias toward others (Gaertner & Dovidio,

2005). When people cannot reconcile the conflict between their expressed attitudes and

how they act, for example, their prejudice decreases (Son Hing, Li, & Zanna, 2002).

Causes of Prejudice

Prejudice is a complex issue with multiple causes. Although we can’t thoroughly examine

all causes of prejudice, we’ll examine some of the major psychological and social factors

that contribute to this vexing problem.

Authoritarianism

In early research on prejudice, Theodor Adorno and his colleagues (1950) identified the

authoritarian personality, a personality type characterized by prejudice toward any group

perceived to be different from oneself. Subsequent research found serious methodological

weaknesses in the study, calling into question the validity of the personality type.

Over the intervening years, both the definition and measurement of authoritarian-

ism have evolved (Dion, 2003). The construct is now termed right-wing authoritarianism

(RWA) (Altemeyer, 1988a), and it is characterized by authoritarian submission (exaggerated

deference to those in power), authoritarian aggression (hostility toward targets sanctioned

by authorities), and conventionalism (strong adherence to values endorsed by authorities).

Because authoritarians tend to support established authority, RWA is more commonly

found among political conservatives than among political liberals (who are more likely to

challenge the status quo). RWA has even been linked to the Big Five personality traits (recall

Implicit Association

Test

Visit this website sponsored by

psychologists at Harvard University who

study people’s nonconscious prejudices

by using what are called implicit

measures of social cognition. You can

learn about the Implicit Association Test

(IAT) here as well as participate in some

online research.

Learn More Online

Social Thinking and Social Influence 201

Chapter 2) in that authoritarian individuals tend to score low on openness to experience

and conscientiousness (Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). A recent study, for example, found that

lower levels of openness and high RWA predicted antigay prejudice (Cramer et al., 2013).

What causes RWAs to be prejudiced? According to Altemeyer (1998), there are two

key factors. First, they organize their social world into ingroups and outgroups, and they

view outgroups as threatening their cherished traditional values. Second, they tend to be

self-righteous: They believe that they are more moral than others, feeling justified in dero-

gating groups that authority figures define as immoral. RWAs have typically been reared in

highly religious and socially homogeneous groups, with little exposure to minority groups

and unconventional behavior (Rowatt et al., 2013). They feel unduly threatened by social

change—a fear picked up from their parents who believe that “the world is a dangerous and

hostile place” (Altemeyer, 1988b, p. 38). Altemeyer also notes that fearful attitudes are rein-

forced by the mass media’s emphasis on crime and violence. However, exposure to cultural

empathy and open-mindedness (Nesdale, De Vries Robbé, & Van Oudenhoven, 2012), as

well as to diverse people and perspectives can reduce RWA (Dhont & Van Hiel, 2012).

Authoritarian behavior is linked with other types of personalities. Recently, a related

personality type, social dominance orientation (SDO), has received much research attention

(Ho et al., 2012). People high in SDO prefer inequality among social groups, believing

in a hierarchy where some are destined to dominate others, such as men over women,

majorities over minorities, or heterosexuals over homosexuals (Kteily, Ho, & Sidanius,

2012). Those low in SDO are less likely to think in terms of a social pecking order where soci-

ety’s “haves” should control what happens to the “have nots.” Such behavior is found among

adolescents, where SDO is linked with both popularity and relational

aggression, where social standing is damaged by gossip, disrupted

relationships, and covert bullying (Mayeux, 2014). Individuals who

score high in SDO are likely to endorse the use of cognitive ability

tests for college admissions (Kim & Berry, 2015), which is a way to

endorse and maintain the status quo on many campuses.

Cognitive Distortions and Expectations

Much of prejudice is rooted in automatic cognitive processes that

operate without conscious intent (Wright & Taylor, 2003). As you

recall, social categorization predisposes people to divide the social

world into ingroups and outgroups. This distinction can trigger

negativity toward outgroup members.

Perhaps no factor plays a larger role in prejudice than ste-

reotyping (Carlston & Schneid, 2015; Stangor & Crandall, 2013).

Many people subscribe to derogatory stereotypes of various eth-

nic groups. Although racial stereotypes have declined, they’re not

entirely a thing of the past (Dovidio et al., 2003). Racial profil-

ing, where law enforcement officers stop motorists, pedestrians,

or airline passengers solely on the basis of skin color, is a case

in point.

People are more likely to make the fundamental attribution

error when evaluating targets of prejudice (Levy, Stroessner, &

Dweck, 1998). Pettigrew (2001) suggests that perceiving negative

characteristics as being dispositional (personality based) and due

to group membership is the ultimate attribution error. Thus, when

people take note of ethnic neighborhoods dominated by crime and

poverty, they blame these problems on the residents (“they’re lazy

and ignorant”) and downplay or ignore situationally based explana-

tions (job discrimination, poor police service, and so on). The old

saying, “They should pull themselves up by their own bootstraps” is

a blanket dismissal of how situational factors may make it especially

difficult for minorities to achieve upward mobility.

This clever poster, sponsored by the American Civil Liberties Union, focuses

a spotlight on the sensitive issue of racial profiling. Racial profiling, which

is a manifestation of modern racism, reflects the influence of stereotyping.

The phenomenon of racial profiling shows how simple, often automatic,

cognitive distortions can have unfortunate consequences in everyday life.

B ill

A ro

n /

Ph ot

oE di

202 C H A P T E R 7

Defensive attributions, in which people unfairly blame victims of adversity to reassure

themselves that the same thing won’t happen to them, can also contribute to prejudice. For

example, individuals who claim that people who contract AIDS deserve it may be trying to

reassure themselves that they won’t suffer a similar fate (Kouabenan et al., 2001).

Competition between Groups

In 1954, Muzafer Sherif conducted a now-classic study at Robbers’ Cave State Park in

Oklahoma to look at competition and prejudice (Sherif et al., 1961; Platow & Hunter, 2014;

Reicher & Haslam, 2014). In this study, 11-year-old boys were invited to attend a 3-week

summer camp. What the boys didn’t know was that they were participants in an experi-

ment. The boys were randomly assigned to one of two groups; at camp, they went directly

to their assigned campsites and had no knowledge of the other group’s presence. During

the first week, the boys got to know members of their own group through typical camp

activities (hiking, swimming, camping out); each group also chose a name (the Rattlers and

the Eagles).

In the second week, the Rattlers and Eagles were introduced to each other through

intergroup competitions. Events included a football game, a treasure hunt, and a tug of

war, with medals, trophies, and other desirable prizes for the winning team. Almost im-

mediately after competitive games were introduced, hostile feelings erupted between the

two groups, quickly escalating to highly aggressive behavior: Food fights broke out in the

mess hall, cabins were ransacked, and group flags were burned. This classic study and more

recent research (Dreu, Aaldering, & Saygi, 2015; Puurtinen, Heap, & Mappes, 2015) suggest

that groups often respond more negatively to competition than individuals do.

This experimental demonstration of the effects of competition on prejudice is

often mirrored in the real world (Jackson, 2011). For example, disputes over territory

often provoke antagonism, as is the case in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A strong sense of

nationalism, the belief that your country is better than all others, can also lead to prejudi-

cial feelings and even conflict (Falomir-Pichastor & Frederic, 2013). Nationalism can be an

especially potent source of prejudice that becomes aimed at immigrants, who are perceived

as social, cultural, and economic threats (Kosic, Phalet, & Mannetti, 2012). A lack of empa-

thy for members of another group is clearly a powerful force (Castano, 2012), but a scarcity

of jobs or other important resources can also create competition among social groups. Still,

competition does not always breed prejudice. In fact, the perception of threats to one’s in-

group (loss of status, for example) is much more likely to cause hostility among groups than

actual threats to the ingroup are (Greenaway et al., 2014).

Threats to Social Identity

Although group membership provides identity and pride, it can also foster prejudice and

discrimination, as we just noted. Members’ individual psychologies become merged with

group and even societal processes (Spears, 2011), which can lead to feelings that one’s

group is superior to others. To explore a different facet of this idea, we turn to social identity

theory, developed by Tajfel (1982) and Turner (1987). According to this theory, self-esteem

is partly determined by one’s social identity, or collective self, which is tied to one’s group

memberships (nationality, religion, gender, major, occupation, political party affiliation,

fraternity, sorority, self-help clubs, and so forth) (Ellemers & Haslam, 2012). At times, per-

ception of group membership is subtle, as we are also drawn to those who look like us or

sound like us (sharing an accent or regional speech), so much so that we like them virtually

automatically (Gluszek & Dovidio, 2010).

How do rises in personal self-esteem differ from this more collective form of self-

esteem? Whereas your personal self-esteem is elevated by individual accomplishments

(you got an A on a history exam), your collective self-esteem is boosted when an ingroup

is successful (your team wins the football game). Likewise, your self-esteem can be threat-

ened on both the personal level (you didn’t get that job interview) and the collective level

(your football team loses the championship).

Social Thinking and Social Influence 203

Threats to both personal and social identity motivate individuals to restore

self-esteem, but threats to social identity are more likely to provoke responses

that foster prejudice and discrimination (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990). When

collective self-esteem is threatened, individuals react in two key ways to bol-

ster it. The most common response is to show ingroup favoritism—for example,

tapping an ingroup member for a job opening or rating the performance of an

ingroup member higher than that of an outgroup member (Stroebe, Lodewijkx,

& Spears, 2005; Ellemers & Haslam, 2012). The second way to deal with threats

to social identity is to engage in outgroup derogation—in other words, to “trash”

outgroups perceived to be threatening. This latter tactic is especially likely to

be used by individuals who identify strongly with an ingroup (Perreault &

Bourhis, 1999). Young people who affiliate with gangs often do so to obtain

feelings of pride, worth, security, and social identity, so that as the distinction

between self and group ebbs they become willing to fight and even sacrifice

themselves for the group (Gomez et al., 2011). Figure 7.6 depicts the various

elements of social identity theory.

Stereotype Threat

Our discussion in this chapter has focused on stereotypes that are directed at others—that

is, how each person relies on simplified beliefs associating groups of people with particular

traits. What happens when individuals are the targets of a stereotype used by others to

characterize the group they belong to? Is the stereotype ignored, or does the person

internalize its impact?

Consider African Americans. One pernicious stereotype is that

African American students perform poorly on standardized tests com-

pared to, say, white students. Claude Steele (1997) suggests that although

socioeconomic disadvantages can serve as an explanatory factor for the

underperformance of blacks relative to whites on such tests, there may

be other legitimate reasons. How so? Steele suggests that the availability

and awareness of derogatory stereotypes connected to various stigma-

tized groups, including blacks, leads to stereotype vulnerability, otherwise

known as stereotype threat. Feelings of stereotype vulnerability can under-

mine group members’ performance on standardized tests, as well as other

measures of academic achievement. Thus, stereotype threat poses a variety

of challenges for intergroup relations (Schmader, Hall, & Croft, 2015).

In a study by Steele and Aronson (1995), for example, black and

white college students who scored well above average in academic ability

were recruited (their comparable academic backgrounds ruled out cul-

tural disadvantage as a factor in the research). All participants completed

a challenging 30-minute test of verbal ability composed of items drawn

from the Graduate Record Exam (GRE). In one condition, stereotype vul-

nerability was made salient: The test was described as being an excellent

index of a person’s general verbal ability. In the other condition, the test

was described as a means for researchers to analyze people’s problem-

solving strategies (thus, not as a measure of intellectual ability). What did

Steele and Aronson find? When the African American students’ stereo-

type vulnerability was not emphasized, the performances of black and

white students did not differ (see the bars on the left side of Figure 7.7).

Yet when the same test was presented in a way that increased stereotype

threat, the black students scored significantly lower than the white test

takers (see the two bars on the right side of Figure 7.7).

Steele and his colleagues have demonstrated that the stereotype threat

can influence the performance of a variety of groups, not just minorities,

suggesting its applicability to a variety of behavioral phenomena (Steele,

2011). Thus, for example, women have been shown to be vulnerable to

Figure 7.6 Social identity theory. According to Tajfel (1982) and Turner (1987), individuals have both a personal identity

(based on a unique sense of self ) and a social identity

(based on group memberships). When social identity is

threatened, people are motivated to restore self-esteem

by either showing favoritism to ingroup members or

derogating outgroup members. These tactics contribute

to prejudice and discrimination. (Adapted from Kassin, Fein,

& Markus, 2011)

Self-esteem

Personal achievements

Derogation of outgroups

Favoritism toward ingroups

Threat to personal identity

Threat to social identity

Figure 7.7 Stereotype vulnerability and test performance. Steele and Aronson (1995) compared the performances of African

American and white students of equal ability on a thirty-item

verbal ability test constructed from difficult GRE questions. When

the black students’ stereotype vulnerability was not obvious,

their performance did not differ from that of the white students;

when the threat of stereotype vulnerability was raised, however,

the black students performed significantly worse than the white

students.

Source: Adapted from Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and

the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and

Association. Reprinted by permission of the author.

Not salient Very salient

Stereotype vulnerability

Sc or

e on

v er

ba l

ab il

it y

te st

Black students White students

204 C H A P T E R 7

stereotype threat concerning the belief that men perform better on math-related tasks

(Stone & McWhinnie, 2008). In turn, white men have been found to be “threatened” by the

stereotype that men of Asian descent are superior when it comes to doing well at mathe-

matics (Aronson et al., 1999). Among older people, stereotype threat—worrying that one’s

advanced age will impact functioning—is found to be one explanation for underperfor-

mance on various physical and cognitive tasks, as opposed to actual changes linked to age

(Krendl, Ambady, & Kensinger, 2015; Lamont, Swift, & Abrams, 2015).

Reducing Prejudice

For decades, psychologists have searched for ways to reduce prejudice (Zárate et al., 2014).

Such a complicated problem requires solutions on a number of levels. Let’s look at a few

interventions that can help.

Cognitive Strategies

Although it’s true that stereotypes kick in automatically, unintentionally, and uncon-

sciously, individuals can override them—with some cognitive effort (Fiske, 2002). Thus,

if you meet someone who speaks with an accent, your initial, automatic reaction might be

negative. However, if you believe that prejudice is wrong and if you are aware that you are

stereotyping, you can intentionally inhibit such thoughts and work to avoid speaking or be-

having in a biased manner. According to Devine’s (1989) model of prejudice reduction, this

process requires an intentional shift from automatic processing to controlled processing—or

from mindlessness to mindfulness, in Langer’s terms (see Chapters 6 and 16). Thus, you can

reduce prejudice if you are motivated to pay careful attention to what and how you think.

There is even some suggestive evidence that using imagery to envision a negative followed

by a positive encounter with an outgroup member can reduce prejudicial feelings (Birtel &

Crisp, 2012). This imagined exposure therapy led to reduced anxiety in perceivers as well

as enhanced intentions to interact positively with members of stigmatized groups, such as

gay men, adults with schizophrenia, and British Muslims (see also, Crisp & Birtel, 2014;

McDonald et al., 2014).

Intergroup Contact

Let’s return to the Robbers’ Cave study. When we left them, the Rattlers and Eagles were

engaged in food fights and flag burning. Understandably, the experimenters were eager to

person can harbor prejudicial “mindbugs” that lead him to behave in ways that do not match his personal, often espoused, beliefs. Their analysis means that the tolerant, open-minded person is possibly a secret chauvinist because his perceptions of various social groups are outside of his awareness or conscious control.

The book contains several paper-and-pencil IATs so that readers can learn about their own social blindspots concerning race and gender. There are also two thoughtful appendices supporting the book’s main narrative—one explores whether American citizens carry racist beliefs, the other examines race, discrimination, and social disadvantage. The authors are brutally honest in this book, one everyone should read and heed.

Blindspot: Hidden Biases of Good People

As considerable research in social psychology attests, stereotypes are alive and well, and very influential where our social perception and thinking are concerned. Research on attitudes reveals that hidden biases, implicit pieces of knowledge based on social categories (e.g., race, gender, religion, ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation, disability) can subtly direct how we behave toward other people. The chief problem is that we are largely unaware of how these biases influence our behavior in everyday settings.

Social psychologists Banaji and Greenwald developed what is known as the Implicit Association Test (IAT), which assesses the presence and magnitude of hidden prejudices. They demonstrate convincingly that even the most open-minded

Recommended Reading

by Mahzarin R. Banaji and Anthony G. Greenwald (Delacorte, 2013)

Social Thinking and Social Influence 205

restore peace. First, they tried speaking with each group, talking up the other group’s good

points and minimizing their differences. They also made the groups sit together at meals

and “fun” events like movies. Unfortunately, these tactics fell flat. Mere contact between

groups is not sufficient to reduce prejudicial feelings (Al Ramiah & Hewstone, 2013).

Next, the experimenters designed intergroup activities based on the principle of

superordinate goals—goals requiring two or more groups to work together to achieve

mutual ends. For example, each boy had to contribute in some way to a cookout (building a

fire, preparing food) so that all could eat. After the boys participated in a variety of such

activities, the hostility between the groups was much reduced. By the end of the 3-week

camping period, the Eagles and the Rattlers voted to ride the same bus home. Cooperating

to reach common goals, then, can reduce conflict (Bay-Hinitz, Peterson, & Quilitch, 1994).

Researchers have identified four necessary ingredients in the recipe for reducing

intergroup hostility (Brewer & Brown, 1998). First, groups must work together for a com-

mon goal—merely bringing hostile groups into contact is not effective in reducing inter-

group antagonism and may worsen it. Second, cooperative efforts must have successful

outcomes—if groups fail at a cooperative task, they are likely to blame one another for the

failure. Third, group members must have opportunities to establish meaningful connections

with one another, not merely going through the motions of interacting. The fourth factor,

equal status contact, requires bringing together members of different groups in ways that

ensure that everyone has equal status. A large meta-analysis demonstrated clear support for

intergroup contact that meets these conditions as a means of reducing prejudice (Tropp &

Page-Gould, 2015).

7.3 The Power of Persuasion

Every day you are bombarded by attempts to alter your attitudes through persuasion. You

may not even be out of bed before you hear radio advertisements meant to persuade you

to buy specific tooth-whiteners, smartphones, athletic shoes, and fast food. On your way

to school, you see billboards showing attractive models draped over cars in the hopes that

they can induce positive feelings that will transfer to the vehicles. “Does it ever end?” you

wonder.

When it comes to persuasion, the answer is “no.” As Pratkanis and Aronson (2000)

note, Americans live in the “age of propaganda.” In light of this situation, let’s examine some

factors that determine whether persuasion works.

Persuasion involves the communication of arguments and information intended to

change another person’s attitudes. What are attitudes? For the purposes of our discussion,

we’ll define attitudes as beliefs and feelings about people, objects, and ideas. Let’s look

more closely at two of the terms in this definition. We use the term beliefs to mean thoughts

and judgments about people, objects, and ideas. For example, you may believe that equal pay

for equal work is a fair policy or that capital punishment is not an effective crime deterrent.

The “feeling” component of attitudes refers to the positivity and negativity of one’s feelings

about an issue as well as how strongly one feels about it. For example, you may strongly

favor equal pay for equal work but only mildly disagree with the idea that capital punish-

ment reduces crime. Psychologists assume that attitudes predict behavior (Ajzen, 2012)—

if you are favorably disposed toward some new product, you are likely to buy it; if not,

you won’t (Eagly & Chaiken, 1998). Of course, there is more to the persuasion side of the

attitude-behavior relation: Read on.

Elements of the Persuasion Process

The process of persuasion or attitude change (Crano & Prislin, 2008) includes four basic

elements (see Figure 7.8). The source is the person who sends a communication, and the

receiver is the person to whom the message is sent. Thus, if you watched a presidential

Learning Objectives

■ Describe how various source factors

influence the persuasion process.

■ Discuss the evidence on one-sided

versus two-sided messages and the

value of arousing fear or positive

feelings in persuasion.

■ Identify some receiver factors that play

a role in persuasion.

■ Explain how the two cognitive routes to

persuasion operate.

206 C H A P T E R 7

address on TV, the president would be the source, and you and millions of other viewers

would be the receivers in this persuasive effort. The message is the information transmitted

by the source; the channel is the medium through which the message is sent. In examining

communication channels, investigators often compare face-to-face interaction with appeals

sent via mass media (television, radio). Although the research on communication channels is

interesting, we’ll confine our discussion to source, message, and receiver variables.

Source Factors

Persuasion tends to be more successful when the source has high credibility (Pornpitak-

pan, 2004) or when perceivers believe the communicator will actually deliver on a promise

(Clark, Evans, & Wegener, 2011). Two subfactors make a communicator credible: expertise

and trustworthiness (Hovland & Weiss, 1951). People try to convey their expertise by men-

tioning their degrees, training, and experience or by showing an impressive grasp of the

issues (Clark et al., 2012). As to trustworthiness, whom would you believe if you were told

that your state needs to reduce corporate taxes to stimulate its economy—the president of

a huge corporation in your state or an economics professor from out of state? Probably the

latter. Trustworthiness is undermined when a source, such as the corporation president,

appears to have something to gain. In contrast, trustworthiness is enhanced when people

appear to argue against their own interests (Petty et al., 2001), which explains why sales-

people often make remarks like “Frankly, my snowblower isn’t the best—they have a better

brand down across town if you’re willing to spend more . . .”

Likability, a second major source factor, includes a number of

subfactors (Petty et al., 1997). A key consideration is a person’s physi-

cal attractiveness (Petty et al., 1997). For example, one researcher found

that attractive students were more successful than less attractive ones in

obtaining signatures for a petition (Chaiken, 1979). People also respond

better to sources who are similar to them in ways that are relevant to the

pertitnent issue (Mackie, Worth, & Asuncion, 1990). Thus, politicians

stress the values they and voters hold in common.

Source variables are used to great effect in advertising. Many

companies spend a fortune to obtain spokespersons, such as Ellen

DeGeneres or Rachael Ray, who combine trustworthiness, likabil-

ity, and a knack for connecting with the average person. Companies

quickly abandon spokespersons whose likability declines. For example,

in 2015 the NBC Network dropped Donald Trump’s television show

“The Apprentice” following controversial remarks he made concerning

immigrants.

Who What By what means To whom

Source factors

Credibility Expertise Trustworthiness

Likability Attractiveness Similarity

Message factors

Fear appeal versus logic

One-sided versus two-sided argument

Repetition

Channel factors

In person

On television

Via audiotape

Via Internet

Receiver factors

Personality

Expectations (e.g., fore- warning)

Preexisting attitudes

Figure 7.8 Overview of the persuasion process. The process of persuasion essentially boils down to who (the source) communicates what (the message) by what means (the channel) to whom (the receiver). Thus, four

sets of variables influence the process of persuasion: source, message, channel, and receiver factors. The

diagram lists some of the more important factors in each category (including some that are not discussed

in the text because of space limitations).

Advertisers frequently employ well-liked celebrities such as Gwyneth

Paltrow to pitch their products, hoping that the positive feelings of the

audience toward the source will transfer to the product.

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Social Thinking and Social Influence 207

Who do we trust in everyday life? The Gallup Organization polled

a sample of Americans and asked them to rate the honesty and ethical

standards of individuals who worked in eleven occupations. Figure 7.9

indicates that nurses, doctors, and pharmacists topped the list—they

were seen as most credible. Sadly, car salespeople and members of

Congress were viewed as least credible, ending up at the list’s bottom.

Message Factors

Imagine that you advocate selecting a high-profile entertainer as the

speaker at your commencement ceremony. In preparing your argu-

ment, you ponder the most effective way to structure your message.

On the one hand, you’re convinced that hosting a well-known enter-

tainer would be popular with students and would boost the university’s

image in the community and among alumni. Still, you realize the per-

former would cost a lot and that some people believe that entertainers

are not appropriate commencement speakers. Should you present a

one-sided argument that ignores the problems? Or should you pres-

ent a two-sided argument that acknowledges the problems but then

downplays them?

In general, two-sided arguments are more effective (Crowley &

Hoyer, 1994). In fact, just mentioning that there are two sides to an

issue can increase your credibility with an audience (Jones & Brehm,

1970). One-sided messages work only when your audience is unedu-

cated about the issue or when they already favor your point of view.

Persuaders also use emotional appeals to shift attitudes, as message

factors are more likely to be attended to as a problem’s seriousness

increases (Feng, & MacGeorge, 2010). Insurance companies show

scenes of homes on fire to arouse fear. Antismoking campaigns

emphasize the threat of cancer. Deodorant ads prey on the fear of embarrassment. Does

fear arousal work? Yes. Studies involving various issues (nuclear policy, auto safety, and

dental hygiene, among others) show that arousing fear often increases persuasion (Perloff,

1993). And fear appeals are influential if people feel susceptible to the threat (De Hoog,

Stroebe, & De Wit, 2007). If you induce strong fear in your audience without providing a

workable solution to the problem (such as a surefire stop-smoking program),

however, you may make your audience defensive, causing them to tune you

out (Petty & Wegener, 1998).

Generating positive feelings is also an effective way to persuade people.

Providing people with comfort—food, drinks, a cozy setting, an easy chair—

can reduce people’s defenses and open them up to persuasion (Schwartz,

Bless, & Bohner, 1991). Other familiar examples of such tactics include

the use of music and physically attractive actors in TV commercials, the

use of laugh tracks in TV programs, and the practice of wining and dining

prospective customers. People attend better to humorous messages than to

sober ones (Duncan & Nelson, 1985); later, however, they may recall that

something was funny but forget what it was about (Cantor & Venus, 1980).

Receiver Factors

What about the receiver of the persuasive message? Are some people easier

to persuade than others? Yes, but the answer is complicated. For instance,

receptivity to a message can sometimes depend on people’s moods: Optimistic

people process uplifting messages better than pessimists, who are drawn to

counter-attitudinal communications, or those opposing their current views

(Wegener & Petty, 1994). Other people want to think deeply about issues,

possessing a so-called need for cognition, the tendency to seek out and enjoy

Figure 7.9 Trustworthiness of various professions. A 2014 Gallup Poll asked people to rate the level of honesty and ethical standards

attributed to people who work in eleven occupations. Listed in the

figure are the percentages of respondents who rated the members of

each occupational group as “high” or “very high” in honesty.

Source: Adapted from www.gallup.com/poll/180260/americans-rate-nurses-highest-

honesty-ethical-standards.aspx

Peter Steiner/www.cartoonbank.com

U.S. CITIZENS' VIEWS ON HONESTY AND ETHICAL STANDARDS IN PROFESSIONS

Profession Honesty and Ethical Standards

Nurses 80%

Medical doctors 65%

Pharmacists 65%

48%

Clergy 46%

Bankers 23%

Lawyers 21%

Business executives 17%

Advertising practitioners 10%

Car salespeople 8%

Members of Congress 7%

208 C H A P T E R 7

effortful thought, problem-solving activities, and in-depth analysis.

People who truly relish intellectual give-and-take as well as debate are

more likely to be convinced by high-quality arguments than those who

prefer more superficial analyses (Nettelhorst & Brannon, 2012).

Transient factors also matter in receptivity to persuasive messages.

Forewarning the receiver about a persuasive effort and a receiver’s initial

position on an issue, for instance, seem to be more influential than a

receiver’s personality. When you shop for a new TV or a car, you expect

salespeople to work at persuading you. To some extent, this forewarn-

ing reduces their arguments’ impact (Petty & Wegener, 1998). When

receivers are forewarned about a persuasion attempt on a personally

important topic, it is harder to persuade them than when they are not

forewarned (Wood & Quinn, 2003). Thus, the old saying “To be fore-

warned is to be forearmed” is often true. Understandably, receivers are

harder to persuade when they encounter a position that is incompatible

with their existing beliefs. In general, people display a disconfirmation

bias in evaluating such arguments (Edwards & Smith, 1996).

Jacks and Cameron (2003) invited research participants to share

and then rate the tactics they use to resist persuasive appeals aimed

at undermining their beliefs regarding controversial social issues (e.g.,

abortion, the death penalty). Seven tactics for resisting persuasive

communications were found (see Figure 7.10). The tactics are listed

from the most to the least commonly used.

The Whys of Persuasion

Why do people change their attitudes in response to persuasive

messages? Thanks to the work of Richard Petty and John Cacioppo

(1986), psychologists have a good understanding of the cognitive

processes that underlie attitude change.

According to the elaboration likelihood model, an individual’s thoughts about a

persuasive message (rather than the actual message itself ) determine whether attitude

change will occur (O’Keefe, 2013; Petty & Briñol, 2014). As we know, sometimes people

make quick, sloppy decisions (automatic processing, mindlessness, snap judgments),

whereas at other times they process information carefully (controlled processing, mindful-

ness, systematic judgments). Sometimes people choose to think; others times they choose

not to. These processes also operate in persuasion, with messages sometimes persuading

receivers through a peripheral route and sometimes through a central route.

When people are distracted, tired, or uninterested in a persuasive message, they fail

to key in on the true merits of the product or issue. They do process information, but not

mindfully. Being in a happy mood can produce the same effect (Sinclair, Mark, & Clore,

1994). Surprisingly, even when people do not carefully evaluate a message, attitude change

can occur (Petty & Cacioppo, 1990). What happens is that the receiver is persuaded by

cues that are peripheral to the message—thus the term peripheral route (see Figure 7.11).

Just because you’re not mindfully analyzing a TV commercial for a new fruit drink doesn’t

mean that you’re totally tuned out. You may not be paying attention to the substance of

the commercial, but you are aware of an ad’s superficial aspects—you like the music, your

favorite basketball player is pitching the product, and boy, that beach scene is appealing.

Although persuasion usually occurs via the peripheral route, senders can also use

another route to attitude change—the central route (see Figure 7.11). In this case, receiv-

ers process persuasive messages mindfully, by thinking about the logic and merits of the

pertinent (or central) arguments. In other words, the receiver cognitively elaborates on

the persuasive message—hence, the model’s name—and messages that receive greater

and deeper processing are more resistant to persuasion (Blankenship & Wegener, 2008).

If people have a favorable reaction to their thoughtful evaluation of a message, positive

attitude change occurs; an unfavorable reaction results in negative attitude change.

Figure 7.10 Tactics for resisting persuasive appeals. Jacks and Cameron (2003) asked research participants to describe the tactics they used

to combat persuasive appeals dealing with controversial social issues,

such as abortion or the death penalty. Seven tactics were revealed and

are shown in the figure. They are ranked from the most to the least

commonly used. (Based on data from Jacks & Cameron, 2003)

Source: Adapted from Table 6.4 (p. 235) of Kassin, S., Fein, S., & Markus, H. R. (2014), Social

Psychology (9th ed.), Belmont, CA: Cengage Learning.

TACTICS FOR RESISTING PERSUASIVE APPEALS

Tactic Example

Attitude bolstering “I remind myself of the facts that

support the validity of how I feel.”

Counter-arguing “I talk to myself and play the Devil’s

advocate.”

Social validation “I know others who share my same

opinions are there to support me.”

“I get angry whenever someone tries to

get me to change my mind about what

I believe and feel.”

“I don't believe anyone can change my

mind; it's set.”

Selective exposure “I usually just ignore those opinions

and perspectives I neither share nor

agree with.”

Source derogation “I search for faults in the individual who

is challenging my beliefs.”

Social Thinking and Social Influence 209

For the central route to override the peripheral route, two

requirements must be met. First, receivers must be motivated to pro-

cess the persuasive message carefully. Motivation is triggered when

people are interested in the issue, find it personally relevant, have a

high need for cognition, and have time and energy to think about it

carefully. For example, if your university is considering changing its

grading system, you will probably think carefully about the various

options and their implications. Second, receivers must have the ability

to grasp the message—that is, the message must be comprehensible,

and individuals must be capable of understanding it. If people are dis-

tracted, tired, or find the message uninteresting or irrelevant, they will

not pay careful attention, and superficial cues will become salient.

Ultimately, the two routes to persuasion are not equally effective.

Attitudes formed via the central route are longer lasting and more

resistant to challenge than those formed via the peripheral route

(Petty & Wegener, 1998). They are also better predictors of a person’s

behavior (Petty, Priester, & Wegener, 1994).

Although we can’t stem the tide of persuasive messages bom-

barding you daily, we hope you will be a vigilant recipient of persua-

sion attempts. Of course, persuasion is not the only method through

which people try to influence you, as you’ll learn in the next section.

Figure 7.11 The peripheral and central routes to persuasion. Persuasion can occur via two different routes. The central route, which results in high elaboration, tends to produce longer-lasting attitude change and

stronger attitudes than the peripheral route.

Central route

Peripheral route

Persuasion based on content and logic of the message

Persuasion based on nonmessage factors such as attractiveness, credibility, emotion

High elaboration Careful processing of the information

Low elaboration Minimal processing of the information

Persuasion is more temporary, easier to change, less predictive of behavior

Political candidates use music, flags, and slogans to persuade via the

peripheral route; when they present their views on an issue, they are

going for the central route.

7.4 The Power of Social Pressure

In the previous section, we showed you how others attempt to change your attitudes. Now

you’ll see how people attempt to change your behavior—by trying to get you to agree to

their requests and demands.

Conformity and Compliance Pressures

If you extol the talent of the popular group Imagine Dragons or keep a well-manicured lawn,

are you exhibiting conformity? According to social psychologists, it depends on whether

your behavior is freely chosen or due to group pressure. Conformity occurs when peo-

ple yield to real or imagined social pressure. Such social influence is powerful in groups

(Levine & Tindale, 2015). For example, if you like Imagine Dragons because you truly

Learning Objectives

■ Summarize what Asch discovered about

conformity.

■ Distinguish between normative and

informational influences on conformity.

■ Describe Milgram’s research on

obedience and explain how to resist

demands from an authority.

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210 C H A P T E R 7

enjoy their music, that’s not conformity. However,

if you like them because it’s “cool” and your friends

would question your taste if you didn’t, then you’re

conforming. Similarly, if you maintain a well-

groomed lawn just to avoid complaints from your

neighbors, you’re yielding to social pressure (why

not have a wildflower meadow instead of a yard?).

In short, people are apt to explain the behavior of

others as conforming but not think of their own

actions this way (Pronin, 2008). Your friends may

buy iPads because they are conformists; you buy one

for what seem to be justifiable personal reasons (fail-

ing to realize that all those “conformists” believe this

to be their motivation, too). As you read this section,

remember that individuals often believe they are

“alone in a crowd of sheep” because everyone else is

conforming (Pronin et al., 2007).

The Dynamics of Conformity

To introduce this topic, we’ll re-create a classic exper-

iment devised by Solomon Asch (1955). The partici-

pants are male undergraduates recruited for a study of visual perception. Seven participants

are shown a large card with a vertical line on it and asked to indicate which of three lines

on a second card matches the original “standard line” in length (see Figure 7.12). All seven

participants are given a turn at the task, and each announces his choice to the group. The

participant in the sixth chair doesn’t know it, but everyone else in the group is an accomplice

of the experimenter.

The accomplices give accurate responses on the first two trials. On the third trial, line

2 is clearly the correct response, but the first five participants all say that line 3 matches the

standard line. The genuine participant can’t believe his ears. Over the course of the experi-

ment, the accomplices all give the same incorrect response on twelve out of eighteen trials.

Asch wanted to see how people would respond in these situations. The line judgments are

easy and unambiguous. Without group pressure, matching errors occur less than 1% of the

time. So, if the participant consistently agrees with the accomplices, he isn’t making honest

mistakes—he is conforming. Will the participant stick to his guns, or will he go along with

the group? Asch found that the men conformed (made mistakes) on 37% of the twelve

trials. The subjects varied considerably in their tendency to conform, however. Of the fifty

participants, thirteen never caved in to the group, while fourteen conformed on more than

half the trials. One could argue that the results show that people confronting a unanimous

majority generally tend to resist the pressure to conform. But given how clear and easy the

line judgments were, most social scientists viewed the findings as a dramatic demonstra-

tion of humans’ propensity to conform.

In subsequent studies, Asch (1956) determined that group size and group unanimity

are key determinants of conformity. To examine group size, Asch repeated his procedure

with groups that included one to fifteen accomplices. Little conformity was seen when a

subject was pitted against just one accomplice. Conformity increased rapidly as group size

went from two to four, peaked at a group size of seven, and then leveled off (see Figure 7.13).

Asch concluded that as group size increases, conformity increases—up to a point. Signifi-

cantly, Asch found that group size made little difference if just one accomplice “broke” with

the others, wrecking their unanimous agreement. The presence of another dissenter low-

ered conformity to about one-quarter of its peak, even when the dissenter made inaccurate

judgments that happened to conflict with the majority view. Apparently, the participants

just needed to hear a second person question the accuracy of the group’s perplexing re-

sponses. Asch’s classic study has been replicated without the use of confederates and similar

Conformity is far more common than most people appreciate. We all conform to social

expectations in an endless variety of ways. There is nothing inherently good or bad about

conforming to social pressures; it all depends on the situation. However, it is prudent to be

aware of how social expectations can sometimes have a profound influence on our behavior.

M as

te rfi

Figure 7.12 Stimuli used in Asch’s conformity studies. Subjects were asked to match a standard line (top) with one of three other

lines displayed on another card (bottom).

The task was easy—until experimental

accomplices started responding with

obviously incorrect answers, creating a

situation in which Asch evaluated subjects’

conformity.

Source: Adapted from illustration on p. 35 by Sarah

Love in Asch, S. (1955, November). Opinions and social

1955 by Scientific American, Inc.

1 2 3

Social Thinking and Social Influence 211

results were observed (Mori & Arai, 2010), including a study where 6-year-old children

were the participants (Hanayama & Mori, 2011).

Conformity versus Compliance

Did the conforming participants in Asch’s study really change their beliefs in response

to social pressure, or did they just pretend to change them? Subsequent studies asked

participants to make their responses privately, instead of publicly (Insko et al., 1985).

Conformity declined dramatically when participants wrote down their responses. Thus, it

is likely that Asch’s participants did not really change their beliefs. Based on this evidence,

theorists concluded that Asch’s experiments evoked a particular type of conformity, called

compliance. Compliance occurs when people yield to social pressure in their public be-

havior, even though their private beliefs have not changed. For example, many people

comply with modest group pressure daily—they “dress up” for work by wearing suits, ties,

dresses, and so on—when they would prefer to wear more casual clothing. A recent field

study in France found that people were more likely to agree to organ donation requests

when the solicitor wore a religious symbol (here, a Christian cross on a chain) than no

symbol in a control condition (Guéguen, Bougeard-Delfosse, & Jacob, 2015). Men and

women complied at similar levels. Perhaps the presence of the symbol primed thoughts

of compassion, which in turn led to greater compliance as respondents came to view the

request positively.

The Whys of Conformity

People often conform or comply because they are afraid of being criti-

cized or rejected. Normative influence operates when people conform

to social norms for fear of negative social consequences. Compliance

often results from subtle, implied pressure. For example, for fear of mak-

ing a negative impression, you may remove your eyebrow ring or cover

your tattoo for a job interview. However, compliance also occurs in re-

sponse to explicit rules, requests, and commands. Thus, you’ll probably

follow your boss’s instructions even when you think they’re lousy ideas.

People often conform when they are uncertain how to behave

(Cialdini, 2001). Thus, if you’re at a nice restaurant and don’t know

which fork to use, you may watch others to see what they’re doing.

Informational influence operates when people look to others for how

to behave in ambiguous situations. In such cases, using others as a

source of information about appropriate behavior is a good thing. Yet,

Figure 7.13 Conformity and group size. This graph shows the percentage of trials on which

participants conformed as a function of the

number of individuals with an opposing

view. Asch found that conformity became

more frequent as group size increased, up to

about seven persons, and then leveled off.

Source: Adapted from illustration on p. 32 by Sarah

Love in Asch, S. (1955, November). Opinions and social

1955 by Scientific American, Inc.

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Size of incorrect majority

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Charles Barsotti/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com

212 C H A P T E R 7

relying on others to know how to behave in unfamiliar situations can sometimes be prob-

lematic, as you’ll see shortly.

Resisting Conformity Pressures

Sometimes conforming is harmless fun—such as participating in Internet-generated “flash

mobs.” At other times, people conform for relatively trivial matters (dressing up for dinner

at a nice restaurant). In this case, conformity and compliance minimize the confusion and

anxiety people experience in unfamiliar situations. However, when individuals feel pres-

sured to conform to antisocial norms, tragic consequences may result. Negative examples

of “going along with the crowd” include drinking more than one knows one should because

others say “C’mon, have just one more” and driving at someone’s urging when under the

influence of alcohol or drugs. Other instances include refusing to socialize with someone

simply because the person isn’t liked by one’s social group and failing to come to another’s

defense when it might make one unpopular.

These examples all concern normative influence, but pressure can come from infor-

mational influence as well. A useful example concerns a paradox called the bystander

effect—the tendency for individuals to be less likely to provide help when others are

present than when they are alone. Numerous studies have confirmed that people are less

helpful in emergency situations when others are around (Fischer et al., 2011). Even young

children are not immune from the effect (Plötner et al., 2015). Thankfully, the bystander

effect is less likely to occur when the need for help is very clear (Fischer, Greitemeyer, &

Pollozek, 2006), when people experience heightened self-awareness (van Bommel et al.,

2012) such as when a security camera is present to record their actions (van Bommel et al.,

2014), or when the needed help requires the aid of many people, not just one (Greitemeyer

& Mügge, 2015).

What accounts for the bystander effect? Several factors are at work, and conformity is

one of them. The bystander effect is most likely to occur in ambiguous situations because

people look around to see whether others are acting as if there’s an emergency (Harrison

& Wells, 1991). If everyone hesitates, this inaction (informational influence) suggests that

help isn’t needed. So the next time you witness what you think might be an emergency,

don’t automatically give in to the informational influence of inaction.

To resist conformity pressures, we offer these suggestions: First, pay more attention to

the social forces operating on you. Second, if you are in a situation where others are pres-

suring you, identify someone in the group whose views match yours. Recall that just one

dissenter in Asch’s groups significantly reduced conformity pressures. Finally, if you know

in advance that you’re heading into this kind of situation, invite a friend with similar views

to go along.

Pressure from Authority Figures

Obedience is a form of compliance that occurs when people follow direct commands,

usually from someone in a position of authority. In itself, obedience isn’t good or

bad; it depends on what one is being told to do (Ent & Baumeister, 2014). For example,

if the fire alarm goes off in your classroom building and your instructor “orders” you to

leave, obedience is a good idea. On the other hand, if your boss asks you to engage in an

unethical or illegal act, disobedience is probably in order. A key issue is that obedience

entails an element of social power and whether individuals can resist such influence

(Forsyth, 2013).

The Dynamics of Obedience

Following World War II, social psychologist Stanley Milgram was troubled by how read-

ily German citizens followed the orders of dictator Adolf Hitler, even when the orders

required morally repugnant actions, such as the slaughter of millions of Jews, Russians,

Stanley Milgram explored the dynamics of

obedience to authority in his classic social

psychological research.

Social Thinking and Social Influence 213

Poles, Gypsies, and homosexuals (Russell, 2011). This observation was Milgram’s moti-

vation to study the dynamics of obedience. Milgram’s (1963) participants were a diverse

collection of forty men from the local community who volunteered for a study on the

effects of punishment on learning. Once at the lab, they drew slips of paper from a hat

to get their assignments. The drawing was rigged so that the participant always became

the “teacher” and an experimental accomplice (a likable 47-year-old accountant) became

the “learner.”

The teacher watched while the learner was strapped into a chair and electrodes were

attached to his arms (for delivering shocks whenever he made a mistake on the task). The

participant was then taken to an adjoining room that housed the shock generator that

he would control in his role as the teacher. Although the apparatus looked and sounded

realistic, it was a fake, and the learner was never shocked. The experimenter played the role

of the authority figure who told the teacher what to do and who answered any questions

that arose.

The experiment was designed so that the learner would make many mistakes,

and the teacher was instructed to increase the shock level after each wrong answer.

At 300 volts, the learner began to pound on the wall between the two rooms in

protest and soon stopped responding to the teacher’s questions. From this point for-

ward, participants frequently turned to the experimenter for guidance. Whenever

they did so, the experimenter (authority figure) firmly stated that the teacher should

continue to give stronger and stronger shocks to the now-silent learner. Milgram wanted

to know the maximum shock the teacher was willing to administer before refusing

to cooperate.

As Figure 7.14 shows, 65% of the subjects administered all thirty levels of shock.

Although they mostly obeyed the experimenter, many participants voiced and displayed

considerable distress about harming the learner. They protested, groaned, bit their lips,

trembled, and broke into a sweat—but they continued administering shocks. Based on

these findings, Milgram concluded that obedience to authority was even more common

than he or others had anticipated. A replication by Burger (2009) suggests Milgram’s con-

clusion still stands: Although participants were stopped at the 150-volt level for ethical

Nazi Germany and its symbols represent a collective example of obedience to authority, which was the

inspiration for Milgram’s research on obedience.

Stanley Milgram

This site provides a wealth of accurate

information about the work of Stanley

Milgram, arguably one of the most

controversial and creative social

psychologists in the field’s history. The

site is maintained by Thomas Blass, a

psychology professor at the University of

Maryland (Baltimore County), who has

published many articles and books on the

life and work of Milgram.

Learn More Online

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214 C H A P T E R 7

reasons, 70% continued to shock the learner despite hearing anguished cries (80% of

Milgram’s participants continued to shock after 150 volts).

The Causes of Obedience

What caused the obedient behavior observed by Milgram? First, the demands on the par-

ticipants (to shock the learner) escalated gradually, so that very strong shocks were required

only after the participant was well into the experiment. Second, participants were told that

the authority figure, not the teacher, was responsible if anything happened to the learner.

Third, subjects evaluated their actions based on meeting the authority figure’s expectations,

not by their harmful effects on the victim. Fourth, participants had little time to think about

their decisions (Burger, 2014). Taken together, these findings suggest that human behavior

is determined not so much by the kind of person one is as by the kind of situation one is in

(Lewin, 1935). Applying this insight to Nazi war crimes and other atrocities, Milgram made

a chilling assertion: Inhuman and evil visions may originate in the disturbed mind of an

authority figure like Hitler, but only through the obedient actions of normal people do such

ideas become a frightening reality.

Milgram’s study has been consistently replicated, in diverse settings, with a variety of par-

ticipants and procedural variations (Blass, 2012). Overall, the evidence supports Milgram’s

results. Of course, critics have questioned the ethics of Milgram’s procedure (Nicholson, 2011).

Today, at most universities it would be difficult to obtain permission to replicate Milgram’s

study—an ironic epitaph for what may be psychology’s best-known experiment.

In the Application, we’ll alert you to some social influence strategies that people use to

get you and others to agree to their requests.

Stanford Prison

Experiment

The Stanford Prison Simulation is one of

psychology’s most renowned studies.

Like Milgram’s study of obedience, Phil

Zimbardo’s study provided a dramatic

demonstration of the power of situational

factors and how they can promote

conformity and obedience. The site

includes a slideshow explaining the study

in depth. Also included are reflections on

the study 30 years after it was conducted

and recent writings by Zimbardo that

analyze the Abu Ghraib prison scandal.

Learn More Online

Level of shock (as labeled on Milgram’s shock machine)

N um

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15 45 75 105 135 165 195 225 255 285 315 345 375 405 435 450 Volts

Slight shock

Moderate shock

Strong shock

Very strong shock

Intense shock

Extreme intensity

shock

Danger: severe shock

XXX

65% of subjects

Figure 7.14 Milgram’s (1963) experiment on obedience. The photos show the fake shock generator and the “learner” being connected to the shock generator during an experimental session. The results of the study

are summarized in the bar graph. The vast majority of subjects (65%) delivered the entire series of shocks

to the learner.

distributed by Alexander Street Press. Reprinted by permission of Alexandra Milgram.

Social Thinking and Social Influence 215

Which of the following statements is true?

1. It’s a good idea to ask for a small favor before soliciting

the larger favor that you really want.

2. It’s a good idea to ask for a large favor before soliciting

the smaller favor that you really want.

Would you believe that both of these conflicting statements are

true? Although the two approaches work for different reasons,

both can be effective ways to get people to comply. It pays to

understand these and other social influence strategies because

advertisers, salespeople, and fundraisers (not to mention friends

and neighbors) use them frequently to influence people’s behav-

ior. To consider the strategies’ relevance to your own life, we’ve

grouped them by the principles that make them work. Much of

our discussion is based on the work of Robert Cialdini (2007),

a social psychologist who spent years observing social influence

tactics used by compliance professionals.

The Consistency Principle

Once people agree to something, they tend to stick with their

initial commitment (Guadagno & Cialdini, 2010). This tendency

to prefer behavioral consistency is used to gain compliance in

two ways. Both involve a person getting another individual to

commit to an initial request and then changing the terms of the

agreement to the requestor’s advantage. Because people often

prefer their initial commitments, the target will likely agree

to the revised proposal, even though it may not be to his or

her benefit.

The Foot-in-the-Door Technique

Door-to-door salespeople have long recognized the importance

of gaining a little cooperation from sales targets (getting a “foot

in the door”) before presenting their real sales pitch. The foot-

in-the-door (FITD) technique involves getting people to agree to

a small request to increase the chances that they will agree to a

larger request later (see Figure 7.15). This technique is widely used.

For example, groups seeking donations often ask people to simply

sign a petition first. Salespeople routinely ask individuals to try a

product with “no obligations” before they launch their hard sell.

The FITD technique was first investigated by Freedman and

his colleagues. In one study (Freedman & Fraser, 1966), the large

request involved telephoning homemakers, asking whether six

consumer researchers could come into their home to classify

all their household products. Imagine six strangers trampling

through your home, pulling everything out of your closets and

cupboards, and you can understand why only 22% of the con-

trol group members agreed to this outlandish request. Partici-

pants in the experimental group were contacted 3 days before

the unreasonable request was made and asked to answer a few

questions about the soaps used in their home. When the large

request was made 3 days later, 53% of the experimental group

complied with that request.

Why does this strategy work? The best explanation is rooted

in Bem’s self-perception theory, or the idea that people sometimes

infer their attitudes by observing their own behavior (Burger &

Guadagno, 2003). When Joe agrees to sign a petition, he infers

that he is a helpful person. When confronted with a second,

larger request to collect petition signatures, “helpful person”

comes to mind, and Joe complies with the request. Confirming

a theory offered by Cialdini and Sagarin (2005), a recent study

found that when people answer a series of “yes or no” questions

with several “yes” answers, they are more likely to comply with a

later request (Guéguen et al., 2013).

The Lowball Technique

A second commitment-based strategy is the lowball technique,

which involves getting someone to commit to an attractive

proposition before its hidden costs are revealed. The tech-

nique’s name derives from a common practice in automobile

sales, where a customer is offered a terrific bargain on a car. The

bargain price gets the customer to commit to buying, but soon

7.5 Seeing through Compliance Tactics

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Describe two compliance strategies based on the principle of

consistency.

■ Discuss how the principles of reciprocity and scarcity can be used for

purposes of social influence.

Learning Objectives

Robert Cialdini has spent his career

examining how compliance tactics can

influence people in a variety of formal and

informal settings.

216 C H A P T E R 7

after, the dealer starts revealing some hidden costs. Typically, the

customer discovers that options expected to be included in the

original price will cost extra. Once the customer has committed

to buying a car, most customers are unlikely to cancel the deal.

Car dealers aren’t the only ones who use this technique. For in-

stance, a friend might invite you to spend a week with him at his

charming lakeside cabin. After you accept this seemingly gener-

ous offer, he may add, “Of course, there’s a little work to do. We

need to paint the doors, repair the pier, and . . .” You might think

that people would become angry and back out of a deal once its

hidden costs are revealed. Sometimes they do, but lowballing

is a surprisingly effective strategy (Burger & Cornelius, 2003),

even when the follow-up requests are challenging or deviant

(Guéguen & Pascual, 2014).

The Reciprocity Principle

Most people are socialized to believe in the reciprocity principle—

the rule that one should pay back in kind what one receives from

others. Charities frequently make use of this principle. Groups

seeking donations for the disabled, the homeless, and so forth rou-

tinely send “free” address labels, key rings, and other small gifts

with their pleas for donations. The belief that people should recip-

rocate others’ kindness is a powerful norm; thus, people often feel

obliged to reciprocate by making a donation in return for the gift.

According to Cialdini (2007), the reciprocity norm is so power-

ful that it often works even when (1) the gift is uninvited, (2) the

gift comes from someone you dislike, or (3) the gift results in an

uneven exchange. Let’s review some reciprocity-based influence

tactics that take advantage of our belief in reciprocity.

The door-in-the-face technique reverses the request se-

quence used with the foot-in-the-door technique. The door-

in-the-face (DITF) technique involves making a large request

that is likely to be turned down in order to increase the chances

that people will agree to a smaller request later (see Figure 7.15). Used car dealers are notorious for using compliance tactics like the lowball

technique.

G un

te r

N ez

ho da

/S hu

tt er

st oc

k. co

Figure 7.15 The foot-in-the-door and door-in-the-face techniques. These two influence techniques are essentially the reverse of each other, but both can work. (a) In the foot-in-the-door technique, you begin with a small

request and work up to a larger one. (b) In the door-in-the-face technique, you begin with a large request and

work down to a smaller one.

B la

j G ab

ri el

/S hu

tt er

st oc

k. co

“Would you volunteer to run a weekly

program for our youth

group?”

Smaller request (the one desired in the first place)

If no, then . . .

Large request first

“Would you donate $50

to our organization?”

B la

j G ab

ri el

/S hu

tt er

st oc

k. co

(a) Foot-in-the-door technique

Larger request (the one desired in the first place)

If yes, then . . .

Small request first

“Would you donate $50

to our organization?”

(b) Door-in-the-face technique

“Would you donate some old clothes for one of

our charity programs?”

Advertisers often try to artificially create scarcity to make their products

seem more desirable.

M ic

ha el

N ew

m an

/ P

ho to

Ed it

Social Thinking and Social Influence 217

The strategy’s name is derived from the expectation that an initial

request will be quickly rejected. For example, a wife who wants to

coax her frugal husband into buying a $30,000 sports car might

begin by proposing purchasing a $40,000 sports car. After talking

his wife out of the more expensive car, the $30,000 price tag may

look quite reasonable to him. For the DITF to work, there must

be no delay between the two requests (O’Keefe & Hale, 2001).

Guéguen, Jacob, and Meineri (2011) found that restaurant cus-

tomers who declined to order dessert were more likely to order

coffee or tea when the waitress proposed a beverage immediately

rather than a few minutes later. Another study, which dealt with

motivating employees to stop smoking in the workplace, found

that the DIFT was superior to an informational campaign (Pansu,

Lima, & Fointiat, 2014).

Salespeople who distribute free samples to prospective cus-

tomers are also using the reciprocity principle. Cialdini (2007)

describes the procedures used by the Amway Corporation, which

sells such household products as detergent, floor wax, and insect

spray. Amway’s door-to-door salespeople give homemakers their

products for a “free trial.” When they return a few days later, most

homemakers feel obligated to buy some of the products.

The Scarcity Principle

It’s no secret that telling people they can’t have something only

makes them want it more. According to Cialdini (2007), this

principle derives from two sources. First, people have learned

that items that are hard to get are of better quality than items

that are easy to obtain. From there, they often assume, errone-

ously, that anything that is scarce must be good. Second, when

people’s choices (of products, services, romantic partners, job

candidates) are constrained in some way, they often want what

they can’t have even more (Williams et al., 1993). The psycho-

logical term for this is reactance (Quick, Shen & Dillard, 2013).

Companies and advertisers frequently use the scarcity

principle to drive up the demand for their products. Thus, you

constantly see ads that scream “limited supply available,” “for

a limited time only,” “while they last,” and “time is running

out.” Although both messages work, limited-quantity messages

are more effective (Aggarwal, Jun, & Huh, 2011). Perhaps the

scarcity principle accounts for the reason so many antique and

“vintage” items on eBay generate so much interest and auction

dollars.

In summary, people use various methods to coax com-

pliance from one another. Although many of these influence

techniques are more or less dishonest, they’re still widely used.

There is no way to completely avoid being hoodwinked by in-

fluence strategies, and sometimes individuals are more suscep-

tible to such influence such as when someone feels ostracized

and wants to get back into a group’s good graces (Carter-Sowell,

Chen, & Williams, 2008). However, being alert to these tech-

niques can reduce the likelihood that you’ll be a victim of in-

fluence artists. As noted in our discussion of persuasion, “to be

forewarned is to be forearmed.”

Influence at Work

This website, by researchers Robert Cialdini and Kelton Rhodes, offers

an intriguing set of pages that explore a wide variety of social influence

phenomena: persuasion, propaganda, brainwashing, and the tactics of

various types of cults.

Learn More Online

218 C H A P T E R 7

C H A P T E R 7 Review Key Ideas

7.1 Forming Impressions of Others ● In forming impressions of other people, individuals rely on

appearance, verbal behavior, actions, nonverbal messages, and situational cues. Individuals usually make snap judgments about others unless accurate impressions are important. To explain the causes of other people’s behavior, individuals make attributions (either internal or external).

● People often try to confirm their expectations about what others are like, which can result in biased impressions. Self-fulfilling prophecies can actually change a target person’s behavior in the direction of a perceiver’s expectations.

● Categorization of people into ingroups and outgroups can slant social perceptions. Stereotypes, which are widely held beliefs about the typical characteristics of various groups, can distort one’s perceptions of others. When people make the fundamental attribution error, they discount situational factors and explain others’ behavior in terms of internal attributions. Defensive attribution often leads people to blame victims for their misfortunes. The process of person perception is characterized by the themes of efficiency, selectivity, and consistency.

7.2 The Problem of Prejudice ● Prejudice is a particularly unfortunate outcome of the tendency to

view others inaccurately. Blatant (old-fashioned) discrimination occurs relatively infrequently today, but subtle expressions of prejudice and discrimination (modern discrimination, aversive racism) have become more common. Stereotypes can have subtle, but important effects on our perceptions of others.

● Common causes of prejudice include right-wing authoritarianism, a strong social dominance orientation, cognitive distortions due to stereotyping and attributional errors, actual competition between groups, and threats to one’s social identity. Stereotype threat represents a case of internalized prejudice that can be countered. Strategies for reducing prejudice are rooted in social thinking and collaborative intergroup contact.

7.3 The Power of Persuasion ● The success of persuasive efforts depends on several factors. A source

of persuasion who is expert, trustworthy, likable, physically attractive, and similar to the receiver tends to be relatively effective. Although there are some limitations, two-sided arguments, arousal of fear, and generation of positive feelings are effective elements in persuasive messages. Persuasion is undermined when receivers are forewarned or have beliefs that are incompatible with the position being advocated.

● Persuasion takes place via two processes. The central route to persuasion requires a receiver to be motivated to process persuasive messages carefully (elaboration). A favorable reaction to such an evaluation will result in positive attitude change. When a receiver is unmotivated or unable to process persuasive messages carefully, persuasion may take place via the peripheral route (on the basis of simple cues such as a catchy tune). Persuasion undertaken via the central route tends to have more enduring effects on attitudes.

7.4 The Power of Social Pressure ● Asch found that subjects often conform to the group, even when

the group reports inaccurate judgments. Asch’s experiments may have produced public compliance while subjects’ private beliefs remained unchanged. Both normative and informational influence can produce conformity. Being mindful of social pressures and getting support from others with similar views are ways to resist conformity pressures.

● In Milgram’s landmark study of obedience to authority, subjects showed a remarkable tendency to follow orders to shock an innocent stranger. Milgram’s findings highlight the influence of situational pressures on behavior. Although people often obey authority figures, sometimes they are disobedient, usually because they have social support.

7.5 Application: Seeing through Compliance Tactics ● Although they work for different reasons, all compliance tactics

have the same goal: getting people to agree to requests. The foot-in-the- door and the lowball technique are based on the fact that people prefer consistency in their behavior.

● The door-in-the-face technique and the tactic of offering “giveaway” items are manipulations of the principle of reciprocity, the rule that one should pay back in kind what one receives from others. When advertisers suggest that products are in short supply, they are taking advantage of the scarcity principle. Understanding these strategies can make you less vulnerable to manipulation.

Solomon Asch pp. 210–211 Robert Cialdini p. 214 Susan Fiske p. 190 Stanley Milgram pp. 212–214

Richard Petty and John Cacioppo p. 208

Muzafer Sherif p. 202 Claude Steele pp. 203–204

Key People

Key Terms

Attitudes p. 205 Attributions p. 190 Bystander effect p. 212 Channel p. 206 Compliance p. 211 Confirmation bias p. 192 Conformity p. 209 Defensive attribution p. 197 Discrimination p. 198 Door-in-the-face technique p. 216 Elaboration likelihood

model p. 208 Foot-in-the-door technique p. 215 Fundamental attribution

error p. 195

Informational influence p. 211 Lowball technique p. 215 Message p. 206 Need for cognition p. 207 Normative influence p. 211 Obedience p. 212 Person perception p. 189 Persuasion p. 205 Prejudice p. 198 Primacy effect p. 197 Receiver p. 205 Reciprocity principle p. 216 Self-fulfilling prophecy p. 193 Source p. 205 Stereotypes p. 194

C H A P T E R 7 Practice Test 10. When charities send prospective donors free address labels and

the like, which of the following social influence principles are they manipulating? a. The consistency principle b. The scarcity principle c. The reciprocity principle d. The foot-in-the-door principle

1. Inferences that people draw about the causes of events, their own behavior, and others’ behavior are called a. snap judgments. b. self-fulfilling prophecies. c. attributions. d. attitudes.

2. Which of the following is not a potential source of cognitive distortion in perception? a. Categorizing b. The bystander effect c. Stereotypes d. Defensive attribution

3. Which of the following is not a theme in person perception? a. Efficiency b. Selectivity c. Consistency d. Mindfulness

4. Old-fashioned discrimination is __________; modern

discrimination is __________. a. blatant; subtle b. legal; illegal c. common; rare d. race based; gender based

5. Which of the following is a cause of prejudice? a. Mindfulness b. Right-wing authoritarianism c. The fundamental attribution error d. Activities based on superordinate goals

6. Receivers who are forewarned that someone will try to persuade them will most likely a. be very open to persuasion. b. listen intently but openly argue with the speaker. c. be more resistant to persuasion. d. heckle the persuader.

7. Compared to attitudes formed via the peripheral route, those formed via the central route a. operate subliminally. b. are more enduring and harder to change. c. last only a short time. d. are poor predictors of behavior.

8. When people change their outward behavior but not their

private beliefs, __________ is operating. a. conformity b. persuasion c. obedience d. compliance

9. The results of Milgram’s (1963) study imply that a. situational factors can exert tremendous influence over

behavior. b. in the real world, most people resist pressures to act in

harmful ways. c. most people are willing to give obviously wrong answers on

rigged perceptual tasks. d. disobedience is far more common than obedience.

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 7.1 Self-Assessment: Argumentativeness Scale

Exercise 7.2 Self-Reflection: Can You Identify Your Prejudicial

Stereotypes?

Answers 1. c Pages 190–191 2. b Pages 193–197 3. d Pages 197–198 4. a Page 200 5. b Pages 200–204

6. c Page 208 7. b Pages 208–209 8. d Page 211 9. a Page 214

10. c Page 216

Social Thinking and Social Influence 219

C H A P T E R 8 Interpersonal Communication

8.1 The Process of Interpersonal Communication

Components and Features of the

Communication Process

RECOMMENDED READING Clash! by Hazel Rose Markus and Alana Connor

Technology and Interpersonal

Communication

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Communicating Social Relationships by Photo-Messaging

Social Networking Sites: Security and

Privacy Issues

Communication and Adjustment

8.2 Nonverbal Communication

General Principles

Elements of Nonverbal Communication

Detecting Deception

The Significance of Nonverbal Communication

8.3 Toward More Effective Communication

Conversational Skills

Self-Disclosure

Effective Listening

8.4 Communication Problems

Communication Apprehension

Barriers to Effective Communication

8.5 Interpersonal Conflict

Beliefs about Conflict

Styles of Managing Conflict

Dealing Constructively with Conflict

8.6 APPLICATION: Developing an Assertive Communication Style

The Nature of Assertiveness

Steps in Assertiveness Training

Review

Practice Test

Peter Bernik/Shutterstock.com

8.1 The Process of Interpersonal Communication

Communication can be defined as the system and process of sending, receiving, and

interpreting messages that have meaning (Wood, 2015). Your personal thoughts have

meaning, of course, but when you “talk to yourself,” you are engaging in intrapersonal

communication. In this chapter, we will focus on interpersonal communication—the

transmission of meaning between two or more people (Smith & Wilson, 2010). For the

most part, we’ll concentrate on two-person interactions.

We define interpersonal communication as an interactional process in which one

person sends a message to another. Note several points here. First, for communication

to qualify as interpersonal, at least two people must be involved. Second, interpersonal

communication is a process (Hargie, 2011). By this, we simply mean that it usually involves

a series of actions: Kelli talks/Jason listens, Jason responds/Kelli listens, and so on. Third,

this process is interactional. Effective communication is not a one-way street: Both partici-

pants send as well as receive information when they’re interacting. Communicators also

interpret and create messages by reflecting on their own experiences. People with similar

backgrounds are apt to understand each other better (at least initially) than individuals

with different frames of reference (Schramm, 1955). A key implication of these facts is

that you need to pay attention to both speaking and listening if you want to be an effective

communicator, just as you should learn to ask focused questions to clarify the meaning or

intent of the communications you receive.

Components and Features of the Communication Process

Let’s take a look at the essential components of the interpersonal communication process.

The key elements (most of which were introduced in Chapter 7) are (1) the sender, (2) the

receiver, (3) the message, (4) the channel through which the message is sent, (5) noise or

interference, and (6) the context in which the message is communicated. As we describe

these components, refer to Figure 8.1 to see how they work together.

Would Javier? A moment later, she hears Javier say, “Wow—

that is a really nice dress. You look terrific, even amazing.”

Thoughts of changing dresses flee her mind as quickly as they

arrived. She smiles at Javier and says, “Thanks, I think it’s a

nice dress, too.” A memorable night begins.

Sometimes it’s not so much what people say that matters

but how they say it. The same word—like the word nice—can

drip with sarcasm (as Amy demonstrated) or sincerity (as

Javier showed us). Learning to manage interpersonal com-

munication in daily life is an important way to deal with

people and to interpret their intentions accurately.

Communication skills are highly relevant to adjustment

because they can be critical to happiness and life success.

In this chapter, we begin with an overview of the commu-

nication process and then turn to the important topic of

nonverbal communication. Next, we discuss ways to commu-

nicate more effectively and examine common communication

problems. Finally, we look at interpersonal conflict, including

constructive ways to deal with it. In the Application, we con-

sider ways to develop an assertive communication style. ■

V eronica is getting ready for the prom. Her date, Javier,

is waiting downstairs. As she fixes her hair, checks her

makeup, and smoothes the front of her new and costly

dress, her 13-year-old sister, Amy, wanders into the room. As

Veronica looks at her own reflection in a full-length mirror,

she hears Amy snort, “Nice dress. Really nice.” Amy’s voice

brims with the sort of sarcasm that is refined in middle-

school hallways, but it is enough to shake Veronica’s confi-

dence. “What do you mean? What’s wrong with this dress?

It’s beautiful—isn’t it?” she says quickly, worry creeping into

her voice. “Oh, that dress,” grins Amy. “Why there’s not a

thing wrong with it, I am so sure Javier will just love it.” While

making that last statement, Amy rolls her eyes. A shouting

match ensues. Veronica’s mother intervenes, telling Veronica

she “must have misunderstood—Amy would never make fun

of such a nice dress.”

Minutes later, her confidence still a bit rattled, Veronica

descends the stairs, wondering if it is too late to put on some-

thing else—maybe the dress she wore to the junior-senior

dance last year? Would anyone remember she wore it before?

Learning Objectives

■ Outline various aspects of the

communication process.

■ Discuss important differences between

face-to-face and computer-mediated

communication.

Interpersonal Communication 221

222 C H A P T E R 8

The sender is the person who initiates the message. In a typical

two-way conversation, both people serve as senders (as well as receivers).

Keep in mind that each person brings a unique set of expectations and

understandings to each communication situation. The receiver is the per-

son to whom the message is sent.

The message refers to the information transmitted by the source.

The message is the content of the communication—that is, the ideas and

feelings conveyed. Two important cognitive processes underlie the trans-

mission of messages: Speakers encode or transform their ideas and feelings

into symbols and organize them into a message; receivers decode or trans-

late a speaker’s message into their own ideas and feelings (see Figure 8.1).

Generally, fluent speakers of a language are unaware of these processes.

If you’ve ever learned a new language, however, you have consciously

experienced encoding (groping for the right word to express an idea) and

decoding (trying to discover a word’s meaning by how it is used).

The channel refers to the medium through which the message is

sent. Typically, people receive information from multiple channels simul-

taneously. They not only hear what the other person says, they also see

the person’s facial expressions, observe his or her gestures, experience eye

contact, and sometimes feel the person’s touch. Note that the messages in

the various channels may be consistent or inconsistent with each other,

making their interpretation more or less difficult. Sometimes sound is

the only channel available for receiving information—when you talk on

the telephone, for instance. Through sound, people hear both the literal

content of messages and vocal inflections. In digital communication (texts, tweets, email),

only the visual channel is in play, as individuals communicate in writing (although some

people add emoticons or emojis—digital icons representing facial expressions like happi-

ness or upset—to their messages).

Whenever two people interact, miscommunication can occur. Noise refers to any

stimulus that interferes with accurately expressing or understanding a message. Noise

sources include environmental factors (traffic, loud music, computer spam or pop-ups,

crowds), physical factors (hearing limitations, poor vision), physiological factors (hunger,

headaches), and psychological factors (worry, preoccupation) (Wood, 2010). Noise can

also have semantic origins (Verderber, Verderber, & Berryman-Fink, 2008). For instance,

Encoding

Decoding

Channel

Message

Sender Receiver

Noise

Cha

Noise

annel

Noise

ContextT on

gR o

Im ag

es /T

hi nk

st oc

Figure 8.1 A model of interpersonal communication. Interpersonal communication involves six elements: the sender, the receiver, the

message, the channel through which the message is transmitted,

distorting noise, and the context in which the message is sent. In

conversations, both participants function as sender and receiver.

The authors offer suggestions for navigating these brave new worlds in order to understand and communicate effectively and sensitively with people from different cultures.

Who will benefit from reading this thoughtful and engaging book? Students, especially those who plan to study abroad, will learn a great deal of useful information from this book. Teachers who work with foreign exchange students can become equipped with knowledge that can prevent embarassing moments in the classroom or office. Businesspeople who travel frequently will certainly learn a great deal of helpful insights regarding cultural meaning and difference. Really, anyone who wants to sucessfully engage with our multicultural world will find much to think about in this well-written work.

Clash! How to Thrive in a Multicultural World

As discussed in Chapter 6, we know that some cultures create selves that are independent (Western culture, including the United States), where focus is on the individual, while others nurture selves that are primarily interdependent or relational in nature (Eastern culture, including Japan). Markus and Connor explore how these two perspectives govern people’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors where gender, race, social class, regional cultures in the United States (i.e., Northern and Southern folkways), religion and faith, and the workplace are concerned.

This book offers readers insights and guidance for making their way in our increasingly small, global community. Cultural clashes and misunderstandings are commonplace as people travel from familiar settings to exotic places for work or vacation.

Recommended Reading

by Hazel Rose Markus and Alana Connor (Plume, 2015)

Interpersonal Communication 223

profanity, ethnic slurs, or sexist language can cause a listener to

disregard the larger message being sent. Similarly, effective communi-

cations can be disrupted by unavoidable events that can inadvertently

send the wrong message (arriving late to an important meeting due

to heavy traffic could convey unintended disinterest or disrespect)

(Tazelaar, Van Lange, & Ouwerkerk, 2004). In addition, psychological

factors such as defensiveness and anxiety can contribute to noise, as

we’ll see later in the chapter.

All social communication occurs in and is influenced by a con-

text, the environment in which communication takes place. Con-

text includes the physical environment—such as location, time of day,

and noise level—and how a conversation takes place: face-to-face,

in a telephone call, or via the Internet. Other important aspects of

context include the nature of the participants’ relationship (work as-

sociates, friends, family), their history (previous interactions), their

current mood (happy, stressed), and their cultural backgrounds (Verderber et al., 2008).

In other words, context refers to how people are influenced by their situations. Culture

is especially important in the United States because of the varieties of subcultures, many

with different rules of communication. The Recommended Reading Clash! is an excel-

lent guide to the cultural variety in communication practices around the world.

Most person-to-person communications are characterized by common features.

For example, you are probably not interested in engaging in intimate or private

exchanges with everyone you meet. Instead, you are selective in initiating or respond-

ing to communications. Communications between people are not isolated events;

rather, they have a systemic quality because of time, situation, social class, education,

culture, personal histories, and other influences that are beyond individuals’ control

but that nonetheless affect how they interact with each other. Communications within

a given relationship (between you and a close friend) are also unique, possessing spe-

cial patterns, vocabulary, even rhythms (Nicholson, 2006). When you become close to

someone, you may establish particular roles and rules for how you interact with each

other that are distinct from the roles or rules used in other relationships (Duck, 2006).

For example, close friends often share private or “inside” jokes with each other that a

bystander simply would not understand.

Technology and Interpersonal Communication

The explosion in electronic and wireless communication technology has revolution-

ized our notions of interpersonal communication. Today, communication via email,

Skype, text or instant messaging, “tweets,” Facebook, blogs and vlogs, chat rooms, and

videoconferencing must be considered along with face-to-face interactions. Electroni-

cally mediated communication is interpersonal communication that takes place via

technology (cell or smartphones, computers, and tablet or other handheld devices).

Even a new slang (“netlingo”) has developed to facilitate quick and easy communica-

tion for use in text messaging, email messages, and chat rooms (Ellis, 2006). Figure 8.2

provides some popular examples of the slang that is often used when texting.

Smartphones have both advantages and disadvantages. On the positive side,

they are convenient, provide a sense of security, and can summon aid in an emer-

gency. Camera and video features on smartphones allow your friends and family to

share your experiences even when they are hundreds or thousands of miles away.

On the down side, however, they erode the barrier between private and public life.

Some phone features automatically update your friends about your current location

(“Karen Persa is at Taco Junction”) as you go about your daily life. Cell phones also tie

people to their jobs, can disrupt classrooms and public events, and bring private con-

versations into public places. Who hasn’t been forced to listen to someone yelling his

or her personal business into a cell phone in a public place? By now, most people are

Figure 8.2 A sample of popular texting terms. A new type of slang has developed that allows quick and easy

communication in text messages. Here you can see

some frequently used text messaging acronyms and

their meanings. Theses acronyms are variously termed

netlingo, techspeak, or e-talk. Although netlingo is

obviously useful for cybercommunication, its use in

more formal settings (school, work) is problematic.

(Information from NetLingo.com)

EXAMPLES OF NETLINGO

Acronymn Meaning

B4N or BFN Bye For Now

FUD Fear, Uncertainty, and Disinformation

GTG Got To Go

I Don’t Know

Laughing Out Loud

Love You Like a Sister

IDK

LOL

LYLAS

PAL Parents Are Listening

RUOK Are You OK?

Off TopicOT

WEG Wicked Evil Grin

DGT Don’t Go There

Still in the DarkSITD

LDR Long Distance Relationship

SAPFU Surpassing All Previous Foul Ups

XOXO Hugs and Kisses

John Klossner / The New Yorker Collection / www.cartoonbank.com

224 C H A P T E R 8

familiar with the basic rules of etiquette for cell phone use in public: (1) turn off your phone

(or put it on “vibrate” mode) when any ringing will disturb others, (2) keep calls short, and

(3) make and receive calls unobtrusively, preferably out of earshot from others. Of course,

many people now send texts instead of making calls, but the activity of typing away at your

phone in a classroom setting or when spending time with a friend, for example, can still be

rude and disruptive.

This chapter’s Spotlight on Research deals with a now ubiquitous aspect of digital

communication—sending photos to family and friends. An intriguing issue is whether

these electronic images play a large role in creating and maintaining our social relation-

ships with others.

Cell phone etiquette in public places calls for turning off your phone or putting it on vibrate mode, keeping

your voice low, and making your calls short.

Communicating Social Relationships by Photo-Messaging

Source: Hunt, D. S., Lin, C. A., & Atkin, D. J. (2014). Communicating social

relationships via the use of photo-messaging. Journal of Broadcasting and

Electronic Media, 58(2), 234–252. doi:10.1080/08838151.2014.906430

Many people routinely send photos of themselves (“selfies”), images

of what they are eating, whom they are with, or their location to

others. Smartphones and tablet devices have made sharing photos

with others easy to do on sites like Facebook, Flickr, and Instagram,

among others. Most smartphone owners report taking and sending

photos, just as more than half of all Internet users have posted

photos to the Web. The ubiquity of this practice has encouraged

researchers to wonder what the psychosocial purpose of such photo

sharing and swapping might be. The article’s authors believed that

photo-messaging friends serves social and psychological purposes

beyond simply keeping contacts apprised of one’s activities.

Instead, they hypothesized that photo-messaging is a means to

form personal relationships with others and to maintain established

relationships within one’s network. Specifically, the investigators

explored two hypotheses. First, they expected that the level of

photo-message activity to and from people’s social networks would

positively predict relationship formation motives. Second, they

anticipated that the level of photo-messaging activity to and from

people’s social networks would predict relationship maintenance

motives.

Method Participant sample and procedure. Participants were undergraduate students from a university in the northeastern

United States. An online survey yielded 682 valid responses.

Participants were asked questions concerning photo-messaging

activity present in their personal social networks; what

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

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Interpersonal Communication 225

As we have noted, face-to-face communication relies on the spoken word, while

Internet communication largely depends on the written word. You can see other important

differences in Figure 8.3. The absence of nonverbal cues in computer-mediated commu-

nication also means that you need to take special care that the other person understands

your intended meaning. Thus, you should choose your words carefully, provide clarifying

details, and describe your feelings, if necessary. It’s also a good idea to review what you have

written before you send it!

Social Networking Sites: Privacy and Security Issues

Do you participate in any social networking site (SNS), such as Facebook, Twitter,

LinkedIn, or Instagram? If you are a typical college student or a young adult, there is a good

chance you have posted a profile of yourself on one of these popular Internet destinations.

The primary benefit of any SNS is presenting yourself virtually to other people who may

already know you, remember you from a shared past (high school, for example), or want

to connect with you (“friend you,” in Internet parlance) because of some common interest.

Most online profiles contain all kinds of personal or private information—everything from

your favorite books, movies, or food to your political, social, and even religious beliefs. In

effect, an SNS allows you to express yourself and your personality. Another reason that

social networking sites are popular is because they are believed to provide a form of social

support to some individuals who may need it due to life experiences or personal challenges.

Such sites often provide emotional or informational support. Yet there is still relatively little

evidence that such sites actually lead to decreased use of health services or to any reduction

in negative outcomes (Mehta & Atreja, 2015).

Is there any drawback to taking part in an SNS? There can be if you do not take appro-

priate steps to maintain your online privacy. Why should privacy be a concern? Simply put,

NetLingo

This unusual site is the place to go to

stay abreast of the latest terms related to

cyberspace and technology. Visitors will

find an Internet dictionary containing

thousands of technology terms and

guides to the meaning of hundreds of

text messaging acronyms, as well as

various emoticons (or smileys). Among

the site’s “Top 50” lists is one titled “Top

50 Internet Acronyms Every Parent Needs

to Know.”

Learn More Online

technologies (e.g., smartphone, tablet, laptop) they owned; and

their relational motives, behavioral intentions, and the frequency

of photo-messaging. Demographic data were also collected.

Measures. Social network activity was measured by asking respondents if their personal networks engage in photo-

messaging, as measured using five items that were gauged on a

7-point scale (ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree)

such as “Most of my friends send photo-messages” and “None of

my friends or family send photo-messages.” Relationship formation

motives were assessed by items such as “I send photo-messages to

develop new relationships” and “I send photo-messages as a way of

bonding with new friends.” Relationship maintenance motives were

discerned by five items such as “I send photo-messages to keep up

with my friends or family” and “I send photo-messages

as a way of communicating with my friends or family.”

Results To analyze the results, the researchers used advanced data analysis

techniques, including factor analysis and structural equation modeling.

We will focus on the general descriptive findings here. Social network

activity based on photo-messaging was found to significantly predict

relationship formation motives. People who received photo-messages

from others were motivated to form relationships with them.

Social network activity performed by respondents who engaged in

photo-messaging was also found to significantly predict relationship

maintenance motives; people sent images to friends and relatives as a

means to maintain existing social ties.

Discussion Relational maintenance motives were strong predictors of

behavioral intentions to engage in photo-messaging. Although

relationship formation motives did not influence the intention to

send and share photo-messages, they did influence maintenance

motives. These findings suggest that although people use socially

mediated communication such as Facebook and Instagram to

form and develop new relationships, maintaining relationships

remains a prominent motive for the use of these sites, as well. The

results imply an important role for relationship maintenance as a

key motivation for photo-messaging and online photo-sharing.

In effect, people adopt new technologies and develop skills

using them in order to stay connected with people in their social

networks. It’s not just about fun or letting people know what we

are up to—it’s about establishing or keeping close connections

with others.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. How often do you send or share photos with your friends and

family? Did you ever attribute a motive, such as the desire to

form or to maintain a relationship, to this practice?

2. Do you think the type of photo-messages people share can

affect relationship formation or maintenance? How so? Think

of some examples.

3. How do you react to the photo-messages you receive? Have

you ever presumed that the senders had another purpose

besides keeping you updated on their lives?

226 C H A P T E R 8

you never know who is reading your profile or what they are doing with the information

you have shared (Lewis, Kaufman, & Christakis, 2008). Surely, you are already aware

that you should be careful what financial information (such as PIN numbers) you share

online and that interfacing with a website is never a good idea unless you know it is secure

(LaRose & Rifon, 2007). But what about the information you post on your SNS? Should

you worry about that?

Possibly yes. Consider that Facebook has more than 1.6 billion active users, yet users

assume others, not they themselves, are at risk when it comes to posting private informa-

tion (Debatin et al., 2009). To presume all those users are well intentioned seems somewhat

foolhardy. There is also ample evidence that the content of student postings has been used to

raid student parties (Hass, 2006) and to keep individuals from getting jobs (Finder, 2006). In

short, private information is not always so private. Think for a moment: Is your SNS profile

set so that it cannot be read, accessed, or searched by nonfriends (strangers)? Or can anyone

see your personal pages?

One reason people fail to use available privacy protections is because they assume their

own online privacy is fine but that of others is likely to be at risk (Baek, Kim, & Bae, 2014).

When individual users compare themselves to younger persons, for example, they tend to

display this comparative optimistic bias (“I’m not at risk where my privacy is concerned,

but you probably are”). Privacy concerns can also be disrupted when people believe their

online anonymity is more assured than it may actually be or when they feel that social

rewards (e.g., new online friendships) are available (Jiang, Heng, & Choi, 2013).

Communication and Adjustment

Before we plunge further into the topic of interpersonal communication, let’s take a mo-

ment to emphasize its significance. Communication with others—friends, lovers, parents,

spouses, children, employers, workers—is such an essential and commonplace aspect of

everyday life that it’s hard to overstate its role in adjustment. Many of life’s gratifications

(and frustrations and heartaches) hinge on one’s ability to communicate effectively with

others. Numerous studies have shown that good communication can enhance satisfaction

in relationships (Vangelisti, 2015) and that poor communication ranks high as a cause of

Figure 8.3 Differences between face-to-face and electronically mediated communication. Electronically mediated communication applications (cell phone text messaging, email, chat rooms, news groups, and

so forth) have dramatically changed the ways people interact and develop relationships. These two types

of communication differ from each other in five important ways. (Adapted from Bargh & McKenna, 2004;

Boase & Wellman, 2006; Verderber & Verderber, 2004)

ASSERTIVE RESPONSES TO SOME COMMON PUTDOWNS

Dimension Face-to-face Internet

Physical distance People need to be in the same place at the same

time to meet.

People can meet and develop a relationship with someone thousands

of miles away.

Anonymity One can’t be anonymous in real-life interactions. People take greater risks in disclosing personal information than they

otherwise do. Thus, feelings of intimacy can develop more quickly.

Richness of

communication

People have access to nonverbal cues such as facial

expressions and tone of voice to detect nuances in

meaning or deception.

In cyberspace, these cues are absent, making social and status cues,

such as gender, age, social class, race, and ethnicity less discernible.

Visual cues Physical appearance and visual cues play a big role

in attraction in face-to-face relationships.

These cues are generally absent on the Internet (although people can

exchange photographs online).

Time Two people have to connect at the same time. Although instant messaging and chat room conversations take place in

real time, there is no need for an immediate response, so time becomes

relatively unimportant. On the Internet, you can take as long as you like

to craft a response so you can more completely explain yourself.

Interpersonal Communication 227

breakups among both straight and gay couples (Angulo, Brooks, & Swann, 2011). Our

language—the words we use to convey what we say—also matters in our interpersonal

relationships (Duck & Usera, 2014). What about the messages we convey without words?

8.2 Nonverbal Communication Learning Objectives ■ List five general principles of nonverbal

communication.

■ Discuss the dynamics of personal space

and what can be discerned from facial

cues and eye contact.

■ Summarize the research findings

on body movement, posture,

gestures, touch, and paralanguage in

communication.

■ Understand the difficulty in detecting

deception and clarify the nonverbal

cues linked to deception.

You’re standing at the bar in your favorite hangout, gazing across a dimly lit room filled

with people drinking, dancing, and talking. You signal to the bartender that you’d like

another drink. Your companion comments on the loud music, and you nod your head in

agreement. You spot an attractive stranger across the bar; your eyes meet briefly and you

smile. In a matter of seconds, you sent three messages without uttering a syllable. To put

it another way, you just sent three nonverbal messages. Nonverbal communication is the

transmission of meaning from one person to another through means or symbols other

than words. Communication at the nonverbal level occurs through various behaviors:

interpersonal distance, facial expression, eye contact, body posture and movement,

gestures, physical touch, and tone of voice (e.g., Knapp, Hall, & Horgan, 2014).

Clearly, considerable information is exchanged through nonverbal channels—more

than most people realize. You can significantly enhance your communication skills by

learning more about this important aspect of communication.

General Principles

Let’s begin by examining some general principles of nonverbal communication.

1. Nonverbal communication conveys emotions. People can communicate their feel- ings without saying a word—for example, “a look that kills.” Nonverbal demonstrations

of positive feelings include sitting or standing close to those you care for, touching them

often, and looking at them frequently (Buck & Miller, 2015). Negative emotions, such as

fear, can be conveyed through facial expressions (KostiĆ & Chadee, 2015). Still, nonverbal

signals alone are not the precise indicators of emotional states that they were once believed

to be (App et al., 2011), so you should be cautious in making inferences.

2. Nonverbal communication is multichanneled. Nonverbal communication typically

involves simultaneous messages sent through several channels. For instance, information

may be transmitted through gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, and vocal tone at the

same time. In contrast, verbal communication is limited to one channel: speech. If you

have ever tried to follow two people speaking at once, you understand how difficult it is

to process multiple inputs of information. Thus, many nonverbal transmissions can sail by

the receiver unnoticed.

3. Nonverbal communication is ambiguous. A shrug or a raised eyebrow can mean

different things to different people. Moreover, receivers may have difficulty determining

whether nonverbal messages are being sent intentionally. Although some popular books

on body language imply otherwise, few nonverbal signals carry universally accepted mean-

ings, even within the same culture. Thus, nonverbal cues are informative, but they are most

reliable when accompanied by verbal messages and embedded in a familiar cultural and

social context (Samovar, Porter, & McDaniel, 2007).

4. Nonverbal communication may contradict verbal messages. How often have you

seen people proclaim “I’m not angry” even though their bodies shout that they are posi-

tively furious? When confronted with such an inconsistency, which message should you

believe? Because of their greater spontaneity, you’re probably better off heeding the non-

verbal signs. Research shows that when someone is instructed to tell a lie, deception is

most readily detected through nonverbal signals (Vrij, 2015). Some recent research finds

that saccadic eye movements—those extremely rapid movements we all make when

we fixate on something in our visual field—can indicate when someone is lying (Virj

et al., 2015). The trick is to observe their saccadic eye movements when they are not

228 C H A P T E R 8

Elements of Nonverbal Communication

Nonverbal signals can provide a great deal of information in inter-

personal interactions. As we discuss specific nonverbal behaviors, we

will focus on what they communicate about interpersonal attraction

and social status.

Personal Space

Proxemics is the study of people’s use of interpersonal space. Per-

sonal space is a zone of space surrounding a person that is felt

to “belong” to that person. Personal space is an invisible bubble

or barrier you carry around with you in your social interactions

(Andersen, Gannon, & Kalchik, 2013). The size of this mobile zone

is related to your cultural background, social status, personality, age,

and gender.

Distance in relationships is psychological as well as physical.

The amount of interpersonal distance people prefer depends on the

nature of the relationship and the situation (E. T. Hall, 2008). The

appropriate distance between people is also regulated by social norms

and varies by culture (Hall & Whyte, 2008). Culture influences people’s

spatial behavior (Høgh-Olesen, 2008). For instance, people of northern

European heritage tend to engage in less physical contact and keep a greater distance

between themselves than people of Latin or Middle Eastern heritage. The United States is

usually characterized as a medium-contact culture, but there is a lot of variability among

ethnic groups. Situations matter, too: Consider how much distance from others people de-

sire when they are using an ATM. Those waiting behind you in line know that you want

your privacy in order to preserve the personal information you enter into the machine

during a transaction (Li & Li, 2007). They, in turn, expect the same courtesy. Similarly,

when strangers expect to interact with one another directly in a group setting, they are

likely to move their seats closer to one another (Novelli, Drury, & Reicher, 2010). When no

expectation of direct interaction exists, people automatically retain greater personal space

between one another.

Anthropologist Edward T. Hall (1966) described four interpersonal distance zones that

are appropriate for middle-class encounters in American culture, as shown in Figure 8.4.

The general rule is that the more you like someone, the more comfortable you feel being

physically close to that person. Women have smaller personal-space zones than men do

(Holland et al., 2004). When talking, women sit or stand closer together than men do.

Of course, there are obvious exceptions, such as in crowded subways and elevators, but

these situations are often experienced as stressful. For example, one study examined train

commuters’ experiences during rush hour (Evans & Wener, 2007). Interestingly, density

(crowding) within the train car had little impact on commuters’ stress, but stress associ-

ated with seating density (the proximity of other passengers) was quite high, as indicated

by self-reports, physiological measures, and behavioral measures of feeling “closed in.”

In Tibet, friends greet their friends by sticking out their tongue.

looking at any particular thing, as this behavior indicates retrieval

of information from memory. Deception is associated with more

rather than less memory searching, so the presence of fewer sacca-

dic eye movements suggests someone is telling the truth.

5. Nonverbal communication is culture-bound. Like language,

nonverbal signals are different in different cultures (Weisbuch &

Amady, 2008). Culture influences how people notice, retain, and

decode nonverbal behaviors (Mandal & Awasthi, 2015; Matsumoto

& Hwang, 2013a, 2013b). Sometimes cultural differences can be

quite dramatic. For example, in Tibet people greet their friends by

sticking out their tongues (Ekman, 1975).

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Interpersonal Communication 229

Imagine the long-term impact of such personal space distress on people who commute

twice a day for 5 or more days per week.

On the other hand, the context where contact occurs may matter a great deal. Another

study found that closer—not farther—interpersonal distance between waitresses and cus-

tomers had an impact on the latter’s tipping behavior (Jacob & Guéguen, 2012). Standing

closer to restaurant patrons increased both the frequency and amount of tips waitresses

received.

Personal distance can also convey status information. People generally stand farther

away from high-status communication partners versus partners of lower power (Holland

et al., 2004). Moreover, it is the prerogative of the more powerful person in an interaction

to set the “proper” distance (Henley, 1986).

Facial Expression

More than anything else, facial expressions convey emotions (Awasthi & Mandal, 2015).

Paul Ekman and Wallace Friesen identified six distinctive facial expressions that corre-

spond with six basic emotions: anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise (Ekman,

1994). Early research involving participants from many countries supported the idea that

these six emotions are universally recognized (Ekman, 1972). In such studies, researchers

showed photographs depicting different emotions to participants from a variety of Western

and non-Western cultures, asking them to match the photographs with an emotion

(Ekman & Matsumoto, 2011). Some representative results from this research are depicted

in Figure 8.5.

One meta-analysis of ninety-seven studies (based on studies in more than forty coun-

tries) looked at whether these six emotions are universally recognized or are culturally

specific (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002). Interestingly, there was evidence for both perspec-

tives. In support of the universal view, individuals do accurately recognize emotions in

photographs of people from other cultures. Favoring cultural specificity, there was evidence

of an “ingroup advantage.” Thus, observers are better at recognizing the emotions in photo-

graphs from their own cultural groups than those from other cultural groups. A few basic

Figure 8.4 Interpersonal distance zones. According to Edward Hall (1966), people like to keep a certain amount of distance between themselves and others. The distance that makes one feel comfortable depends on

whom one is interacting with and the nature of the situation.

Zone and distance

Appropriate people and situations

Zone 2: Personal distance zone

Zone 3: Social distance zone

Zone 4: Public distance zone

Parents and children, lovers, spouses/ partners

Close friends Co-workers, social gatherings, friends, work situations

(18"–4') (4'–12') (12'+)

Zone 1: Intimate distance zone

(0–18")

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230 C H A P T E R 8

facial expressions are universally recognizable, but other emotional expressions vary from

culture to culture—as we noted in the earlier example of Tibetans sticking out their tongues

to greet friends.

Recent research suggests that the recognition of facial expressions of emotion is based

on the frequency with which they occur in daily life (Calvo et al., 2014). Thus, happy and

surprised faces were observed the most frequently, and disgusted and fearful faces the

least. An implication of this research is that people are more efficient at processing facial

emotion based on the relative familiarity of the expression. Perhaps that is one reason that

we can readily tell when someone is happy but have to ask questions when confronted with

a fearful expression (“Is everything OK?”).

Interestingly, other research suggests that there may also be a seventh distinct fa-

cial expression for anxiety that occurs in ambiguous situations where perceived threats

(e.g., feelings of being watched or followed) are unclear. Anxiety is marked by darting of

the eyes and head swivels. As an emotion, anxiety is often confused with fear, a reaction

that occurs when perceived threats are more apparent (e.g., confronting a snarling dog)

(Perkins et al., 2012).

Each society has rules that govern whether and when it is appro-

priate to express feelings (Koopmann-Holm & Matsumoto, 2011).

Display rules are norms that govern the appropriate display of

emotions in a culture. In the United States, for instance, it is consid-

ered bad form to gloat over one’s victories or to show envy or anger

in defeat. Generally speaking, people also show less emotion in the

workplace than when they are outside of work, but this observation

is also qualified by culture (Moran, Diefendorff, & Greguras, 2013).

In Singapore, for example, display rules dictate less public expres-

sion of anger, sadness, and fear as compared with the United States,

where sharing those emotions outside the workplace would be

deemed acceptable.

Eye Contact

Eye contact (or mutual gaze) is another major channel of nonverbal

communication. The duration of eye contact is its most meaningful

Figure 8.5 Facial expressions and emotions. Ekman and Friesen (1984) found that people in highly disparate cultures showed fair agreement on the emotions portrayed in these photos. This consensus across

cultures suggests that the facial expressions associated with certain emotions may have a biological basis.

Display rules require unsuccessful contestants in beauty pageants to

suppress the display of resentful, envious, or angry feelings.

Fear Disgust Happiness Anger

Country United States Brazil Chile Argentina Japan New Guinea

85 67 68 54 66 54

92 97 92 92 90 44

97 95 95 98 100 82

67 90 94 90 90 50

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Interpersonal Communication 231

aspect. The ability to use eye contact as a means to gauge the mental and emotional

states of others appears in humans older than 6 years of age (Vida & Maurer, 2012).

Among European Americans, people who engage in high levels of eye contact are

usually judged to have effective social skills and credibility. Similarly, speakers,

interviewers, and experimenters receive higher ratings of competence when they

maintain high rather than low eye contact with their audience. As a rule, people en-

gage in more eye contact when they’re listening than when they’re talking (Bavelas,

Coates, & Johnson, 2002). People display an interesting self-serving bias regard-

ing eye contact: They assume attractive people are more likely to make eye contact

with them than persons deemed less attractive (Kloth, Altmann, & Schweinberger,

2011). Liars are found to make greater eye contact with those they are trying to

dupe, presumably because they believe deliberately engaging in mutual gaze con-

veys the message that they are telling the truth (Mann et al., 2013).

Gaze also communicates the intensity (but not the positivity or negativity) of

feelings. For example, couples who say they are in love spend more time gazing at

each other than other couples do (Patterson, 1988). Also, maintaining moderate

(versus constant or no) eye contact with others typically generates positive feelings

in them. When women make eye contact with men, a longer gaze can generate

the latter’s interest, sustaining it when smiling is part of the interaction (Guéguen

et al., 2008).

In a negative interpersonal context, a steady gaze becomes a stare that causes

most people to feel uncomfortable (Kleinke, 1986). Moreover, like threat displays

among nonhuman primates such as baboons and rhesus monkeys, a stare can convey

aggressive intent (Henley, 1986). So, if you want to avoid road rage incidents, avoid

making eye contact with hostile motorists. People also communicate by reducing eye

contact with others. Unpleasant interactions, embarrassing situations, or invasions of

personal space usually trigger this behavior (Kleinke, 1986). Indeed, in the absence of

verbal or contextual information, such looking away can communicate fear; in effect,

people sometimes “point” to danger with their eyes (Hadjikhani et al., 2008).

Culture strongly affects patterns of eye contact (Samovar et al., 2007). For

example, Americans should be sensitive to the fact that direct eye contact is perceived

as an insult in Mexico, Latin America, Japan, and Africa, and in some Native Ameri-

can tribes. By contrast, people from Arab countries look directly into the eyes of their

conversational partners for longer periods than Americans are used to.

In the United States, gender and racial differences have been found in

eye contact. For instance, women tend to gaze at others more than men do

(Briton & Hall, 1995). However, the patterning of eye contact also reflects

status, and gender and status are often confounded. Higher-status individ-

uals look at the other person more when speaking than when listening,

while lower-status people behave just the opposite. Women usually show

the lower-status visual pattern because they are typically accorded lower

status than men. As shown in Figure 8.6, when women are in high-power

positions, they show the high-status visual pattern to the same extent that

men do (Dovidio et al., 1988). African Americans use more continuous eye

contact than European Americans when speaking, but less when listening

(Samovar & Porter, 2004). Misunderstandings can arise if gaze behaviors

that are intended to convey interest and respect are interpreted as being

disrespectful or dishonest.

Body Language

Body movements—those of the head, trunk, hands, legs, and feet—also

provide nonverbal avenues of communication (Sinke, Kret, & de Gelder,

2012). Kinesics is the study of communication through body move-

ments. By noting a person’s body movements, observers may be able

to tell an individual’s level of tension or relaxation, or whether a

Coupled with facial expression, our body language

can convey a variety of messages, including

dissatisfaction, as shown here.

HighLow

Control group

Woman in high power

position

Visual dominance behavior

Men Women

Man in high power

position

0 .20 .40 .60 .80 1.00

Figure 8.6 Visual dominance, status, and gender. Women typically show low visual dominance (see control condition) because they

are usually accorded lower status than men (Dovidio et al. 1988).

However, when researchers placed women in a high-power

position and measured their visual behavior, women showed the

high visual dominance pattern and men showed the low visual

dominance pattern. When men were placed in the high-power

position, the visual dominance patterns reversed. Thus, visual

dominance seems to be more a function of status than of gender.

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232 C H A P T E R 8

person’s expressed remorse is sincere and genuine or merely fabricated

“crocodile tears” (ten Brinke et al., 2012). For instance, frequent

touching or scratching suggests nervousness (Harrigan et al., 1991).

Posture, too, conveys information. Leaning back with arms or

legs arranged in an asymmetrical or “open” position conveys a feeling

of relaxation. Posture can also indicate someone’s attitude toward you

(McKay, Davis, & Fanning, 1995); indeed, we interpret both action

and emotion from people’s posture (Kana & Travers, 2012). A body

leaning toward you typically indicates interest and a positive attitude.

Conversely, a body angled away from you or a position with crossed

arms may indicate a negative attitude or defensiveness. People can

even judge the emotion shared by a crowd of people based on their

body language and posture, even when the perceiver’s exposure to the

crowd’s behavior is brief (McHugh et al., 2010).

Posture can also convey status differences. Generally, a higher-

status person will look more relaxed. By contrast, a lower-status person

will tend to exhibit a more rigid body posture, often sitting up straight

with feet together, flat on the floor, and arms close to the body (a

“closed” position) (Vrugt & Luyerink, 2000). Again, status and gender

differences are frequently parallel. That is, men are more likely to exhibit

the high-status “open” posture and women the lower-status “closed”

posture (Cashdan, 1998).

Our hands also help us think and communicate (Goldin-

Meadow, 2003). People use hand gestures to describe and empha-

size the words they speak, as well as to persuade (Maricchiolo

et al., 2009). You might point to give directions or slam your fist on

a desk to emphasize an assertion. To convey “no,” you can extend

the index finger of your dominant hand and wave it back and forth

from left to right. Children know that when adults slide their right

index finger up and down their left index finger, it means “shame

on you.” As travelers frequently discover, the meaning of gestures

is not universal (Samovar et al., 2007). For instance, a circle made

with the thumb and forefinger means that everything is “OK” to an

American, but it is considered an obscene gesture in some countries.

Touch

Touch takes many forms and can express various meanings (Hertenstein,

2011), including support, consolation, and sexual intimacy. Touch can also

convey messages of status and power (Hall, 2006a), just as it sometimes can be helpful and

therapeutic (Field, 2014) or used to help us recall information or recognize objects (Klatzky

& Lederman, 2013). In the United States, people typically “touch downward”—i.e., higher-

status individuals are freer to touch subordinates than vice versa (Henley & Freeman, 1995).

Higher-status people who touch others while making requests (“I’m conducting a survey—

will you answer some questions for me?”) actually increase compliance rates (Guéguen,

2002). How people interpret the possible messages communicated by touch depends on the

age and gender of the individuals involved, the setting where the touching takes place, and

the relationship between the toucher and recipient, among other things (Major, Schmidlin,

& Williams, 1990).

For example, consider the impact of being touched while you are out shopping. Consum-

ers who are accidentally touched by a stranger (a confederate of the researcher) while shop-

ping end up rating products more negatively, and then spend less time in stores compared

to their untouched counterparts (Martin, 2012). There are also gender differences related to

status and touch: Adult women use touch to convey closeness or intimacy, whereas men use

touch as a means to control or indicate their power in social situations (Hall, 2006a). Finally,

there are strong norms about where on the body people are allowed to touch their friends.

K im

W ar

p/ Th

e N

ew Y

or ke

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ol le

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n /w

w w

.c ar

to on

ba nk

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The potential force of body language can be seen in these photos

showing Lyndon Baines Johnson, who was the U.S. Senate majority

leader at the time (1957), working over a fellow senator (Theodore

Green). The status difference between Johnson and his colleague is

obvious, and they way Johnson leans into Green is a clear attempt

at intimidation.

G eo

rg e

Ta m

es /T

he N

ew Y

or k

Ti m

es /

R ed

ux P

ic tu

re s

G eo

rg e

Ta m

es /T

he N

ew Y

or k

Ti m

es /R

ed ux

P ic

tu re

Interpersonal Communication 233

These norms are quite different for same-gender as opposed to cross-gender

interactions, as can be seen in Figure 8.7.

Paralanguage

The term paralanguage refers to how something is said rather than to what

is said. Thus, paralanguage includes all vocal cues other than the content

of the verbal message itself. Cues to paralanguage include grunts, sighs,

murmurs, gasps, and other vocal sounds. Paralanguage also entails how

loudly or softly people speak, how fast they talk, and the pitch, rhythm,

and quality (such as accent, pronunciation, sentence complexity) of their

speech. Each vocal characteristic can affect the message being transmitted.

Variations in vocal emphasis can give the same set of words very dif-

ferent meanings. Consider the sentence “I really enjoyed myself.” By vary-

ing the word that is accented, you can speak this sentence in three ways,

each suggesting a different meaning:

● I really enjoyed myself ! (Even though others may not have had a

good time, I did.) ● I really enjoyed myself ! (My enjoyment was exceptional.) ● I really enjoyed myself ! (Much to my surprise, I had a great time.)

As shown in these examples, you can actually reverse the meaning of a

verbal message by how you say it (using sarcasm). The vignette opening

this chapter also illustrates how paralanguage can change the meaning

of words.

In cyberspace communication, emailers use various substitutes for the

paralanguage cues found in spoken communication. For instance, capital

letters are used for emphasis (“I had a GREAT vacation”); however, using

capital letters throughout a message is viewed as shouting and considered

rude behavior. Using emoticons (punctuation marks arranged to indicate the writer’s emo-

tions) has also become a common practice; thus, :-) indicates a smile and :-( indicates a

frown. Emoticons are rapidly being replaced by emojis, which are small digital images or

icons used to express an idea or an emotion in an electronic communication. The word

emoji means “picture letter” in Japanese. No doubt you have received a message from some-

one punctuated with a smiley face icon or perhaps a wink or frown icon—these are all

emojis. If you have any type of smartphone, chances are good that you also have a large

selection of emojis to use in your text messages. Examples of emojis are shown in Figure 8.8.

Figure 8.7 Where friends touch each other. Social norms govern where friends tend to touch each other. As these figures show, the

patterns of touching are different in same-gender as opposed to

cross-gender interactions.

Source: Adapted from Marsh, P. (Ed.). (1988). Eye to eye: How people interact. Topsfield,

permission of HarperCollins, Publishers, Inc. and Andromeda Oxford Ltd.

Same gender Other gender

Where men and women tend to be touched by friends of the . . .

Seldom (0–25%) Quite often (26–50%)

Often (51–75%) Very often (51–75%)

M an

a nd

w om

an : Y

ur i A

rc ur

s/ S

hu tt

er st

oc k.

co m

Figure 8.8 Conveying emotion in cyberspace by using emojis. People sometimes complain that online communication, chiefly email or text messaging,

does not allow recipients to read senders’ emotional

states. Emojis are small digital images or icons used

to express an idea or an emotion in an electronic

communication. The word emoji means “picture

letter” in Japanese. People often punctuate their

messages with emojis in order to express how they

are feeling.

Source: Wikipedia entry “Emoji” with “OS X mini character palette

showing Emoji emoticons” by Source (WP:NFCC#4). Licensed under

Fair use via Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:OS_X_

mini_character_palette_showing_Emoji_emoticons.png#/media/

File:OS_X_mini_character_palette_showing_Emoji_emoticons.png

on September 1, 2015.

PEOPLE

S m

ar t

D es

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S hu

tt er

st oc

k. co

234 C H A P T E R 8

Detecting Deception

Like it or not, lying is a part of everyday life (DePaulo, 2004). People typically tell one to two

lies a day (DePaulo et al., 1997). Most everyday lies are inconsequential “white lies,” such as

claiming to be better than one actually is or lying to avoid hurting someone’s feelings (“Say, I

like your new haircut—really, I do”). Of course, people tell more serious lies, too. When they

do, such lies are used to gain some advantage—that is, to get what they want or to obtain

something they feel entitled to, such as gaining credit for an idea (DePaulo et al., 2004). People

tell serious lies, too, when they want to avoid conflict or to protect or even harm other people.

Is it possible to catch people in a lie? Yes, but it’s difficult—even for experts (Gra-

nhag, Vrij, & Verschuere, 2015). As shown in Figure 8.9, some studies have found that

professionals whose work involves detecting lies (police officers, FBI agents, psychia-

trists) are slightly more accurate judges of liars than nonexperts are (Ekman, O’Sullivan,

& Frank, 1999). Still, even these individuals have accuracy rates around 57%—not much

better than chance (50%), which means their “edge” is only slight. However, motivation

may matter. One recent study that used real-life, high-stakes lies and stimulus materi-

als found that a sample of police officers achieved 72% accuracy as compared to 68%

accuracy for nonpolice observers (Whelan, Wagstaff, & Wheatcroft, 2015.) Even

married people cannot necessarily tell when their spouse is lying unless the marital

bond has been disrupted and suspicion is running high (McCormack & Levine, 1990).

Moreover, meta-analyses find no significant differences in the accuracy rates of experts

and nonexperts (Ekman, 2009), yet people routinely overestimate their ability to detect

liars (DePaulo et al., 1997).

The popular stereotypes about how liars give themselves away don’t necessarily cor-

respond to the actual clues related to dishonesty. For example, observers tend to focus

on the face (the least-revealing channel), ignoring more useful information (Burgoon,

1994). In Figure 8.10, you can review the research findings on the nonverbal behaviors

actually associated with deception (based on DePaulo, Stone, & Lassiter, 1985). By com-

paring the second and third columns in the figure, you can see which cues are actually

associated with deception and which are erroneously linked with it. Contrary to popular

belief, lying is not associated with slow talking, long pauses before speaking, excessive

shifting of posture, reduced smiling, or lack of eye contact. A meta-analysis of more

than 300 studies generally supported these findings, concluding that liars say less, tell

less-compelling stories, make a more negative impression, are more tense, and include

less unusual content in their stories than truth tellers

do (DePaulo et al., 2003).

So, how do liars give themselves away? As you may

have noted in Figure 8.10, many clues “leak” from non-

verbal channels because speakers have a harder time

controlling these channels (DePaulo & Friedman,

1998). For example, liars may blink less than usual

while telling a lie because of cognitive demand (Leal

& Vrij, 2008). Eye blinks then accelerate once the lie is

told. Vocal cues include speaking with a higher pitch,

giving relatively short answers, and excessive hesita-

tions. Visual cues include dilation of the pupils and

the aforementioned rapid saccadic eye movements.

It’s also helpful to look for inconsistencies between

facial expressions and lower body movements. For

example, a friendly smile accompanied by a nervous

shuffling of feet could signal deception. People can

also deplete their self-presentational resources over

time—they tire of creating and conveying the same

impression over and over—thereby rousing observ-

ers’ suspicions that they are being deceptive (Vohs,

Baumeister, & Ciarocco, 2005).

Figure 8.9 How well do experts distinguish truth and deception? Lie-detection experts with experience making judgments of truth and deception were shown brief videotapes

of ten women telling the truth or lying about their feelings (Ekman & O’Sullivan, 1991).

Considering that there was a 50-50 chance of guessing correctly, the accuracy rates were

remarkably low. Only a sample of U.S. Secret Service agents posted better-than-chance

performance. (Adapted from Kassin, Fein, & Markus, 2011)

College students

CIA, FBI, and military

Police investigators

Trial judges

Psychiatrists

U.S. Secret Service agents

0 60 705040302010 Accuracy rates (% correct)

O bs

er ve

r gr

ou ps

Interpersonal Communication 235

Bella DePaulo (1994), a noted researcher in this area, isn’t too optimistic about the

prospects of teaching people to spot lies because the cues are usually subtle. If she’s correct,

perhaps machines can do better. The polygraph is a device that records fluctuations in

physiological arousal as a person answers questions. Although called a “lie detector,”

it’s really an emotion detector (Meijer & Verschuere, 2015). The polygraph monitors key

indicators of autonomic arousal such as heart rate, blood pressure, respiration rate, and

perspiration, or galvanic skin response (GSR). The assumption is that when people lie, they

experience emotion that produces noticeable changes in these physiological indicators.

Polygraph experts claim that lie detector tests are 85%–90% accurate and that there is

empirical support for the validity of polygraph testing (Honts, Raskin, & Kircher, 2002).

These claims are clearly not supported by the evidence. Methodologically sound research

is surprisingly sparse (largely because the research is difficult to do), and the limited

evidence available is not very impressive (Iacono, 2009). One problem is that when people

respond to incriminating questions, they may experience emotional arousal even when

they are telling the truth. Thus, polygraph tests often lead to accusations against the

innocent. Another problem is that some people can lie without experiencing physiological

arousal. Thus, because of high error rates, polygraph results are not admitted as evidence in

most courtrooms (Iacono, 2008).

One promising method is the use of brain-imaging procedures for detecting lies (Bell

& Grubin, 2010; Choi, 2015), which may represent a new and promising direction for

detecting deception in law enforcement settings (Gamer, 2014). Such tools enable research-

ers to create computer images of brain structures and to assess changes, such as blood

Figure 8.10 Detecting deception from nonverbal behaviors. This chart summarizes evidence on which nonverbal cues are actually associated with deception and which are believed to be a sign of deception,

based on a research review by DePaulo, Stone, and Lassiter (1985).

NONVERBAL CUES AND DECEPTIONS

Kind of cue

Are cues associated with actual

deception?

Are cues believed to be a sign of

deception?

Vocal cues

Speech hesitations YES: Liars hesitate more YES

Voice pitch YES: Liars speak with higher pitch YES

Speech errors (stutters,

stammers)

YES: Liars make more errors YES

Speech latency (pause before

starting to speak or answer)

NO YES: People think liars pause more

Speech rate NO YES: People think liars talk slower

Response length YES: Liars give shorter answers NO

Visual cues

Pupil dilation YES: Liars show more dilation (No research data)

Adapters (self-directed

gestures)

YES: Liars touch themselves more NO

Blinking YES: Liars blink less (No research data)

Postural shifts NO YES: People think liars shift more

Smile NO YES: People think liars smile less

Gaze (eye contact) NO YES: People think liars engage in

less eye contact

236 C H A P T E R 8

flow, during thought tasks. Some preliminary evidence is that, under highly controlled

conditions, brain-imaging technology can separate liars from those who are telling the

truth with a higher degree of success than conventional polygraphs (Simpson, 2008). Draw-

backs include the practicality of implementing such technology, the costs involved, and

ethical issues surrounding the ability to peer inside people’s heads. A less-expensive and

more practical method may involve the use of a reaction time (RT) paradigm for detecting

concealed information in noncriminal contexts (Verschuere, Suchotzki, & Debey, 2015).

Slower response times to controlled questions, for example, might point to deception, and

prelimnary evidence indicates the approach is as valid as the polygraph.

To summarize, deception is potentially detectable, but the nonverbal behaviors that

accompany lying are subtle and difficult to spot.

The Significance of Nonverbal Communication

Good nonverbal communication skills are associated with good social adjustment and

with relationship satisfaction (Schachner, Shaver, & Mikulincer, 2005). Experts give par-

ticular attention to nonverbal sensistivity—the ability to accurately encode (express) and

decode (understand) nonverbal cues. Nonverbal sensitivity is related to social, emotional,

and academic competence (Bänziger et al., 2011), even in children (Izard et al., 2001), and

some standardized tests exist for assessing it (Ivan, 2013). In fact, people who score highly

on measures of nonverbal sensitivity are capable of making reasonably accurate person-

ality judgments of strangers after reviewing their Facebook profiles (Lueders et al, 2014).

This nonverbal decoding resulted in accurate assessments of personality for the Big Five

traits (i.e., openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism;

recall Chapter 2).

What about sensitivity for decoding and responding to facial expressions of emo-

tion? Generally, women are better encoders and decoders of nondeceptive messages than

men (Hall, 2006b). It is not that women are innately better at these skills or that they have

lower status than men, but rather that women are more motivated than men to exert effort

acquiring these skills (Hall, Coats, & Smith-LeBeau, 2005). The good news is that men

(and women) who are willing to exert effort can improve their nonverbal communication

skills—and enjoy happier and more satisfying relationships.

8.3 Toward More Effective Communication

If you are like most people, you probably overestimate how effectively you communicate

with others (Keysar & Henly, 2002). In this section, we turn to practical issues that will help

you become a more effective communicator with your family, friends, romantic partner,

and co-workers. We’ll review conversational skills, self-disclosure, and effective listening.

Conversational Skills

When meeting strangers, some people launch right into a conversation, while others break

into a cold sweat as their minds go completely blank. If you fall into the second category,

don’t despair! The art of conversation is actually based on conversational skills, which can

be learned. To get you started, we’ll offer a few general principles, gleaned primarily from

Messages: The Communication Skills Book by McKay, Davis, and Fanning (2009).

First, follow the Golden Rule: Give to others what you would like to receive from them.

In other words, give others your attention and respect, and let them know that you like

them. Second, focus on the other person, not yourself. Concentrate on what the person is

saying, rather than on how you look, what you’re going to say next, or how you are going

to win the argument. Third, as we have noted, use nonverbal cues to communicate your

■ Identify five steps involved in making

small talk.

■ Explain why self-disclosure is important

to adjustment, citing ways to reduce

risks associated with it.

■ Discuss the role of self-disclosure in

relationship development.

■ Analyze gender differences in self-

disclosure.

■ Cite four points good listeners need to

keep in mind.

Learning Objectives

Interpersonal Communication 237

interest in the other person. Like you, others also find it easier to interact with a person

who signals friendliness. A welcoming smile can make a big difference in initial contacts.

Now, how do you actually get the conversational ball rolling? Psychologist Bernardo

Carducci (1999) suggests five steps for making successful small talk. We’ll use his template

and fill it in with additional suggestions:

1. Indicate that you are open to conversation by commenting on your surroundings.

(“This line sure is slow.”) You can begin with other topics, too, but you should be careful

about your opening line. Because cute lines often backfire (“Hi, I’m easy—are you?”), your

best bet is probably the conventional approach.

2. Introduce yourself. You don’t have to be an extravert to behave like one in unfamil-

iar situations. If no one is saying anything, why not make the first move by extending your

hand, looking the person in the eye, introducing yourself, and sharing some information

to find common ground? A simple introduction will work (“I’m Adam Weaver. I’m a psy-

chology major”).

3. Select a topic others can relate to. Look for similarities and differences between you

and your conversational partner. Consider things you have in common—a class, a home-

town, campus happenings—building conversation around that (“I heard a great band last

night”). Alternatively, explore your differences (“How did you get interested in science

fiction? I’m a mystery fan myself ”).

4. Keep the conversational ball rolling. Keep things going by elaborating on your

initial topic (“After the concert, we walked to the coffeehouse and tried their dessert

special”). Alternatively, you can introduce a related topic or start a new one.

5. Make a smooth exit. Politely end the conversation (“Well, I’ve got to run. I

enjoyed our talk”). When you see the person again, give a friendly smile and a wave. You

need not become friends in order to be friendly.

After you’ve learned a little about another person, you could move the relationship to

a deeper level. This is where self-disclosure comes into play.

Self-Disclosure

Self-disclosure is the act of sharing personal information about your-

self with another person. Self-disclosure involves opening up about

yourself to others. The information you share need not be a secret, but it

may be. Conversations with strangers and acquaintances typically begin

with superficial self-disclosure—your opinion of a new film or specual-

tion about who will win the Super Bowl. Typically, once people come to

like and trust each other, then they begin to share private information—

such as self-consciousness about their weight, health worries (Park,

Bharadwog, & Blank, 2011), or sibling jealousy (Greene, Derlega, &

Mathews, 2006). Figure 8.11 illustrates how self-disclosure varies accord-

ing to type of relationship.

In discussing self-disclosure, we focus on verbal communication—

how disclosers and recipients decide to share information with each other

(Ignatius & Kokkonen, 2007). But keep in mind that nonverbal commu-

nication plays an equally important role in self-disclosure (Laurenceau

& Kleinman, 2006). For example, you have already seen how nonverbal

cues can support or completely change the meaning of the words they

accompany. Also, nonverbal behaviors can determine whether inter-

actions have positive, neutral, or negative outcomes. Thus, if you tell a

friend about a distressing experience and she signals her concern via

sympathetic nonverbal cues (eye contact, leaning forward), your feelings

about the interaction will be positive. But if she conveys a lack of interest

(minimal eye contact, a bored facial expression), you will walk away with

negative feelings.

Tools for Communication:

A Model of Effective

Communication

Communicating effectively is essential

to success in most aspects of life,

including relationships and work.

This online manual provides helpful

advice on key issues related to effective

communication. It is one of many online

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Learn More Online

Figure 8.11 Breadth and depth of self-disclosure. Breadth of self- disclosure refers to how many topics one opens up about; depth

refers to how far one goes in revealing private information. Both

the breadth and depth of one’s disclosures are greater with best

friends as opposed to casual acquaintances or strangers. (Adapted

from Altman & Taylor, 1973)

Nonintimate topic areas

Intimate topic areas

Casual acquaintance

Best friend

Stranger

Breadth of self-disclosure

D ep

th o

f se

lf -d

is cl

os ur

238 C H A P T E R 8

Self-disclosure is critically important to adjustment for several reasons. First, sharing

fears, problems, or good news with others who are trustworthy and supportive plays a key

role in mental health (Greene et al., 2006). Recall from Chapter 4 that sharing your feelings

can reduce stress. Following mutual self-disclosures, people experience a boost in positive

feelings (Vittengl & Holt, 2000). Second, self-disclosure can build relationships with friends

and co-workers (Tardy & Dindia, 2006). Third, emotional (but not factual) self-disclosures

lead to feelings of closeness, as long as disclosers feel that listeners are understanding and

accepting (Laurenceau & Kleinman 2006). Fourth, self-disclosure in romantic relationships

correlates positively with relationship satisfaction (Greene et al., 2006).

Still, self-disclosure may not be beneficial for specific people in particular contexts.

Consider individuals with low self-esteem who hoped that Facebook, a social network-

ing site where self-disclosure is rife (Special & Li-Barber, 2012), would help them form

social connections with others. On the one hand, entertaining status updates that are

high in self-disclosure can create feelings of connection (Utz, 2015). On the other hand,

one study found that although people found Facebook to be a low-threat way to engage

in self-disclosure, the content of their online disclosures, which were either too low in

positivity or too high in negativity, led to undesired reactions from their online “friends”

(Forest & Wood, 2012). Individuals with higher self-esteem, for example, tend to engage in

more positive self-disclosure online as a way to maintain relationships, doing so by being

honest, intentional, and generally positive concerning what they share (Hollenbaugh &

Ferris, 2015). In contrast, those individuals who rely on Facebook as a virtual community

or for companionship are likely to share more dishonest, negative, and unintentional infor-

mation online. Other research confirms that recogntion of others’ low self-esteem hinders

positive self-disclosure because the respondent fears the exchange will go poorly, but not

because they are worried about hurting others’ feelings (MacGregor & Holmes, 2011).

Self-Disclosure and Relationship Development

Earlier, we noted that self-disclosure leads to feelings of intimacy. Actually, the process is

a little more complicated than that. Research suggests that only certain types of disclo-

sures lead to feelings of closeness (Laurenceau, Barrett, & Rovine, 2005). For instance,

emotional-evaluative self-disclosures (e.g., your feeling about your sister) do, but factual-

descriptive self-disclosures (e.g., that you have three siblings) do not. Moreover, for

intimacy to develop, a discloser must feel understood and cared for (Lin & Huang, 2006).

In other words, self-disclosure alone doesn’t promote intimacy—how listeners respond

matters, too (Maisel, Gable, & Strachman, 2008). Interestingly, the presence of laughter

in a situation can lead to greater intimacy and self-disclosure, presumably because the act

of laughing leads to positive emotion which, in turn, creates connections between people

(Gray, Parkinson, & Dunbar, 2015).

Self-disclosure varies over the course of relationships. At the beginning of a relation-

ship, high levels of mutual disclosure prevail (Taylor & Altman, 1987). Once a relationship

is well established, the level of disclosure tapers off, although responsiveness remains high

(Reis & Patrick, 1996). Also, in established relationships people are less likely to reciprocate

disclosures in the same conversation. Thus, when a lover or a good friend reveals private

information, you frequently respond with words of sympathy and understanding rather

than a similar disclosure. This movement away from equal exchanges of self-disclosure

appears to be based on twin needs that emerge as intimate relationships develop: (1) the

need for connection (via openness) and (2) the need for autonomy (via privacy) (Planalp,

Fitness, & Fehr, 2006).

Gender and Self-Disclosure

What about gender? In the United States, females tend to be more openly self-disclosing

than males, although the disparity seems smaller than once believed (Fehr, 2004). This

gender difference is strongest in same-gender friendships, with female friends sharing more

personal information than male friends (Wright, 2006). In other-gender relationships,

self-disclosure is more equal, although men with traditional gender-role attitudes are less

Interpersonal Communication 239

likely to self-disclose because they view sharing personal information as a sign of weakness.

Women also share more personal information and feelings, whereas men share more

nonpersonal information, both in conversations and email messages (Kilmartin, 2007).

What about the disclosure styles of men and women in more intimate relationships?

One theory argues that such intimate interactions are best fostered by a combination of

self-disclosure and empathic responding—that is, being a compassionate listener and sup-

portive partner (Reis & Shaver, 1988). Men and women appear to differ in the empha-

sis placed on these two behaviors. One study found that men’s degree of disclosure and

empathic responding predicted their own feelings of closeness and confidence in the

relationship. Women’s feelings of intimacy, however, were more likely to be based on their

male partner’s degree of disclosure and empathic responding (Mitchell et al., 2008). And,

in the early stages of other-gender relationships, men often disclose more than women

(Derlega et al., 1985). This finding is consistent with the traditional expectations that males

should initiate relationships and females should encourage males to talk. Thus, it is an

oversimplification to say that women are always more open than men.

Effective Listening

Listening and hearing are distinct processes that are often confused. Hearing is a physio-

logical process that occurs when sound waves come into contact with our eardrums. In

contrast, listening is a mindful activity and complex process requiring one to select and

organize information, interpret and respond to communications, and recall what was

heard. Thus, listening well is an active skill.

Effective listening is a vastly underappreciated skill. There’s truth in the old say-

ing “We have two ears and only one mouth, so we should listen more than we speak.”

Because listeners process speech much more rapidly than people speak (between 500 and

1000 words per minute versus 125–175 words per minute), it’s easy for them to become

bored, distracted, and inattentive (Hanna, Suggett, & Radtke, 2008). Fatigue and self-

preoccupation are other factors that interfere with effective listening.

To be a good listener, you need to keep four points in mind. First, signal your interest in

the speaker via nonverbal cues. Face the speaker squarely and lean toward him or her (rather

than slouching or leaning back in a chair). This posture shows that you are interested in

what the other person has to say. Communicate your feelings about what the speaker is

saying by nodding your head or raising your eyebrows.

Second, hear the other person out before responding. Listeners often tune out or inter-

rupt a conversational partner when (1) they know someone well (they assume they already

know what the speaker will say), (2) a speaker has mannerisms listeners find frustrating

(speaking in a monotone), and (3) a speaker discusses ideas (abortion, politics) that gener-

ate strong feelings or uses terms (welfare cheat, redneck) that push “hot buttons.” Although

it is challenging not to tune out a speaker or lob an insult in these situ-

ations, you’ll be better able to formulate an appropriate response if you

allow the speaker to complete his or her thought.

Third, engage in active listening (Verderber et al., 2008). Pay atten-

tion to what the speaker says, mindfully processing the information.

Active listening also involves the skills of clarifying and paraphrasing.

Inevitably, a speaker will skip over an essential point or say something

that is confusing. When this happens, ask for clarification. “Was Bill

her boyfriend or her brother?” Clarifying ensures that you have an

accurate picture of the message and also tells the speaker that you are

interested. Paraphrasing goes beyond clarifying. To paraphrase means

to state concisely what you believe the speaker said. You might say, “Let

me see if I’ve got this right . . .” or “Do you mean . . . ?” It’s silly to para-

phrase everything a speaker says; you need to paraphrase only when a

speaker says something important. Paraphrasing has several benefits:

It reassures the speaker that you are “with” him or her, it derails misin-

terpretations, and it keeps you focused on the conversation.

Cross-Cultural

Communication Strategies

Citizens of the 21st century are

challenged to communicate sensitively

with individuals from other cultural

groups both within the United States and

around the world. This site, maintained

by the Conflict Information Consortium

at the University of Colorado, provides

commentaries by experts on a variety of

intercultural communication settings.

Learn More Online

Listening attentively to a speaker is an important part of the

communication process.

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240 C H A P T E R 8

Finally, pay attention to the other person’s nonverbal signals. Listeners use a speaker’s

words to get a message’s “objective” meaning, but they rely on nonverbal cues for the emo-

tional and interpersonal meanings of a message. Your knowledge of body language, voice

tone, and other nonverbal cues can provide deeper understanding of communications

(Akhtar, 2007). Remember that these cues are available not only when another person

is speaking but also when you are talking. If your listener is drifting away, you might be

going overboard on irrelevant details or even hogging the conversation. The antidote is

active listening.

8.4 Communication Problems

In this section, we focus on two problems that can interfere with effective communication:

communication apprehension and barriers to effective communicatioin.

Communication Apprehension

You have just learned that a 30-minute oral presentation is a course requirement for your

child psychology class. Do you welcome this requirement as an opportunity to polish your

public speaking skills or, panic-stricken, do you race to drop the class? If you opted for the

latter, you may suffer from communication apprehension, or anxiety caused by having

to talk with others. Some people experience communication apprehension in all speak-

ing situations (including one-on-one encounters), but most people who have the problem

notice it only when speaking before groups.

Communication apprehension is a concern for students as well as teachers because

it can adversely affect general academic success as well as performance related to class-

room public speaking requirements (Blume, Baldwin, & Ryan, 2013). One study found

that individuals with higher levels of communication apprehension were found to have

lower critical thinking skills as well as less-developed oral communication skills (Blume,

Dreher, & Baldwin, 2010). Other research suggests that communication apprehension

can disrupt skills needed for effective career planning (Meyer-Griffith, Reardon, &

Hartley, 2009). A recent study revealed that students with higher communication appre-

hension engaged in more frequent and critical self-talk (“I’ll never be able to introduce

the speaker effectively, I talk too softly”) and had higher levels of public speaking anxi-

ety (Shi Brinthaupt & McCree, 2015). Individuals who engaged in

reinforcing self-talk (“I only have to give a brief introduction about

the speaker and I can do that because I have cue cards”), however,

were found to have lower levels of anxiety and less communication

apprehension.

Researchers have identified four responses to communication

apprehension (Richmond & McCroskey, 1995). The most common

is avoidance, or choosing not to participate when confronted with

voluntary communication opportunities. If people believe that

speaking will make them uncomfortable, they will typically avoid

the experience. Withdrawal occurs when people unexpectedly find

themselves trapped in a communication situation they can’t escape.

Here they may clam up entirely or say as little as possible. Disruption

refers to the inability to make fluent oral presentations or to engage

in appropriate verbal or nonverbal behavior. Naturally, inadequate

communication skills can produce this same behavioral effect, so it

isn’t always possible for the average person to identify the problem’s

actual cause. Overcommunication is a relatively unusual response

to high communication apprehension, but it does occur, as when

someone who attempts to dominate social situations talks nonstop.

Many people suffer from communication apprehension when they

have to speak in front of a group. Doing so can lead to feelings of stress

and anxiety.

■ Discuss some common responses to

communication apprehension.

■ Identify three barriers to effective

communication.

Learning Objectives

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Interpersonal Communication 241

Although such individuals are seen as poor communicators, they are not usually perceived

as having communication apprehension.

Happily, there are effective ways to reduce speech anxiety. With the technique of

visualization, for example, you picture yourself successfully going through all of the steps

involved in preparing for and making a presentation. Research shows that people who

practice visualization have less anxiety and fewer negative thoughts when they actually

speak compared to previsualitization levels (Ayres, Hopf, & Ayres, 1994). Where student

presentations are concerned, the layout of the classroom can be used to reduce commu-

nication apprehension and to promote effective discourse (Rae & Sands, 2013). Having

students give an initial, informal presentation from their seats before doing a more formal

or prepared talk from behind the instructor’s desk, a podium, or in front of the classroom

is probably a good idea. Arranging classroom chairs in a circle, too, can promote a sense

of equality while allowing everyone to feel comfortable looking at and exchanging remarks

with one another.

Other research demonstrates that repeatedly practicing a presentation while be-

ing digitially vidoed can help some people with communication apprehension (Leeds &

Maurer, 2009). In particularly acute cases of communication apprehension, substituting a

recorded talk may be preferable to a live presentation (Leeds & Maurer, 2009).

Barriers to Effective Communication

Earlier in the chapter, we discussed noise and its disruptive effects on interpersonal com-

munication. Now we want to check out some psychological factors contributing to noise.

These barriers to effective communication can reside in the sender, the receiver, or some-

times both. Common obstacles include defensiveness, ambushing, and self-preoccupation.

Defensiveness

Perhaps the most basic barrier to effective communication is defensiveness—an excessive

concern with protecting oneself from being hurt. People usually react defensively when

they feel threatened, such as when they believe that others are evaluating them or trying

to control or manipulate them (Trevithick & Wengraf, 2011). Defensiveness is also trig-

gered when others act in a superior manner. Thus, those who flaunt their status, wealth,

brilliance, or power often put receivers on the defensive. Dogmatic people who project

“I’m always right” also breed defensiveness. Strive to cultivate a communication style that

minimizes defensiveness in others.

Ambushing

Some listeners are really just looking for opportunities to attack a presenter. Although the

person who is about to attack—a verbal “bushwhacker”—is really listening carefully and

intently to what is being said, his or her purpose in doing so is simply to assail or harass

the speaker (Wood, 2015). Understanding, discussing, or having an otherwise thought-

ful exchange of ideas and opinions is not the point. People who engage in ambushing

almost always arouse defensiveness from others, especially in those whom they attack. Sadly,

ambushing can be an effective barrier to communication because few people relish being

hassled or bullied in front of others.

Self-Preoccupation

Who hasn’t experienced the frustration of trying to communicate with someone who is so

self-focused that two-way conversation is impossible? Self-preoccupied people often en-

gage in pseudolistening, or pretending to listen while their minds are occupied with other

topics (O’Keefe, 2002). Pseudolistening occurs when a student feigns interest in class dis-

cusson while actually daydreaming or surreptitiously using his smartphone. Other an-

noying, self-centered individuals seem to talk to hear themselves speak, and then end

up monopolizing the conversation. If you try to slip in a word about your problems, they

Effective Presentations

Students often tell teachers that they are

terrified of making a presentation in front

of a class. Professor Jeff Radel (University

of Kansas Medical Center) has crafted an

excellent set of guides to show the best

ways of communicating by means of

oral presentations, visual materials, and

posters.

Learn More Online

242 C H A P T E R 8

may cut you off by engaging in conversational rerouting (Wood, 2015) by proclaiming,

“That’s nothing. Listen to what happened to me!” Other preoccupied listerners use what is

known as diversionary interrupting, which can entail conversational rerouting but usually

just steers the discussion off to a new and possibly unrelated topic that is of interest to the

self-preoccupied monopolizer (Wood, 2015). Further, self-preoccupied people are poor

listeners. When someone else is talking, they’re mentally rehearsing their next comments.

Because they are self-focused, these individuals are usually oblivious to their negative

impact on others.

8.5 Interpersonal Conflict

People do not have to be enemies to be in conflict, and being in conflict does not make peo-

ple enemies. Interpersonal conflict exists whenever two or more people disagree. By this

definition, conflict occurs between friends and lovers as well as between competitors and

enemies, even between perfect strangers. Interpersonal conflict is present anytime people

have disparate views, opposing perspectives, incompatible goals, emotional reactions, and

a desire to try to address and resolve their differences (Ruz & Tudela, 2011). Discord may

be caused by a simple misunderstanding, or it may be due to incompatible goals, values,

attitudes, or beliefs. Because conflict is unavoidable and can be constructive as well as dis-

ruptive, knowing how to deal constructively with it is essential (Jehn, 2014). Many studies

report associations between effective conflict management and relationship satisfaction

(Kline et al., 2006).

Beliefs about Conflict

How do you respond when a conflict arises between yourself and another person? Why do

you react that way? Your approach to or avoidance of conflict may be rooted in how conflict

was dealt with in your family (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2011).

Conflict is neither inherently bad nor inherently good. It is a natural phenomenon

that may lead to either good or bad outcomes, depending on how people deal with it.

When people see conflict as negative, they tend to avoid dealing with it. Of course,

sometimes avoiding conflict is good. If a relationship or an issue is of little importance

to you, or if the costs of confrontation are too high (your boss might fire you), avoid-

ance might be the best way to handle a conflict. Also, cultures differ in how conflict

should be handled. Collectivist cultures (such as China and Japan) often avoid con-

flict, whereas individualistic cultures tend to encourage direct confrontations (Samovar

et al., 2007). In individualistic cultures, the consequences of avoiding

conflict depend on the nature of the relationship. When relationships

and issues are important, avoiding conflict is generally counterpro-

ductive. For one thing, it can lead to a self-perpetuating cycle (see

Figure 8.12).

Styles of Managing Conflict

How do you react to conflict? Some approaches are more construc-

tive than others (Deutsch, 2011), such as knowing who has a stake

or a voice in a conflict situation (Shapiro & Burris, 2014). Most peo-

ple have a habitual way or personal style of dealing with dissension.

Studies have consistently revealed five distinct patterns of dealing with

conflict: avoiding/withdrawing, accommodating, competing/forcing,

compromising, and collaborating (Lulofs & Cahn, 2000). Two dimen-

sions underlie these different styles: interest in satisfying one’s own

concerns and interest in satisfying others’ concerns (Rahim & Magner,

■ Assess the pros and cons of avoiding

versus facing conflict.

■ Describe five personal styles for dealing

with conflict.

■ Articulate some tips for coping

effectively with interpersonal conflict.

Learning Objectives

Disagreements are a fact of everyday life, so effective communicators

need to learn how to deal with them constructively.

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Interpersonal Communication 243

1995). You can see the location of these five styles on the two dimensions

in Figure 8.13. Where do you fit?

● Avoiding/withdrawing (low concern for self and others). Some people

find conflict extremely distasteful. When a conflict emerges, the avoider

will change the subject, deflect discussion with humor, make a hasty exit,

or pretend to be preoccupied with something else. Usually, people who

prefer this style hope that ignoring a problem will make it go away. Yet

some researchers argue this style is actually very goal directed and not

a passive response to conflict (Wang, Fink, & Cai, 2012). For minor

problems, this tactic is often a good one—there’s no need to react to every

little annoyance. For bigger conflicts, avoiding/withdrawing is not a good

strategy; it usually delays an inevitable clash. ● Accommodating (low concern for self, high concern for others). Like

the avoider, the accommodator feels uncomfortable with conflict. However,

instead of ignoring the disagreement, this person brings the conflict to a quick

end by giving in easily. People who are overly concerned about acceptance

and approval from others commonly use this strategy of surrender. Habitual

accommodating is a poor way of dealing with conflict because it does not

generate creative thinking and effective solutions. Moreover, feelings of

resentment (on both sides) may develop because the accommodator often

plays the role of a martyr. Of course, when you don’t have strong preferences

(where to eat out), occasional accommodating is perfectly appropriate. ● Competing/forcing (high concern for self, low concern for others).

The competitor turns every conflict into a black-and-white, win-or-lose

situation. Competitors will do virtually anything to emerge victorious from confrontations;

thus, they can be deceitful and aggressive—including using verbal attacks and physical

threats. They rigidly adhere to one position and will use threats and coercion to force the

other party to submit. This style is undesirable because, like accommodation, it fails to

generate creative solutions to problems. Moreover, this approach is especially likely to lead

to postconflict tension, resentment, and hostility. ● Compromising (moderate concern for self and others). Compromising is a pragmatic

approach to conflict that acknowledges the divergent needs of both parties. Compromisers

are willing to negotiate and to meet the other person halfway. With this approach, each

person gives up something so both can have partial satisfaction. Because both parties

gain some satisfaction, compromising is a fairly constructive approach to

conflict, especially when the issue is moderately important. ● Collaborating (high concern for self and others). Whereas com-

promising simply entails “splitting the difference” between positions,

collaborating involves a sincere effort to find a solution that will optimally

satisfy both parties. Here, conflict is viewed as a mutual problem to be

solved as effectively as possible. Collaborating encourages openness and

honesty, stressing the importance of criticizing the other person’s ideas in a

disagreement rather than the other person. To collaborate, you have to work

on clarifying differences and similarities in positions so that you can build on

the similarities. Generally, this is the most mature and productive approach

for dealing with conflict. Instead of resulting in a postconflict residue of

tension and resentment, collaborating tends to produce a climate of trust.

Dealing Constructively with Conflict

Collaborating is the most effective approach to conflict management. We

offer some specific suggestions to help you implement this approach. But,

before we get down to specifics, there are a few principles to keep in mind

(Verderber et al., 2007). First, in a conflict situation, try to give the other

person the benefit of the doubt; don’t automatically assume that those who

Figure 8.12 The conflict avoidance cycle. Avoiding conflict can lead to a self-perpetuating cycle: (1) People think of conflict as bad, (2) they

get nervous about a conflict they are experiencing, (3) they avoid

the conflict as long as possible, (4) the conflict gets out of control

and must be confronted, and (5) they handle the confrontation

badly. In turn, this negative experience sets the stage for avoiding

conflict the next time—usually with the same negative outcome.

(Adapted from Lulofs, 1994)

Figure 8.13 Five styles of handling interpersonal conflict. In dealing with discord, individuals typically prefer one of five styles. The two

dimensions of concern for self and concern for others underlie each

of the five styles.

Competing/ forcing

Collaborating

Compromising

Avoiding/ withdrawing

Accommodating

Concern for others

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244 C H A P T E R 8

disagree with you are ignorant or mean-spirited. Show respect for their position and do

your best to empathize with, and fully understand, their frame of reference. Second,

approach the other person as an equal. If you have a higher status or more power

(parent, supervisor, club officer), try to set this difference aside. Third, define the conflict as

a mutual problem to be solved cooperatively, rather than as a win-lose proposition. Fourth,

choose a mutually acceptable time to sit down and work on resolving the conflict. It is not

always wise to tackle the conflict when and where it first arises. Finally, communicate your

flexibility and willingness to modify your position.

Here are some explicit guidelines for dealing effectively with interpersonal conflict

(Verderber et al., 2007):

● Make communication honest and open. Don’t withhold information or misrepresent

your position. Avoid deceit and manipulation. Try being agreeable (Barry & Friedman, 1998). ● Exhibit trust. Being trustworthy and dependable can lead to smooth and successful

negotiations (De Dreu et al., 2006). ● Use specific behaviors to describe another person’s annoying habits rather than general

statements about their personality. You’ll probably get further with your roommate if you

say something like “Please throw your clothes in the hamper” rather than “You’re an

inconsiderate slob.” Remarks about specific actions are less threatening and are less likely

to be taken personally. They also clarify what you hope will change. ● Avoid “loaded” words. Certain words tend to trigger negative emotional reactions in

listeners. For example, you can discuss politics without using terms such as right-winger,

knee-jerk liberal, or lunatic fringe. ● Use a positive approach and help the other person save face. Saying “I love it when we

cook dinner together” will go over better than “I resent it that you never help with dinner.” ● Limit complaints to recent behavior and to the current situation. Dredging up past

grievances only rekindles old resentments and distracts you from the current problem. And

avoid saying things like “You always say you’re too busy” or “You never do your fair share of the

housework.” Such categorical statements are bound to put the other person on the defensive. ● Assume responsibility for your own feelings and preferences. Rather than “You make me

mad,” say “I am angry.” Or try “I’d appreciate it if you’d water the garden” instead of “Do you

think the garden needs to be watered?” ● Use an assertive (not submissive or aggressive) communication style. This approach will

make it easier to head off and deal constructively with conflict situations. In the upcoming

Application, we elaborate on assertive communication and its usefulness in a wide variety

of interpersonal communication situations.

The Conflict Resolution

Information Source

This excellent resource on conflict

management is provided by the

University of Colorado’s Conflict

Information Consortium. The site is

actually a gateway to a huge variety of

resources on conflict management and is

easy to navigate.

Learn More Online

3. Do you have a hard time requesting even small favors

from others?

4. When a group is hotly debating an issue, are you shy

about speaking up?

5. When a salesperson pressures you to buy something you

don’t want, is it hard for you to resist?

If you answered “yes” to several of these questions, you may

need to increase your assertiveness, that is, your confidence

and self-assuredness. Many people have difficulty being asser-

tive; however, this problem is more common among females

because they are socialized to be more submissive and obliging

Answer the following questions “yes” or “no.”

1. When someone asks you for an unreasonable favor, is it

difficult to say no?

2. Do you feel timid about returning flawed merchandise?

8.6 Developing an Assertive Communication Style

■ Distinguish among assertive, submissive, and aggressive

communications.

■ List five steps that lead to more assertive communication.

Learning Objectives

A P P L I C AT I O N

Interpersonal Communication 245

than males—to “be nice.” Consequently, assertiveness training

is especially popular among women. Men, too, find assertive-

ness training helpful, both because some have been socialized

to be passive and because others want to become less aggressive

and more assertive. In this Application we elaborate on the dif-

ferences among assertive, submissive, and aggressive behavior

and discuss some procedures for increasing assertiveness (Hays,

2014), which can build self-esteem.

The Nature of Assertiveness

Assertiveness involves acting in one’s own best interests by

expressing one’s thoughts and feelings directly and honestly.

Essentially, assertiveness involves standing up for your rights

when someone else is about to infringe on them. To be assertive

is to speak out rather than pull your punches.

The nature of assertive communication can best be clarified

by contrasting it with other types of communication. Submissive

communication is deferential, as it involves giving in to others on

points of possible contention. Submissive people often let others

take advantage of them. Typically, their biggest problem is

that they cannot say “no” to unreasonable requests. A common

example is the college student who can’t tell her roommate not

to borrow her clothes. In traditional trait terminology, submis-

sive people are timid or reticent.

Although the roots of submissiveness have not been investi-

gated fully, they appear to lie in excessive concern about gaining

the social approval of others. However, the strategy of “not mak-

ing waves” is more likely to garner others’ contempt than their

approval. Moreover, individuals who use this style often feel bad

about themselves (for being “pushovers”) and resentful of those

they allow to take advantage of them. These feelings often lead

submissive individuals to try to punish others by withdrawing,

sulking, or crying (Bower & Bower 2004). Such manipulative

attempts to get one’s own way are sometimes referred to as

“passive aggression” or “indirect aggression” (Hopwood &

Wright, 2012).

At the other end of the spectrum, aggressive communication

focuses on saying and getting what one wants at the expense of

others’ feelings and rights. With assertive behavior, however,

one strives to respect others’ rights while defending one’s own.

The problem in real life is that assertive and aggressive behav-

iors may overlap. When someone is about to infringe on their

rights, people often lash out at the other party (aggression) while

defending their rights (assertion). The challenge, then, is to be

firm and assertive without becoming aggressive and demanding.

Advocates of assertive communication argue that it is much more

adaptive than either submission or aggression (Bower & Bower,

2004). They maintain that submissive behavior leads to poor

self-esteem, self-denial, emotional suppression, and strained in-

terpersonal relationships. Conversely, aggressive communication

tends to promote guilt, alienation, and disharmony. In contrast,

assertive behavior is said to foster high self-esteem, satisfactory

interpersonal relationships, and effective conflict management.

Here are three different ways to express the same desire:

Aggressive: I want to watch football all day today, so that is the only thing that will be on the TV. End of story.

Assertive: I feel like watching football on the TV today—do you? Submissive: It’s okay with me if we don’t watch football; whatever you feel like watching is fine with me.

The essential point with assertiveness is that you are able to state

what you want clearly, directly, and honestly. Being able to do so

makes you feel good about yourself and will usually make others

feel good about you, too. And, although being assertive doesn’t

guarantee your chances for getting what you want, it certainly

enhances them.

Steps in Assertiveness Training

Here we summarize the key steps in assertiveness training.

1. Understand What Assertive Communication Is

To produce assertive behavior, you need to understand what

it looks and sounds like. Assertiveness trainers often ask cli-

ents to imagine situations calling for assertiveness and compare

hypothetical submissive, aggressive, and assertive responses. Let’s

consider an example: A woman in assertiveness training asks her

roommate to cooperate in cleaning their apartment weekly. The

roommate, who is uninterested in the problem, is listening to

music when the conversation begins. In this example, the room-

mate is playing the role of the antagonist, called a “downer,” in the

following scripts (adapted from Bower & Bower, 2004, pp. 8, 9, 11).

Being assertive can be done in a friendly rather than threatening manner,

ensuring that both parties benefit from the outcome.

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Assertiveness

In an online brochure, this site clarifies the nature of assertiveness

in a diverse world and describes specific techniques for becoming

more assertive. The site is maintained by the Counseling Center at the

University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign.

Learn More Online

246 C H A P T E R 8

Figure 8.14 Guidelines for assertive behavior. Gordon and Sharon Bower (1991, 2004) outline a four-step program intended to help readers create successful assertive scripts for themselves. The four steps

are (1) describe the unwanted behavior from another person (called your “Downer”) that is troubling you,

(2) express your feelings about the behavior to the other person, (3) specify the changes needed, and (4) try

to provide rewarding consequences for the change. Using this framework, the table shown here provides

some useful dos and don’ts for achieving effective assertive behavior.

Source: Adapted from Bower, S. A., & Bower, G. H. (1991). Asserting yourself: A practical guide for positive change (2nd ed.). Reading,

Publishers, a member of Perseus Books, L.L.C.

The Submissive Scene She: Uh, I was wondering if you would be willing to take time

to decide about the housecleaning.

Downer: (listening to music) Not now, I’m busy. She: Oh, okay.

The Aggressive Scene She: Listen, I’ve had it with you not even talking about cleaning

this damn apartment. Are you going to help me?

Downer: (listening to music) Not now, I’m busy. She: Why can’t you look at me when you turn me down? You

don’t give a damn about the housework or me! You only care

about yourself !

RULES FOR ASSERTIVE SCRIPTS

Do Don’t

Describe

Describe the other person’s behavior objectively. Describe your emotional reaction to it.

Use concrete terms. Use abstract, vague terms.

Generalize for “all time.”

Describe the action, not the “motive.” Guess at your Downer’s motives or goals.

Express

Express your feelings. Deny your feelings.

Express them calmly. Unleash emotional outbursts.

State feelings in a positive manner, as relating to a goal to be achieved. State feelings negatively, making Downer attack.

Attack the entire character of the person.

Specify

Ask explicitly for change in your Downer’s behavior. Merely imply that you’d like a change.

Request a small change. Ask for too large a change.

Request only one or two changes at one time. Ask for too many changes.

Specify the concrete actions you want stopped and those you want performed. Ask for changes in nebulous traits or qualities.

Ignore your Downer’s needs or ask only for your satisfaction.

Specify (if appropriate) what behavior you are willing to change to make the agreement. Consider that only your Downer has to change.

Consequences

Make the consequences explicit. Be ashamed to talk about rewards and penalties.

Give a positive reward for change in the desired direction. Give only punishments for lack of change.

Select something that is desirable and reinforcing to your Downer.

Select a reward that is big enough to maintain the behavior change.

Make exaggerated threats.

Select a punishment that you are actually willing to carry out. Use unrealistic threats or self-defeating punishment.

Interpersonal Communication 247

Downer: That’s not true. She: You never pay any attention to the apartment or to me. I

have to do everything around here!

Downer: Oh, shut up! You’re just neurotic about cleaning all the time. Who are you, my mother? Can’t I relax with my

music for a few minutes without you pestering me? This was

my apartment first, you know!

The Assertive Scene She: I know housework isn’t the most fascinating subject, but it

needs to be done. Let’s plan when we’ll do it.

Downer: (listening to music) Oh, c’mon—not now! I’m busy. She: This won’t take long. I feel that if we have a schedule, it

will be easier to keep up with the chores.

Downer: I’m not sure I’ll have time for all of them. She: I’ve already drawn up a couple of rotating schedules for

housework, so that each week we have an equal division of

tasks. Will you look at them? I’d like to hear your decisions

about them, say, tonight after supper?

Downer: [indignantly] I have to look at these now? She: Is there some other time that’s better for you? Downer: Oh, I don’t know. She: Well, then let’s discuss plans after supper for 15 minutes. Is

that agreed?

Downer: I guess so. She: Good! It won’t take long, and I’ll feel relieved when we have a schedule in place. I’m sure you will, too.

A helpful way to distinguish among the

three communication types is in terms of how

people deal with their own rights and the rights

of others. Submissive people sacrifice their own

rights. Aggressive people tend to ignore others’

rights. Assertive people consider both their own

rights and the rights of others. You’ll find some

additional guidelines for behaving assertively in

Figure 8.14.

2. Monitor Your Assertive Communication

Most people’s assertiveness varies from situation

to situation. They may be assertive in some social

contexts (when complaining about service in a

restaurant) but timid in others (dealing with a bul-

lying boss or co-worker). Consequently, once you

understand assertive communications, you should

monitor yourself and identify when you are non-

assertive. In particular, figure out who intimidates

you, on what topics, and in which situations.

3. Observe a Model’s Assertive Communication

Once you have identified the situations in which

you are nonassertive, think of someone who com-

municates assertively in those situations and ob-

serve that person’s behavior closely. In other words,

find someone to model yourself after. This is an

easy way to learn how to behave assertively in situations crucial to

you. Your observations should also allow you to see how rewarding

assertive communication can be, which should strengthen your

assertive tendencies.

4. Practice Assertive Communication

To achieve assertive communication, practice it and work

toward gradual improvement. Practice can take several forms.

In covert rehearsal, imagine a situation requiring assertion and

the dialogue you would engage in. In role playing, ask a friend

or therapist to play the role of an antagonist, then practice com-

municating assertively in this artificial situation. Eventually, you

will transfer your assertiveness skills to real-life situations.

5. Adopt an Assertive Attitude

Most assertiveness training programs have a behavioral orien-

tation, focusing on specific responses for specific situations (see

Figure 8.15). However, real-life situations rarely match those por-

trayed in books. Thus, some experts maintain that acquiring a

repertoire of verbal responses for certain situations is not as im-

portant as developing a new attitude that you’re not going to let

people push you around (or allow yourself to push others around

if you’re aggressive) (Alberti & Emmons, 2001). Although most

programs don’t talk explicitly about attitudes, they do appear

to instill a new attitude indirectly. Attitude change is probably

crucial to achieving flexible, assertive behavior.

Figure 8.15 Assertive responses to common put-downs. Having some assertive replies at the ready can increase your confidence in difficult social interactions.

Source: Adapted from Bower, S. A., & Bower, G. H. (1991). Asserting yourself: A practical guide for positive change

by permission of Perseus Books Publishers, a member of Perseus Books, L.L.C.

ASSERTIVE RESPONSES TO SOME COMMON PUTDOWNS

Nature of remark Put-down sentence Suggested assertive reply

Nagging about details “Haven’t you done this yet?” “No, when did you want it done?”

(Answer without hedging, and

follow up with a question.)

Prying “I know I maybe shouldn’t

ask, but . . .”

“If I don’t want to answer, I’ll let

you know.” (Indicate that you won’t

make yourself uncomfortable just

to please this person.)

Putting you on the spot

socially

“Are you busy Tuesday?” “What do you have in mind?”

(Answer the question with a

question.)

Pigeonholing you “That’s a woman for you!” “That’s one woman, not all

women.” (Disagree—assert your

individuality.)

Using insulting labels

for your behavior

“That’s a dumb way to . . .” “I’ll decide what to call my

behavior.” (Refuse to accept the

label.)

Basing predictions on

an amateur personality

analysis

“You’ll have a hard time.

You’re too shy.”

“In what ways do you think I’m too

analysis.)

248 C H A P T E R 8

C H A P T E R 8 Review Key Ideas

8.1 The Process of Interpersonal Communication ● Interpersonal communication is the interactional process that occurs

when one person sends a message to another. Communication takes place when a sender transmits a message to a receiver either verbally or nonverbally. The widespread use of electronic communication devices has raised new issues in interpersonal communication. Although people often take it for granted, effective communication contributes to their adjustment in school, in relationships, and at work.

8.2 Nonverbal Communication ● Nonverbal communication conveys emotions, above all. It tends

to be more spontaneous than verbal communication, and it is more ambiguous. Sometimes it contradicts what is communicated verbally. It is often multichanneled and, like language, is culturally bound.

● The amount of personal space that people prefer depends on culture, gender, social status, and situational factors. Facial expressions can convey a great deal of information about people’s emotions. Variations in eye contact can influence nonverbal communication in a host of ways.

● Body postures can hint at interest in communication, and they often reflect status differences. Touch can communicate support, consolation, intimacy, status, and power. Paralanguage refers to how something is said rather than what is said.

● Certain nonverbal cues are associated with deception, but many of these cues do not correspond to popular beliefs about how liars give themselves away. Discrepancies between facial expressions and other nonverbal signals may suggest dishonesty. The vocal and visual cues associated with lying are so subtle, however, that the detection of deception is difficult. Machines used to detect deception (polygraphs) are not particularly accurate.

● Nonverbal communication, particularly nonverbal sensitivity, plays an important role in adjustment, especially in the quality of interpersonal relationships. Women are typically more nonverbally sensitive than men because they exert more effort at it.

8.3 Toward More Effective Communication ● To be an effective communicator, it’s important to develop good

conversational skills, including knowing how to make small talk with strangers.

● Self-disclosure—opening up to others—is associated with good mental health, happiness, and satisfying relationships. The emotional content of an experience may determine whether individuals will share it with others or keep it to themselves.

● Self-disclosure can foster emotional intimacy in relationships. Emotional-evaluative self-disclosures lead to feelings of closeness, but factual-descriptive disclosures do not. The level of self-disclosure varies over the course of relationships. American women tend to disclose more than men, but this disparity is not as large as it once was. Effective listening is an essential aspect of interpersonal communication.

8.4 Communication Problems ● A number of problems can arise that interfere with effective

communication. Individuals who become overly anxious when they talk with others suffer from communication apprehension. This difficulty can cause problems in relationships and in work and educational settings. Sometimes communication can produce negative interpersonal outcomes. Barriers to effective communication include defensiveness, ambushing, and self-preoccupation.

8.5 Interpersonal Conflict ● Dealing constructively with interpersonal conflict is an important

aspect of effective communication. Individualistic cultures tend to encourage direct confrontations, whereas collectivist cultures often avoid them. Nonetheless, many Americans have negative attitudes about conflict.

● In dealing with conflict, most people have a preferred style: avoiding/withdrawing, accommodating, competing, compromising, or collaborating. This last style is the most effective in managing conflict.

8.6 Application: Developing an Assertive Communication Style ● Assertiveness enables individuals to stand up for themselves while

respecting the rights of others. To become more assertive, individuals need to understand what assertive communication is, monitor their assertive communication, observe a model’s assertive communication, practice being assertive, and adopt an assertive attitude.

Bella DePaulo pp. 234–235 Paul Ekman and Wallace

Friesen pp. 229–230

Edward T. Hall pp. 228–229

Key People

Key Terms

Assertiveness p. 245 Channel p.222 Communication apprehension

p. 240 Context p. 223 Defensiveness p. 241 Display rules p. 230 Electronically mediated

communication p. 223 Interpersonal communication

p. 221 Interpersonal conflict p. 242 Kinesics p. 231

Listening p. 239 Message p. 222 Noise p. 222 Nonverbal communication p. 227 Nonverbal sensitivity p. 236 Paralanguage p. 233 Personal space p. 228 Polygraph p. 235 Proxemics p. 228 Receiver p. 222 Self-disclosure p. 237 Sender p. 222

Interpersonal Communication 249

C H A P T E R 8 Practice Test 10. Expressing your thoughts directly and honestly without

trampling on other people is a description of which communication style? a. Aggressive b. Empathic c. Submissive d. Assertive

1. Which of the following is not a component of the interpersonal communication process? a. The sender b. The receiver c. The channel d. The monitor

2. Research shows that individuals from a variety of cultures a. agree on the facial expressions that correspond with all

emotions. b. agree on the facial expressions that correspond with fifteen

basic emotions. c. agree on the facial expressions that correspond with six

basic emotions. d. do not agree on the facial expressions that correspond with

any emotions.

3. Which of the following is not an aspect of nonverbal communication? a. Facial expressions b. Homogamy c. Posture d. Gestures

4. According to research, which of the following cues is associated with dishonesty? a. Speaking with a higher than normal pitch b. Speaking slowly c. Giving relatively long answers to questions d. Lack of eye contact

5. With regard to self-disclosure, it is best to a. share a lot about yourself when you first meet someone. b. share very little about yourself for a long time. c. gradually share information about yourself. d. give no personal information on a first encounter, but share

a lot the next time.

6. Paraphrasing is an important aspect of a. nonverbal communication. b. active listening. c. communication apprehension. d. assertiveness.

7. When people engage in pseudolistening, it is usually due to a. ambushing. b. self-preoccupation. c. motivational distortion. d. defensiveness.

8. The conflict style that reflects low concern for self and low concern for others is a. competing/forcing. b. compromising. c. accomodating. d. avoiding/withdrawing.

9. Generally, the most productive style for managing conflict is a. collaboration. b. compromise. c. accommodation. d. avoidance.

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 8.1 Self-Assessment: Opener Scale

Exercise 8.2 Self-Reflection: How Do You Feel about Self-Disclosure?

Answers 1. d Pages 221–223 2. c Pages 229–230 3. b Pages 227–236 4. a Pages 234–236 5. c Pages 237–238

6. b Page 239 7. b Page 241 8. d Page 243 9. a Page 243

10. d Pages 244–247

C H A P T E R 9 Friendship and Love

9.1 Relationship Development

Initial Encounters

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Is the Woman in Red Always Attractive?

Getting Acquainted

Established Relationships

9.2 Friendship

What Makes a Good Friend?

Gender and Sexual Orientation

Conflict in Friendships

9.3 Romantic Love

Gender and Sexual Orientation

Theories of Love

The Course of Romantic Love

9.4 The Internet and Close Relationships

RECOMMENDED READING Alone Together by Sherry Turkle

Developing Close Relationships Online

Building Online Intimacy

Moving beyond Online Relationships

9.5 APPLICATION: Overcoming Loneliness

The Nature and Prevalence of Loneliness

The Roots of Loneliness

Correlates of Loneliness

Conquering Loneliness

Review

Practice Test

iStockphoto.com/AndreyPopov

9.1 Relationship Development

Close relationships are those that are important, interdependent, and long lasting. In

other words, people in close relationships spend a lot of time and energy maintaining the

relationship, and what one person says and does affects the other. Close relationships come

in many forms, from family relationships, friendships, and work relationships to roman-

tic relationships and marriage. As you are aware, close relationships can arouse intense

feelings—both positive (passion, concern, caring) and negative (rage, jealousy, despair). As

a result, close relationships are related to some of the best aspects of life (well-being, happi-

ness, health), but they do have a dark side (abuse, deception, rejection). This phenomenon

is termed the paradox of close relationships (Perlman, 2007). This paradox makes friendship

and love perennial interests for poets, philosophers, and psychologists alike.

As we discuss how relationships develop, we divide our coverage into three segments.

First, we review the factors that operate in initial encounters. Then we consider elements

that come into play as people become acquainted and relationships deepen. Finally, we

review what’s involved in maintaining relationships.

Our review of research in this section pertains to both friendships and romantic

relationships. In some cases, a particular factor (such as physical attractiveness) may play

a more influential role in love than in friendship. However, all the factors discussed in this

section enter into both types of relationships. These factors also operate in the same way in

both straight and gay friendships and romantic relationships (Peplau & Fingerhut, 2007).

Initial Encounters

Attraction is the initial desire to form a close relationship. Sometimes initial encounters

begin dramatically with two strangers’ eyes locking across a room. More often, two people

become aware of their mutual attraction, usually triggered by each other’s looks and early

conversations. What draws two strangers together as either friends or lovers? Three factors

stand out: proximity, familiarity, and physical attractiveness.

Proximity

Attraction usually depends on proximity (Sprecher et al., 2015). Proximity refers to geo-

graphic, residential, and other forms of spatial closeness. Of course, proximity is not

an issue in cyberspace interactions, but in everyday life people become attracted to, and

acquainted with, someone who lives, works, shops, or plays nearby. Proximity effects may

seem self-evident, but it is sobering to realize that your friendships and love interests

are often shaped by seating charts, apartment availability, shift assignments, and office

locations.

Learning Objectives

■ Describe typical characteristics of close

relationships, and explain the paradox

of close relationships.

■ Discuss the roles of proximity, familiarity,

and physical attractiveness in initial

attraction.

■ Explain what is known about aspects of

physical attractiveness, the matching

hypothesis, and attractiveness as a

resource.

■ Understand the roles of reciprocity and

similarity in getting acquainted.

■ Outline some commonly used

relationship maintenance strategies.

■ Summarize interdependence theory,

and explain how rewards, costs, and

investments influence relationship

satisfaction and commitment.

Friendship and Love 251

predictors of happiness is social connectedness. Conversely,

social isolation is associated with poor physical and men-

tal health. We begin this chapter by defining close relation-

ships. Next, we consider why people are attracted to each

other, and why they stay in or leave relationships. Then we

probe more deeply into friendship and romantic love and

discuss how the Internet influences relationships. Finally,

we focus on the painful problem of loneliness and how to

overcome it. ■

A ntonio was so keyed up, he tossed and turned all night.

When morning finally arrived, he was elated. In less

than two hours, he would be meeting Sonia! In his first

class, thoughts and images of Sonia constantly distracted

him from the lecture. When class was finally over, he had

to force himself not to walk too fast to the Student Union,

where they had agreed to meet. Chances are that you recog-

nize Antonio’s behavior as that of someone falling in love.

Friendship and love play major roles in psychological

adjustment. Recall from Chapter 1 that one of the strongest

252 C H A P T E R 9

The importance of proximity was apparent in a study that

examined friendship development in a real-life context (Back,

Schmukle, & Egloff, 2008). College students in a psychology course

were randomly assigned to sit in neighboring seats, in the same

row but not in neighboring seats, or without any physical relation

to one another (control). One year later, the researchers measured

the friendship development among classmates. As proximity would

suggest, those who sat in neighboring seats were more likely to be

friends than those in the same row, while those in the same row

were more likely to be friends than those in the control condition

(see Figure 9.1).

How does proximity increase attraction? Goodfriend (2009)

asserts that first, people who are near each other are more likely to get

acquainted and find out their similarities. Second, individuals who

live or work close by may be seen as more convenient and less costly

(in terms of time and energy) than those farther away. Finally, peo-

ple might develop attraction just because someone in close proximity

becomes familiar to them.

Familiarity

You probably walk the same route to your classes several times a

week. As the term progresses, you begin to recognize some familiar

faces along the way. Have you found yourself nodding or smiling at

these people? If so, you’ve experienced the mere exposure effect, or

an increase in positive feelings toward a novel stimulus (such as

a person) based on frequent exposure to it (Zajonc, 1968). Note

that the positive feelings arise just on the basis of seeing someone

frequently—not because of any interaction.

The implications of the mere exposure effect on initial attraction should be obvious.

Generally, the more familiar someone is, the more you will like him or her. And greater

liking increases the probability that you will strike up a conversation and, possibly, de-

velop a relationship with the person. However, contemporary researchers argue that the

familiarity-attraction link is not that simple; one must consider the nature and stage of the

relationship. For instance, familiarity can lead to decreased attraction if the target person

becomes progressively less appealing or more competitive (Finkel et al., 2015). In addition,

after a certain point in a relationship, familiarity fails to add anything new to the attraction

and can even lead to boredom. In one study, men who were exposed to female faces twice

rated them as less attractive on the second rating, indicating they liked novelty over famil-

iarity (Little, DeBruine, & Jones, 2014). Future research will no doubt continue to explore

this complex interaction.

Physical Attractiveness

Physical attractiveness plays a major role in initial face-to-face encounters (Finkel &

Eastwick, 2015). As you might expect, the importance of physical appearance is different

for a future spouse or life partner than it is for casual relationships. Physical attractiveness

is highly important in a dating partner—for both sexes, but especially for men (Buss et al.,

2001). For a sexual partner, both men and women ranked “attractive appearance” as the

most important characteristic (Regan & Berscheid, 1997). Good looks play a role in friend-

ships as well. People, especially males, prefer attractiveness in their same- and other-gender

friends (Fehr, 2000).

Do gays and straights differ in the importance they place on the physical attractive-

ness of prospective dating partners? It seems not. In fact, researchers often find gender

rather than sexual orientation to be the more important factor in partner preferences. Men,

whether gay or straight, place more emphasis on physical attractiveness than women do

(Franzoi & Kern, 2009).

High closeness Medium closeness Low closeness

Figure 9.1 Friendship intensity as a function of initial seat assignment. To show that friendships are sometimes the result of mere chance, Back,

Schmukle, and Egloff (2008) found that college students’ initial seat

assignments predicted how close the students would be a year later.

Sitting in neighboring seats yielded the closest friendships, followed by

sitting in the same row, and finally sitting in no obvious proximity.

Source: Adapted from Back, M. D., Schmukle, S. C., & Egloff, B. (2008). Becoming friends by

chance. Psychological Science, 19(5), 439–440.

Friendship and Love 253

The emphasis on beauty may not be quite as great as the evidence reviewed thus far

suggests. In an online survey of more than 200,000 participants, intelligence, humor, hon-

esty, and kindness were ranked as the most important traits in a partner, with good looks

coming in fifth. However, when results were separated by gender, attractiveness was ranked

higher by men than by women (Lippa, 2007). Keep in mind that verbal reports don’t always

reflect people’s actual priorities and behavior, and some people might not be aware of what

truly attracts them. Finally, judgments about physical attractiveness can and do change as

one learns about the personality of the individual in question.

What makes someone attractive? Although people can hold different views about what makes

a person attractive, they tend to agree on the key elements of good looks. Researchers

who study attractiveness focus primarily on facial features and physique. Both aspects are

important in perceived attractiveness, but an unattractive body is seen as a greater liability

than an unattractive face. In one study, when evaluating potential short-term partners, if

men were allowed to see only a portion of the woman, they were more likely to choose to

look at her body than her face (Confer, Perilloux, & Buss, 2010).

Michael Cunningham (2009a) identified four categories of qualities that cause some-

one to be seen as more or less attractive: neonate (baby-face) qualities, mature features,

expressiveness, and grooming. Even across different ethnic groups and countries, there

seems to be strong agreement on attractive facial features (Langlois et al., 2000). Women

who have neonate qualities such as large eyes, prominent cheekbones, a small nose, and full

lips tend to get high ratings.

In particular, the combination of these youthful features with mature features

(prominent cheekbones, wide smile) seems to be the winning ticket (Cunningham,

Druen, & Barbee, 1997)—think of Angelina Jolie. Men who have mature features, such

as a strong jaw and a broad forehead, get high ratings on attractiveness (Cunningham,

Barbee, & Pike, 1990)—George Clooney and Denzel Washington come to mind. Women

also rate men with wide faces as more attractive than those with slim features (Valentine

et al., 2014).

Currently in the United States, thinness receives heightened emphasis, especially for

girls and women, although African American men and women prefer a larger body type

than European American men and women do (Franko & Roehrig, 2011). Many studies

show that repeated exposure to media portrayals of the thin ideal are associated with body

dissatisfaction. Thus, it is not surprising that high school girls underestimate the body size

that boys find attractive (Paxton et al., 2005). Also, many college women perceive themselves

to be heavier than they actually are, and they often wish to be thinner (Vartanian, Giant, &

Passino, 2001). Further, women who associate positive attributes with being underweight

have a higher incidence of eating disorders (Ahern, Bennett, & Hetherington, 2008). We

explore the important issue of eating disorders in the Chapter 14 Application.

Men, both gay and straight, also desire to be thinner and more muscular, and this

dissatisfaction increases with age (Tiggemann, Martins, & Kirkbride, 2007). As American

media increasingly objectify male bodies and men feel greater pressure to meet the ideals

of the male body shape, there is a need for more research on underdiagnosed and under-

treated eating disorders in men.

In addition to the physical characteristics we are born with, we also have grooming

qualities, such as cosmetics, hairstyle, clothing, and accessories, that we use to enhance

our physical attractiveness, (Cunningham, 2009a). Individuals will go to great lengths to

improve their physical attractiveness, as demonstrated by the increased rate of cosmetic

surgery. In 2014, more than 10 million cosmetic procedures were performed in the United

States, costing more than $12 billion (see Figure 9.2). Liposuction, breast augmentation,

and eyelid surgery were the three most common procedures. Additionally, procedures

for men have increased 43% in the past five years (American Society for Aesthetic Plastic

Surgery, 2015).

A specific grooming quality, our clothing choices, has garnered recent research

attention. Interestingly, there is increasing evidence that wearing the color red increases a

woman’s perceived sexual attractiveness (Elliot & Niesta, 2008). Researchers speculate that

The National Association for

Males with Eating Disorders

N.A.M.E.D.’s mission is to “provide support

for males affected by eating disorders,

provide access to collective expertise, and

promote the development of effective

clinical intervention and research in this

population.” This site provides current

statistics as well as resources related to

eating disorders in males.

Learn More Online

The color red is associated with increased

perceptions of women’s sexual attractiveness,

perhaps because the color red signals peak

fertility.

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254 C H A P T E R 9

this is an evolutionary artifact related to displays of sexual receptivity (such as reddening

of the chest or genitalia in nonhuman primates) (Kayser, Elliot, & Feltman, 2010). In sup-

port of this theory, studies have found that women are more likely to wear red around the

time of their peak fertility (Beall & Tracy, 2013; Eisenbruch, Simmons, & Roney, 2015).

Additionally, the influence of the color red on attractiveness appears to hold only for men’s

attraction to women, not the other way around. (Elliot et al, 2010). Let’s take a deeper look

at this phenomenon in the following Spotlight on Research.

Lipoplasty (liposuction)

Breast augmentation

Blepharoplasty (cosmetic eyelid surgery)

Abdominoplasty (tummy tuck)

Rhinoplasty (nose reconstruction)

0 300,000 350,000250,000200,000150,000100,00050,000 Number of procedures

2014

1997

Figure 9.2 Top five surgical cosmetic procedures in 2014. The number of cosmetic surgeries annually is on the rise.

In 2014, more than 10 million cosmetic

procedures were performed.

Source: Retrieved from the American Society for

Aesthetic Plastic Surgery (2015), www.surgery.org

/media/statistics.

Is the Woman in Red Always Attractive?

Source: Young, S. G. (2015). The effect of red on male perceptions of female

attractiveness: Moderation by baseline attractiveness of female faces.

European Journal of Social Psychology, 45(2), 146–151.

As we have learned, the color red is associated with increased

perceptions of women’s sexual attractiveness, perhaps because the

color red signals peak fertility. From an evolutionary perspective,

this should both make women more attractive to potential mates

and make women more likely to wear red when their fertility is

high. Both of these assertions are supported by research. However,

the red-attraction link appears to have boundaries. For instance, it

holds only for young women, not those who are menopausal and

thus incapable of childbearing. Additionally, little is known about

the role of baseline attractiveness in the red-attraction link. If red

is an indicator of sexual receptivity, could unattractive women

in red be rated as less attractive by men as a way of avoiding

sexual interest? The present research explored this question by

manipulating the physical attractiveness of women’s faces.

Method Participants. Forty-six heterosexual men participated in the study (eleven black, fourteen Latino, five Asian, sixteen white). The

average age was 21.1 years.

Materials. Attractive and unattractive photos of female faces were identified through pretesting. They were displayed on red, gray,

and blue color panels matched in size and lightness.

Procedure. Participants were told the study was about “forming impressions of other people.” At individual computer stations, they

viewed forty female faces (twenty attractive, twenty unattractive)

on a red, gray, and blue background. Each face was shown three

times, once on each color background, for a total of 120 trials.

Immediately after viewing each trial, participants rated the

attractiveness of the face on a scale of 1 (extremely unattractive)

to 7 (extremely attractive).

Results The researchers found that facial attractiveness impacted the

red-attraction link. The red background increased men’s ratings of

women’s attractiveness, but only for the attractive faces. There was

no influence of background color on unattractive faces.

Discussion These results replicate findings that red enhances ratings of

attractiveness. However, this study illustrates the importance of

examining factors such as baseline attractiveness that might play a

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

Friendship and Love 255

role in the red-attraction link. The researcher points out that there

was no evidence that red reduced the attractiveness of unattractive

faces, going against the idea that men might want to distance

themselves from those potential mates. He also notes that some of

the differences in the ratings, though statistically significant, were

small. Even so, this study highlights the notion that the influence

of color on perceptions of physical attractiveness is “nuanced and

sensitive to social cues” (p. 150) and warrants further research.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. This study examined how facial attractiveness influenced the

red-attraction link. What other of Cummingham’s qualities of

physical attractiveness do you think might influence this link?

Explain why.

2. What other factors related to attraction discussed in this

chapter, besides physical attractiveness, might influence the

red-attraction link? Explain how.

Matching up on looks. Thankfully, people can enjoy rewarding social lives without being

spectacularly good looking. In the process of dating and mating, people apparently take

into consideration their own level of attractiveness. The matching hypothesis proposes

that people of similar levels of physical attractiveness gravitate toward each other. This

hypothesis is supported by findings showing that both dating and married heterosexual

couples tend to be similar in physical attractiveness (Feingold, 1988; Hatfield & Sprecher,

2009). When measuring weight and body mass indexes, one study found that women’s phy-

siques were positively correlated to those of their fiancés (Prichard et al., 2015)

Although people often lust after others who are extremely attractive, the matching hy-

pothesis kicks in when one is thinking about actually initiating a relationship. Montoya and

Horton (2014) argue that the matching effects (as well as other considerations in attraction)

result from one’s assessment of two fundamental factors. One is the willingness of the target

person to form a relationship with you (how much they like you). The other is their capac-

ity to do so (how good a fit you think the person is). As such, someone “out of your league”

might be judged as a poor fit, and therefore low in capacity. In this two-dimensional model,

attraction occurs when someone is high on both factors.

Attractiveness and resource exchange. Physical attractiveness can be viewed as a resource that

partners can exchange in relationships. A number of studies have shown that, in hetero-

sexual dating, men value physical attractiveness in a mate more than do women, while

women value social and occupational status more than do men (Li et al., 2013). Evolu-

tionary social psychologists such as David Buss (1988, 2009) believe that these findings

on status and physical attractiveness reflect gender differences in inherited reproductive

strategies that have been sculpted over thousands of generations by natural selection. Their

thinking has been guided by parental investment theory, which maintains that a species’

mating patterns depend on what each sex has to invest—in the way of time, energy, and

survival risk—to produce and nurture offspring. According to this model, members of

the gender that makes the smaller investment will compete with each other for mating

opportunities with the gender that makes the larger investment, and the gender with the

larger investment will tend to be more discriminating in selecting its partners (Kenrick,

Neuberg, & White, 2013).

How does this analysis apply to humans? Like many mammalian species, human

males are required to invest little in the production of offspring beyond the act of copu-

lation, so mating with as many females as possible maximizes their reproductive poten-

tial. Also, males should prefer young and attractive females because these qualities are

assumed to signal fertility, which should increase the chances of conception and passing

genes on to the next generation. The situation for females is quite different. Females have

to invest 9 months in pregnancy, and our female ancestors typically had to devote at

least several additional years to nourishing offspring through breastfeeding. These real-

ities limit the number of offspring women can produce, regardless of how many males

they mate with. Hence, females have little or no incentive for mating with many males.

Instead, females can optimize their reproductive potential by selectively mating with reli-

able partners who have greater material resources. These preferences should increase the

likelihood that a male partner will be committed to a long-term relationship and will be

David Buss uses an evolutionary

perspective to explain gender differences in

mate selection.

According to the matching hypothesis,

people tend to wind up with someone

similar to themselves in attractiveness.

However, other factors, such as personality,

intelligence, and social status, also influence

attraction.

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256 C H A P T E R 9

able to support the woman and their children, thus ensuring that her

genes will be passed on (see Figure 9.3).

Are there alternatives to the evolutionary explanation for patterns

of mate selection and resource exchange in heterosexual relationships?

Yes, sociocultural models can also provide plausible explanations that

center on traditional gender-role socialization and men’s greater eco-

nomic power. Some theorists argue that women have learned to value

men’s economic clout because their own economic potential has been

severely limited in virtually all cultures by a long history of discrimina-

tion. Consistent with this hypothesis, women in countries with limited

educational and career opportunities for females show the strongest

preferences for men with high incomes (Eagly & Wood, 1999). More-

over, societies with more gender equality show less of the traditional

gender differences in mate preferences (Zenter & Mitura, 2012).

Getting Acquainted

After several initial encounters, people typically begin the dance of get-

ting to know each other. Is it possible to predict which budding rela-

tionships will flower and which will die on the vine? We’ll examine two

factors that can keep the ball rolling: reciprocal liking and similarity.

Reciprocal Liking

An old adage advises, “If you want to have a friend, be a friend.” This

suggestion captures the idea of the reciprocity principle in relation-

ships. Reciprocal liking refers to liking those who show that they like

you. Many studies show that if you believe another person likes you,

you will like him or her, especially if you find that other person attrac-

tive (Montoya & Horton, 2012). Think about it. You respond positively

when others sincerely flatter you, do favors for you, and use nonverbal

behavior to signal their interest in you (eye contact, leaning forward).

These interactions are enjoyable, validating, and positively reinforcing.

As such, you usually reciprocate such behavior.

A specific type of reciprocity, reciprocal self-disclosure, is especially impor-

tant in getting acquainted. As noted in Chapter 8, self-disclosure is the vol-

untary act of sharing personal information about yourself with another

person. Self-disclosure typically starts slowly and gradually builds in terms

of intimacy. It is associated with increases in positive relationship outcomes

such as liking and closeness (Sprecher, Treger, & Wondra, 2013). When get-

ting to know someone, taking turns sharing information is crucial (Sprecher

et al., 2013; Sprecher & Treger, 2015). Researchers speculate that it is through

this reciprocal exchange that potential partners obtain information about their

degree of similarity.

Similarity

Do “birds of a feather flock together,” or do “opposites attract”? Research offers

far more support for the first saying than the second. In a longitudinal study of

best friends, researchers found that similarity among friends in 1983 actually

predicted their closeness in 2002—19 years later (Ledbetter, Griffin, & Sparks,

2007). We’ve already explored similarity in physical attractiveness (the matching

hypothesis). Now, let’s consider other similarities that contribute to attraction.

Heterosexual married and dating couples tend to be similar in demo-

graphic characteristics (age, race, religion, socioeconomic status, and educa-

tion), physical attractiveness, intelligence, and attitudes (Watson et al., 2004).

Support for similarity in personality as a factor in attraction is weaker and

Evolutionary theory can explain why attractive women often become

romantically involved with much older men who happen to be wealthy.

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Friendship and Love 257

mixed. Results indicate that perceived similarity in personality might be more important

than actual similarity, at least in the early phases of getting aquainted (Selfhout et al., 2009).

For instance, a recent study revealed that perceived, but not actual, similarity significantly

predicted romantic interest in a speed-dating context (Tidwell, Eastwick, & Finkel, 2013).

Once people are in committed relationships, however, actual similarity in personality is

associated with relationship satisfaction (Gonzaga, Campos, & Bradbury, 2007).

What is the appeal of similarity? For one thing, you might assume

that a similar person will probably like you. Second, when others share

your beliefs, you feel validated and accepted. Finally, people who are sim-

ilar are more likely to react to situations in the same way, thus reducing

the chances for conflicts and stress. However, it could be that liking

actually leads to increased similarity as people become acquainted,

rather than the other way around (Sprecher, 2014).

Established Relationships

Over time, some acquaintanceships evolve into established relation-

ships. Individuals mutually determine the desired level of intimacy they

want in a relationship, whether friendship or romantic. Although not

all relationships need to be highly intimate to be satisfying, for some,

intimacy is an essential ingredient of satisfaction. In either case, if they

are to continue, close relationships must be maintained.

Maintenance of Ongoing Relationships

Although relationships are rewarding, they provide plenty of oppor-

tunities for conflict. Friends can have differing priorities, offend each

other, and romantic partners can be tempted by others (Karremans,

Pronk, & van der Wal, 2015). In sum, close relationships take work

to maintain. Relationship maintenance involves the actions and ac-

tivities used to sustain the desired quality of a relationship. These

actions can be used to promote interdependence and stability or can

protect a relationship from threat (Agnew & VanderDrift, 2015). In

Figure 9.4, you can see a list of commonly occurring relationship main-

tenance behaviors. Often, these behaviors come about spontaneously

(calling to check in, eating meals together); at other times, behaviors are

more intentional and require more planning (traveling to visit family

and friends). Obviously, strategies vary depending on the nature of a

Males

Females

Biological reality Behavioral outcomes

Reproduction involves minimal investment of time, energy, and risk

Reproduction involves substantial investment of time, energy, and risk

Maximize reproductive success by seeking more sexual partners with high reproductive potential

Maximize reproductive success by seeking partners willing to invest material resources in your offspring

More interest in uncommitted sex, greater number of sex partners over lifetime, look for youth and attractiveness in partners

Less interest in uncommitted sex, smaller number of sex partners over lifetime, look for income, status, and ambition in partners

Figure 9.3 Parental investment theory and mating preferences. Parental investment theory suggests that basic differences between males and females in parental investment have great adaptive significance and

lead to gender differences in mating propensities and preferences, as outlined here.

Figure 9.4 Relationship maintenance strategies. College students were asked to describe how they maintained three different personal

relationships over a college term. Their responses were grouped into

eleven categories. You can see that, ironically, some people behave

negatively in an attempt to enhance relationships. Openness was

the most commonly nominated strategy. (Adapted from Canary &

Stafford, 1994)

RELATIONSHIP MAINTENANCE STRATEGIES

Strategy Behavioral example

Positivity Try to act nice and cheerful

Openness Encourage him/her to disclose thoughts

and feelings to me

Assurances Stress my commitment to him/her

Social networking Show that I am willing to do things with

his/her friends and family

Task sharing Help equally with tasks that need to be done

Joint activities Spend time hanging out

Mediated

communication

Use email to keep in touch

Avoidance Respect each other’s privacy and need to

be alone

Antisocial behaviors Act rude to him/her

Humor Call him/her by a funny nickname

Do not encourage overly familiar behavior

(relevant in cross-gender friendships)

258 C H A P T E R 9

relationship (familial, friendship, romantic) and its stage of development (new, developing,

mature). For example, married couples engage in more assurances than dating partners do

(Stafford & Canary, 1991).

In long-distance relationships, communication is especially crucial for effective

relationship maintenance. When coding the content of emails for long-distance romantic

partners, Johnson and colleagues (2008) found that the most common categories used were

assurances, openness, and positivity, in that order. More recent research shows that part-

ners also use communicative maintenance behaviors through social network sites (Billedo,

Kerkhof, & Finkenauer, 2015).

Relationship Satisfaction and Commitment

How do you gauge your satisfaction in a relationship? What determines whether you will

stay in or get out of a relationship? Interdependence or social exchange theory postulates

that interpersonal relationships are governed by perceptions of the rewards and costs

exchanged in interactions. Basically, this model predicts that interactions among acquain-

tances, friends, and lovers will continue as long as the participants feel that the benefits

they derive from the relationship are reasonable in comparison to the costs of being in the

relationship. Harold Kelley and John Thibaut’s interdependence theory (1978) is based on

B. F. Skinner’s principle of reinforcement, which assumes that people try to maximize their

rewards in life and minimize their costs (see Chapter 2).

Rewards include such things as emotional support, status, and sexual gratification

(in romantic relationships); examples of costs are the time and energy that a relationship

requires, emotional conflicts, and the inability to engage in other rewarding activities

because of relationship obligations. According to interdependence theory, people assess a

relationship by its outcome—their subjective perception of the rewards of the relationship

minus its costs (see Figure 9.5).

Individuals assess their satisfaction with a relationship by comparing the relationship

outcomes (rewards minus costs) to their subjective expectations. A comparison level is a

personal standard of what constitutes an acceptable balance of rewards and costs in a

relationship. It is based on the outcomes you have experienced in previous relationships

and the outcomes you have seen others experience in their relationships. Your comparison

level may also be influenced by your exposure to fictional relationships, such as those you

have read about or seen on television. Consistent with the predictions of exchange theory,

research shows that relationship satisfaction is higher when rewards are perceived to be

high and costs are viewed as relatively low.

To understand the role of commitment in relationships, we need to consider two

additional factors. The first is the comparison level for alternatives, or one’s estima-

tion of the available outcomes from alternative relationships. In using this standard,

Psychology Today:

Relationships

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current, cutting-edge research on all

types of relationships. The editors do a

good job of making scientific research

accessible and practical.

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Rewards Costs

Outcome

Satisfaction

Comparison level

Comparison level for alternatives

Satisfaction

Investments Commitment

Outcome

Figure 9.5 The key elements of social exchange theory and their effects on a relationship. According to social exchange theory,

relationship outcome is determined by the

rewards minus the costs of a relationship.

Relationship satisfaction is based on the

outcome matched against comparison level

(expectations). Commitment to a relationship

is determined by one’s satisfaction minus one’s

comparison level for alternatives plus one’s

investments in the relationship.

Source: Adapted from Brehm, S. S., & Kassin, S, M. (1993).

Social psychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Copyright

permission.

Friendship and Love 259

individuals assess their current relationship outcomes in comparison to the potential

outcomes of other, similar relationships that may be available to them. This principle

helps explain why many unsatisfying relationships are not terminated until another

love interest actually appears. It also explains why someone might leave a seemingly

happy relationship, if that person’s expectations and standards were not being met.

The second factor that figures in relationship commitment is investments, or things

that people contribute to a relationship that they can’t get back if the relationship

ends. Investments include past costs (time, money) that they can never recover if the

relationship fails. Understandably, putting investments into a relationship strengthens

one’s commitment to it.

Figure 9.5 demonstrates how interdependence theory works. If both members of a

couple feel that they are getting a lot out of the relationship (lots of support, high status)

compared to its costs (a few arguments, occasionally giving up preferred activities), they

will probably perceive the relationship as satisfactory and will keep it going. However, if

either partner begins to feel that the ratio of rewards to costs is falling below his or her

comparison level, dissatisfaction is likely to occur. The dissatisfied person may attempt to

alter the balance of costs and rewards or try to ease out of the relationship. The likelihood of

ending the relationship depends on the number of important investments a person has in

the relationship and whether the person believes that an alternative relationship that could

yield greater satisfaction is available.

Research generally supports interdependence theory and its extensions (Van Lange

& Balliet, 2015). However, many people resist the idea that close relationships operate

according to an economic model. Much of this resistance probably comes from discom-

fort with the idea that self-interest plays such an important role in the maintenance of

relationships. Resistance may also stem from doubts about how well social exchange

principles apply to close relationships. In fact, there is some empirical support for this

position. Margaret Clark and Judson Mills (1993) distinguish between exchange rela-

tionships (with strangers, acquaintances, co-workers) and communal relationships (with

close friends, lovers, family members). Research suggests that in exchange relationships,

the usual principles of social exchange dominate, but in communal relationships these

principles don’t apply (Morrow, 2009). For example, in communal relationships, you

help people who are close to you without calculating whether and when they will reward

you in kind.

9.2 Friendship

It’s hard to overestimate the importance of friends. They give help in times of need, ad-

vice in times of confusion, consolation in times of failure, and praise in times of achieve-

ment. Friends clearly are important to individuals’ adjustment. In fact, friendship quality

is predictive of overall happiness, in part because friends satisfy basic psychological needs

(Demir & Özdemir, 2010).

What Makes a Good Friend?

Exactly what makes someone a good friend? One approach to this question comes from

a cross-cultural study of students in England, Italy, Japan, and Hong Kong (Argyle &

Henderson, 1984). Notably, in this diverse sample, there was enough agreement on how

friends should conduct themselves to identify several informal rules governing friendships,

including sharing good news, providing emotional support, helping in times of need, mak-

ing each other happy when together, trusting and confiding in each other, and standing up

for each other. Notice that the common thread running through these rules seems to be

providing emotional and social support.

Learning Objectives

■ Summarize the research on what makes

a good friend.

■ Describe some key gender and sexual

orientation differences in friendships.

■ Explain the friendship repair ritual

as a way of dealing with conflict in

friendships.

260 C H A P T E R 9

These informal rules seem to stand the test of time. More

recently, Hall (2012) identified six friendship standards or expec-

tations. First, symmetrical reciprocity relates to mutual loyalty and

trust, characteristics that are often seen as central to relationships.

Second, agency refers to the rewards or benefits friends provide

us (such as popularity or money). Third, enjoyment reflects the

importance of having fun with friends. Fourth, instrumental aide

reflects direct support friends provide (for example, advice, a

shoulder to cry on). Fifth, similarity in terms of attitudes, dispo-

sitions, and preferred activities is important. Finally, communion

involves intimacy and self-disclosure. How well a friend meets

these expectations is related to friendship satisfaction (Hall,

Larson, & Watts, 2011).

Gender and Sexual Orientation

While men’s and women’s same-gender friendships have a lot in common, there are some

interesting differences likely rooted in traditional gender roles and socialization. Consider

the friendship expectations described previously. In a meta-analysis of thirty-seven stud-

ies, Hall (2011) found that women’s friendships were higher than men’s in symmetrical

reciprocity, communion, enjoyment, and similarity; while men’s friendships were higher

in agency. There were no gender differences in instrumental aide. The current belief is that

men’s friendships are typically based on shared interests and doing things together, whereas

women’s friendships more often focus on talking—usually about personal matters (Fehr,

1996, 2004). So whose friendships are more intimate, men’s or women’s? Currently, there

is controversy over this question. The most widely accepted view is that women’s friend-

ships are closer and more satisfying because they involve more intimacy and self-disclosure

(Fehr, 2004).

The boundaries between the friendship and romantic or sexual relationships of gay

men and lesbians appear to be more complex than those of heterosexuals. Many inti-

mate relationships among lesbians begin as friendships and progress to romance and

then to a sexual relationship (Diamond, 2007). Obviously, discerning and negotiating

these shifts can be difficult. Also, both lesbians and gay men are more likely than hetero-

sexuals to maintain social contacts with former sexual partners (Solomon, Rothblum,

& Balsam, 2004). One possible explanation for this phenomenon is the small size of

some gay and lesbian social networks (Peplau & Fingerhut, 2007). Also, compared to

heterosexual couples, gay and lesbian couples have less support from families and so-

cietal institutions (Kurdek, 2005). So, maintaining close connections with friends and

creating “safe spaces” through these connections is especially important (Goode-Cross

& Good, 2008).

Conflict in Friendships

Friends, especially long-term ones, are bound to experience conflicts. As with other types

of relationships, conflicts can result from incompatible goals, mismatched expectations, or

changes in individuals’ interests over time. When conflict arises, individuals might engage

in strategies to preserve the friendship, such as attempting to make the friendship more en-

joyable, providing extra emotional support, engaging in deeper conversations, or spending

more time together (Oswald, Clark, & Kelly, 2004).

When conflicts occur, friends can work to overcome them. Cahn (2009) describes

three steps in friendship repair rituals. First, there is a reproach, in which the offended

party acknowledges the problem and asks the offender for an explanation. Second, the

offender offers a remedy by taking responsibility and offering a justification, a concession,

an apology, or a combination of these three. Finally, in the acknowledgment stage, the

offended party acknowledges the remedy and the friendships progresses. Of course, at any

point, either party can call off the ritual and dissolve the friendship.

Men’s friendships, more so than women’s, are based on shared interests

and activities.

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Friendship and Love 261

9.3 Romantic Love

Although there are cultural differences in romantic attitudes and behaviors, romantic love

is experienced in all cultures. Love is difficult to define, difficult to measure, and frequently

difficult to understand. Nonetheless, psychologists have conducted thousands of studies

and developed a number of interesting theories on love and romantic relationships.

Gender and Sexual Orientation

Stereotypes hold that women are more romantic than men. Nonetheless, research suggests

just the opposite—that men are the more romantic gender (Fehr, 2015). For example, men

hold more romantic beliefs (“Love lasts forever” or “There is one perfect love in the world

for everyone”) (Peplau, Hill, & Rubin, 1993). In addition, men fall in love more readily than

women, whereas women fall out of love more easily than men (Hill, Rubin, & Peplau, 1976;

Rubin, Peplau, & Hill, 1981). In an international survey, 48% of men reported experienc-

ing “love at first sight” compared to 28% of women (Northrup, Schwartz, & Witte, 2012).

Research also finds that while participants (both male and female) believe that women are

more likely to confess love first, in reality, men are more likely to say “I love you” first, and

they report more happiness when receiving confessions of love (Ackerman, Griskevicius,

& Li, 2011) (see Figure 9.6). We should note, however, that there is more similarity than

disparity in men’s and women’s conceptions of love.

Sexual orientation refers to a person’s preference for emotional and sexual relation-

ships with individuals of the same gender, the other gender, or either gender. Heterosex-

uals seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of the other gender. Homosexuals

seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of the same gender. Bisexuals seek emo-

tional-sexual relationships with members of both genders. In recent years, the terms gay

and straight have become widely used to refer to homosexuals and heterosexuals, respec-

tively. Gay can refer to homosexuals of either gender, but most homosexual women prefer

to call themselves lesbians. Chapter 12 goes into more details regarding sexual orientation.

Many studies of romantic love and relationships suffer from heterosexism, or the

assumption that all individuals and relationships are heterosexual. For instance, many

questionnaires on romantic love and romantic relationships fail to ask participants about

their sexual orientation. Thus, when data are analyzed, there is no way to know whether

subjects are referring to same- or other-gender romantic partners. Assuming that their

subjects are all heterosexuals, some researchers proceed to describe their findings without

any mention of homosexuals. Because most people identify themselves as heterosexual,

heterosexism in research isn’t likely to distort conclusions about heterosexuals; however, it

renders homosexual relationships invisible.

We discuss gay and lesbian committed relationships more in Chapter 10, so we will

just touch on the basics here. Homosexuals face three unique dating challenges (Peplau &

Spalding, 2003): They have a smaller pool of potential partners; they are often under pres-

sure to conceal their sexual orientation; and they have limited ways to meet prospective

partners. Also, fears of hostility or rejection may cause them to guard their self-disclosures

to acquaintances and friends.

Even with these challenges, homosexual romances and relationships are essentially

the same as those of heterosexuals. Both groups experience romantic and passionate love

and make commitments to relationships (Fingerhut & Peplau, 2013). Both heterosexual

and homosexual couples hold similar values about relationships, report similar levels of

relationship satisfaction, perceive their relationships to be loving and satisfying, and say

they want their partners to have characteristics similar to theirs (Peplau & Fingerhut,

2007). Further, both groups desire positive qualities, such as caring and friendliness, in

a partner (Felmlee, Hilton, & Orzechowicz, 2012). When relationship differences are

found, they are much more likely to be rooted in gender than in sexual orientation, as

we’ll see next.

Learning Objectives

■ Identify some gender differences

regarding love.

■ Clarify the research findings on the

experience of love in gay and straight

couples.

■ Compare Sternberg’s triangular

theory of love with the theory of adult

attachment styles.

■ Discuss the course of romantic love

over time, including what couples go

through as they dissolve a relationship.

■ Explain why relationships fail and what

couples can do to help relationships last.

0 Beliefs Reality

Pe rc en

t Women

Men

Figure 9.6 Who is the more romantic gender? Ackerman and colleagues (2011) found that

although both males and females believe

that women are more likely to confess love

first, in reality men are more likely to say

“I love you” first.

Source: Adapted from Ackerman, J. M., Griskevicius, V.,

& Li, N. P. (2011). Let’s get serious: Communicating

commitment in romantic relationships. Journal of

Personality and Social Psychology 100(6), 1079–1094.

262 C H A P T E R 9

Theories of Love

Can the experience of love be broken down into certain key

components? How are romantic love relationships similar

to other types of close relationships? These are the kinds of

questions that two current theories of love address.

Triangular Theory of Love

Robert Sternberg’s (1986, 2012, 2013) triangular theory

of love posits that all love experiences are made up of

three components: intimacy, passion, and commitment.

Each of the components is represented as a point of a

triangle, from which the theory derives its name (see

Figure 9.7).

Intimacy refers to warmth, closeness, and shar-

ing in a relationship. Signs of intimacy include giv-

ing and receiving emotional support, valuing the loved

one, wanting to promote the welfare of the loved one,

and sharing oneself and one’s possessions with another.

Self-disclosure is necessary in order to achieve and

maintain feelings of intimacy in a relationship, whether

platonic or romantic.

Passion refers to the intense feelings (both positive

and negative) experienced in love relationships, includ-

ing sexual desire. Passion is related to drives that lead to

romance, physical attraction, and sexual consummation.

Although sexual needs may be dominant in many close

relationships, other needs also figure in the experience of

passion, including the needs for nurturance, self-esteem,

dominance, submission, and self-actualization. For example, self-esteem is threatened

when someone experiences jealousy. Passion obviously figures most prominently in

romantic relationships.

Commitment involves the decision and intent to maintain a relationship in spite of

the difficulties and costs that may arise. According to Sternberg, commitment has both

short-term and long-term aspects. The short-term aspect concerns the conscious decision

to love someone. The long-term aspect reflects the determination to help a relationship

endure. Although the decision to love someone usually comes before commitment, that is

not always the case (in arranged marriages, for instance).

Sternberg described eight types of relationships that can result from the presence or

absence of each of the three components of love, as depicted in Figure 9.7. One of these

relationship types, nonlove, is not pictured in the diagram because it is defined as the

absence of any of the three components. Most casual interactions are of this type. When all

three components are present, consummate love is said to exist.

Sternberg’s model has generated considerable interest and research. In support of

his theory, researchers report that Sternberg’s three components characterize not only

how people think about love in general but also how they personally experience love. All

three components are positively related to satisfaction in dating relationships (Madey &

Rodgers, 2009). In addition, they are applicable to same-sex romantic relationships as well

(Bauermeister et al., 2011). Critics argue that the triangular theory alone doesn’t fully cap-

ture the complexity of love. It seems that how people bond with others plays a role. To see

why that might be the case, let’s turn our attention to attachment theory.

Romantic Love as Attachment

In a groundbreaking theory of love, Cindy Hazan and Phillip Shaver (1987) asserted that

romantic love can be conceptualized as an attachment process, with similarities to the bond

In ti

m a cy

Consummate love (intimacy + passion +

commitment)

Pa ss

ion

Commitment

Romantic love (intimacy + passion)

Infatuation (passion alone)

Fatuous love (passion + commitment)

Empty love (commitment alone)

Companionate love (intimacy + commitment)

Liking (intimacy alone)

Figure 9.7 Sternberg’s triangular theory of love. According to Robert Sternberg (1986), love includes three components: intimacy, passion, and commitment. These

components are portrayed here as points on a triangle. The possible combinations

of these three components yield the seven types of relationships mapped out here.

The absence of all three components is called nonlove, which is not shown in the

diagram.

Source: From Sternberg, R. J. (1986). A triangular theory of love. Psychological Review, 93, 119–135.

Robert Sternberg’s triangular theory of

love includes three components: intimacy,

passion, and commitment.

Friendship and Love 263

Some researchers view romantic love as an attachment process,

with similarities to the bond between infants and their caregivers.

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between infants and their caregivers. According to these theorists, adult romantic love and

infant attachment share a number of features: intense fascination with the other person,

distress at separation, and efforts to stay close and spend time together. Of course,

there are also differences: Infant-caregiver relationships are one-sided, whereas

caregiving in romantic relationships works both ways. A second difference is

that romantic relationships usually have a sexual component, whereas infant-

caregiver relationships do not.

Today, adult attachment theory is one of the most influential approaches

to the study of close relationships. Researchers who study attachment are

keenly interested in the nature and development of attachment styles, or typ-

ical ways of interacting in close relationships. Their interest is fueled by the

belief that attachment styles develop during the first year of life and strongly

influence individuals’ interpersonal interactions from then on.

Infant attachment. Hazan and Shaver’s ideas build on earlier work in

attachment theory by John Bowlby (1980) and Mary Ainsworth (Ainsworth

et al., 1978). Based on actual observations of infants and their primary caregivers, they

identified three attachment styles. More than half of infants develop a secure attachment

style. However, other infants develop insecure attachments. Some infants are very anxious

when separated from their caregiver and show resistance at reunion, a response charac-

terized as an anxious/ambivalent attachment style. A third group of infants never connect

very well with their caregiver and are classified in the avoidant attachment style. How do

attachments in infancy develop? As you can see in Figure 9.8, three parenting styles have

been identified as likely determinants of attachment quality. A warm/responsive approach

seems to promote secure attachments, whereas a cold/rejecting style is associated with

avoidant attachments. An ambivalent/inconsistent style seems to result in anxious/

ambivalent attachments.

Adult attachment. What do these attachment styles look like in adulthood? To answer this

question, we’ll summarize the findings of a number of studies (Mickelson, Kessler, &

Shaver, 1997; Shaver & Hazan, 1993). You can also see capsule summaries of adult attach-

ment styles in Figure 9.8.

● Secure adults (about 55% of participants). These people trust others, find it easy to

get close to them, and are comfortable with mutual dependence. They rarely worry about

being abandoned by their partner. Secure adults have the longest-lasting relationships and

the fewest divorces. They describe their parents as behaving warmly toward them and

toward each other. ● Avoidant adults (about 25% of participants). These individuals both fear and feel

uncomfortable about getting close to others. They are reluctant to trust others and prefer

to maintain emotional distance from others. They have the lowest incidence of positive

relationship experiences of the three groups. Avoidant adults describe their parents as less

warm than secure adults do and see their mothers as cold and rejecting. ● Anxious/ambivalent adults (about 20% of participants). These adults are obsessive

and preoccupied with their relationships. They want more relationship closeness than their

partners do and suffer extreme feelings of jealousy, based on fears of abandonment. Their

relationships have the shortest duration of the three groups. Ambivalent adults describe

their relationship with their parents as less warm than secure adults do and feel that their

parents had unhappy marriages.

The current thinking assumes that attachment style is determined by where people

fall on two continuous dimensions (Brennan, Clark, & Shaver, 1998). Attachment anxiety

reflects how much a person worries that a partner will not be available when needed. This

fear of abandonment stems, in part, from a person’s doubts about his or her lovability.

Attachment avoidance reflects the degree to which a person distrusts a partner’s goodwill

and has tendencies to maintain emotional and behavioral distance from a partner. People’s

scores on these two dimensions as measured by self-report data yield four attachment

264 C H A P T E R 9

styles: secure, preoccupied (anxious/ambivalent), avoidant/dismissing, and avoidant/

fearful. You are already familiar with the secure style, and “preoccupied” is just a different

label for the anxious/ambivalent style. The dismissing and fearful styles are two variations

of the avoidant style.

As you can see in Figure 9.9, securely attached individuals (low on both anxiety and

avoidance) enjoy close relationships and are not worried that others will leave them. Those

in the preoccupied category (high on anxiety, low on avoidance) desire closeness with others

but fear rejection. Those with an avoidant/dismissing style (high on avoidance, low on anx-

iety) prefer to maintain their distance from others and are not concerned about rejection,

while those with an avoidant/fearful style (high on both avoidance and anxiety) are uncom-

fortable being close to others but still worry about rejection.

Although it might appear from Figure 9.9 that the four attachment styles are

distinctly different categories or typologies, that is not the case. Recall that the two

underlying dimensions of anxiety and avoidance are distributed along a continuum (as

indicated by the arrows in the figure) from low to high. This means that people are more

Warm/responsive She/he was generally warm and responsive; she/he was good at knowing when to be supportive and when to let me operate on my own; our relationship was always comfortable, and I have no major reser- vations or complaints about it.

Cold/rejecting She/he was fairly cold and distant, or rejecting, not very responsive; I wasn’t her/his highest priority, her/his concerns were often elsewhere; it’s possible that she/he would just as soon not have had me

I find it relatively easy to get close to others and am comfortable depending on them and having them depend on me. I don't often worry about being abandoned or about someone getting too close to me.

Secure attachment An infant-caregiver bond in which the child welcomes contact with a close companion and uses this person as a secure base from which to explore the environment.

Avoidant attachment An insecure infant- caregiver bond, charac-

Avoidant I am somewhat uncomfortable being close to others; I find it difficult to trust them, difficult to allow myself to depend on them. I am nervous when anyone gets too close, and often love partners want me to be more intimate then I feel comfortable being.

terized by little separation protest and a tendency for the child to avoid or ignore the caregiver.

Anxious/ambivalent attachment An insecure infant-caregiver bond, characterized by strong separation protest and a tendency of the child to resist contact initiated by the caregiver, particularly after a separation.

Parent’s caregiving style Infant attachment Adult attachment style

Figure 9.8 Infant attachment and romantic relationships. According to Hazan and Shaver (1987), romantic relationships in

adulthood are similar in form to attachment

patterns in infancy, which are determined

in part by parental caregiving styles. The

theorized relations between parental styles,

attachment patterns, and intimate relations

are outlined here. Hazan and Shaver’s (1987)

study sparked a flurry of follow-up research,

which has largely supported the basic premises

of their groundbreaking theory, although

the links between infant experiences and

close relationships in adulthood appear to be

somewhat more complex than those portrayed

here. (Based on Hazan & Shaver, 1986, 1987;

Shaffer, 1989)

Friendship and Love 265

or less anxious (or avoidant) versus totally consumed by anxiety or to-

tally without anxiety. So, as you read about the four attachment styles,

keep in mind that they are “convenient labels for sets of anxiety and

avoidance scores rather than distinctly different categories that have

nothing in common” (Miller, Perlman, & Brehm, 2007).

Correlates of attachment styles. The idea of adult attachment styles has

stimulated a huge body of research. When researchers study the con-

nection between attachment style and relationship quality, the findings

generally support attachment theory predictions. Securely attached

individuals have more committed, satisfying, interdependent, and

well-adjusted relationships while insecurely attached individuals expe-

rience poorer relationship quality (Meyer et al., 2015; Pietromonaco &

Beck, 2015). In a meta-analysis of more than 21,000 participants, high

anxiety and avoidance were associated with problems in all aspects

of relationships—cognitive, emotional, and behavioral (Li & Chan,

2012). Attachment styles have also been related to sexual satisfaction

in heterosexual relationships: Anxious attachment in men is predic-

tive of their female partners’ sexual dissatisfaction, whereas avoidant

attachment in women is related to male partners’ sexual dissatisfaction

(Brassard et al., 2012). Insecure attachment has also been linked to poor

physical health (for example, impaired immune functioning) (Stanton

& Campbell, 2014).

Given these findings, you might ask yourself, how do insecurely at-

tached individuals maintain relationships? The answer might lie with their

partner. Simpson and Overall (2014) argue that a person’s partner can pro-

tect or buffer against the negative outcomes associated with an insecure

attachment by providing reassurances of commitment, thus helping them

feel more secure in the relationship. The idea of “partner buffering” illus-

trates the importance of examining the attachment styles of the couple, not

just the individual (Tran & Simpson, 2012). This is an emerging research

area that bears watching.

Stability of attachment styles. It appears that early bonding experiences do

influence relationship styles later in life (Pietromonaco & Beck, 2015).

A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies concluded that attachment styles

are moderately stable over the first 19 years of life (Fraley, 2002). How-

ever, despite the relative stability of attachment styles, they are not set in

stone. In childhood, changes from secure to insecure attachment are typ-

ically related to negative life events (divorce or death of parents, parental

substance abuse, maltreatment) (Waters et al., 2000). Experiences later

in life, such as consistent support (or lack thereof ) from one’s partner,

can either increase or decrease one’s attachment anxiety (Shaver & Mikulincer, 2008).

One study reported that a significant number of individuals (ages 26–64) in short-term

psychotherapy shifted from an insecure to a secure attachment style (Travis et al., 2001).

Thus, therapy may be a helpful option for those with attachment difficulties. Contem-

porary researchers argue that social scientists should continue to explore how social

experiences “accumulate” over time to influence adult romantic relationships (Simpson,

Collins, & Salvatore, 2011).

The Course of Romantic Love

Most people find being in love exhilarating and wish the experience could last forever. Must

passion fade? Regrettably, the answer to this question seems to be “yes.” Consistent with

this view, Sternberg’s (1986) triangular theory holds that passion peaks early in a relation-

ship and then declines in intensity. In contrast, both intimacy and commitment increase as

Attachment anxiety (about abandonment)

A tt

a ch

m e n t

a v o id

a n ce

Secure Preoccupied

Avoidant- fearful

Avoidant- dismissing

Low High

L o w

H ig

Comfortable with intimacy and autonomy

Preoccupied with relationship

Dismissing of intimacy

Unconcerned about rejection

Fearful of rejection Socially avoidant

Figure 9.9 Attachment styles and their underlying dimensions. Attachment styles are determined by where people fall along two continuous dimensions that range from low

to high: attachment avoidance and attachment anxiety (about

abandonment). This system yields four attachment styles, which

are described here. (Adapted from Brennan, Clark, & Shaver, 1998;

Fraley & Shaver, 2000)

One’s partner can buffer against the negative outcomes associated

with an insecure attachment by providing assurances of

commitment and security.

W av

eb re

ak m

ed ia

/S hu

tt er

st oc

k. co

266 C H A P T E R 9

time progresses, although they develop at different rates (see Figure 9.10).

Research supports the idea that the intense attraction and arousal one feels

for a lover do tend to subside over time—for both gay and straight couples

(Fingerhut & Peplau, 2013).

Why does passion fade? It seems that three factors kick into high gear

early, then begin to dissipate: fantasy, novelty, and arousal (Miller et al.,

2007). At first, love is “blind,” so individuals usually develop a fantasy pic-

ture of their lover (often a projection of their own needs). However, as

time passes, the intrusion of reality undermines this idealized view. Also,

the novelty of a new partner fades with increased interactions and knowl-

edge. Finally, people can’t exist in a state of heightened physical arousal

forever.

Does the decline of passion mean the demise of a relationship? Not

necessarily. Some relationships do dissolve when early passion fades,

but many others evolve into different, yet deeply satisfying, mixtures of

passionate/companionate love.

Why Relationships End

The question of why some relationships last while others end is a popular

issue in relationship research. Nonetheless, the matter is complex, so easy

answers have not been forthcoming. Furthermore, when it comes to breakups, there are

often differences in what people report publicly as the cause, what they actually think is the

cause, and what the cause actually is (Powell & Fine, 2009).

Threats to a relationship can be internal to the individual (insecure attachment, low

self-esteem), internal to the relationship (unwillingness to sacrifice, waning commitment)

or external (attractive alternatives, familial disapproval) (Agnew & VanderDrift, 2015). In a

meta-analysis of 137 studies, Le and colleagues (2010) found that relationship-level factors

such as commitment were better predictors of breakups than individual factors such as

attachment style.

Let’s take a look at a classic study, the Boston Couples Study (Hill et al., 1976). Here,

200 heterosexual couples (predominantly college students in Boston) were followed over

2 years. To participate, couples had to be “going steady” and believe that they were in love.

If couples split, researchers asked them to give their reasons. The results of this and other

studies (Buss, 1989; Powell & Fine, 2009; Sprecher, 1994) suggest that five prominent fac-

tors contribute to romantic breakups:

1. Premature commitment. Sometimes couples make romantic commitments without

taking the time to get to know each other. These individuals may find out later that they

don’t really like each other or that they have little in common. For these reasons, “whirl-

wind courtships” are risky. Intimacy needs to be combined with commitment if relation-

ships are to survive.

2. Ineffective communication and conflict management skills. Poor conflict manage-

ment skills are a key factor in relationship distress and can lead to a breakup. Distressed

couples tend to have more negativity in their communication, which can decrease prob-

lem solving and increase withdrawal (Cordova & Harp, 2009). In one study of more

than 5000 participants in ninety-six countries, “lack of communication” was the most

commonly reported reason for breakup (Morris, Reiber, & Roman, 2015). As we saw in

Chapter 8, the solution to this problem is not to stifle all disagreements because conflict

can be helpful to relationships. The key is to manage conflict constructively through effec-

tive communication.

3. Becoming bored with the relationship. As we have noted, once couples have been to-

gether for a period of time, the novelty of the relationship usually fades, passion decreases,

and boredom can set in. Although predictability in close relationships is also important

(Sprecher, 1994), becoming bored with one’s partner can make others look even more

attractive.

Commitment

Intimacy

Passion

Time

L e v e l

o f

in te

n si

Figure 9.10 The course of love over time. According to Sternberg (1986), the three components of love typically progress differently over

time. He theorizes that passion peaks early in a relationship and

then declines. In contrast, intimacy and commitment are thought

to build gradually.

Friendship and Love 267

4. Availability of a more attractive relationship. Whether a deteriorating relationship

actually ends depends, in great part, on the availability and awareness of a more attractive

alternative (Lydon & Quinn, 2013). We all know of individuals who remained in unsatisfy-

ing relationships only until they met a more appealing prospect.

5. Low levels of satisfaction. The four factors above all contribute to low levels of rela-

tionship satisfaction. Obviously, many other factors play a role in relationship satisfaction,

including one’s expectations of a partner, attachment style, and stress level. Ultimately, be-

coming dissatisfied in a relationship erodes one’s commitment and increases the chances

of relationship dissolution.

How Relationships End

Sometimes relationships deteriorate to the point where one or both partners decide the

relationship should end. Breakups are not single events; they are instead a process. Steve

Duck and colleagues proposed a model describing six stages that partners go through in

relationship dissolution (Duck, 1982; Rollie & Duck, 2006). First, the relationship experi-

ences breakdown processes, in which one or both partners become dissatisfied. If this break-

down becomes extreme, either partner might engage in intrapsychic processes—ruminating

about his or her dissatisfaction, the cost of the relationship, and attractive alternatives. If

commitment wavers, the couple will engage in dyadic processes by discussing and negoti-

ating the conflict. At this point the relationship can be repaired. However, if partners reach

the decision to end their relationship, social processes occur as friends and family are alerted

to the problem. As the couple moves toward breaking up, grave-dressing processes occur in

which each partner develops a separate account of the breakup for his or her social net-

work. Finally, each partner engages in resurrection processes to prepare for his or her new

life. Interestingly, this model appears to apply to the dissolution of both romantic relation-

ships and friendships (Norwood & Duck, 2009).

As one might expect, there are individual differences in adjusting to breakups. For

instance, securely attached individuals tend to have more amicable breakups, blame their

partner less, and are ready to date sooner than those who are insecurely attached (Madey

& Jilek, 2012). In addition, being the initiator of the breakup and having a new partner are

associated with better adjustment (Barutçu Yıldırım, & Demir, 2015), as is finding benefits

in the breakup (Samios, Henson, & Simpson, 2014). Researchers are finding that the pain

of breaking up might activate the same brain regions as actual physical pain (Eisenberger,

2012). That is, love (or the loss of it) can actually hurt.

Helping Relationships Last

Close relationships are important to our health and happiness (Loving & Sbarra, 2015;

Loving & Slatcher, 2013), so how can we increase the likelihood that they will last? Research

supports the following suggestions:

1. Take plenty of time to get to know the other person before you make a long-term

commitment. Research based on Sternberg’s theory shows that intimacy built through

meaningful self-disclosure is a good predictor of whether dating couples’ relationships

will continue. Other advice comes from long-married couples who were asked why they

thought their relationship had lasted (Lauer & Lauer, 1985). The most frequently cited

responses of 351 couples who had been married for 15 years or more were (1) friendship

(“I like my spouse as a person”); (2) commitment to the relationship (“I want the relation-

ship to succeed”); (3) similarity in values and relationship issues (“We agree on how and

how often to show affection”); and (4) positive feelings about each other (“My spouse has

grown more interesting”). Thus, early attention to the intimacy foundations of a relation-

ship and ongoing mutual efforts to build a commitment can foster more enduring love.

2. Emphasize the positive qualities in your partner and relationship. It is essential to

communicate more positive than negative feelings to your partner. Early in a relationship,

this is easy to do, but it gets harder as relationships continue. Unfortunately, when one

268 C H A P T E R 9

Research shows that couples who engage in

exciting, novel activities together have higher

relationship satisfaction.

Figure 9.11 Most frequently cited causes of boredom in dating and married relationships. In a 2010 study of dating and married

individuals, Harasymchuk and

Fehr (2010) obtained participants’

perceived causes of relational

boredom. Many of these factors—

including “doing the same things,”

which was the most frequently

cited for both groups—overlap,

but some are unique to one of the

groups. As you can see, central to

relational boredom is the lack of

novelty.

partner makes more negative than positive statements, the other often responds in kind,

which can set in motion a pattern of reciprocal negativity that makes things worse. Part-

ners who see the best in each other, even in conflict, are more likely to stay together and

experience greater satisfaction.

3. Develop effective conflict management skills. Conflicts arise in all relationships, so

it’s essential to handle them well. For one thing, it’s helpful to distinguish between minor

annoyances and significant problems. You need to learn to see minor irritations in per-

spective and recognize how little they matter. With big problems, however, it’s usually best

to avoid the temptation to sweep them under the rug in the hope that they’ll disappear.

Important issues rarely vanish on their own, and if you postpone the inevitable discussion,

the “sweepings” will have accumulated, making it harder to sort out the various issues. For

more specific suggestions on handling conflict, refer to our discussion in Chapter 8.

4. Find ways to bring novelty to long-term relationships. As romantic partners learn

more about each other and develop feelings of intimacy, they also become more predict-

able to each other. But, too much predictability can translate into loss of interest. As you

can see in Figure 9.11, central to relationship boredom is the lack of novelty. One way to

keep things interesting is to engage in new activities together. In fact, one study reported

that couples who participated in exciting activities together (versus just spending time

together) showed increases in relationship satisfaction over a 10-week period (Reissman,

Aron, & Bergen, 1993).

9.4 The Internet and Close Relationships

The Internet has dramatically expanded opportunities for people to meet and to develop

relationships through social networking services (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram), online

dating services (eHarmony, Match.com), interactive virtual worlds, online multiple player

games, chat rooms, and blogs. Critics of these social networking trends fear the demise of

face-to-face interactions, widespread loneliness and alienation, and millions being lured

into dangerous liaisons by unscrupulous people. But research to date generally paints a pos-

itive picture of the Internet’s impact on people’s connections with one another. For example,

■ Clarify how differences between

Internet and face-to-face interactions

affect relationship development.

■ Describe the pros and cons of building

intimacy online.

■ Discuss the role of the Internet in face-

to-face interactions.

Learning Objectives

G eo

rg e

S he

lle y/

A G

E Fo

to st

oc k

CAUSES OF BOREDOM IN RELATIONSHIPS

Rank Dating Married

1 Doing same things Doing same things

2 Fighting/arguments Not going out, staying in

3 Watching movies together

all the time

Not seeing partner

4 Spend too much time

together

No communication

5 Routine Work spillover

6 Not going out, staying in Partner does things

without spouse

7 Talk about the same things Routine

8 Doing something partner

likes, but you do not

Not socializing with others

9 Nothing to talk about Watching movies together

all the time

10 No communication Talk about the same things

Friendship and Love 269

the web offers a wealth of interaction opportunities for

those normally separated because of geography or phys-

ical infirmity. However, experts caution that the distinc-

tion between online and face-to-face relationships is

not as clear as many people assume, given that face-to-

face relationships today usually have an online element

(Whitty, 2013).

Developing Close Relationships Online

In a short period of time, the Internet has become an

indispensable vehicle for making acquaintances and

developing relationships. As seen in Figure 9.12, the

majority of single Americans see online dating as so-

cially acceptable (Statista, 2015). Finkel and colleagues

(2012) argue that the Internet provides three unique

advantages over face-to-face dating: (1) access to a wide

array of potential partners, (2) easy and convenient

communication between partners, and (3) the ability to

match individuals with compatible potential partners.

Madden and Lenhart (2006) asked Internet users who

said they were single and looking for a romantic partner

to identify how they used the Internet for dating. You

can see their responses in Figure 9.13.

The differences between online and face-to-face communication require psychol-

ogists to reexamine the established theories and principles of relationship development

that we discuss in this chapter. For example, good looks and close physical proximity are

power ful factors in initial attraction in the real world. On the Internet, where people often

form relationships sight unseen, these factors are less relevant. In the absence of physical

appearance, similarity of interests and values kicks in earlier and assumes more power than

it does in face-to-face relationships (McKenna, 2009). Research indicates that the more

similar an online friend, the stronger the bond (Mesch & Talmud, 2007). Even in long-term

friendships, enhanced self-disclosure through emails or text messaging increases feelings

of closeness (McKenna, 2009).

network, albeit a shallow and distancing one. She concludes by discussing how computers shape our behavior, arguing that computers are keeping us busy rather than the other way around. If we can see the problems inherent in expecting more and more from technology and less and less from one another, we can take steps to resist this trend and improve our relationships.

This is a well-written, well-referenced book that would be relevant to anyone interested in technology or interpersonal relationships. Alone Together is the third in a series including The Second Self: Computers and the Human Spirit (2005) and Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet (1997).

Alone Together: Why We Expect More from

Technology and Less from Each Other

With advances in technology and the rise of the Internet, we have the opportunity to connect with others digitally as well as face-to face. In this book, Turkle (a clinical psychology professor at MIT) explores the “illusion of companionship” that these mediums provide. Drawing on hundreds of interviews, Turkle argues that technology is changing communication among individuals and can lead to emotionally empty relationships. She covers the gamut of technologies from robotic pets to social network sites to virtual realities, detailing their impact as we substitute these for human interaction. Part One describes the “robotic movement,” including those involved in child care and elder care. Part Two explores how the Internet works as a social

Recommended Reading

by Sherry Turkle (Basic Books, 2012)

100

0 Online dating is a great

way to meet people

Pe rc

en t a

gr ee

in g

w it

h ea

ch s

ta te

m en

Online dating is socially acceptable

It’s easier to ask someone out online than in person

Men

Women

Figure 9.12 Attitudes toward online dating by gender. The Internet has dramatically expanded opportunities for people to meet and develop relationships. Among singles,

online dating is now seen as socially acceptable by the majority of both men and

women.

Source: Retrieved from Statista: The Statistics Portal (2015), www.statista.com/statistics/316481/us-beliefs-

online-dating/.

270 C H A P T E R 9

Building Online Intimacy

Although critics are concerned that Internet relationships are super-

ficial, research suggests that virtual relationships can be just as inti-

mate as face-to-face ones and are sometimes even closer. In fact, a

recent survey of more than 5000 users of eHarmony.com found that

“interpersonal communication” was the main goal of usage (Menkin

et al., 2015). Because the Internet provides the cloak of anonymity,

people can take greater risks in online self-disclosure. Thus, feel-

ings of intimacy can develop more quickly (Sprecher et al., 2105).

Sometimes this experience can set up a false sense of intimacy, which

can create uncomfortable feelings if a face-to-face meeting ensues—

that is, meeting with a stranger who knows “too much” about you

(Hamilton, 1999). Of course, such face-to-face meetings can also go

smoothly. Experts caution, however, that whenever you share private

information online, you are sharing it in a public space (DeAndrea,

Tong, & Walther, 2011).

In addition to facilitating self disclosure, anonymity also allows

people to construct a virtual identity. Obviously, this can be a prob-

lem if one person adopts a fictional persona and another assumes

that it is authentic and begins to take the relationship seriously. A

related concern is truthfulness. In one survey a whopping 86% of

participants in an online dating site felt that others misrepresented

their physical appearance (Gibbs, Ellison, & Heino, 2006). The most

common factors that online daters misrepresent are age, appearance,

and marital status (Byrm & Lenton, 2001). In fact, one study found

that the lower the online daters’ attractiveness, the more likely they

were to lie about their physical descriptors such as height, weight,

and age (Toma & Hancock, 2010). Another study of online daters

age 53 to 74 found that both men and women attempted to represent

themselves as more youthful than they really were (McWilliams &

Barrett, 2014).

Some people rationalize lying online because it has practical

advantages: Men on dating sites who claim to earn high salaries receive

more replies than those who say they earn less money (Epstein, 2007). In

addition, there are semantic misunderstandings: One person’s “average”

may be another person’s “plump.” Finally, creating an accurate online

representation of oneself is a complex process: Individuals need to put

their best self forward to attract potential dates, but they also need to

present themselves authentically—especially if they expect to meet a

person face-to-face.

Moving beyond Online Relationships

Many virtual interactions migrate to face-to-face relationships.

Researchers find that romantic relationships that begin on the Inter-

net seem to be just as stable over 2 years as traditional relationships

(McKenna, Green, & Gleason, 2002). Additionally, there seems to be

a curvilinear relationship between amount of communication online

and the quality of the initial face-to-face meeting (Ramirez et al., 2015).

That is, there appears to be a “tipping point” where continued interact-

ing online becomes associated only with detriments in intimacy and

information seeking in the initial meeting.

The Internet has definitely changed the relationship landscape,

and not just in the initial stages of relationships (Finkel et al., 2012).

Individuals can use the Internet to sustain contacts, reconnect, and

Figure 9.13 Dating-related activities online. Researchers asked Internet users who were single and looking for a romantic partner how

they used the Internet (including email and instant messaging) for

dating (Madden & Lenhart, 2006). Flirting and going to an online

dating website were most frequently mentioned. Most respondents

engaged in three or fewer of these activities.

Source: Adapted from Madden & Lenhart (2006). Online dating. Retrieved April 29,

2007 from http://www.pewinternet.org/pdfs/PIP_Online_Dating.pdf. (Dating-Related

Activities Online table, p. 5) Reprinted by permission of PEW Internet & American Life

Project. Washington, D.C.

Je rr

y K

in g

C ar

to on

s, In

DATING-RELATED ACTIVITIES ONLINE

Online activities

Single and looking

Internet users (%)

Flirt with someone 40

Go to an online dating website 37

Ask someone out on a date 28

event, where you might meet someone to date

Been introduced to a potential date by a

third party using email or instant messaging

Participate in an online group where you

hope to meet people to date

Search for information about someone you

dated in the past

Maintain a long-distance relationship 18

Search for information about someone you

are currently dating or are about to meet for

Break up with someone you are dating 9

Friendship and Love 271

even break up with others. Research shows that while social network sites allow for

relationship maintenance behaviors in long-distance relationships, they also provide

opportunities for partner surveillance and increased jealousy (Billedo, Kerkhof, &

Finkenauer, 2015). In addition, research indicates that individuals who feel that their

romantic partners use social network sites a lot also feel less intimacy with their partner

(Hand et al., 2013). More research in this fascinating area will not only provide valuable

information about virtual relationships but also reveal interesting new perspectives on

face-to-face relationships.

Online Dating Magazine

This independent and privately owned

online magazine is a source of wide-

ranging information about online dating:

reviews of dating services, tips on online

safety, tactics used by some dating

services to gain members, and advice

(from a psychologist) on how to form

better social relationships.

Learn More Online

Answer the following “true” or “false.”

1. Adolescents and young adults are the loneliest age group.

2. Many people who are lonely are also shy.

3. The seeds of loneliness are often sown early in life.

4. Effective social skills can be learned relatively easily.

All of the above are true, as you’ll learn shortly. But let’s start

with a couple of general points. First, being alone doesn’t neces-

sarily produce feelings of loneliness. In these fast-paced times,

solitude can provide needed down time to recharge your batter-

ies. People also need time alone to deepen self-understanding,

wrestle with decisions, and contemplate important life issues.

Second, people can feel lonely even when surrounded by others

(at a party or concert, for instance). It’s possible to have a large

social network but not feel close to anyone in particular.

The Nature and Prevalence of Loneliness

Loneliness occurs when a person has fewer interpersonal rela-

tionships than desired or when these relationships are not as

satisfying as desired. Of course, people vary in their needs for

social connections. Thus, if you’re not distressed by the quan-

tity or quality of your social and emotional ties, you wouldn’t be

considered lonely.

We can think about loneliness in various ways. One ap-

proach is to look at the type of relationship deficit involved

(Weiss, 1973). Emotional loneliness stems from the absence of an

intimate attachment figure. For a child, this figure is typically a

parent; for an adult, it is usually a spouse, partner, or best friend.

Social loneliness results from the lack of a friendship network

(typically provided in school, work, or church settings and in

community groups). For example, a married couple who moves

to a new city might experience social loneliness until they make

9.5 Overcoming Loneliness

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Describe loneliness and discuss its prevalence.

■ Explain how early experiences and current social trends contribute to

loneliness.

■ Understand how shyness, poor social skills, and self-defeating

attributions contribute to loneliness.

■ Summarize the suggestions for conquering loneliness.

Learning Objectives

Psychology Today: Loneliness

This site from Psychology Today includes current, cutting-edge research

on loneliness and shyness. The editors do a good job of making

scientific research accessible and practical. The site is very user friendly.

Learn More Online

A couple who moves to a new city might experience social loneliness

until they make new friends. However, because they have each other,

they should not experience emotional loneliness.

S to

ck Li

te /S

hu tt

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co m

272 C H A P T E R 9

new social connections; however, because they have each other,

they should not experience emotional loneliness. On the other

hand, a recently divorced person will likely feel emotional lone-

liness but should not experience social loneliness if work and

friendship networks remain intact.

Emotional loneliness seems to be tied to the absence of

a romantic partner in both college students and senior adults

(Green et al., 2001). Social loneliness, however, seems to spring

from different roots, depending on age. In college students, it’s

the quantity of friendship contacts that counts; among the older

group, it’s the quality of contacts. It’s also worth noting that

social support can’t compensate for emotional loneliness—for

example, the presence of friends and family cannot substitute

for a loved one who has died. Of course, this is not to say that

social support is unimportant. The point is that different types

of loneliness require different responses; therefore, you need to

pinpoint the exact nature of your social deficits to cope effec-

tively with loneliness.

A second way to look at loneliness is in terms of its duration

(Young, 1982). Transient loneliness involves brief and sporadic

feelings of loneliness, which many people may experience even

when their social lives are reasonably satisfying. Transitional

loneliness occurs when people who have had adequate social

relationships in the past become lonely after experiencing a dis-

ruption in their social network (the death of a loved one, say,

or a divorce or a move). Chronic loneliness is a condition that

affects people who have been unable to develop a satisfactory

interpersonal network over a period of years. Here we focus on

chronic loneliness.

How many people are plagued by loneliness? Although we

don’t have a precise answer to this question, anecdotal evidence

suggests that the number is substantial. The prevalence of lone-

liness in specific age groups actually contradicts stereotypes. For

example, many assume that the loneliest age group is the elderly,

but this “distinction” actually belongs to adolescents and young

adults (Snell & March, 2008). Gay and lesbian adolescents are

particularly likely to be lonely (Westefeld et al., 2001). Loneli-

ness is also common among college students (Knox, Vail-Smith,

& Zusman, 2007). Another surprising finding is that loneliness

decreases with age, at least until the much later years of adult-

hood when one’s friends begin to die or one becomes widowed

(DePaulo, 2011).

Women are found to be lonelier than men, but only on

measures that use words such as lonely or loneliness (Borys &

Perlman, 1985). Thus, it is likely that this apparent gender dif-

ference is really men’s reluctance to admit to feeling lonely.

In fact, when surveying men and women in the Netherlands,

researchers found that divorced men are more likely to suffer

from emotional loneliness than divorced women are (Dykstra

& Fokkema, 2007).

The Roots of Loneliness

Any event that ruptures the social fabric of a person’s life may

lead to loneliness, so no one is immune. We’ll consider the roles

of early experiences and social trends.

Early Experiences

A key problem in chronic loneliness seems to be early negative

social behavior that leads to rejection by peers (Pedersen et al.,

2007). Children who are aggressive or withdrawn are likely to

suffer peer rejection even in preschool (Ray et al., 1997). What

prompts inappropriate social behavior in young children? One

factor is an insecure attachment style. Because of difficult early

parent-infant interactions, children often develop social behav-

iors (aggression, aloofness, competitiveness, overdependence)

that “invite” rejection by adults and peers (Bartholomew, 1990).

You can see how a vicious cycle gets set up. A child’s inappropri-

ate behavior prompts rejection, which in turn triggers negative

expectations about social interactions in the child, which can

lead to more negative behavior, and so on. To help break this

self-defeating cycle (and head off the loneliness that can result),

it is crucial to help children learn appropriate social skills early

in life. Without intervention, this cycle can continue and result

in chronic loneliness. Indeed, one study found that attachment

style at the age of only 24 months was predictive of later child-

hood loneliness (Raikes & Thompson, 2008).

Interestingly, researchers are starting to explore the genetics

of loneliness. Studies suggest that the heritability of loneliness

may be in the vicinity of 50% (Goossens et al., 2015). Of course,

environmental factors are likely to interact with genetic predis-

positions. For example, social factors (such as rejection or low

social support) might have a greater effect on those genetically

predisposed to loneliness (Goossens et al., 2015).

Social Trends

Some social commentators and social scientists are concerned

that recent trends are undermining social connections in our

culture, making us “lonely in a social world” (Cacioppo &

Patrick, 2008). A number of factors come into play. Parents

(especially if they are single) may be so pressed for time that they

have little time to cultivate adult relationships (Olds & Schwartz,

2009). Because of busy schedules, face-to-face interactions at

home are reduced as family members eat on the run, on their

own, or in front of the TV without meaningful family conver-

sation. Further, superficial social interactions become prevalent

as people order their meals and do their banking at drive-up

windows, purchase their groceries via automated checkout

stations, and so forth.

Even with the ubiquitous presence of social network sites,

loneliness appears to be on the rise (Cacioppo et al. 2015b).

While technology makes life easier in some respects and does

provide opportunities for developing relationships, it has its

downsides. As previously mentioned, online relationships can

be devoid of true connection and intimacy, which can leave us

feeling lonely.

Correlates of Loneliness

For people who are chronically lonely, painful feelings are a fact

of life. Three factors that figure prominently in chronic loneliness

are shyness, poor social skills, and a self-defeating attributional

Friendship and Love 273

style. Of course, the link between these factors and loneliness

could be bidirectional. Feeling lonely might cause a person to

make negative attributions about others, but making negative

attributions can also lead to loneliness.

Shyness

Shyness is in associated with increased loneliness. Shyness re-

fers to discomfort, inhibition, and excessive caution in inter-

personal relations. Specifically, shy people tend to (1) be timid

about expressing themselves, (2) be overly self-conscious about

how others react to them, (3) embarrass easily, and (4) experi-

ence physiological symptoms of their anxiety, such as a racing

pulse, blushing, or an upset stomach. In pioneering research

on shyness, Philip Zimbardo (1977, 1990) and his associates

report that 60% of shy people indicated that their shyness was

situationally specific. That is, their shyness was triggered only in

certain social contexts, such as asking someone for help or inter-

acting with a large group of people. Shyness might be one reason

some lonely people engage in unhealthy Internet usage (Huan

et al., 2014). Supporting the importance of the situation, one

study found that self-reported shyness was related to decreased

self-disclosures in an online conversation, but only when a

webcam was present. Shyness was not related to self-disclosure

when there was no webcam (Brunet & Schmidt, 2007).

Poor Social Skills

A variety of problematic social skills are associated with lone-

liness. A common finding is that lonely people show lower

responsiveness to their conversational partners and are more

self-focused (Rook, 1998). Similarly, researchers report that

lonely people are relatively inhibited and unassertive, speaking

less than nonlonely people. They also seem to disclose less about

themselves than those who are not lonely or who are less socially

anxious (Cuming & Rapee, 2009). This (often unconscious) ten-

dency has the effect of keeping people at an emotional distance

and limits interactions to a relatively superficial level. These

interactional problems are based, in part, on heightened fears

of rejection (Jackson et al., 2002). It seems that people with

“rejection anxiety” believe that their signaled interest is obvious

to others when it is not (Vorauer et al., 2003). Thus, unaware

that their signal was invisible, those with rejection anxiety

may perceive rejection where none exists. The fact that social

skills deficits and peer acceptance are predictive of loneliness

isn’t simply a Western phenomenon; it has been demonstrated

among Japanese and Chinese students as well (Aikawa, Fujita, &

Tanaka, 2007; Liu & Wang, 2009).

Self-Defeating Attributional Style

It’s easy to see how repeated rejections can foster negative expec-

tations about social interactions. Thus, lonely people are prone

to irrational thinking about their social skills, the probability of

their achieving intimacy, the likelihood of their being rejected,

and so forth. Unfortunately, once people develop these negative

ideas, they often behave in ways that confirm their expectations,

again setting up a cycle of counterproductive behavior.

Jeffrey Young (1982) points out that lonely people engage

in negative self-talk that prevents them from pursuing intimacy

in an active and positive manner. He has identified some clus-

ters of ideas that foster loneliness. Figure 9.14 gives examples of

typical thoughts from six of these clusters of cognitions and the

overt behaviors that result. As you can see, several of the cog-

nitions in Figure 9.14 are stable, internal self-attributions. This

tendency to attribute loneliness to stable, internal causes con-

stitutes a self-defeating attributional style. That is, lonely peo-

ple tell themselves that they’re lonely because they’re basically

unlovable individuals. Not only is this a devastating belief, it is

self-defeating because it offers no way to change the situation.

Happily, it is possible to reduce loneliness, as you’ll see.

Conquering Loneliness

The emotional consequences associated with chronic loneli-

ness can be painful and sometimes overwhelming: low self-

esteem, hostility, depression, alcoholism, possibly even suicide

(McWhirter, 1990). Chronic loneliness also is associated with re-

duced physical health (Cacioppo et al., 2015a). A meta-analysis

of seventy studies found that loneliness and social isolation are

associated with early mortality to the same degree as risk fac-

tors such as obesity and lack of physical activity (Holt-Lunstad

et al., 2015). Research indicates that the loneliness–physical

Thanks to automation and online technology, people today are able

to take care of many of life’s necessities without interacting with other

human beings. These reduced opportunities for social interaction help fuel

increased loneliness.

The Shyness Homepage

The Shyness Institute (Portola Valley, CA) offers a “gathering of network

resources for people seeking information and services for shyness.” The

site contains many online resources and provides access to research

on shyness.

Learn More Online

R oy

al ty

-F re

e/ M

as te

rfi le

274 C H A P T E R 9

Figure 9.14 Patterns of thinking underlying loneliness. According to Young (1982), negative self-talk contributes to loneliness. Six clusters of irrational thoughts are illustrated here. Each cluster of

cognitions leads to certain patterns of behavior (right) that promote loneliness.

Source: From a paper presented at the annual convention of the American Psychological Association, September 2, 1979. An

expanded version of this paper appears in Emery, G., Hollan, S. D., & Bedrosian, R. C. (Eds.) (1981). New directions in cognitive

therapy. NY: Guilford Press, and in Peplau, L. A., & Perlman, D. (Eds.) (1982). Loneliness: A sourcebook of current theory, research

health link might exist because lonely people are more suscepti-

ble to inflammation in response to stress (Jaremka et al., 2013).

Although there are no simple solutions to loneliness, there are

some effective ones. Let’s look at four useful strategies.

One option is to use the Internet to overcome loneliness,

although this approach has its hazards as well. On the plus side,

the Internet is an obvious boon to busy people, those with stig-

matized social identities, and those who find physical mobility

difficult (for example, people with serious medical conditions).

Among lonely people, Internet use is associated with benefits

such as the formation of online friendships, improved social

support, and ultimately reduced loneliness (Morahan-Martin &

Schumacher, 2003; Shaw, & Gant, 2002). Moreover, socially anx-

ious people can interact without the pressure involved in face-

to-face communication (Bonetti, Campbell, & Gilmore, 2010).

On the other hand, if lonely people spend a lot of time online,

they might devote less time to face-to-face relationships and

might not develop the self-confidence to pursue relationships

offline. One study found that over time, excessive Internet use

increased loneliness (Yao & Zhong, 2014).

A second suggestion is to resist the temptation to withdraw

from social situations. A study that asked people what they did

when they felt lonely found the top responses to be “read” and

“listen to music” (Rubenstein & Shaver, 1982). These days, play-

ing computer games and using the Internet are also options. If

done occasionally, these activities can be constructive ways of

dealing with loneliness. However, as long-term strategies, they

do nothing to help a lonely person acquire new “real-world”

friends. The importance of staying active socially cannot be

overemphasized. Recall that proximity is a powerful factor in

the development of close relationships. To make friends, you

have to be around people.

A third strategy to thwart loneliness is to cultivate one’s so-

cial skills. You’ll find a wealth of information on this important

topic in Chapter 8 (Interpersonal Communication). Lonely peo-

ple, especially, should focus on attending to others’ nonverbal

signals, deepening the level of their self-disclosure, engaging

in active listening, improving their conversational skills, and

developing an assertive communication style.

A final strategy is to break out of the habit of the self-

defeating attributional style we just discussed (“I’m lonely because

I’m unlovable”). There are other attributions a lonely person

could make, and these alternative explanations point to solutions

(see Figure 9.15). If someone says, “My conversational skills are

weak” (unstable, internal cause), the solution would be: “I’ll try to

find out how to improve them.” Or, if someone thinks, “It always

takes time to meet people when you move to a new location” (un-

stable, external cause), this attribution suggests the solution of

trying harder to establish new relationships and giving them time

to develop. The attribution “I’ve really searched, but I just can’t

find enough compatible people at my workplace” (stable, external

cause) may lead to the decision, “It’s time to look for a new job.”

As you can see, the last three attributions lead to active modes of

coping rather than the passivity fostered by a self-defeating attri-

butional style. Research finds this strategy to be the most effective

in combating loneliness (Cacioppo et al. 2015b).

Anyone who feels overwhelmed at the prospect of tackling

loneliness on his or her own should consider seeing a counselor

CLUSTERS OF COGNITIONS TYPICAL OF LONELY PEOPLE

Clusters Cognitions Behaviors

A 1. I’m undesirable.

2. I’m dull and boring.

Avoidance of friendship

B 1. I can’t communicate with other people.

2. My thoughts and feelings are bottled up inside.

Low self-disclosure

C 1. I’m not a good lover in bed.

2. I can’t relax, be spontaneous, and enjoy sex.

Avoidance of sexual

relationships

D 1. I can’t seem to get what I want from this relationship.

2. I can’t say how I feel, or he/she might leave me.

Lack of assertiveness in

relationships

E 1. I won’t risk being hurt again.

2. I’d screw up any relationship.

Avoidance of potentially

intimate relationships

F 1. I don’t know how to act in this situation.

2. I’ll make a fool of myself.

Avoidance of other

people

Friendship and Love 275

or therapist. Dealing with loneliness and shyness usually involves

work on two fronts. First, counselors help people improve social

skills through social skills training. In this program, individuals

learn and practice the skills involved in initiating and main-

taining relationships. Second, counselors use cognitive therapy

(see Chapter 15) to help lonely and shy individuals break the

habit of automatic negative thoughts and self-defeating attribu-

tions. Over a series of sessions, individuals learn to change their

negative views of themselves (“I’m boring”) and other people

(“They’re cold and unfriendly”). Both of these approaches have

high success rates, and they can pave the way to more positive

social interactions that are critical to adjustment.

Stability dimension

In te

rn a l-

e x te

rn a l

d im

e n si

o n

Unstable cause (temporary)

Stable cause (permanent)

I’m lonely now, but won’t be for long. I need to get out and meet some new people.

I’m lonely because I’m unlovable. I’ll never be worth loving.

My lover and I just split up. I guess some relationships work and some don’t. Maybe I’ll be luckier next time.

The people here are cold and unfriendly. It’s time to look for a new job.

Internal cause

External cause

Figure 9.15 Attributions and loneliness. Lonely people often have a self-defeating attributional style, in which they attribute their loneliness to stable, internal causes (see

upper right quadrant). Learning to make alternative attributions (see other quadrants)

can bring to light ways to deal with loneliness and facilitate active coping.

Source: Based on Shaver, P., & Rubenstein, C. (1980). Childhood attachment experience and adult loneliness.

In L. Wheeler (Ed.), Review of personality and social psychology (Vol.1, pp. 42–73). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

Publications.

276 C H A P T E R 9

C H A P T E R 9 Review Key Ideas

9.1 Relationship Development ● Close relationships are those that are important, interdependent,

and long lasting. They include friendships as well as work, family, and romantic relationships. They can elicit both positive and negative emotions.

● People are initially drawn to others who are nearby, who are seen often, and who are physically attractive. Although physical attractiveness plays a key role in initial attraction, people also seek other desirable characteristics, such as kindness and intelligence. There is general agreement about what makes a person attractive. Red clothing may enhance attractiveness in women. People often match up on looks, but sometimes men trade status for physical attractiveness in women, and vice versa.

● As people get acquainted, they prefer others who like them and who are similar to them in various ways. Couples tend to be similar in age, race, religion, education, and attitudes.

● Once relationships are established, people engage in various maintenance behaviors and actions to sustain them. Interdependence (or social exchange) theory uses principles of reinforcement to predict relationship satisfaction and commitment. How individuals apply social exchange principles depends on whether they are in exchange or communal relationships.

9.2 Friendship ● A key component of friendship is emotional support. Women’s

same-gender friendships are usually characterized by self-disclosure and intimacy, whereas men’s same-gender friendships typically involve doing things together. Some friendship issues are more complex for homosexuals than heterosexuals. Friends must engage in friendship repair if they are dealing with conflict.

9.3 Romantic Love ● Contrary to stereotypes, men may be more romantic in some ways

than women. Many studies of romantic love and relationships suffer from heterosexism. Research indicates that the experience of romantic love is similar for heterosexual and homosexual individuals.

● Sternberg’s triangular theory of love proposes that passion, intimacy, and commitment combine into eight types of love. Hazan and Shaver theorize that love relationships follow the form of attachments in infancy. Researchers subsequently expanded the number of attachment styles from three to four: secure, preoccupied, avoidant-dismissing, and avoidant-fearful. Each style has a characteristic profile. Although attachment styles show stability over time, it is possible for them to change.

● Initially, romantic love is usually characterized by passion, but strong passion appears to fade over time for a number of reasons. In relationships that continue, passionate love evolves into a less intense, more mature form of love.

● The chief causes of relationship failure are the tendency to make premature commitments, ineffective conflict management skills, boredom with the relationship, and the availability of a more attractive relationship. Breakups are a process, and there are individual differences in adjusting to breakups. To help relationships last, couples should take the time to know each other very well, emphasize the positive qualities in their partner and relationship, develop effective conflict management skills, and engage in novel activities together.

9.4 The Internet and Close Relationships ● The Internet offers many new vehicles for meeting others and

developing relationships. The differences between Internet and face- to-face communication have important implications for established psychological theories and principles of relationship development.

● Virtual relationships can be just as intimate as face-to-face ones. However, people often misrepresent themselves online. Many online relationships go on to become face-to-face ones.

9.5 Application: Overcoming Loneliness ● Loneliness involves discontent with the extent and quality of one’s

interpersonal network. A surprisingly large number of people in our society are troubled by loneliness. The age groups most affected by loneliness contradict stereotypes.

● The origins of chronic loneliness can often be traced to early negative behavior that triggers rejection by peers and teachers. Social trends may also promote loneliness. Loneliness is associated with shyness, poor social skills, and self-defeating attributions.

● The keys to overcoming loneliness include resisting the temptation to withdraw from social situations, avoiding self-defeating attributions, and working on one’s social skills.

David Buss p. 255 Michael Cunningham p. 253 Cindy Hazan and Phillip Shaver

pp. 262–264

Harold Kelley and John Thibaut p. 258

Robert Sternberg p. 262 Philip Zimbardo p. 273

Key People

Key Terms

Attachment styles p. 263 Close relationships p. 251 Commitment p. 262 Comparison level p. 258 Comparison level for

alternatives p. 258 Heterosexism p. 261 Interdependence theory p. 258 Intimacy p. 262 Investments p. 259 Loneliness p. 271

Matching hypothesis p. 255 Mere exposure effect p. 252 Parental investment theory p. 255 Passion p. 262 Proximity p. 251 Reciprocal liking p. 256 Relationship maintenance p. 257 Self-disclosure p. 256 Sexual orientation p. 261 Shyness p. 273 Social exchange theory p. 258

Friendship and Love 277

C H A P T E R 9 Practice Test 9. Which of the following statements regarding self-disclosure in

online communication is accurate? a. Because online communication is anonymous, people take

fewer risks in online self-disclosure. b. Because online communication is anonymous, people take

greater risks in online self-disclosure. c. Because there is a potential record of one’s online

communication, people take fewer risks in online self- disclosure.

d. There is no difference in self-disclosure in online versus face-to-face communication.

10. A self-defeating attributional style associated with loneliness involves attributing loneliness to a. internal, stable factors. b. internal, unstable factors. c. external, stable factors. d. external, unstable factors.

1. The mere exposure effect refers to an increase in positive feelings due to a. seeing someone often. b. interacting with someone. c. communicating via email often. d. seeing someone once.

2. Jack and Liz have been dating for two years. They are a good example of the matching hypothesis. This means that they are matched on the basis of a. religion. b. personality. c. socioeconomic status. d. looks.

3. Tracey’s personal standard of what constitutes an acceptable balance of rewards and costs in a relationship is termed a. social exchange. b. comparison level. c. proximity level. d. relationship satisfaction.

4. A sociocultural explanation for the finding that women emphasize economic potential more than men in choosing partners is that women a. have better vision than men. b. have historically had less economic power than men. c. are less superficial than men. d. have to compensate for being more romantic than men.

5. Women’s same-gender friendships are typically based on

__________; men’s are typically based on __________. a. shopping together; hunting together b. attending sports events; watching sports events on televison c. shared activities; intimacy and self-disclosure d. intimacy and self-disclosure; shared activities

6. If a researcher fails to determine the sexual orientation of her research participants and reports her findings without any mention of homosexuals, her study suffers from a. homosexism. b. sexual dysfunction. c. heterosexism. d. homophobia.

7. Jenna tends to keep her distance from others and is unconcerned about social rejection. She would be classified in which of the following attachment styles? a. Secure b. Preoccupied c. Avoidant-dismissing d. Avoidant-fearful

8. Ross is going through a painful breakup. He is ruminating about his dissatisfaction, the costs of his relationship, and his alternatives. Steve Duck would say Ross is going through which of the following? a. Breakdown processes b. Intrapsychic processes c. Dyadic processes d. Social processes

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 9.1 Self-Assessment: Social Avoidance and Distress Scale

Exercise 9.2 Self-Reflection: How Do You Relate to Friends?

Answers 1. a Page 252 2. d Page 255 3. b Page 258 4. b Page 256 5. d Page 260

6. c Page 261 7. c Pages 264–265 8. b Page 267 9. b Page 270

10. a Page 273

C H A P T E R 10 Marriage and the Family

10.1 Challenges to the Traditional Model of Marriage

10.2 Deciding to Marry

Cultural Influences on Marriage

Selecting a Mate

Predictors of Marital Success

10.3 Marital Adjustment across the Family Life Cycle

Between Families: The Unattached

Young Adult

Joining Together: The Newly Married Couple

The Family with Young Children

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Finding the Bundles of Joy in Parenting

The Family with Adolescent Children

Launching Children into the Adult World

The Family in Later Life

10.4 Vulnerable Areas in Marital Adjustment

Gaps in Role Expectations

Work and Career Issues

Financial Difficulties

Inadequate Communication

RECOMMENDED READING The Seven Principles for Making Marriage Work by John M. Gottman

10.5 Divorce and Its Aftermath

Divorce Rates

Deciding on a Divorce

Adjusting to Divorce

Effects of Divorce on Children

Remarriage and Stepfamilies

10.6 Same-Sex Marriage

Relationship Stability and Adjustment

Same-Sex Families

10.7 Alternatives to Marriage

Cohabitation

Remaining Single

10.8 APPLICATION: Understanding Intimate Partner Violence

Partner Abuse

Date Rape

Review

Practice Test

Maksim Mazur/Shutterstock.com

devastating for most people—a reality that illustrates the enor-

mous importance of intimate relationships in people’s lives.

In the previous chapter, we explored the important role

of close relationships in personal adjustment. In this chapter

we focus on marriage and the family. We discuss why people

marry and how they progress toward the selection of a mate.

To shed light on marital adjustment, we describe the life

cycle of the family, highlighting key vulnerable spots in mari-

tal relations and issues related to divorce. We will also address

same-sex marriages and alternatives to marriage, including

cohabitation and singlehood. Finally, in the Application we

examine the tragic problem of violence in intimate relation-

ships. Let’s begin by discussing recent challenges to the tradi-

tional concept of marriage. ■

“My hands are shaky. I want to call her again but I know it is no

good. She’ll only yell and scream. It makes me feel lousy. I have

work to do but I can’t do it. I can’t concentrate. I want to call

people up, go see them, but I’m afraid they’ll see that I’m shaky.

I just want to talk. I can’t think about anything besides this trou-

ble with Nina. I think I want to cry.” —A recently separated man

quoted in Marital Separation (Weiss, 1975, p. 48)

T his man is describing his feelings a few days after

he and his wife separated. He is still hoping for rec-

onciliation. In the meantime, he feels overwhelmed

by anxiety, remorse, and depression. His emotional distress

is so great that he can’t think straight or work effectively.

Although this anecdote is from more than 40 years ago,

his experience remains familiar. Breakups and divorce are

Marriage and the Family 279

10.1 Challenges to the Traditional Model of Marriage

Marriage is the legally and socially sanctioned union of sexually intimate adults. In

June 2015, the Supreme Court issued a landmark ruling that same-sex marriage was legal

nationwide (Liptak, 2015), thus expanding the definition of marriage to include all adults

regardless of gender and sexual orientation. Obviously, this changing landscape will stim-

ulate research in years to come. It is important to note that for now, research in the area of

marriage relies almost exclusively on heterosexual relationships and, when comparisons

are made, they are typically with same-sex committed relationships as opposed to mar-

riages. Unless otherwise noted, the research in this chapter involves heterosexual married

couples. It will be interesting to watch how research progresses and how same-sex

marriages will impact social trends.

Traditionally, the marital relationship has included economic interdependence,

common residence, sexual fidelity, and shared responsibility for children. Although the

institution of marriage remains popular, it sometimes seems to be under assault from shift-

ing social trends (Teachman, Tedrow, & Kim, 2013). The percentage of married adults has

been decreasing gradually since the 1960s. Take the past decade for instance: In 2014 the

percentage of young adults (age 18 to 29) who have never been married was 64%, up from

52% in 2004 (Saad, 2015). This trend has prompted many experts to ask whether marriage

is in serious trouble. Although it appears that the institution of marriage will weather the

storm, we should note some of the social trends that are shaking up the traditional model

(Helms, 2013).

1. Increased acceptance of singlehood. As previously mentioned, remaining single is a

trend that has been on the rise for several decades. In part, this trend reflects longer post-

ponement of marriage than before. Figure 10.1 shows that the median age at which people

marry has been increasing gradually since the mid-1960s. In 2015, the median age of first

marriages was 27.1 years for women and 29.2 years for men (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).

Thus, remaining single is becoming a more acceptable lifestyle. As a result, the negative

stereotype of people who remain single—lonely, frustrated, and unchosen—is gradually

evaporating.

2. Increased acceptance of cohabitation. Cohabitation is living together in a sexually

intimate relationship without the legal bonds of marriage. The prevalence of cohabita-

tion has grown dramatically in recent decades, as has its social acceptance (Rose-Greenland

Learning Objectives

■ Define marriage and discuss the current

status of same-sex marriage.

■ Discuss six social trends that are

affecting the institution of marriage.

280 C H A P T E R 1 0

& Smock, 2013). Moreover, cohabiting relationships increasingly include children (Pew

Research Center, 2015c).

3. Reduced premium on permanence. Most people still view marriage as a permanent

commitment, but an increasing number of people regard divorce as justifiable if their mar-

riage fails to foster their interests. Accordingly, the social stigma associated with divorce

has lessened, and divorce rates in the United States are high, hovering around 40% (Kreider

& Ellis, 2011).

19 1950 1960 1970

Males

Females

1980 1990 2000 2010 2015

M ed

ia n

ag e

at fi

rs t

m ar

ri ag

Year

Figure 10.1 Median age at first marriage. The median age at which people in the United States marry for the first time has been creeping up for both males and females since the mid-1960s. This trend indicates that more

people are postponing marriage. (Data from U.S. Bureau of the Census)

1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000 2020 Year

W om

en o

ve r

1 6 i

n la

bo r

fo rc

e (%

)

Figure 10.2 Women in the workforce. The percentage of women in the United States (older than age 16) who work outside the home has

been rising steadily, although it has leveled off in recent years.

(Data from U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics)

4. Transitions in gender roles. Gender-role expectations are different

for people entering marriage today than they were a generation or two

ago. The traditional breadwinner and homemaker roles for the husband

and wife are being discarded by many couples as more and more mar-

ried women enter the workforce (Halpern, 2005; see Figure 10.2). In 2011,

the number of families with a mother as the sole or primary breadwin-

ner reached an all-time high of 40% (Wang, Parker, & Taylor, 2013). Role

expectations for husbands and wives are becoming more varied, more

flexible, and more ambiguous. Many people regard this trend as a move in

a positive direction. However, changing gender roles create new potential

for conflict between marital partners.

5. Increased voluntary childlessness. In the past decades, the percent-

age of women without children has climbed in all age groups as an in-

creasing number of married couples have chosen not to have children or

to delay having children (Shaw, 2011). Indeed, when compared to other

countries worldwide, the United States has one of the highest childless-

ness rates (Livingston, 2014a). Researchers speculate that this trend is a

result of new career opportunities for women, the tendency to marry at

a later age, and changing attitudes (such as a desire for independence or

concerns about overpopulation) (Hatch, 2009).

6. Decline of the traditional nuclear family. In the eyes of many

Americans the ideal family should consist of a husband and wife married

Marriage and the Family 281

for the first time, rearing two or more children, with the man serving as the primary

breadwinner. In reality, this image was never all that accurate, and it still isn’t. According

to the Pew Research Center, fewer than half (46%) of American children live at home

with both heterosexual parents (Livingston, 2014c). The diversity of modern family

structures—including same-sex marriages, single-parent households, stepfamilies, and

childless marriages—make the traditional nuclear family a bit of a mirage (Peterson &

Bush, 2013). Interestingly, television shows today are beginning to depict these diverse

family structures (for instance, Modern Family).

In summary, traditional marriage is no longer the only acceptable lifestyle that defines

a family. The norms that mold marital and intimate relationships have been restructured

in fundamental ways in recent decades. Thus, the institution of marriage is in a period of

transition, creating new adjustment challenges for modern couples. Support for the con-

cept of monogamy remains strong, but changes in society are altering the traditional model

of marriage. The impact of these changes can be seen throughout this chapter as we discuss

various facets of married life.

10.2 Deciding to Marry

Although alternatives to marriage are more viable than ever, experts project that more than

90% of Americans will marry at least once (Cordova & Harp, 2009). Some will do it several

times! Further, most young people still view marriage as central to their future (Willoughby,

Hall, & Goff, 2015). Why? As shown in Figure 10.3, American women overwhelmingly cite

love as the reason they decided to marry. But how does culture influence marriage? How do

individuals choose their partners? And what are some predictors of successful marriages?

We’ll address these questions as we discuss the factors that influence the decision to marry.

Cultural Influences on Marriage

Although it appears that romantic love is experienced in all cultures, there are cultural

differences in romantic behaviors (Eastwick, 2013). For instance, cultures vary in their

emphasis on romantic love as a prerequisite for marriage. Modern Western cultures are

somewhat unusual in permitting free choice of one’s marital partner. According to Elaine

Hatfield and Richard Rapson (1993), “Marriage-for-love represents an ultimate expression

of individualism” (p. 2). By contrast, marriages arranged by families and other go-betweens

remain common in cultures high in collectivism (Merali, 2012). In fact, experts estimate

Learning Objectives

■ Describe some cultural influences on

marriage.

■ Identify several factors influencing the

selection of a mate.

■ Summarize research on predictors of

marital success.

Love

Long-term stability

Religious reasons

To have children

Social pressure

Legal reasons

Financial reasons

0 80 9070605040302010 Percent

Figure 10.3 Why do women decide to marry? Campbell, Wright, and Flores (2012) conducted an online survey of 197 women

who had been married less than 2 years and

asked them the primary reasons they got

married. As the figure shows, “love” was by far

the most common response. (Adapted from

Campbell, Wright, & Flores, 2012).

282 C H A P T E R 1 0

that up to 80% of world cultures have arranged marriages (Pasupathi, 2009). This practice

is declining in some societies, especially in urban settings, as a result of Westernization

(Moore & Wei, 2012). Still, when people in collectivist societies contemplate marriage, they

strongly weigh the impact the relationship will have on their family, rather than relying

solely on what their heart says (Triandis, 1994).

People from Western societies often hold a simplistic view of collectivist cultures’

deemphasis on romantic love and their penchant for arranged marriages, assuming

that the modern conception of romantic love as the basis for marriage must result in

better marital relationships than collectivist cultures’ “antiquated” beliefs and practices

(Grearson & Smith, 2009). However, there is little empirical support for this ethnocentric

view. Take, for example, a study of couples in India, which found that love grew over the

years in arranged marriages, whereas it declined among couples who married for roman-

tic love (Gupta & Singh, 1982). Another study found that Indian couples in arranged

marriages living in the United States reported higher marital satisfaction than U.S.

couples who married by choice (Madathil & Benshoff, 2008). Further, it’s estimated

that the divorce rate for arranged marriages worldwide is only about 6% (Statistic Brain

Research Institute, 2015). Granted, individuals in arranged marriages might be less likley

to view divorce as an option, but perhaps assumptions about the superiority of Western

ways are misguided, given our high divorce rates.

Selecting a Mate

Mate selection in American culture has typically been a gradual process that begins with

dating and moves on to sometimes lengthy periods of courtship before marriage. Let’s look

at some of the factors that influence this important process.

Monogamy and Polygamy

Monogamy is the practice of having only one spouse at a time. In our society, mono-

gamous marital relationships are the norm and the law. However, many cultures practice

polygamy, having more than one spouse at a time. Westerners typically associate poly-

gamy with the Mormon religion, even though the Mormon Church officially denounced

polygamy in the late 19th century. However, polygamy is practiced worldwide. The practice

of polygamy tends to be most common in societies where women have little or no inde-

pendence, access to education, or political power (Cunningham, 2009b). In a review of

cross-cultural studies from Australia, Africa, and the Middle East, Shepard (2013) found

that women in polygamous marriages (also called plural marriages) had decreased life

satisfaction, lower self-esteem, and higher rates of depression and anxiety compared to

those in monogamous marriages. Women report that unhappiness, loneliness, a sense of

Marriages based on romantic love are the norm in Western cultures, whereas arranged marriages prevail in

collectivist cultures.

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Marriage and the Family 283

competition, and jealousy are disadvantages of polygamy. Com-

monly reported ways of dealing with these disadvantages include

believing that this way of life is God’s will, allocating household

resources equally, and maintaining an attitude of respect for the

other wives (Slonim-Nevo & Al-Krenawi, 2006).

Endogamy and Homogamy

Endogamy is the tendency for people to marry within their

own social group. Research demonstrates that people tend

to marry others of the same race, religion, ethnic background,

and social class (Surra & Boelter, 2013). This behavior is pro-

moted by cultural norms and by the way similarity fosters

interpersonal attraction. Although endogamy appears to be

declining, this decrease has been gradual. For example, in

2010, 10% of all households reported an interracial marriage,

up from 7% in 2000 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012). This

is up from just 1% in 1970 (Gaines, 2009). Although some people speculate that

interracial relationships carry an extra burden, research suggests that there are no dif-

ferences between interracial couples and same-race couples in terms of relationship

quality, conflict patterns, and attachment. In fact, interracial couples tend to report

higher relationship satisfaction than others (Troy, Lewis-Smith, & Laurenceau, 2006),

especially when partners feel positive about their own race while being accepting of

others (Leslie & Letiecq, 2004). Interracial married couples report that race doesn’t

play a role in their everyday relationship experiences (Killian, 2012). However, it

appears that biases still exist. When individuals were asked directly if they would be in

favor of a family member having an interracial marriage, 54% of black participants said

yes compare to only 26% of whites (Djamba & Kimuna, 2014).

Homogamy is the tendency for people to marry others who have similar per-

sonal characteristics. Among other things, marital partners tend to be similar in age

and education, physical attractiveness, attitudes and values, marital history, and even

vulnerability to psychological disorders. Interestingly, homogamy is associated with

longer-lasting and more satisfying marital relations (Gonzaga, 2009). Even in dating

relationships, similarity on a variety of characteristics is related to stability and satisfac-

tion (Peretti & Abplanalp, 2004).

Gender and Mate Selection Preferences

Research reveals that males and females exhibit both similarities and differences in what

they look for in a marital partner. Many characteristics, such as physical attractiveness,

intelligence, humor, honesty, and kindness, are rated highly by both sexes (Lippa, 2007).

Both male and female college students gave high ratings to the traits of honesty and trust-

worthiness for marriage partners (Regan & Berscheid, 1997). However, a few reliable

differences between men’s and women’s priorities have been found, and these differences

appear to be nearly universal across cultures.

As we saw in Chapter 9, women tend to place a higher value than men on po-

tential partners’ socioeconomic status, intelligence, ambition, and financial prospects.

In contrast, men consistently show more interest than women in potential partners’

youthfulness and physical attractiveness (Buss & Kenrick, 1998). Fletcher (2002)

asserts that mate selection criteria can be grouped into three major categories: warmth/

loyalty, vitality/attractiveness, and status/resources. Compared to men, women tend

to place a greater emphasis on warmth/loyalty and status/resources and less of an

emphasis on vitality/attractiveness. This gender difference is greater for long-term as

opposed to short-term mate selection (Fletcher et al., 2004). Most theorists explain

these gender disparities in terms of evolutionary concepts (Griskevicius, Haselton, &

Ackerman, 2015).

People tend to marry others who are similar in race, religion, and social

class—a phenomenon called endogamy.

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284 C H A P T E R 1 0

Predictors of Marital Success

Are there any factors that reliably predict marital success? A great deal of research

has been devoted to this question. This effort has been plagued by one obvious prob-

lem: How do you measure “marital success”? Some researchers have simply compared

divorced and intact couples in regard to premarital characteristics. The problem with this

strategy is that it assesses only commitment and not satisfaction. Many intact couples

obviously do not have happy or successful marriages. Other researchers have used elab-

orate questionnaires to measure couples’ marital satisfaction. Unfortunately, these scales

appear to measure complacency and lack of conflict more than satisfaction (Fowers

et al., 1994). Although research shows some thought-provoking correlations between

couples’ premarital characteristics and marital adjustment, most of the correlations are

relatively small. Thus, there are no foolproof predictors of marital success. Nevertheless,

here are some of the factors that researchers have investigated.

Family background. The marital adjustment of partners is correlated with the marital satis-

faction of their parents. People whose parents were divorced are more likely than others to

experience divorce themselves (Frame, Mattson, & Johnson, 2009). Researchers speculate

that this intergenerational “divorce cycle” may be due in part to how individuals learn to

resolve conflicts. For better or worse, they often learn this behavior from their parents.

Rhoades and colleagues (2012) found that spouses whose parents were divorced reported

more negative communication than those with parents who were still married. Further,

Whitton and colleagues (2008) found that hostility levels of parents in family interactions

predicted the marital hostility levels of their offspring 17 years later. This hostility level, in

turn, predicted marital adjustment, especially for men. The researchers note, however, that

other factors, such as the development of insecure attachment styles, might be at play here.

Age. The age at which one marries is also related to the likelihood of marriage success.

Couples who marry young have higher divorce rates (Bramlett & Mosher, 2002), as

Figure 10.4 shows. Perhaps people who marry later have more carefully selected their mate

or are less likely to undergo dramatic personal change that would render them incompati-

ble with their partners.

Length of courtship. Longer periods of courtship are associated with

a greater probability of marital success (Cate & Lloyd, 1988). Longer

courtships may allow couples to evaluate their compatibility more

accurately. Alternatively, the correlation between courtship length

and marital success may exist because people who are cautious about

marriage have attitudes and values that promote marital stability.

Personality. Generally, studies have found that partners’ specific person-

ality traits are not strong predictors of marital success. That said, there

are some traits that show modest correlations with marital adjustment.

For example, two predictors of marital dissolution are perfectionism

(Haring, Hewitt, & Flett, 2003) and insecurity (Crowell, Treboux, &

Waters, 2002). Recently, researchers have had more success exploring

the link between people’s underlying emotional dispositions and mari-

tal adjustment. They found that the intensity of smiling in college year-

books (an indicator of positive emotional expression) was predictive of

a lower likelihood of divorce in later life (Hertenstein et al., 2009). These

researchers found similar results when they rated childhood photos of

older adults; smiling in photos predicted marital success later in life.

Although Hertenstein acknowledges that there are other explanations

for the link (such as that smiling people might attract more friends and

have more social support), he asserts that these results demonstrate the

important role of positive emotional dispositions in life.

0 Under 18 25 and up18–19 20–24

Age of first marriage

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Figure 10.4 Age at marriage and probability of marital disruption after 10 years. Researchers have estimated the likelihood of marital disruption (either divorce or separation) after 10 years for various

age groups. The data summarized here show that the probability of

marital disruption is substantially higher among those who marry

young. (Data from the Centers for Disease Control)

Marriage and the Family 285

Premarital communication. As you might expect, how well couples get along during their

courtship is predictive of their marital adjustment. The quality of premarital communi-

cation appears to be especially crucial. For example, the more that prospective mates are

negative, sarcastic, insulting, and unsupportive during courtship, the greater the likelihood

of marital distress and divorce (Clements, Stanley, & Markman, 2004). Close relationships

that include self-disclosure and acceptance of what is learned through disclosure are likely

to be the most satisfying over long periods of time (Harvey & Omarzu, 1999). Although

most research in the area of communication has focused on discussions of conflict, one

study found that being understood and validated in conversation is strongly related to

satisfaction, even when the conversation is about a positive event (Gable, Gonzaga, &

Strachman, 2006).

Stressful events. So far we have talked about issues that individual partners bring to a mar-

riage, but these relationships don’t exist in a vacuum. Stressful situations surrounding a

marriage (unemployment, chronic illness, caregiving for an aging parent) can cause con-

flict, increase distress, and harm marital stability (Lavee, 2013). Partners who report higher

levels of external stress also report more stress and tension in their close relationships

(Ledermann et al., 2010). That is, when stress is high, partners have more negative interac-

tions, thus eroding satisfaction (Buck & Neff, 2012). Neff (2012) suggests that stress harms

marriages over time by limiting one’s ability to engage in relationship-promoting behaviors.

One exception to the stress-distress link is the stress related to becoming new parents, a

topic we will talk about in more detail shortly.

10.3 Marital Adjustment across the Family Life Cycle

There are predictable patterns of development for families, just as there are for individuals.

These patterns make up the family life cycle, an orderly sequence of developmental stages

that families tend to progress through. The institutions of marriage and family are inevi-

tably intertwined. With the advent of marriage, two persons create an entirely new family.

Typically, this new family forms the core of one’s life as an adult.

Sociologists have proposed a number of models to describe family development. Our

discussion is organized around a six-stage model outlined by Carter and McGoldrick

(1988, 1999). Figure 10.5 provides an overview of their model. It spells out the develop-

mental tasks during each stage of the life cycle for families that eventually have children

and remain intact. Stress on the couple is typically highest as they transition from one

stage to another, adjusting to new roles and redefining their relationship (McGoldrick &

Shibusawa, 2012).

Admittedly, not all families progress through the family life cycle in an orderly

fashion, and some researchers find that marital problems are similar whether a couple

are newly married, have young children, or have been married for many years. Never-

theless, the model does appear to be a useful predictive tool for the marriage experi-

ence. Although Carter and McGoldrick have described variations on this basic pattern

that are associated with remaining childless or going through a divorce (McGoldrick &

Carter, 2003), we will focus primarily on the typical, basic pattern in this section. Note

that the focus is on heterosexual couples in this section. It will be interesting to see how

this model applies to gay and lesbian families in future research.

Between Families: The Unattached Young Adult

As young adults become independent of their parents, they go through a transitional period

during which they are “between families” until they form a new family through marriage.

Learning Objectives

■ Describe the family life cycle.

■ Identify factors couples weigh in

deciding whether to have children and

analyze the dynamics of the transition

to parenthood.

■ Identify common problems that surface

as a family’s children reach adolescence

and discuss the transitions that occur in

the later stages of the family life cycle.

286 C H A P T E R 1 0

What is interesting about this stage is that more and more people are prolonging it. As we

saw in Figure 10.1, the median age for marriage has been gradually increasing for several

decades. The extension of this stage is probably the result of a number of factors, including

the availability of new career options for women, increased educational requirements in the

world of work, an increased emphasis on personal autonomy, and more positive attitudes

about remaining single.

Joining Together: The Newly Married Couple

The next phase begins when the unattached adult becomes attached. If the couple marries,

the new spouses gradually settle into their new roles. For some couples, this phase can be

quite troublesome, as the early years of marriage are often marred by numerous problems

and disagreements. When reporting on marital satisfaction, 8%–14% of newlyweds score

in the distressed range; the most commonly reported problems are balancing work and

marriage and financial concerns (Schramm et al., 2005). In general, however, this stage

tends to be characterized by great happiness—the proverbial “honeymoon stage” and

“marital bliss.” Spouses’ satisfaction with their relationship tends to be relatively high early

in marriage, before the arrival of the first child.

The prechildren phase used to be rather short for most newly married couples, as

they quickly went about the business of adding to their family. Traditionally, couples have

simply assumed that they would proceed to have children. In fact, remaining childless by

choice used to be virtually unthinkable for women, as having a child was viewed as the

Figure 10.5 Stages of the family life cycle. The family life cycle can be divided into six stages, as shown here (based on Carter & McGoldrick, 1988). The family’s key developmental task during each stage is identified

in the second column. The third column lists additional developmental tasks at each stage.

THE FAMILY LIFE CYCLE

Family life cycle stage Key developmental task Additional changes in family status required to proceed developmentally

1. Between families: The unattached

young adult separation

b. Development of intimate peer relationships

c. Establishment of self in work

2. The joining of families through

marriage: The newly married couple

Commitment to new system a. Formation of marital system

b. Realignment of relationships with extended families and friends to include

spouse

3. The family with young children Accepting new members into

the system

a. Adjusting marital system to make space for child(ren)

b. Taking on parenting roles

c. Realignment of relationships with extended family to include parenting and

grandparenting roles

4. The family with adolescents

family boundaries to include

children’s independence

a. Shifting of parent-child relationships to permit adolescent to move in and

out of system

b. Refocus on midlife marital and career issues

c. Beginning shift toward concerns for older generation

5. Launching children and moving on Accepting a multitude of exits

from and entries into the

family system

a. Renegotiation of marital system as a dyad

b. Development of adult-to-adult relationships between grown children and

their parents

c. Realignment of relationships to include in-laws and grandchildren

d. Dealing with disabilities and death of parents (grandparents)

6. The family in later life Accepting the shifting of

generational roles

a. Maintaining own or couple functioning and interests in face of physiological

decline; exploration of new familial and social role options

b. Support for a more central role for middle generation

c. Making room in the system for the wisdom and experience of the elderly;

supporting the older generation without over-functioning for them

d. Dealing with loss of spouse, siblings, and other peers and preparation for

own death; life review and integrations

Marriage and the Family 287

ultimate fulfillment of womanhood (Ulrich & Weatherall, 2000). In recent decades, how-

ever, ambivalence about having children has clearly increased, and the Pew Research Cen-

ter reports that about 15% of women will not have children by age 44, up from 10% in the

1970s (Livingston, 2015). It is worth noting that these data suggest that the childlessness

trend might be on the decline, given that the rates peaked at 20% in 2005.

Couples who choose to remain childless cite the great costs incurred in raising chil-

dren. Women especially cite career issues as playing a role in their decisions (Park,

2005), and voluntarily childless women tend to have higher incomes and more work

experience than do other women (Abma & Martinez, 2006). Most voluntarily child-

less women do not regret their decision; however, those who wish to have children but

cannot (due to infertility, for instance) express distress over their childlessness (McQuillan

et al., 2012).

Although more couples are choosing not to have children, they are still in the minor-

ity. Most couples decide to have children, citing the responsibility to procreate, the joy of

watching youngsters mature, the sense of purpose that children create, and the satisfac-

tion associated with emotional nurturance and the challenges of childrearing (Cowan &

Cowan, 2000). Further, the vast majority of parents report no regret about their choice

(Demo, 1992).

The Family with Young Children

Although most parents are happy with their decision to have children, the arrival of the

first child represents a major transition, and the disruption of routines can be emotion-

ally draining, lessening parents’ well-being. The transition to parenthood tends to have

a greater impact on mothers than fathers (Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2003). The new mother,

already physically exhausted by the birth process, is particularly prone to postpartum

distress. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2015b) approx-

imately 8% to 19% of women report postpartum depressive symptoms. Risk factors for

developing postpartum depression include past depression, high stress levels, and marital

dissatisfaction (O’Hara, 2009). Issues such as infants’ sleeps patterns and crying are also

associated with mothers’ depressive symptoms (Meijer & van den Wittenboer, 2007).

Recently researchers have been asking whether postpartum depression might be a “dis-

ease of modern civilization” (Hahn-Holbrook & Haselton, 2014). They argue that there

have been cultural shifts—such as early weaning, poor diets, lack of physical activity, and

isolation from extended family—that coincide with increasing post-

partum depression. More research in this area will be helpful in testing

these interesting theories.

The transition to parenthood is more difficult when a mother’s

expectations regarding how much the father will be involved in child care

are not met (Fox, Bruce, & Combs-Orme, 2000). A review of decades of

research on parenthood and marital satisfaction found that (1) parents

exhibit lower marital satisfaction than comparable nonparents, (2) mothers

of infants report the steepest decline in marital satisfaction, and (3) the

more children couples have, the lower their marital satisfaction tends to

be (Twenge, Campbell, & Foster, 2003).

Crisis during the transition to first parenthood is not a forgone con-

clusion, however. Nelson, Kushlev, and Lyubomirsky (2014) propose

that the real question isn’t whether parents are happier than nonparents,

but under what circumstances parents experience the most well-being.

Their review found that parents who focused on a greater meaning in

life and had more positive emotions in parenthood showed increased

well-being, whereas well-being decreased with increases in financial

problems, sleep disturbance, and marital distress. The following Spot-

light on Research further examines the circumstances in which parents

are happier than nonparents.

The arrival of the first child represents a major transition, and the

disruption of routines can be emotionally draining, especially for

mothers.

American Psychological

Association: Parenting

The American Psychological Association

is the largest professional organization for

psychologists. This website presents up-

to-date coverage of parenting research,

including recent press releases and

psychological research in the news. It also

provides a peek into parenting research

currently being published.

Learn More Online

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288 C H A P T E R 1 0

The key to making the transition to parenthood less stressful may be to have realistic

expectations about parental responsibilities (Belsky, 2009). Studies find that stress tends to

be greatest in new parents who have overestimated the benefits and underestimated the

costs of their new role. Reactions to parenthood may also depend on how well a couple’s

marriage is going (Lawrence et al., 2008). Couples with high levels of affection and commit-

ment prior to the first child’s birth are likely to maintain a stable level of satisfaction after

the child’s birth (Shapiro, Gottman, & Carrère, 2000). Although children clearly bring their

share of challenges to a marriage, divorce rates are higher for those who remain childless

(Shapiro et al., 2000).

The Family with Adolescent Children

Parents typically rate adolescence as the most difficult stage of parenting. However, prob-

lematic parent-teen relationships appear to be the exception rather than the rule (Smetana,

2009). As adolescent children seek to establish their own identities, parents must teach

them the skills necessary to become competent, well-adjusted adults (Gavazzi, 2013). Dur-

ing this transition to independence, parents deal with the challenges of maintaining open

communication and providing support while also maintaining some control (Longmore,

Manning, & Giordano, 2013). Unsurprisingly, adolescents tend to exhibit better adjustment

Finding the Bundles of Joy in Parenting

Source: Nelson, S. K., Kushlev, K., English, T., Dunn, E. W., & Lyubomirsky, S.

(2013). In defense of parenthood: Children are associated with more joy

than misery. Psychological Science, 24(1), 3–10.

As we discussed, the transition to parenthood can be difficult. The

birth of a new baby has been linked to increases in depression and

reductions in marital satisfaction, life satisfaction, and overall well-

being. These findings seem to fly in the face of the evolutionary

perspective that holds reproduction and parenting most central to

one’s life. In fact, some studies do not find such negative outcomes for

parents and indeed find positive outcomes (increased gratification,

meaning) associated with parenting. The researchers speculate

that these conflicting findings might be due to the use of different

methodologies in the studies. Most studies are retrospective in

that they ask parents to reflect back on and recall their feelings; this

technique is susceptible to bias because parents might report what

they want to believe they felt (or wanted to feel) as opposed to what

they actually felt. Therefore, the researchers conducted a study to

examine moment-to-moment experiences of parents and nonparents

to see if there was a difference in their emotions.

Method Three hundred and twenty-nine adults (53% women, 47% men)

participated in the study. Each participant received an electronic

pager, and over the course of 1 week was randomly paged five

times a day. Each time participants were paged, they completed

a brief response sheet rating their emotional experiences at the

moment. At the end of the week, they mailed all response sheets to

the researchers.

Results Results showed that parents reported more moment-to-moment

positive emotions overall than nonparents, but these findings

rest predominantly on the experiences of fathers. Whereas

fathers reported significantly higher happiness, positive emotion,

and meaning in life, as well as lower levels of depression, than

did childless men, mothers experienced greater positivity than

childless women only in lower levels of depression.

Discussion These results demonstrate that parenting doesn’t necessary mean

a decline in one’s life satisfaction, and in fact can be a source of

well-being. Obviously, the transition to parenthood is complex,

and many factors can come into play (marital status of parents,

age, financial stability, social support, to name a few). Furthermore,

the researchers note that there could be selection effects in

their data, in that perhaps happier people were more likely to

choose parenthood. Although more research is needed, this

study challenges the current belief that having children reduces a

couple’s happiness.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Why might a moment-to-moment study yield more positive

parenting experiences than a retrospective study?

2. What factors from your life might make you more or less likely

to experience positive effects from being a parent?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

American Academy of Child

and Adolescent Psychiatry

(AACAP): Facts for Families

Many new parents may need help

coping with emerging problems in

their children. The brochures here (in a

variety of languages, including English,

Spanish, and Chinese) cover a wide range

of psychological issues and psychiatric

conditions.

Learn More Online

Marriage and the Family 289

in families in which they are encouraged to participate in decision making but parents

ultimately maintain control (Smetana, 2009).

When children hit adolescence, parental influence tends to decline while the influence

of peer groups tends to increase. Parents tend to retain more influence than peers over

important matters such as educational goals and career plans, but peers gradually gain

more influence over less critical matters such as style of dress and recreational plans (Gecas

& Seff, 1990). Thus, conflicts between adolescent children and their parents tend to involve

everyday matters such as chores and dress more than substantive issues such as sex and

drugs (Barber, 1994). Parents seem to learn from their experience in dealing with an ado-

lescent child, as they report less conflict with their second adolescent child than their first

(Whiteman, McHale, & Crouter, 2003).

In addition to worrying about their children, middle-aged couples are often at the stage

where they must also focus on the care of their aging parents. Adults caught between these

conflicting responsibilities have been called the sandwich generation (Boyczuk & Fletcher,

2015). According to the Pew Research Center (Parker & Patten, 2013), approximately

15% of middle-aged adults are caring for both an aging parent and a child, and they face

increased financial strains as a result. These caregivers, especially those dealing with par-

ents with dementia, experience increased stress, anxiety, and sadness (Solberg, Solberg, &

Peterson, 2014). On the positive side, many caregivers describe the experience as gratifying

in that it allowed them to repair or enhance damaged relationships (Fruhauf, 2009).

Launching Children into the Adult World

When children begin to reach their twenties, the family has to adapt to a multitude of

exits and entries, as children leave and return, sometimes with their own families. This

period, during which children normally become independent, brings a variety of transitions.

In many instances, conflict subsides and parent-child relations become closer and more

supportive.

One might argue that launching children into the adult world tends to be a lengthier

and more difficult process today than it once was. As shown in Figure 10.6, the number of

adults living with their parents is increasing. In 2014, the number of young adult women

living at home reached a high (36%) that hasn’t been seen since the 1940s (Fry, 2015). The

rapidly rising cost of a college education and the shrinking job market have probably led

many young adults to linger in their parents’ homes. Moreover, crises such as separation,

divorce, job loss, and single-parent pregnancy force many children who have ventured out

on their own to return to their parents.

When parents do manage to get all their children launched into the adult world, they

find themselves faced with an “empty nest.” This period was formerly thought to be a

difficult transition for many parents, especially mothers who were familiar only with the

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0% 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980

Yo u

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a d

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s li

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g a

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e (

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1990 2000 2010 ’14

Men

Women

Figure 10.6 The percentage of adults living at home. According to the Pew Research Center, the percentage of adults ages 18 to 34 living at home with parents or relatives has increased since the 1960s. The recent

upturn might be a result of the economic recession. (Data from the Pew Research Center)

290 C H A P T E R 1 0

maternal role. In recent decades, however, more women have experience with other roles

outside the home and look forward to their “liberation” from childrearing responsibilities.

Most parents adjust effectively to the empty nest situation, and this stage is generally a

positive one for the family (Bouchard, 2014). In fact, parents are more likely to have prob-

lems if their children return to the once-empty nest, especially if these returns are frequent

(Bookwala, 2009).

The Family in Later Life

Marital satisfaction tends to climb in the postparental period as couples find they have

more time to devote attention to each other. This trend appears to be the result of partners’

time together being more relaxed and enjoyable (Gorchoff, John, & Helson, 2008). Older

couples rate children or grandchildren, good memories, and traveling together as the top

three sources of pleasure (Levenson, Carstersen, & Gottman, 1993). However, spouses do

have to adapt to spending more time with each other and often need to renegotiate role

expectations. Of course, age-related considerations that are independent of the relation-

ship, such as the increased likelihood of physical illness, can make the later years stress-

ful. The three most commonly reported problems in late-life marriages are disagreements

or disappointments about leisure activities, intimacy, and finances (Henry, Miller, &

Giarrusso, 2005).

Being done parenting is not a forgone conclusion for this age group, however. In 2011,

one in ten children were living with a grandparent, a trend more common for low-income

families (Livingston, 2013). This increase is attributed to the increase in mothers’ employ-

ment (Geurts et al., 2015). Taking on these parenting responsibilities adds to the stress of

a family in later life. However, experts argue that caregiving also can provide older adults

benefits such as cognitive stimulation (Arpino & Bordone, 2014).

10.4 Vulnerable Areas in Marital Adjustment ■ Discuss how role expectations, work,

and financial issues may affect marital

adjustment.

■ Summarize evidence on the relationship

between communication quality and

marital adjustment.

Learning Objectives

During courtship, couples tend to focus on pleasurable activities. But once couples are

married, they deal with a variety of problems, such as arriving at acceptable role com-

promises, paying bills, and raising a family. All couples encounter problems, but success-

ful marriages depend on couples’ ability to handle their problems. Most of the sources of

conflict faced by heterosexual couples are the same for same-sex couples; however, these

couples have the burden of dealing with additional challenges within the context of stig-

matization and prejudice (Patterson, 2013). In this section we analyze the major kinds of

difficulties that couples are likely to face. Although there are no simple solutions for these

problems, it helps to know where you’re likely to encounter them.

Gaps in Role Expectations

When couples marry, they assume new roles—those of husband and wife, in heterosexual

couples—and these tend to be gender based. Each role comes with certain expectations

that the partners hold about how each spouse should behave. These expectations may vary

greatly from one person to another. Gaps between partners in their role expectations can

have a negative effect on couples’ marital satisfaction. Unfortunately, substantial differences

in role expectations seem particularly likely in this era of transition in gender roles, a topic

we discuss in depth in Chapter 11.

Once upon a time, the role expectations for husbands and wives were fairly clear, but

gender roles have changed as the structures of modern families have become more varied

(Murry, Mayberry, & Berkel, 2013). A husband traditionally was supposed to act as the

principal breadwinner, make the important decisions, and take care of certain household

chores, such as car or yard maintenance. A wife was supposed to raise the children, cook,

Marriage and the Family 291

clean, and follow the leadership of her husband. As such, spouses had different spheres of

influence (Coltrane & Shih, 2010). The working world was the domain of the husband,

the home the domain of the wife. In recent decades, however, forces of social change have

led to new expectations about marital roles. Thus, modern couples need to negotiate and

renegotiate role responsibilities throughout the family life cycle.

Men’s contribution to housework has increased noticeably since the 1960s, but wives

are still doing the bulk of the household chores in America, even when they work outside

the home (Blair, 2013). For example, research indicates that wives take responsibility for

about 65% of total housework (not including child care), with husbands doing the remain-

ing 35%. Moreover, wives still account for 78% of the essential “core housework” such as

cooking, cleaning, and laundry, while men continue to handle more discretionary, tradi-

tional “male chores,” such as yard or auto maintenance (Bianchi et al., 2000).

Although married women perform the majority of all housework, only about one-

third of wives characterize their division of labor as unfair because most women don’t

expect a 50–50 split (Coltrane, 2001). Nevertheless, this one-third of wives constitutes a

sizable population of women for whom housework is a source of discontent. As you might

expect, wives who perceive their housework burden to be unfair tend to report lower levels

of marital satisfaction (Coltrane & Shih, 2010). Interestingly, men who have lived indepen-

dently for a longer period of time (that is, not with their parents, partners, or in dorms)

are more egalitarian in their views about housework than are those who have had less of an

independent “bachelorhood” (Pitt & Borland, 2008).

What about same-sex partners, where gender roles should be more similar? Moore

(2008) found that for lesbian stepfamilies, the biological mother took more responsibil-

ity for child care and household chores than the stepmother. Interestingly, this gave these

mothers more power in the home, both over childrearing and finances. Continued research

in this area will provide more information about the influence of roles when gender differ-

ences are not an issue in the relationship (Murry, Mayberry, & Berkel, 2013).

Couples in which the husband holds egalitarian gender-role attitudes have higher

levels of marital happiness than those where the husband holds more traditional attitudes

(Frieze & Ciccocioppo, 2009). Given this finding, it is imperative that couples discuss role

expectations in depth before marriage. If they discover that their views are divergent, they

need to take the potential for problems seriously. Many people casually dismiss gender-role

disagreements, thinking they can “straighten out” their partner later on. But assumptions

about marital roles, whether traditional or not, may be deeply held and not easily changed.

Work and Career Issues

The possible interactions between one’s occupation and one’s marriage are numerous and

complex. Although the data on the effect of income and employment on marital stability

are inconsistent, individuals’ job satisfaction and involvement can affect their own marital

292 C H A P T E R 1 0

satisfaction, their partner’s marital satisfaction, and their children’s development. Con-

versely, being a parent seems to have an impact on one’s career, especially for women. Ac-

cording to the Pew Research Center (2013), more than 51% of women say having children

makes it more difficult to advance in their career, compared to only 16% of men.

Work and Marital Adjustment

Many studies have compared the marital adjustment of male-breadwinner versus dual-

career couples. The interest in this comparison arises from traditional views that regard

men’s lack of employment and women’s employment as departures from the norm. Typ-

ically, these studies simply categorize women as working or nonworking and evaluate

couples’ marital satisfaction. Most of these studies find little in the way of consistent

differences in the marital adjustment of these two types of couples, and they often find

some benefits for dual-career couples, such as increased social contacts, self-esteem,

and egalitarian attitudes (Haas, 1999; Steil, 2009). Although dual-career couples do face

special problems in negotiating career priorities, child-care arrangements, and other

practical matters, their marriages need not be negatively affected.

However, the frustration and stress of an unsatisfying job might spill over to contam-

inate one’s marriage. When pressures at work increase, husbands and wives report more

role conflicts and often feel overwhelmed by their multiple commitments (Crouter et al.,

1999). Furthermore, studies find that spouses’ stress at work can have a substantial negative

effect on their marital and family interactions (Perry-Jenkins, Repetti, & Crouter, 2001).

For example, after highly stressful days at work, spouses tend to withdraw from family

interactions (Repetti & Wang, 2009).

Although the difficulties involved in juggling work and family roles

can be challenging, some theorists have argued that in the long run

multiple roles are beneficial to both men and women. Barnett and Hyde

(2001) assert that negative effects of stress in one role can be buffered

by success and satisfaction in another role. They also note that multiple

roles can increase sources of social support and opportunities to expe-

rience success. Moreover, when both spouses work outside the home,

income tends to be greater, and spouses often find they have more in

common. Interestingly, one study of gay fathers found that most men

didn’t report stress related to their roles and were generally satisfied

with their work-family balance (Richardson, Moyer, & Goldberg, 2012).

Parents’ Work and Children’s Development

Another issue of societal concern has been the potential impact of

parents’ employment on their children. Virtually all of the research in

this area has focused on the effects of mothers’ employment outside

the home. In 2010, approximately 21 million mothers were employed

(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2011). What does the research on maternal

employment show? Although many Americans believe that maternal

employment is detrimental to children’s development, the vast majority

of empirical studies have found little evidence that a mother’s working is

harmful to her children (Gottfried & Gottfried, 2008). A meta-analysis

of sixty-nine studies found no link between maternal employment

and children’s achievement or behavioral problems (Lucas-Thompson,

Goldberg, & Prause, 2010). In a longitudinal study spanning two

decades, early maternal employment showed no apparent “sleeper

effects”; that is, there were no negative outcomes that showed up later

in life. These results have led researchers to conclude that the adverse

outcomes of maternal employment are a “public myth” (Gottfried &

Gottfried, 2008, p. 30).

In fact, maternal employment has been shown to have positive

effects on children’s development in some cases (Bush & Peterson,

Although many Americans seem to believe that maternal employment

is detrimental to children’s development, the vast majority of empirical

studies have found little evidence that a mother’s working is harmful

to her children.

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Marriage and the Family 293

2013). Data from the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth indi-

cate that maternal employment is related to decreased hyperactivity, lower levels of anxiety,

and increased prosocial behavior at age 4 (Nomaguchi, 2006). However, experts are careful

to note that any benefits of maternal employment might also come at the cost of fewer pos-

itive interactions between the mother and child (Nomaguchi, 2006).

Financial Difficulties

Neither financial stability nor wealth can ensure marital satisfaction. However, financial

difficulties can cause stress in a marriage, and finances are one of the top concerns for

newlyweds (Schramm et al., 2005). According to a recent poll by the American Psycho-

logical Association (2015), 72% of Americans reported financial stress in the past month.

Without money, families live in constant dread of financial drains such as illness, layoffs,

or broken appliances. Thus, it is not surprising that serious financial worries among cou-

ples are associated with increased hostility in husbands, increased depression in wives, and

lower marital happiness in both husbands and wives (White & Rogers, 2001). Further, chil-

dren brought up in poverty exhibit poorer physical health, reduced mental health, lower

academic performance, and increased delinquency in comparison to other children

(Seccombe, 2001).

Even when financial resources are plentiful, money can be a source of marital strain.

Studies have found that perceptions of financial problems (regardless of a family’s actual

income) are associated with decreased marital satisfaction (Dean, Carroll, & Yang, 2007).

Further, differences in spending habits (tightwad, spendthrift) can also lead to marital

conflict (Rick, Small, & Finkel, 2011).

So how do happily married couples deal with finances? Researchers asked couples who

thought they had “great marriages” about their financial practices and found three common

themes (Skogrand et al., 2011). First, one partner tended to handle the day-to-day money

matters. Second, these couples had little debt or were actively paying off the debt they

had. Third, these couples lived within their means and avoided buying what they couldn’t

afford. Ultimately, these highly satisfied couples emphasized the importance of constructive

communication in financial matters.

Inadequate Communication

Effective communication is crucial to the success of any relationship, including marriage, and

is consistently associated with greater marital satisfaction (Vangelisti, 2015). When examin-

ing couples in the process of a divorce, researchers found that communication difficulties

were the most frequently cited problem among both husbands and wives (Bodenmann et al.,

2007). In addition, communication is a highly ranked source of conflict for long-term mar-

ried couples (Levenson et al., 1993). Research supports the notion that marital adjustment

depends not on whether there is conflict (because conflict is virtually inevitable) but rather

on how conflict is handled when it occurs (Gottman et al., 2014).

The importance of marital communication was underscored in a widely cited study

by John Gottman and his colleagues that attempted to predict the likelihood of divorce in

a sample of fifty-two married couples (Buehlman, Gottman, & Katz, 1992). Each couple

provided an oral history of their relationship and a 15-minute sample of their interaction

style, during which they discussed two problem areas in their marriage. The investigators

rated the spouses on a variety of factors that most reflected the participants’ ways of com-

municating with each other. Based on these ratings, they were able to predict which couples

would divorce within 3 years with 94% accuracy!

Gottman, who is probably the world’s foremost authority on marital communica-

tion, asserts that conflict and anger are normal in marital interactions and are not, in and

of themselves, predictive of marital dissolution. Instead, Gottman (1994, 2011) identifies

four other communication patterns, which he calls the “Four Horsemen of the Apoca-

lypse,” that are risk factors for divorce: contempt, criticism, defensiveness, and stonewalling.

Contempt involves communicating insulting feelings that one’s spouse is inferior. Criticism

John Gottman supports the notion

that marital adjustment depends not on

whether there is conflict, but rather on how

conflict is handled when it occurs.

294 C H A P T E R 1 0

involves constantly expressing negative evaluations of one’s partner. It typically begins with

the word you and involves sweeping negative statements. Defensiveness refers to responding

to contempt and criticism by invalidating, refuting, or denying the partner’s statements. This

obstructive communication style escalates marital conflict. Stonewalling is refusing to listen

to one’s partner, especially to the partner’s complaints. Gottman eventually added a fifth trou-

blesome communication pattern, belligerence, which involves provocative, combative chal-

lenges to the partner’s power and authority (Gottman, Gottman, & DeClaire, 2006). Given

the importance of good communication, many approaches to marital therapy emphasize the

development of better communication skills in partners (Gottman & Gottman, 2008).

The Seven Principles for Making Marriage Work was originally published in 1999 and has sold millions of copies. It has been updated to account for the last 15 years of research. It is an outstanding book loaded with exercises, quizzes, and tips that should help readers improve their marital interactions. It is practical and readable, with plenty of case histories to make ideas come alive. Gottman has written other highly practical books on marriage that are also worth consulting: The Relationship Cure (2001), 10 Lessons to Transform Your Marriage (2006), and Baby Makes Three: The Six-Step Plan for Preserving Marital Intimacy and Rekindling Romance after Baby Arrives (2008).

The Seven Principles for Making Marriage Work

Gottman, a leading expert in communication in intimate relationships, has studied this topic intensively for more than 30 years. A psychology professor at the University of Washington, Gottman is well known for his landmark research on the prediction of divorce. He has demonstrated that he can predict which couples will divorce with remarkable accuracy, based on careful examination of the couples’ communication patterns. According to Gottman, the marriages that last are not those that appear to be free of conflict but those in which couples are able to resolve the conflicts that inevitably arise in intimate relationships. Gottman summarizes his work by introducing seven principles that, if followed, can save, protect, or enhance your marriage.

Recommended Reading

by John M. Gottman (with Nan Silver) (Harmony Books, 2015)

10.5 Divorce and Its Aftermath ■ Describe the evidence on changing

divorce rates and the factors that go

into deciding to divorce.

■ Analyze how spouses and children tend

to adjust to divorce.

■ Summarize data on remarriage and the

impact of stepfamilies on children.

Learning Objectives

Divorce is the legal dissolution of a marriage. It tends to be a painful and stressful event

for most people. Any of the problems discussed in the previous section might lead a couple

to consider divorce. However, people appear to vary in their threshold for divorce, just as

they do in their threshold for marriage. Some couples will tolerate a great deal of disap-

pointment and bickering without seriously considering divorce. Other couples are ready

to call their attorney as soon as it becomes apparent that their expectations for marital

bliss were somewhat unrealistic. Typically, however, divorce is the culmination of a gradual

disintegration of the relationship brought about by an accumulation of interrelated prob-

lems, which often date back to the beginning of a couple’s relationship (Huston, Niehuis,

& Smith, 2001).

Recently, researchers have noted that as a society our expectations for marriage have

grown increasingly more demanding. We often expect help in everything from the basics of

meeting everyday needs to the more substantive facilitation of one’s growth in esteem and

self-actualization. It seems that our expectations have become so high that many marriages

can’t live up to them. On the positive side, those marriages that can meet those high stan-

dards are highly fulfilling. Researchers have referred to this trend as the “all-or-nothing”

model of marriage, in that we want it all or we don’t want marriage (Finkel et al., 2015).

Divorce Rates

It is clear that divorce rates in the United States increased dramatically between the 1950s

and 1980s, but they appear to have stabilized and even declined slightly since then. When

Marriage and the Family 295

divorce rates were at their peak, the most widely cited estimates of future

divorce risk were around 50%. However, the modest reductions in divorce

rates in recent years appear to have lowered the risk of divorce to about

40% (Kreider & Ellis, 2011). Nevertheless, because some marriages end

in permanent separation instead of legal divorce, Amato (2010) suggests

that the common belief that about half of marriages end is reasonable.

Although most people realize that divorce rates are high, they have a

curious tendency to underestimate the likelihood that they will personally

experience a divorce. When asked directly, newlywed women pegged their

probability of divorce at about 13%. Further, a full 97% of these women said

they expected to remain married to their current spouse for life (Campbell,

Wright, & Flores, 2012). Obviously, these estimations are far beyond the

actual probability for the population as a whole.

Divorce rates are higher among blacks than whites or Hispanics,

among lower-income couples, among couples with less education,

among couples who cohabitated, among people who marry at a relatively

young age, and among those whose parents divorced (Amato, 2010). As

Figure 10.7 shows, the vast majority of divorces occur during the first de-

cade of a marriage (Copen et al., 2012). What types of marital problems

are predictive of divorce? Frequently cited problems include communi-

cation difficulties (not talking; being moody, critical, and easy to anger),

infidelity, jealousy, growing apart, careless spending behavior, and sub-

stance abuse problems (Amato & Previti, 2003).

A wide variety of social trends have probably contributed to increas-

ing divorce rates. The stigma attached to divorce has gradually eroded.

Many religious denominations are becoming more tolerant of divorce, and marriage has

thus lost some of its “sacredness.” The shrinking size of families probably makes divorce a

more viable option for many couples. Also, the entry of more women into the workforce

has made many wives less financially dependent on the continuation of their marriage.

New attitudes emphasizing individual fulfillment seem to counter older attitudes that

encouraged dissatisfied spouses to suffer in silence. Finally, the legal barriers to divorce

have also diminished (Braver & Lamb, 2013).

Deciding on a Divorce

Divorces are often postponed repeatedly, and they are rarely executed without a great deal

of agonizing forethought. The decision to divorce is usually the outcome of a long series of

smaller decisions or relationship stages that may take years to unfold, so divorce should be

viewed as a process rather than as a discrete event. Wives’ judgments about the likelihood

of their marriages ending in divorce tend to be more accurate than husbands’ judgments

(South, Bose, & Trent, 2004). This finding may be related to the fact that wives initiate the

majority of divorce actions (Hetherington, 2003).

It is difficult to generalize about the relative merits of divorce as opposed to remain-

ing in an unsatisfactory marriage. Extensive research shows that people who are currently

divorced suffer a higher incidence of both physical and psychological maladies and are less

happy than those who are currently married (Sbarra & Beck, 2013). In a meta-analysis in-

volving thirty-two studies across eleven countries, Sbarra and colleagues (2011) found that

divorce was associated with early death risk, especially for men. Nevertheless, as painful as

marital dissolution may be, remaining in an unhappy marriage is also potentially detrimen-

tal. Research has shown that in comparison to divorced individuals, unhappily married

people tend to show poorer physical health and lower levels of happiness, life satisfaction,

and self-esteem (Hawkins & Booth, 2005; Wickrama et al., 1997). In addition, divorce is

often related to higher rates of autonomy, self-awareness, and job success, especially when

individuals have a stable financial situation and a strong social support network (Trotter,

2009). So the picture is not entirely negative.

0 50 10 15 20 25 30 35

Years since marriage

P e rc

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d iv

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Figure 10.7 Divorce rate as a function of years married. This graph shows the distribution of divorces in relation to how long couples

have been married. As you can see, the vast majority of divorces

occur in the early years, with divorce rates peaking between the

fifth and tenth years of marriage. (Data from National Center for

Health Statistics)

296 C H A P T E R 1 0

Adjusting to Divorce

Divorce is a major disruption that has negative impacts on the entire family, but some of

those impacts vary by gender (Sbarra & Beck, 2013). Although divorce seems to have a

more negative impact on men’s health and mortality (Amato, 2010), it appears to be more

difficult and disruptive for women in terms of finances (Trotter, 2009). Women are more

likely to assume the responsibility of raising the children, whereas men tend to reduce their

contact with their children, some losing contact with them altogether. Another key consid-

eration is that divorced women are less likely than their ex-husbands to have an adequate

income or a satisfying job (Smock, Manning, & Gupta, 1999). Although the economic con-

sequences of divorce can be more severe for women than for men, in this era of two-income

families, many men also experience a noticeable decline in their standard of living after

going through a divorce (McManus & DiPrete, 2001).

The process of getting divorced is stressful for both spouses. Researchers do not find

consistent gender differences in psychological adjustment to divorce (Amato, 2001). In the

aggregate, the magnitude of the negative effects of divorce on individuals’ psychological

well-being seems to be pretty similar for husbands and wives. Factors associated with favor-

able postdivorce adjustment include having higher income, getting remarried, and having

more positive attitudes about divorce (Wang & Amato, 2000). In addition, it helps to be

the partner who initiated the divorce (Frisby et al., 2012). After a divorce, having social

relationships, including both one-to-one friendships and a circle of friends, is important

to adjustment (Krumrei et al., 2007). Forgiveness of the ex-spouse is also associated with

increased well-being and lowered depression (Rye et al., 2004). Similarly, evidence suggests

that self-compassion (showing kindness to and forgiving oneself about the divorce) is asso-

ciated with less postdivorce distress (Sbarra, Smith, & Mehl, 2012).

Effects of Divorce on Children

As divorce rates increase, so do the number of children from divorced families. When

couples have children, decisions about divorce must take into account the potential impact

on their offspring. Widely publicized research by Judith Wallerstein and her colleagues has

painted a rather bleak picture of how divorce affects youngsters (Wallerstein & Blakeslee,

1989; Wallerstein, Lewis, & Blakeslee, 2000). This research followed a sample of 60 divorced

couples and their 131 children for 25 years, beginning in 1971. At the 10-year follow-up,

almost half of the participants were characterized as “worried, underachieving, self-

deprecating, and sometimes angry young men and women” (Wallerstein & Blakeslee, 1989,

p. 299). Even 25 years after their parents’ divorce, a majority of subjects were viewed as

troubled adults who found it difficult to maintain stable and satisfying intimate relation-

ships (Wallerstein, 2005; Wallerstein & Lewis, 2004).

Critics, however, point to a variety of potential flaws in Wallerstein’s research (Amato,

2003; Cherlin, 1999). For example, it was based on a small sample of children from a wealthy

area in California that was not representative of the population at large. Also there was no

comparison group, and conclusions were based on impressions from clinical interviews,

in which it is easy for interviewers to see what they expect to see. Further, critics caution

against drawing causal conclusions from such correlational data (Gordon, 2005).

Are Wallerstein’s findings consistent with other research? Yes and no. The results of

another long-running study by E. Mavis Hetherington (1993, 1999, 2003), which used

a larger and more representative sample, a control group, and conventional statistical

comparisons, suggest that Wallerstein’s conclusions are unduly pessimistic. According to

Hetherington, divorce can be traumatic for children, but a substantial majority adjust rea-

sonably well after 2 to 3 years, and only about 25% show serious psychological or emo-

tional problems in adulthood (versus 10% in the control group). That is, most children of

divorce do not show long-term adjustment problems (Lansford, 2009). Other research has

highlighted some positive outcomes of parental divorce for children: enhancing personal

growth, teaching life management skills, encouraging realistic relationship expectations,

and enhancing empathy (Demo & Fine, 2009).

Divorce Central

Divorce Central is one of a number of

practical sites that provide information and

advice on legal, emotional, and financial

issues for individuals contemplating or

going through a divorce. Annotated links

to the other divorce-related sites can also

be found here.

Learn More Online

Marriage and the Family 297

Although Wallerstein’s conclusions appear overly discouraging, they dif-

fer from the results of other research only in degree (Amato, 2003). In a recent

study using two national data sets, researchers found that for both younger chil-

dren and adolescents, divorce was associated with some declines in achievement

and poorer adjustment (Amato & Anthony, 2014). Experiencing divorce during

childhood is a risk factor for many subsequent problems in one’s adult years, in-

cluding maladjustment, marital instability, and reduced occupational attainments

(Amato, 1999). Factors that moderate the impact of divorce on children’s adjustment

include their age, coping resources, and adjustment prior to the divorce (Lansford,

2009; Shelton & Harold, 2007).

Remarriage and Stepfamilies

Although many marriages end in divorce, this is not the end of the marital line

for many people. Statistics indicate that the majority of divorced people eventually

remarry. In fact, in 2013, 40% of new marriages included at least one spouse who

had been married before, and for half of those, it was at least the second marriage

for both spouses (Livingston, 2014b). The mean length of time between divorce and

remarriage is 3 to 4 years (Kreider, 2005).

How successful are second marriages? The answer depends on your standard of com-

parison. Divorce rates are higher for second than for first marriages, though the average

duration for second marriages is about the same as for first, about 8 to 9 years (Kreider,

2005). However, this statistic may simply indicate that people who have been divorced are

those who see divorce as a reasonable alternative to an unsatisfactory marriage. Nonethe-

less, studies of marital adjustment suggest that second marriages are slightly less successful

than first marriages, especially for women who bring children into the second marriage

(Teachman, 2008). Further, research suggests that individuals in second marriages tend to

have lower marital satisfaction than those in first marriages (Mirecki et al., 2013).

Another major issue related to remarriage is its

effect on children. Stepfamilies or blended families

(where both spouses bring in children from a previous

relationship) are an established part of modern life, and

adaptation to remarriage can be difficult for children

(Bray, 2009). Figure 10.8 summarizes the developmen-

tal stages through which most stepfamilies progress.

Wallerstein and Lewis (2007) argue that in stepfamilies

there is an inherent instability in parenting, as parents

are caught between their desires to create a new intimate

relationship and to maintain their parenting role. These

differing loyalties can cause conflict for the couple

(Martin-Uzzi & Duval-Tsioles, 2013) and can create a

negative experience for children who feel powerless or

who undergo dramatic changes in living spaces, rules,

and expectations (Stoll et al., 2005). The evidence suggests

that children in stepfamilies are a bit less well adjusted

than children in first marriages and are roughly similar

in adjustment to children in single-parent homes (van

Eeden-Moorefield & Pasley, 2013). However, the differ-

ences between stepfamilies and other types of families in

the adjustment of their children tend to be modest.

In sum, much research remains to be conducted in

the area of divorce and its impact on the family. Given

the complexity of the modern family structure, the dis-

solution and reconstitution of families is similarly com-

plex. As a result, it is hazardous to generalize research on

the effects of divorce across all individuals and situations.

Stepfamilies, or blended families, are an established

part of modern life. However, adaptation to

remarriage can be difficult for children.

Figure 10.8 Patterns of development in stepfamilies. Papernow (1993) developed a model of seven stages through which most stepfamilies pass as they move from fantasy toward resolution.

Source: Adapted from Papernow, P. L. (1993). Becoming a stepfamily: Patterns of development in remarried families.

San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Reprinted by permission of the author.

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PATTERNS OF DEVELOPMENT IN STEPFAMILIES

Stage Description Example

Stage One:

Fantasy

Family has unrealistic, ideal

expectations.

I love my new wife, so I’ll certainly love

her children.

Stage Two:

Immersion

Real life challenges

expectations.

It seems like my husband is closer to his

daughter than he is to me.

Stage Three:

Awareness

Family members attempt

to make sense out of the

new arrangements.

I understand that my stepchildren are

resistant to the new family structure,

not because they are bad kids but

because it is hard for them.

Stage Four:

Mobilization

Family members attempt Eating together as a family is important

enough to me that I am willing to speak

with my husband about it.

Stage Five:

Action

Family creates strategies to We will have weekly family meetings to

air frustrations.

Stage Six:

Contact

Positive emotional bonds

begin to form.

My stepson and I can resolve this issue

by having a heart-to-heart.

Stage Seven:

Resolution

Norms are established and

new family rituals emerge.

My teenage stepdaughter appreciates

my perspective on her new boyfriend.

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10.6 Same-Sex Marriage ■ Discuss one challenge unique to same-

sex couples.

■ Compare homosexual and heterosexual

couples in regard to their relationship

stability and adjustment.

■ Describe the dynamics of same-sex

families and the adjustment of children

with same-sex parents.

Learning Objectives

As previously noted, much of the research included in this chapter was conducted

exclusively on heterosexual married couples. Indeed, given the recency of legalized

same-sex unions, researchers have not had sufficient time to study marriage in same-

sex couples. Devoting a separate section to same-sex couples may seem to imply that

the dynamics of their close relationships are different from those seen in heterosex-

ual couples, but research does not justify that assumption. However, same-sex couples

do face the unique challenge of sexual stigmatization (Diamond, 2015). As Garnets

and Kimmel (1991) point out, gay and lesbian relationships “develop within a social

context of societal disapproval with an absence of social legitimization and support;

families and other social institutions often stigmatize such relationships and there

are no prescribed roles and behaviors to structure such relationships” (p. 170). It

is reasonable to predict that legalized same-sex marriage will lessen this stigma.

Although same-sex relationships evolve in a different social context, research has docu-

mented that close relationships, gay or heterosexual, generally function in similar ways

(Herek, 2006).

Relationship Stability and Adjustment

Contrary to some stereotypes, most gay men and lesbians desire a stable, long-term rela-

tionship, and at any one time roughly 40%–60% of gay males and 45%–80% of lesbians are

involved in committed relationships (Kurdek, 2004). In fact, in 2013, more than half of gay

men (56%) and lesbians (58%) reported that they would like to get married

(Motel & Dost, 2015). The top reported reasons for marriage included love,

companionship, and making a lifetime commitment.

Given the lack of societal support for same-sex relationships, are gay

unions less stable than heterosexual unions? Researchers have not yet been

able to collect adequate data on this question, but the limited data available

suggest that gay couples’ relationships are somewhat briefer and more prone

to breakups than heterosexual marriages; however, they are similar to that of

heterosexual, cohabitating couples (Diamond, 2013).

Research shows that same-sex couples basically “meet, fall in love, and

maintain their relationship” through processes very similar to heterosexual

couples (Diamond, 2015, p. 534). Both heterosexual and homosexual cou-

ples hold similar values about relationships, report similar levels of relation-

ship satisfaction, perceive their relationships to be loving and satisfying, and

say they want their partners to have characteristics similar to theirs (Peplau

& Fingerhut, 2007). Furthermore, homosexual and heterosexual couples

are similar in terms of the factors that predict relationship satisfaction, the

sources of conflict in their relationships, and their patterns of conflict resolu-

tion (Kurdek, 2004; Peplau & Ghavami, 2009).

Same-Sex Families

According to the 2010 U.S. Census, out of the 594,000 same-sex households,

115,000 (19%) are rearing children, 84% of whom are their own biological

children. Many of these parental responsibilities are left over from previous

marriages, as about 20%–30% of homosexuals have been heterosexually mar-

ried (Kurdek, 2004). Researchers are beginning to examine stepfamilies in this

population. So far research indicates that experiences of gay and lesbian step-

families are similar to their heterosexual counterparts (van Eeden-Moorefield

& Pasley, 2013). Still, the stigma associated with homosexuality introduces

Parents, Families, and

Friends of Lesbians and Gays

(PFLAG)

PFLAG is a national nonprofit organization

dedicated to supporting the well-being

of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender

persons, as well as their families, friends,

and allies. This comprehensive site

includes educational as well as advocacy

information.

Learn More Online

Although same-sex relationships evolve in a different social

context, research has documented that they generally function

in similar ways to heterosexual couples.

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Marriage and the Family 299

added stressors that can impact family functioning (Berger, 1998).

In addition, children in same-sex stepfamilies report stigmatization

from having a gay or lesbian parent or stepparent (Robitaille &

Saint-Jacques, 2009).

What do we know about gay men and lesbians as parents? The

evidence suggests that gays are similar to their heterosexual coun-

terparts in their approaches to parenting and that their children are

similar to the children of heterosexual parents in terms of personal

development and peer relations (Patterson, 2001, 2006, 2009, 2013).

The overall adjustment of children with same-sex parents appears sim-

ilar in quality to that of children of heterosexual parents (van Gelderen

et al., 2012). Moreover, the vast majority of children in same-sex fam-

ilies grow up to identify themselves as heterosexual (Patterson, 2013).

In sum, decades of research indicates that the quality of child-parent

interactions is much more important to a child’s development than

parental sexual orientation (Crowl, Ahn, & Baker, 2008; Patterson,

2006, 2009, 2013).

Children reared by gay or lesbian parents do not seem more poorly

adjusted than other children. Research indicates that the quality

of child-parent interactions is much more important to a child’s

development than parental sexual orientation.

10.7 Alternatives to Marriage

So far we have been discussing the traditional model of marriage, which, as we noted at

the beginning of the chapter, has been challenged by a variety of social trends. More and

more people are experiencing alternative relationship lifestyles, including cohabitation and

remaining single.

Cohabitation

As we noted earlier in the chapter, cohabitation refers to living together in a sexually intimate

relationship outside of marriage. Recent decades have witnessed a tremendous increase in

the percentage of couples who are cohabiting (see Figure 10.9). Recent estimates suggest that

66% of couples live together prior to their marriage (Manning, Brown, & Payne, 2014). Thus,

cohabitation has become the norm, rather than the exception. Increasing rates of cohabita-

tion are not unique to the United States and are even higher in many European countries

(Kiernan, 2004).

Although many people see cohabitation as a threat to the institution of

marriage, many theorists see it as a new stage in the courtship process—a

sort of trial marriage or premarriage (Surra & Boelter, 2013). However,

research shows that individuals also cohabitate for practical reasons (such

as financial necessity or convenience) (Sassler & Miller, 2011). The couple’s

motivation to cohabit appears to be a factor in the continued success of the

relationship. One study examined reported reasons for living together and

found that cohabitating to “spend time together” (as opposed to “test the

relationship” or “for convenience”) was associated with greater relationship

commitment and satisfaction (Tang, Curran, & Arroyo, 2014).

As a prelude to marriage, cohabitation should allow people to expe-

riment with marriage-like responsibilities and reduce the likelihood of

entering marriage with unrealistic expectations; thus, couples who cohabit

before they marry should go on to more successful marriages than those

who do not. Although this analysis sounds plausible, researchers have not

found that premarital cohabitation increases the likelihood of subsequent

marital success. In fact, many studies have found an association between

premarital cohabitation and higher divorce rates (Pew Research Center,

2015b). This association is referred to as the cohabitation effect (Cohan, 2013),

Learning Objectives

■ Discuss the prevalence of cohabitation

and its relationship to marital success.

■ Describe stereotypes of single life and

summarize evidence on the adjustment

of single people.

Co ha

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0% 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010

Figure 10.9 Cohabitation in the United States. The percentage of coresidential couples cohabiting (rather than being married)

has been increasing rapidly since the 1960s, rising from 1.1% to

nearly 12% in 2011. This increase shows no signs of leveling off.

Please note, this graph shows the percentage of couples who are

unmarried in any specific year; the percentage of couples who

have cohabited at one time or another is much higher. As your

text notes, that figure has increased to 66% (Manning, Brown, &

Payne, 2014). (Data from U.S. Bureau of the Census)

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and it holds true even for second marriages (Stanley et al., 2010). However, recent research

suggests that the cohabitation effect might be weakening or disappearing for recent co-

horts of married couples, as cohabitation has become a common, normative part of the

relationship cycle (Manning & Cohen, 2012).

Remaining Single

The pressure to marry is substantial in our society. People are socialized to believe that

they are not complete until they have found their “other half ” and have entered into a

partnership for life. And reference is often made to people’s “failure” to marry. In spite of

this pressure, an increasing proportion of young adults are remaining single (DePaulo,

2014). In 2010, more than a quarter of all households in the United States were one-person

households (Lofquist et al., 2012) (see Figure 10.10).

Does the greater number of single adults mean that people are turning away from the

institution of marriage? Perhaps a little, but not completely. Indeed, fewer Americans are

getting married, and that trend appears to be holding steady (Fry, 2012). However, a variety

of factors have contributed to the growth of the single population. Much of this growth is a

result of the higher median age at which people marry and the increased rate of divorce. In

addition, the vast majority of single, never-married people do hope to eventually marry. In

a national survey of never-married adults, only 12% reported that they did not want to get

married at some point (Cohn et al., 2011).

Singles continue to be stigmatized and plagued by two rather contradictory stereo-

types. On the one hand, single people are sometimes presumed to be carefree swingers who

are too busy enjoying the fruits of promiscuity to shoulder marital responsibilities. On the

other hand, they are seen as losers who have not succeeded in snaring a mate; they may be

perceived as socially inept, maladjusted, frustrated, lonely, and bitter. These stereotypes do

a great injustice to the diversity that exists among those who are single. In fact, the negative

stereotypes of singles have led some researchers to coin the term singlism to refer to preju-

dice and discrimination against unmarried adults (DePaulo, 2011, 2014).

Moving beyond stereotypes, what do scientists know about singlehood? It is true that

being married, especially if there is high marital satisfaction, is associated with better

mental and physical health (Robles, 2014). Further, singles rate themselves as less happy

than their married counterparts (Waite, 2000). However, we must use caution in interpret-

ing these results; in many studies, “singles” include those who are divorced or widowed,

which inflates this finding (DePaulo, 2011; Morris & DePaulo, 2009). Not surprisingly,

adults who choose singlehood associate it with positive outcomes in their lives such as self-

fulfillment and independence; conversely, those who are unmarried due to external con-

straints report feelings of regret and loneliness (Timonen & Doyle, 2014). Furthermore,

the differences are modest, and the happiness gap has shrunk, especially among women.

In sum, as traditional married households become less common in modern life, psy-

chological researchers must answer the call to explore these alternatives to marriage and

their impact on families.

0 1961 1966 1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011

H ou

se ho

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w it

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( %

)

Year

Figure 10.10 One-person households in the United States. This graph depicts the increase in the number of U.S. households with only

one person living in them. It shows that the

percentage has more than doubled in the last

50 years. (Data from U.S. Bureau of the Census)

Marriage and the Family 301

Answer the following statements “true” or “false.”

1. Most rapes are committed by strangers.

2. Women are almost never perpetrators of intimate

violence.

3. Most women in abusive relationships are attracted to

violent men.

4. Most men who have witnessed domestic violence as

children will batter their intimate partners.

All of the above statements are false, as you will see in this Appli-

cation, which examines the darker side of intimate relationships.

Most people assume they will be safe with those they love and

trust. Unfortunately, some people are betrayed by individuals to

whom they feel closest. Intimate partner violence is aggression

toward those who are in close relationship to the aggressor.

Intimate partner violence takes three forms: psychological,

physical, and sexual abuse. Tragically, this violence sometimes

ends in homicide. In this Application, we’ll focus on two seri-

ous social problems: partner abuse and date rape. Much of our

discussion is based on the work of the Rape, Abuse, and Incest

National Network (RAINN).

Partner Abuse

Celebrity cases such as those involving former Baltimore Ravens

star Ray Rice and his wife, Janay, have dramatically heightened

public awareness of partner violence, particularly wife batter-

ing. Battering encompasses physical abuse, emotional abuse,

and sexual abuse of an intimate partner. Physical abuse can

include kicking, biting, punching, choking, pushing, slapping,

hitting with an object, and threatening with or using a weapon.

Examples of emotional abuse include humiliation, name-calling,

controlling what the partner does and with whom the partner

socializes, refusing to communicate, unreasonably withhold-

ing money, and questioning the partner’s sanity. Sexual abuse is

characterized as using sexual behavior to control, manipulate,

or demean the other person. Let’s explore the research on phys-

ical abuse of intimate partners.

Incidence and Consequences

As with other taboo topics, obtaining accurate estimates of

physical abuse is difficult. According to the Centers for Disease

Control and Prevention (2011a), twenty-four people per minute

are victims of rape, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate

partner in the United States. As shown in Figure 10.11, most first-

time victims of intimate partner violence are young adults. Both

men and women are victims of and commit intimate partner

violence (Finkel & Eckhardt, 2013). That said, women are more

likely to be victims of abuse. In 2010, females accounted for

91.9% of reported rape and sexual assault incidents (Bureau of

Justice Statistics, 2011). Further, a woman is the victim in 85%

of nonfatal violent crimes committed by intimate partners and

in 75% of murders by spouses (Rennison & Welchans, 2000).

The effects of battering reverberate beyond the obvious

physical injuries. Victims of partner abuse are at a high risk

for depression, feelings of helplessness and humiliation, stress-

induced physical illness, alcohol and drug abuse, posttraumatic

stress disorder, and suicide (Eckhardt, Sprunger, & Hamel,

2014). Children who witness marital violence also experience

ill effects, such as anxiety, depression, reduced self-esteem, and

increased delinquency (Johnson & Ferraro, 2001; Lloyd, 2013).

10.8 Understanding Intimate Partner Violence

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Discuss the incidence of partner abuse and the characteristics of

batterers, and explain why some partners stay in abusive relationships.

■ Discuss the incidence and consequences of date rape, as well as the

factors that contribute to it.

■ Understand ways to reduce the likelihood of date rape.

Learning Objectives

Rape, Abuse, and Incest National Network (RAINN)

RAINN (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network) is the nation’s largest

anti–sexual violence organization. This site includes a wide array of

educational and practical resources. It also provides access to a national

sexual assault hotline.

Learn More Online

Celebrity cases such as Ray Rice’s abuse of his wife, Janay, have dramatically

heightened public awareness of intimate partner violence.

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Characteristics of Batterers

Sexual assault perpetrators are a diverse group, so a single pro-

file has not emerged. Some factors associated with an elevated

risk for domestic violence include unemployment, drinking

and drug problems, a tendency to anger easily, attitudes that

condone aggression, and high stress (Stith et al., 2004). Studies

indicate that men who were beaten as children or who witnessed

their mothers being beaten are more likely to abuse their wives,

although most men who grow up in these difficult circum-

stances do not become batterers themselves (Wareham, Boots,

& Chavez, 2009). Batterers tend to be jealous in relationships,

have unrealistic expectations of their partners, blame others

for their own problems, and have their feelings hurt easily

(Lundberg-Love & Wilkerson, 2006). Other relationship fac-

tors associated with domestic violence include having frequent

disagreements, exhibiting a heated style of dealing with dis-

agreements, and pairing a man holding traditional gender-role

attitudes with a woman who has nontraditional views of gender

roles (DeMaris et al., 2003).

Why Do People Stay in Abusive Relationships?

Individuals leave abusive partners more often than popular

stereotypes suggest, but people are still perplexed by the fact

that many partners remain in abusive relationships that seem

horrible and degrading. However, research shows that this phe-

nomenon is not really that perplexing. A number of seemingly

compelling reasons explain why some individuals feel that leav-

ing is not a realistic option, and many of the reasons revolve

around fear. Some individuals lack financial independence and

fear that they won’t be able to survive financially without their

partner (Kim & Gray, 2008). Others simply have no place to go

and fear becoming homeless (Browne, 1993a). Still others feel

guilty and ashamed about their failing relationship and don’t

want to face disapproval from family and friends, who are likely

to fall into the trap of blaming the victim (Barnett & LaViolette,

1993). Above all else, many fear that if they try to leave, they

may incur more brutal violence and even murder (Grothues &

Marmion, 2006). Unfortunately, this fear is not altogether unre-

alistic, as many abusers have shown remarkable persistence in

tracking down, stalking, threatening, beating, and killing their

ex-partners.

Although it is important to understand why people stay, it

is also important to explore why individuals batter and what in-

terventions can prevent partners from being brutalized or killed

when they do leave. To really understand and prevent intimate

partner violence, researchers argue for additional study of cul-

tural factors that lead to a tolerance of it (Bartholomew, Cobb,

& Dutton, 2015).

Date Rape

Intimate violence is not limited to marital relations. Date rape

refers to forced and unwanted intercourse in the context of

dating. It can occur on a first date, with someone you’ve dated

for a while, or with someone to whom you’re engaged. The key

factor in distinguishing this type of abuse is a partner’s con-

sent. There are two important considerations to keep in mind

regarding consent. First, relationship status (either current or

previous) and past acts of intimacy are not indicators of con-

sent. Second, to ensure that activity is consensual, partners

should seek consent with each sexual activity as the level of sex-

ual intimacy increases (for instance when kissing, moving from

kissing to petting, and from petting to oral sex or intercourse).

Incidence and Consequences

Most people naively assume that the vast majority of rapes are

committed by strangers who leap from bushes or dark alleys to

surprise their victims. In reality, research indicates that most

victims are raped by someone they know (Frazier, 2009). It’s dif-

ficult to estimate how often date rape occurs because the major-

ity of instances go unreported, but it is clearly a major problem

on college campuses and beyond. One recent study found that

by the start of the second year of college, 26% of women had

been raped while incapacitated (by alcohol or drugs) and 22%

had experienced forcible rape (which includes threats or actual

use of physical force) (Carey et al., 2015a).

In the aftermath of date rape, victims typically experience

a variety of emotional reactions, including fear, anger, anxiety,

21.1% 25–34 years

6.8% 35–44 years

2.5% 45+ years

47.1% 18–24 years

22.4% 11–17 years

Figure 10.11 Age and intimate partner violence. This graph show the ages of women when they first experienced intimate partner violence. As you can

see, most were young adults. A similar pattern holds for men. (Data from

the Centers for Disease Control)

Office on Violence against Women

This U.S. Department of Justice office was created in 1995 after federal

legislation mandated national efforts to reduce domestic violence,

sexual assault, and stalking. The site provides a wide variety of legal

and social scientific resources in support of this mission.

Learn More Online

Marriage and the Family 303

self-blame, and guilt (Kahn & Andreoli Mathie, 1999). Many

rape victims suffer from depression, symptoms of posttraumatic

stress disorder, and increased risk for suicide. Research also

shows that rape affects a woman’s self-esteem, desire to have sex,

and self-perception of her value as a mate (Perilloux, Duntley,

& Buss, 2012). In addition to the trauma of the rape, women

also have to cope with the possibility of pregnancy. Further, if

the rape survivor presses charges against the attacker, he or she

may have to deal with lengthy and difficult legal proceedings,

negative publicity, and social stigma.

Contributing Factors

To understand the phenomenon of date rape, it’s essential to

know something about the factors that contribute to this behav-

ior. It probably comes as no surprise to learn that alcohol plays a

major role in sexually aggressive incidents (Carey et al., 2015b).

Alcohol impairs judgment and reduces inhibitions, making

people more willing to assert their power. Drinking also under-

mines one’s ability to interpret ambiguous social cues, making

one more likely to overestimate a date’s interest in sex. The more

intoxicated perpetrators are, the more aggressive they tend to be

(Abbey, 2009). Alcohol also increases one’s vulnerability to sex-

ual coercion. Drinking can cloud people’s assessments of their

risk and their ability to mount firm resistance or find a way to

escape the situation.

So-called “date rape drugs” are also a cause for concern.

Rohypnol (“roofies”) and gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB) are

two drugs used to subdue dates. Although these drugs are color-

less, odorless, and tasteless, their effects are anything but benign,

and they can even be fatal. Victims typically pass out and have

no recall of what happened while they were under the influence

of the drug. To make it easier to spike a drink, predators typi-

cally look for individuals who are already intoxicated.

Gender differences in sexual standards also contribute to

date rape. Society still encourages a double standard for males

and females. Men are encouraged to have sexual feelings, to act

on them, and to “score,” whereas women are socialized to be coy

about their sexual desires. These social norms can encourage

game playing, so dating partners may not always say what they

mean or mean what they say. For instance, whereas the majority

of women say “no” and mean it, some women may say “no” to

sexual activity when they actually mean “maybe” or “yes.” This

response, referred to as “token resistance,” is less common than

once thought (Muehlenhard, 2011). Unfortunately, token resis-

tance clouds the issue of whether a woman has consented to sex.

Protecting Oneself from Date Rape

To protect oneself, RAINN suggests that is useful to understand

the three stages of date rape. First, intrusion is when an offender

violates the victim’s personal space or level of comfort with un-

welcomed touches, stares, or sharing of information. Desensiti-

zation, the second stage, occurs when the victim gets used to the

intrusive actions and sees them as less threatening. In this stage

the victim might still feel uncomfortable but might convince

herself that the feeling is unfounded. Finally, isolation occurs

when the offender isolates the victim from others. Understand-

ing these three stages can help one identify warning signs of sex-

ual aggression.

It is imperative to recognize date rape for what it is: an act of

sexual aggression, and victims are never to blame for others’ acts

of aggression. There are steps one can take, however, to reduce

one’s likelihood of victimization: (1) Beware of excessive alco-

hol and drug use, which may undermine self-control and self-

determination in sexual interactions. (2) Don’t leave your drink

unattended or accept drinks from people you don’t know or

trust. (3) When dating someone new, agree to go only to public

places, and always carry enough money for transportation back

home. (4) Watch out for your friends and have them watch out

for you. (5) Finally, clearly and accurately communicate your

feelings and expectations about sexual activity by engaging in

appropriate self-disclosure.

Alcohol plays a role in sexually aggressive incidents, especially on college

campuses. Alcohol impairs judgment and reduces inhibitions. The more

intoxicated perpetrators are, the more aggressive they tend to be.

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C H A P T E R 10 Review Key Ideas

10.1 Challenges to the Traditional Model of Marriage ● The traditional model of marriage is being challenged by the

increasing acceptability of singlehood, the increasing popularity of cohabitation, the reduced premium on permanence, changes in gender roles, the increasing prevalence of voluntary childlessness, and the decline of the traditional nuclear family. Nonetheless, marriage remains quite popular.

10.2 Deciding to Marry ● A multitude of factors influence an individual’s decision to marry,

including one’s culture. The norm for our society is to select a mate and engage in a monogamous marriage. Mate selection is influenced by endogamy, homogamy, and gender. Women place more emphasis on potential partners’ ambition and financial prospects, whereas men are more interested in a partner’s youthfulness and physical attractiveness.

● There are some premarital predictors of marital success, such as family background, age, length of courtship, and personality, but the relations are weak. The nature of a couple’s premarital communication is a better predictor of marital adjustment. Stressful events surrounding the marriage influence marital stability.

10.3 Marital Adjustment across the Family Life Cycle ● The family life cycle is an orderly sequence of developmental stages

through which families tend to progress. Newly married couples tend to be very happy before the arrival of children. Today, more couples are struggling with the decision about whether to have children. The arrival of children is a major transition that is handled best by parents who have realistic expectations about the difficulties inherent in raising a family.

● As children reach adolescence, parents should expect more conflict as their influence declines. They must learn to relate to their children as adults and help launch them into the adult world. Most parents no longer struggle with the empty nest syndrome. Adult children returning home may be more of a problem.

10.4 Vulnerable Areas in Marital Adjustment ● Gaps in expectations about marital roles may create marital stress.

Disparities in expectations about gender roles and the distribution of housework may be especially common and problematic. Work concerns can clearly spill over to influence marital functioning, but there is little evidence that maternal employment is detrimental to children’s development.

● Wealth does not ensure marital happiness, but financial difficulties can put strain on a marriage. Inadequate communication is a commonly reported marital problem, which is predictive of divorce.

10.5 Divorce and Its Aftermath ● Divorce rates have increased dramatically in recent decades, but they

appear to be stabilizing. Deciding on a divorce tends to be a gradual process rather than a single event. Most couples underestimate their likelihood of divorce.

● Wallerstein’s research suggests that divorce tends to have negative effects on children. Hetherington’s research suggests that most children recover from divorce after a few years. The effects of divorce on children vary, but negative effects can be long lasting.

● A substantial majority of divorced people remarry. These second marriages have a somewhat lower probability of success than first marriages. The adjustment of children in stepfamilies appears to be somewhat lower than for other families, but differences are modest.

10.6 Same-Sex Marriage ● Given the stigma associated with homosexuality, same-sex

relationships develop in a different social context than heterosexual relationships. Most homosexuals desire long-term intimate relationships, and studies have found that heterosexual and homosexual couples are similar in many ways. Children raised by gay parents do not show poorer adjustment than other children

10.7 Alternatives to Marriage ● The prevalence of cohabitation has increased dramatically. Logically,

one might expect cohabitation to facilitate marital success, but research has consistently found an association between cohabitation and marital instability.

● An increasing proportion of the young population are remaining single, yet some stereotypes about singles persist. Although singles generally have the same adjustment problems as married couples, evidence suggests that singles tend to be somewhat less happy and less healthy.

10.8 Application: Understanding Intimate Partner Violence ● Both men and women are victims of intimate partner violence. Women

are the principal victims of serious, dangerous abuse. Perpetrators of intimate partner violence are diverse, but they tend to anger easily, be jealous, and have unrealistic expectations of their partner. Partners stay in abusive relationships for a variety of compelling, practical reasons, including economic realities.

● The majority of rapes are committed by someone the victim knows. Rape is a traumatic experience that has many serious consequences. Alcohol abuse, drug use, and gender-based sexual standards all contribute to date rape. Miscommunication revolving around token resistance is particularly problematic. There are steps one can take to protect oneself from date rape.

John Gottman pp. 293–294 E. Mavis Hetherington p. 296

Judith Wallerstein p. 296

Key People

Key Terms

Battering p. 301 Cohabitation p. 279 Date rape p. 302 Divorce p. 294 Endogamy p. 283 Family life cycle p. 285

Homogamy p. 283 Intimate partner violence p. 301 Marriage p. 279 Monogamy p. 282 Polygamy p. 282

Marriage and the Family 305

C H A P T E R 10 Practice Test 10. Which of the following can an individual do to reduce the

likelihood of being victimized by date rape? a. Offer token resistance to sexual advances b. Avoid communicating about sex altogether c. Beware of excessive alcohol and drug use d. View intrusive actions as nonthreatening

1. Which of the following is a social trend that is undermining the traditional model of marriage? a. Decreased acceptance of singlehood b. Less voluntary childlessness c. Reduced acceptance of cohabitation d. Reduced premium on permanence in marriage

2. Endogamy refers to a. the tendency to marry within one’s social group. b. the tendency to marry someone with similar attitudes. c. the final marriage in serial monogamy. d. norms that promote marriage outside of one’s social unit.

3. Based on trends in the data, which of the following couples has the greatest likelihood of marital success? a. Stephanie and David, whose parents are divorced b. Jane and Brian, who are both perfectionists c. Ruth and Randy, who had a long courtship d. Chris and Abby, who married at a very young age

4. The transition to parenthood tends to be easier when a. the parents hold traditional gender roles. b. the parents have realistic expectations. c. the new parents are relatively young. d. the father is not heavily involved in child care.

5. Which of the following characteristics in young children is related to maternal employment? a. Increased hyperactivity b. Higher anxiety c. Increased positive interactions with the mothers d. Increased prosocial behavior

6. Truc and Hiroshi have plenty of financial resources. In their marriage, arguments about money a. may be common. b. don’t occur. c. are a big problem only if the wife earns more than her

husband. d. are unrelated to marital satisfaction.

7. The evidence suggests that the negative effects of divorce on former spouses’ physical health and mortality are a. exaggerated for both sexes. b. greater for men than women. c. greater for women than men. d. about the same for men and women.

8. Which of the following has been supported by research on intimate relationships among gay men and lesbians? a. The majority of same-sex couples have open relationships. b. Same-sex couples avoid becoming involved in long-term

relationships. c. Same-sex couples have impoverished family relations. d. Most gay men and lesbians desire a stable, long-term

relationship.

9. Which of the following reasons for cohabitation is associated with greater relationship commitment and satisfaction? a. Convenience b. Spending time together c. Testing the relationship d. Trial marriage

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 10.1 Self-Assessment: Self-Report Jealousy Scale

Exercise 10.2 Self-Reflection: Thinking through Your Attitudes

about Marriage and Cohabitation

Answers 1. d Page 280 2. a Page 283 3. c Page 284 4. b Page 288 5. d Pages 292–293

6. a Page 293 7. b Page 296 8. d Page 298 9. b Page 299

10. c Page 303

C H A P T E R 11 Gender and Behavior

11.1 Gender Stereotypes

11.2 Gender Similarities and Differences

Cognitive Abilities

Personality Traits and Social Behavior

Psychological Disorders

RECOMMENDED READING The Myth of Mars and Venus by Deborah Cameron

Putting Gender Differences in Perspective

11.3 Biological Origins of Gender Differences

Evolutionary Explanations

Brain Organization

Hormonal Influences

11.4 Environmental Origins of Gender Differences

Processes in Gender-Role Socialization

Sources of Gender-Role Socialization

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Can Barbie Be a Firefighter?

11.5 Gender-Role Expectations

Role Expectations for Males

Problems with the Male Role

Role Expectations for Females

Problems with the Female Role

11.6 Gender in the Past and in the Future

Why Are Gender Roles Changing?

Alternatives to Traditional Gender Roles

11.7 APPLICATION: Gender in the Workplace

Sexism

Sexual Harassment

Effects of Sexism and Sexual Harassment

Reducing Sexism and Sexual Harassment

Review

Practice Test

Olesya Feketa/Shutterstock.com

Summers’s remarks on this issue sparked a contentious

debate among academics, scientists, and the public. The war

of words lingered for months and eventually led to Summers’s

resignation as president of Harvard. This scenario demon-

strates in a highly compelling way that gender research is

relevant, important, and frequently controversial. Obviously,

psychologists have a lot to offer in this area. In this chapter,

we explore some intriguing and controversial questions: Are

there genuine behavioral and cognitive differences between

males and females? If so, what are their origins? Are tradi-

tional gender-role expectations healthy or unhealthy? Why

are gender roles in our society changing, and what does the

future hold? After addressing those questions, in the Applica-

tion we explore gender in the workplace. ■

O n January 14, 2005, the then-president of Harvard

University Lawrence H. Summers spoke publicly

about Harvard’s policies regarding diversity. Dr.

Summers focused his remarks on the issue of women’s

underrepresentation in tenured positions in science and

engineering at top universities. He offered three broad

hypotheses about this gender disparity. The one that

attracted the most media attention was what he called a

“different availability of aptitude at the high end.” While

he acknowledged that there are differences in socialization

and patterns of discrimination between men and women,

he cited innate gender differences in mathematical and sci-

entific ability as having greater “importance” in explaining

the gender disparity (Harvard Crimson, 2005).

Gender and Behavior 307

11.1 Gender Stereotypes

Surprisingly, there is little consensus about when to use the term sex and when to use the

term gender (Eagly, 2013). Some scholars prefer to use the term gender to refer to male-

female differences that are learned and sex to designate biologically based differences

between males and females. Others argue that making this sharp distinction fails to rec-

ognize that biology and culture interact. Still others use the terms interchangeably. For

the sake of simplicity, we’ll broadly use gender to mean the state of being male or

female. Figure 11.1 sorts out a number of gender-related terms that we will use in our

discussions. As we will discuss later, some contemporary researchers are challenging

the binary perspective on gender. Nevertheless, the coverage in this

chapter will generally focus on male and female as distinct gender

categories.

Obviously, males and females differ biologically—in their genitals

and other aspects of anatomy, and in their physiological functioning.

These readily apparent physical differences between males and females

lead people to expect other differences as well, especially with regard

to social roles. Recall from Chapter 7 that stereotypes are widely held

beliefs that people possess certain characteristics simply because of their

membership in a particular group. Thus, gender stereotypes are widely

shared beliefs about males’ and females’ abilities, personality traits,

and social behavior. These stereotypes can bias your perceptions and

expectations of and interactions with others.

Research indicates that beliefs about the attributes characteristic

of men and women are widely shared. For example, a survey of gender

stereotypes in twenty-five countries revealed considerable similarity

of views (Williams, Satterwhite, & Best, 1999). Because of the wide-

spread gains in educational and occupational attainment by American

women since the 1970s, you might expect to find changes in contem-

porary gender stereotypes for both genders. However, although gender

stereotypes in this country have become more complex, they remain

largely stable.

Gender stereotypes are too numerous to summarize here. Instead,

you can examine Figure 11.2, which lists a number of characteristics

people commonly link with femininity and masculinity. Note that

Learning Objectives

■ Explain the nature of gender

stereotypes and their connection to

instrumentality and expressiveness.

■ Discuss three important points about

gender stereotypes.

GENDER-RELATED CONCEPTS

Term Definition

Gender The state of being male or female

Gender identity

Gender stereotypes

Widely held and often inaccurate beliefs about males’ and females’ abilities, personality traits, and social behavior

Gender differences

Actual disparities in behavior between males and females, based on research observations

Gender roles Culturally defined expectations about appropriate behavior for males and females

Gender-role identity

A person’s identification with the traits regarded as masculine or feminine (one’s sense of being masculine or feminine)

Gender schemas

Cognitive structures that guide the processing of gender-relevant information

An individual’s perception of himself or herself as male or female

Figure 11.1 Terminology related to gender. The topic of gender involves many closely related ideas that are easily confused. The gender-

related concepts introduced in this chapter are summarized here for

easy comparison.

308 C H A P T E R 1 1

the stereotyped attributes for males generally reflect the quality of

instrumentality, an orientation toward action and accomplishment,

whereas the stereotypes for females reflect the quality of expressiveness,

an orientation toward emotion and relationships.

When it comes to stereotypes, there are some important points

to keep in mind. First, despite the general agreement on a number

of gender stereotypes, variability also occurs. The characteristics in

Figure 11.2 represent stereotypes for white, middle-class, heterosexual,

and Christian males and females. But it is obvious that not everyone

fits this set of characteristics. For example, the stereotypes for African

American males and females are more similar on the dimensions of

competence and expressiveness than those for white American males

and females (Kane, 2000).

A second point about gender stereotypes is that since the 1980s,

the boundaries between male and female stereotypes have become less

rigid. In the past, male and female stereotypes were seen as separate

and distinct categories (for example, men are strong and women are

weak). However, there is more support for viewing gender attributes as

a continuum rather than a dichotomy (Carothers & Reis, 2013; Reis &

Carothers, 2014).

A third consideration is that the traditional male stereotype is

more complimentary than the conventional female stereotype. There

is considerable evidence that, in the United States, masculinity is

associated with higher overall status and competence (Ridgeway

& Bourg, 2004). For instance, in the workplace a man might be

described as “good with details,” whereas a woman is viewed as

“picky.” Likewise, a man might be viewed as “exercising authority,”

whereas a woman would be described as “controlling” for the same

behaviors. This discrepancy is related to androcentrism, or the belief

that the male is the norm. Ironically, this bias is evident even in

psychological studies of gender (Hegarty et al., 2013). Hegarty and

Buechel (2006), for example, examined 388 articles on gender differences from journals

published by the American Psychological Association and found evidence of andro-

centric reporting. Specifically, gender differences were reported in terms of women (as

opposed to men) being different. The implication, then, is that men are the norm from

which women deviate.

Let’s shift from gender stereotypes to what males and females are actually like. Keep in

mind that our discussion focuses on modern Western societies; the story may be different

in other cultures (Cuddy et al., 2015).

Figure 11.2 Traditional gender stereotypes. Gender stereotypes are widely known and relate to many diverse aspects of psychological

functioning. This is a partial list of the characteristics that college

students associate with a typical man and a typical woman. Gender

stereotypes have remained remarkably stable in spite of all the recent

changes relating to gender issues in modern societies.

Source: Adapted from Kite, M. E. (2001). Gender stereotypes in J. Worell (Ed.).

Encyclopedia of women and gender: Sex similarities and differences and the impact of

society on gender (Vol. 1), (pp. 561–570). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.

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Gender and Behavior 309

11.2 Gender Similarities and Differences

Are men more aggressive than women? Do more women than men suffer from depression?

For decades researchers have attempted to answer these and related questions about gen-

der and behavior. Moreover, new evidence is constantly pouring in, and many researchers

report conflicting findings. It is an almost overwhelming task to keep up with the research

in this area. Thankfully, a statistical technique called meta-analysis helps clarify this body of

research. Meta-analysis combines the statistical results of many studies of the same ques-

tion, yielding an estimate of the size and consistency of a variable’s effects. This approach

allows a researcher to assess the overall trends across all the previous studies of how gender is

related to, say, math abilities or conformity. Meta-analysis has been a great boon to research-

ers, and hundreds of meta-analyses on gender differences have now been conducted.

Based on the results of more than forty-six meta-analyses, Janet Shibley Hyde, a noted

authority in the field, proposed the gender similarities hypothesis. Hyde (2005, 2014) notes

that men and women are similar on most psychological variables and that most of the time

when researchers report a difference, it is quite small. She further asserts that overinflated

claims of gender differences have costs associated with them for the workplace and rela-

tionships. Subsequent studies have supported her hypothesis (Zell, Krizan, & Teeter, 2015).

Researchers also debate whether gender differences that do exist are attributable to

environmental factors or to biological ones, and there is evidence on both sides. Before we

examine the possible causes of these differences, let’s thread our way through the available

research in the following areas: cognitive abilities, personality traits and social behavior,

and psychological disorders.

Cognitive Abilities

We should first point out that gender differences have not been found in overall intelligence

(Priess & Hyde, 2010). Of course, this fact shouldn’t be surprising because intelligence tests

are intentionally designed to minimize differences between the scores of males and females.

But what about gender differences in specific cognitive skills?

Verbal Abilities

Verbal abilities include a number of distinct skills, such as vocabulary, reading, writing,

spelling, and grammar abilities. Girls and women generally have the edge in the verbal

area, although the gender differences are small (Hyde, 2007, 2014). Among the findings

worth noting are that girls usually start speaking a little earlier, have larger vocabularies

and better reading scores in grade school, and are more verbally fluent (on tests of writing,

for instance). Boys seem to fare better on verbal analogies (Priess & Hyde, 2010). However,

they are three to four times more likely to be stutterers (Skinner & Shelton, 1985) and five

to ten times more likely than girls to be dyslexic (Vandenberg, 1987). With regard to writ-

ing, females seem to have a slight advantage over males that tends to increase over time in

school (Scheiber et al., 2015). It is important to remember that while gender differences in

verbal abilities generally favor females, the overlap between males and females in verbal

abilities is much greater than the gap between them.

Mathematical Abilities

Researchers have looked extensively at gender differences in mathematical abilities, includ-

ing performing computations and solving word problems. Although it is conventional wis-

dom that males have greater mathematical abilities than females, a recent meta-analysis

representing the data of more than 1 million participants over the past 20 years indicates

otherwise (Lindberg et al., 2010). This research led Lindberg and colleagues to conclude

that that there are no longer gender differences in general mathematical performance. An-

other meta-analysis including almost 500,000 students from more than sixty-nine countries

Learning Objectives

■ Explain how meta-analyses have helped

researchers who study gender.

■ Articulate the gender similarities

hypothesis.

■ Summarize the findings on gender

similarities and differences in verbal,

mathematical, and spatial abilities.

■ Summarize the findings on gender

similarities and differences in personality,

social behavior, and psychological

disorders.

■ Give two explanations for why gender

differences appear larger than they

actually are.

Janet Shibley Hyde proposed that

men and women are similar on most

psychological variables. She called this the

gender similarity hypothesis.

Women in Science,

Technology, Engineering,

and Mathematics ON THE AIR!

At this website, sponsored by the

National Science Foundation, you can

listen to stories about women working

in science, technology, engineering, and

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310 C H A P T E R 1 1

found that “on average, males and females differ very

little in math achievement,” even though males have a

more positive attitude toward math (Else-Quest, Hyde,

& Linn, 2010, p. 125).

Thus, the current view is that gender differ-

ences in mathematical abilities in the general pop-

ulation are essentially nil. However, this conclusion

has a few exceptions. Males, for example, outperform

females at the high end of the mathematical ability

distribution (Dweck, 2007). This gap, however, has

shrunk since the 1980s (Ceci, Williams, & Barnett,

2009) (see Figure 11.3). Also, in mathematical complex

problem solving, boys start to slightly outperform girls

when they reach high school (Lindberg et al., 2010).

Given that this pattern does not emerge until later in

life, researchers do not see it as an innate cognitive

difference, but instead as a difference in socialization,

an issue that we will discuss in more depth shortly.

However, boys historically outperform girls on the

math portion of the SAT (see Figure 11.4). Because

math skills and problem-solving ability are essential

for success in scientific courses and careers (arenas

currently underpopulated by women), this finding is

a concern.

Spatial Abilities

In the cognitive area, the most compelling evidence for gender differ-

ences is in spatial abilities, which include perceiving and mentally manip-

ulating shapes and figures. Males typically outperform females in most

spatial abilities, and gender differences favoring males are consistently

found in the ability to perform mental rotations of a figure in three

dimensions—a skill important in occupations such as engineering,

chemistry, and the building trades (Hyde, 2014) (see Figure 11.5). This

gender gap in the ability to handle mental rotations is relatively large and

has been found repeatedly (Halpern, 2000, 2004). Using creative meth-

ods, researchers have demonstrated this difference in infants as young as

5 months old (Moore & Johnson, 2008). Experience and training can

improve mental rotation in both girls and boys (Newcombe, 2007). In

fact, playing action video games has been shown to improve mental

rotation skills for both genders (Spence, Feng, & Marshman, 2009). One

study found benefits for women in rotation skills after only 1 hour of

training on an action video game (Cherney, Bersted, & Smetter, 2014).

This leads researchers to speculate that activities associated with mas-

culine gender roles (such as playing action video games) might actually

contribute to the development of these skills (Reilly & Neumann, 2013).

In sum, there appear to be few strong gender differences in cognitive abil-

ities. However, when it comes to academic achievement (typically mea-

sured by grades in school) females tend to have the edge (Voyer & Voyer, 2014).

A study of more than 1 million adolescents from seventy-four countries found

that girls outperformed boys in all subjects most of the time (Stoet & Geary, 2015).

Interestingly, even with this achievement advantage, females report more anxiety

about, and lower confidence in, abilities associated with boys (such as math) than

do males (Goetz et al., 2013). This could, in turn, lead females away from careers in

science and engineering.

0 1981–1985 1996–2000 2001–2005 2006–20101986–1990 1991–1995

Year

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480

500

520

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Figure 11.4 Gender differences in math performance on the SAT. Females historically score lower than males on the math portion of the SAT.

Researchers continue to question whether this is an innate cognitive

difference or a difference in socialization. (Adapted from College Board,

2015)

Figure 11.3 Male-to-female ratio for math SAT scores of 700 and above. Research shows that males outperform females at the high end of the mathematical ability distribution. As you can

see in this graph, this gap has been shrinking since the 1980s. Between 1981 and 1985, boys

who scored a 700 and above outnumbered girls 13 to 1; by 2010, this ratio was only 4 to 1.

Source: Adapted from Wai, J., Cacchio, M., Putallaz, M., & Makel, M. C. (2010). Sex differences in the right tail of

cognitive abilities: A 30 year examination. Intelligence, 38, 412–423.

Figure 11.5 Mental rotation test. Spatial reasoning tasks can be divided into a variety of subtypes. Studies indicate that

males perform slightly better than females on most, but

not all, spatial tasks. The tasks on which males are superior

often involve mentally rotating objects, such as in the

problem shown here, for which the answer is “no.”

Source: From Kalat, J. W. (2013). Biological psychology (11th ed.). Belmont, CA:

Wadsworth. Reproduced with permission. www.cengage.com/permissions

Can the set of

blocks on the

left be rotated

to match the set

at the right?

Gender and Behavior 311

Personality Traits and Social Behavior

Turning to personality and social behavior, let’s examine those fac-

tors for which gender differences are reasonably well documented.

Self-Esteem

Females typically score lower than males on tests of global

self-esteem, but the difference in scores is small (Stake &

Eisele, 2010). Hyde (2014) argues that this difference has

been exaggerated in the popular press. For example, a meta-

analysis of several hundred studies that included respondents

from 7 to 60 years of age found only a small difference in self-

esteem that favored males (Kling et al., 1999). The authors found

no support for claims that girls’ self-esteem drops dramatically

during adolescence. A second meta-analysis also reported

only a small overall gender difference favoring males (Major

et al., 1999). Other research reports self-esteem differences be-

tween white men and women, but no such differences are found

for black men and women (Sprecher, Brooks, & Avogo, 2013).

Obviously, the findings on self-esteem are complex.

Aggression

Aggression involves behavior that is intended to hurt someone, either physically or ver-

bally (see Chapter 4). Common stereotypes hold that males are more aggressive than females,

but the picture is more complex (Frieze & Li, 2010). Gender differences in aggression vary

depending on the form aggression takes. Cross-cultural meta-analyses conclude that males

consistently engage in more physical aggression than do females (Archer, 2005). This differ-

ence is evident even in young children (Baillargeon et al., 2007). On the other hand, although

the differences are small, females are more likely than males to commit relational aggression,

such as giving someone the “silent treatment” to get one’s way, talking behind another’s back,

or spreading rumors (Archer, 2005; Richardson, 2014).

When you consider extreme forms of aggression such as violent crimes, however,

there is no getting around the fact that men commit a grossly disproportionate share.

According to the U.S. Department of Justice, in 2014 only about 7% of all state and

federal inmates were women (Bureau of Justice Statistics (2015). In addition, 54% of the

males in state facilities were violent offenders compared to only 37% of women (Carson,

2015). Figure 11.6 shows the stark gender differences in such crimes as assault, robbery,

rape, and homicide.

Females are more likely than males to use relational aggression, such as

talking behind another’s back or spreading rumors. However, the gender

difference is small.

Percent of sentenced prisoners

Rape/ Sexual assault

Robbery

Murder

Assault

All violent crimes

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Male Female Figure 11.6 Gender differences in violent crime arrests in suburban areas. Males are much more likely to be arrested and

sentenced for violent crimes than women

are. These data support the findings of

laboratory studies showing that males

are more physically aggressive than

females. (Data from the Federal Bureau

of Investigation, 2011)

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312 C H A P T E R 1 1

Sexual Attitudes and Behavior

We cover the relation between gender and sexuality in more depth in Chapter 12, so we will

address only the basics here. In the sexual domain, a meta-analysis by Petersen and Hyde

(2010b, 2011) found that men are slightly more likely to engage in sexual activity and tend

to have more sexual partners. Men are slightly more permissive in their attitudes toward

sex in general, whereas women are more likely than men to feel negative emotions (such as

shame or guilt) in response to sexual activity. The researchers found larger differences for

some other aspects of sexuality. Specifically, males are more likely than females to engage in

casual sex, use pornography, and masturbate (Petersen & Hyde, 2010).

Emotional Expression

Conventional wisdom holds that women are more “emotional” than men. Does research

support this belief ? If by being “emotional” we mean outwardly displaying one’s emotions,

the answer is “yes”; a number of studies have found that women express more emotion

than men (Fisher & Evers, 2013). Gender differences “favoring” women have been found

on such emotions as sadness, disgust, fear, surprise, and happiness.

Do women actually experience more emotion? To answer this question, Ann Kring

and Albert Gordon (1998) had college students view films selected to evoke sadness, hap-

piness, and fear. The researchers videotaped the participants’ facial expressions and asked

them to describe their emotional experiences. As expected, the researchers found gender

differences in the facial expression of emotion. However, they failed to find any gender

differences in experienced emotions. Thus, gender differences in emotional functioning

may be limited to the outward expression of feelings and likely stem from societal norms

about how males and females should display emotions.

Communication

Gender differences in communication are quite complex and, as with other characteristics,

are typically small (Carli, 2013). Popular stereotypes suggest that females are much more

talkative than males. In fact, the opposite seems to be true: men talk more than women

(Cameron, 2007). In addition, men tend to interrupt women more than women interrupt

men (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2003). However, when women have more power in

work or personal relationships, women interrupt more (Aries, 1998). Perhaps some gender

differences in communication are better seen as representing a status difference.

Many studies indicate that women are more skilled than men in nonverbal commu-

nication. For example, they are better at reading and sending nonverbal messages (Hall

& Matsumoto, 2004) and are more facially expressive (Brody & Hall, 2010). In addition,

studies have found that women speak more tentatively (“I may

be wrong, but . . .”) than men, especially when discussing mascu-

line topics in mixed-gender groups (McHugh & Hambaugh, 2010;

Palomares, 2009). In a meta-analysis of more than twenty-nine stud-

ies, Leaper and Robnett (2011) found support for this phenomenon,

although the difference was small. In general, gender differences in

communication are a matter of degree, not kind. In other words, it’s

not a matter of men being from Mars and women from Venus, but

more like men are from North Dakota and women are from South

Dakota (Dindia, 2006).

Psychological Disorders

In terms of the overall incidence of mental disorders, only mini-

mal gender differences have been found. When researchers assess

the prevalence of specific disorders, however, they do find some

rather consistent gender differences. Alcohol abuse and other drug-

related disorders are far more prevalent among men than among

Popular stereotypes suggest that females are much more talkative than

males. In fact, men talk more than women and tend to interrupt women

more, especially when there is a power differential.

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Women’s Studies Online

Resources

This database at University of Maryland–

Baltimore County has a wealth of

resources for issues related to women’s

studies including an annotated set of

more than 700 links to other useful sites.

Learn More Online

Gender and Behavior 313

women (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2013). On the other hand, women are more likely than men to

suffer from depression and anxiety disorders (Hatzenbuehler et al., 2010; Nolen-

Hoeksema, 2012). Even when comparing opposite-sex fraternal twins, females have a

higher rate of mood disorders than males (Kendler, Myers, & Prescott, 2005).

Females also show higher rates of eating disorders (see the Chapter 14 Application),

which have been linked to distorted body images (Devlin & Steinglass, 2014). Body image

consists of one’s attitudes, beliefs, and feelings about one’s body. Typically, women

have a greater drive for thinness and are more concerned with dieting than are men

(Herman & Polivy, 2010). For many years, this concern with thinness has existed among

white and Asian Americans, but has been a lesser concern among Hispanics and black

Americans (Polivy & Herman, 2002). Some evidence suggests that the very-thin female

ideal may be spreading to these two groups as well (Barnett, Keel, & Conoscenti, 2001).

While ultra-thinness for women has been a longtime media message, muscular body types

for men are becoming more heavily promoted (Murnen & Don, 2012). Thus, the pressure

to live up to an ideal body shape is a significant adjustment challenge facing both males

and females today.

Putting Gender Differences in Perspective

It pays to be cautious when interpreting gender differences. Although research has un-

covered some genuine differences in various domains, remember that these are group dif-

ferences. That is, they tell us nothing about individuals. Essentially, we are comparing the

“average man” with the “average woman.” Figure 11.7 shows how scores

on a trait might be distributed for men and women. Although the group

averages are detectably different, you can see that there is great variabil-

ity within each group (gender) and huge overlap between the two group

distributions. Furthermore, as we have repeatedly noted, the differences

between these groups are usually relatively small. Ultimately, the similari-

ties between women and men greatly outweigh the differences.

A second essential point is that gender accounts for only a minute

proportion of the differences between individuals. Using complicated

statistical procedures, it is possible to gauge the influence of gender (or

other factors) on behavior. These tests often show that factors other than

gender (for example, the social context in which behavior occurs) are far

more important determinants of differences between individuals (Yoder &

Kahn, 2003).

Another point to keep in mind is that when gender differences

are found, they do not mean that one gender is better than the other. As

Diane Halpern (1997) humorously notes, “It is about as meaningful to

ask ‘Which is the smarter sex?’ . . . as it is to ask ‘Which has the better

genitals?’ ” (p. 1092). The problem is not with gender differences, but with

how these differences are evaluated by the larger society.

are to dispel the myths surrounding gender differences in communication and to summarize what researchers do know in this area. Anyone interested in getting a more complete picture of mixed-gender communication should read this book.

The Myth of Mars and Venus: Do Men and Women Really Speak

Different Languages?

In this readable and concise paperback, Cameron challenges the assertions of authors such as Deborah Tannen (You Just Don’t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation) and John Gray (Men Are from Mars, Women Are from Venus). Her goals

Recommended Reading

by Deborah Cameron (Oxford, 2007)

Mean score for

males

Mean score for females

Low High Score on the trait

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Distribution for males

Distribution for females

Figure 11.7 The nature of group differences. Gender differences are group differences that tell us little about individuals because

of the great overlap between the groups. For a given trait, one

gender may score higher on the average, but there is far more

variation within each gender than between the genders.

314 C H A P T E R 1 1

Although gender differences in abilities, personality, and behavior are relatively few

in number and small in size, sometimes it seems otherwise. How come? One explanation

focuses on gender-based differences in social roles. Alice Eagly’s (1987) social role theory

asserts that minor gender differences are exaggerated by the different social roles that

males and females occupy. For example, because women are assigned the role of caregiver,

they learn to behave in nurturing ways. Over time, people come to associate such role-

related behaviors with individuals of a given gender, not with the roles they play (Eagly &

Wood, 2012). In other words, people come to see nurturing as a female trait rather than

as a characteristic that anyone in a nurturing role would demonstrate. This is one way that

gender stereotypes develop and persist.

Another explanation for discrepancies between beliefs and reality is that the differ-

ences actually reside in the eye of the beholder, not the beholdee. Social constructionism

asserts that individuals construct their own reality based on societal expectations,

conditioning, and self-socialization (Hyde, 1996). According to social constructionists,

people’s specific beliefs about gender (as well as their tendency to look for gender differ-

ences) are rooted in the “gendered” messages and conditioning that permeate socialization

experiences. To better understand these issues, we next explore the role of biological and

environmental factors as likely sources of gender differences.

Are the gender differences that do exist biologically built in, or are they acquired through

socialization? This is the age-old question of nature versus nurture. The “nature” theorists

concentrate on how biological disparities between the genders contribute to differences in

behavior. “Nurture” theorists, on the other hand, emphasize the role of learning and envi-

ronmental influences. Although we will discuss biological and environmental influences

separately, keep in mind that most contemporary researchers and theorists in this area

recognize that biological and environmental factors interact. Further, biological factors

can influence gender differences without specifically determining them (Eagly & Wood,

2013). Let’s first look at three biologically based lines of inquiry on this topic: evolutionary

explanations, brain organization, and hormonal influences.

Evolutionary Explanations

Evolutionary psychologists suggest that gender differences in behavior reflect different

natural selection pressures operating on the genders over the course of human history

(Byrd-Craven & Geary, 2013). That is, natural selection favors behaviors that maximize the

chances of passing on genes to the next generation (reproductive success).

To support their assertions, evolutionary psychologists look for gender differences

that are consistent across cultures. Is there consistency across cultures for the better-

documented gender differences? Despite some fascinating exceptions, gender differences

in personality, cognitive abilities, aggression, and sexual behavior are found in many cul-

tures (Lippa, 2010). According to evolutionary psychologists, these consistent differences

have emerged because males and females have been confronted with different adaptive

demands. For example, males are thought to be more sexually active and permissive because

they invest less than females in the process of procreation and can maximize their repro-

ductive success by seeking many sexual partners (Webster, 2009).

The gender gap in aggression is also explained in terms of reproductive fitness.

Because females are more selective about mating than males are, males have to

engage in more competition for sexual partners than females do. Greater aggressive-

ness is thought to be adaptive for males in this competition for sexual access because

it should foster social dominance over other males. Evolutionary theorists assert

that gender differences in spatial abilities reflect the division of labor in ancestral

11.3 Biological Origins of Gender Differences ■ Summarize evolutionary explanations

for gender differences.

■ Review the evidence linking gender

differences in cognitive abilities to brain

organization.

■ Describe the evidence relating

hormones to gender differences.

Learning Objectives

Gender and Behavior 315

hunting-and-gathering societies in which males typically handled the hunting and

females the gathering. Males’ superiority on most spatial tasks has been attributed to

the adaptive demands of hunting (Newcombe, 2010).

Evolutionary analyses of gender differences are interesting, but controversial. Although

it is certainly plausible that evolutionary forces could have led to some divergence between

males and females in typical behavior, evolutionary hypotheses are highly speculative and

difficult to test empirically. In addition, evolutionary theory can be used to claim that the

status quo in society is the inevitable outcome of evolutionary forces. Thus, if males have

dominant status over females, natural selection must have favored this arrangement. The

crux of the problem is that evolutionary analyses can be used to explain almost anything.

For instance, if the situation regarding mental rotation were reversed—if females scored

higher than males—evolutionary theorists might attribute females’ superiority to the adap-

tive demands of gathering food, weaving baskets, and making clothes—and it would be

difficult to prove otherwise.

Brain Organization

Some theorists propose that male and female brains are organized differently, which

might account for gender differences in some gender-specific abilities. As you may

know, the human brain is divided into two halves. The cerebral hemispheres are the

right and left halves of the cerebrum, which is the convoluted outer layer of the

brain. The cerebrum, the largest and most complicated part of the human brain, is

responsible for most complex mental activities. Some evidence suggests that the right

and left cerebral hemispheres are specialized to handle different cognitive tasks (Sperry,

1982; Springer & Deutsch, 1998). For example, it appears that the left hemisphere is

more actively involved in verbal and mathematical processing, while the right hemi-

sphere is specialized to handle visual-spatial and other nonverbal processing. Still, it is

important to note that the brain functions as a unified structure, in

that these two hemispheres do not act completely independently.

After these findings on hemispheric specialization surfaced, some

researchers began looking for disparities between male and female

brain organization as a way to explain the observed gender differences

in verbal and spatial skills. Some thought-provoking findings have been

reported. For instance, males exhibit more cerebral specialization than

females (Hines, 1990). In other words, males tend to depend more

heavily than females on the left hemisphere in verbal processing and on

the right hemisphere in spatial processing. Additionally, some studies

suggest that females tend to have a larger corpus callosum, the band

of fibers connecting the two hemispheres of the brain. This greater

size might allow for better transfer of information across hemispheres,

which in turn might underlie the more bilateral (less hemispherically

specialized) organization of female brains (Lippa, 2005). Thus, some

theorists have argued that these differences in brain organization

are responsible for gender differences in verbal and spatial ability

(Clements et al. 2006).

Although this idea is intriguing, there are some important lim-

itations in this line of reasoning. First, studies have not consistently

found that males have more specialized brain organization than

females (Kaiser et al., 2009), and the finding of a larger corpus cal-

losum in females does not always emerge (Fine, 2010). Second,

because a significant amount of brain development occurs over

the first 5 to 10 years after birth, during which time males and

females are socialized differently, it is possible that different life

experiences may accumulate to produce slight differences in brain

organization (Hood et al., 1987). In other words, because the

brain responds to the environment, the biological factors that

Studies have shown that the brain’s cerebral hemispheres, shown

here, are somewhat specialized in the kinds of cognitive tasks they

handle and that such specialization is more pronounced in males

than in females. Whether this difference bears any relation to gender

differences in behavior is yet to be determined.

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supposedly cause gender differences in cognitive functioning may actually reflect the

influence of environmental factors. Third, gender accounts for only a small amount of the

variance in lateralization; it’s more dependent on the type of task (Boles, 2005). Finally, it’s

important to remember that male and female brains are much more similar than

they are different. Taken together, Fine (2013) argues that we must be wary of engaging

in neurosexism, or using these biological findings to support our preexisting gender

stereotypes.

Hormonal Influences

As we discussed in Chapter 3, hormones are chemical substances released into the blood-

stream by the endocrine glands. Biological gender is determined by sex chromosomes:

An XX pairing produces a female, and an XY pairing produces a male. However, both male

and female embryos are essentially the same until about 7 to 12 weeks after conception.

Around this time, male and female gonads (sex glands) begin to produce different hor-

monal secretions. The high level of androgens (hormones such as testosterone) in males

and the low level of androgens in females lead to the differentiation of male and female

genital organs. It is important to note that androgens are found in and are important for

both males and females. Even though testosterone is often referred to as a “male” hormone

while estrogen is referred to as a “female” hormone, the idea that hormones have a gender

is a myth (Crocetti, 2013).

The influence of prenatal hormones on genitalia is clear, but their impact on

behavior is harder to establish. However, researchers have found that hormones play

an important role in the development of sex-typical childhood behavior, including toy

preferences (Hines, 2010, 2011). Much of what researchers know about this topic comes

from studying endocrine disorders—that is, those caused by interference with normal

prenatal hormonal secretions (Bussey, 2013). Scientists have studied children born to

mothers given an androgen-like drug to prevent miscarriage. Two trends have been

noted in this research (Collaer & Hines, 1995). First, girls exposed prenatally to abnor-

mally high levels of androgens exhibit more male-typical behavior (for instance, choos-

ing “boy” toys) than other girls do. Second, boys exposed prenatally to abnormally low

levels of androgens exhibit more female-typical behavior (such as choosing “girl” toys)

than other boys.

These findings suggest that prenatal hormones shape gender differences in humans.

But there are a number of problems with this evidence (Bussey, 2013). First, behavior is

always subject to social factors after birth. Second, it’s always dangerous to draw conclu-

sions about the general population based on small samples of people who have rare condi-

tions. Third, most of the endocrine disorders studied have multiple effects (besides altering

hormone level) that make it difficult to isolate actual causes. Finally, most of the research

is necessarily correlational, and it is always risky to draw causal conclusions from correla-

tional data.

Postnatally, the hormone testosterone plays an important role in sexual desire for both

men and women (Petersen & Hyde, 2010a). That is, when testosterone is reduced or elim-

inated, both men and women show decreases in sexual drive. Additionally, high levels of

testosterone in men and women correlate with higher rates of sexual activity (Petersen &

Hyde, 2011), although research suggests that there might be social factors at play in this

link (van Anders, 2012). Testosterone has also been linked with higher levels of aggres-

sion (impulsive and antisocial behavior) in humans (Platje et al., 2015), but the picture

is complicated because aggressive behavior can produce increases in testosterone. In fact,

one study demonstrated that simply interacting with a gun increased testosterone levels in

males (Klinesmith, Kasser, & McAndrew, 2006).

The overall evidence suggests that, aside from obvious physical differences, bio-

logical factors such as evolution, brain structure, and hormones play a relatively minor

role in gender differences. In contrast, efforts to link gender differences to disparities in

the way males and females are socialized have proved more fruitful. We consider this

perspective next.

Gender and Behavior 317

11.4 Environmental Origins of Gender Differences

Socialization is the acquisition of the norms and roles expected of people in a particular

society. This process includes all the efforts made by a society to ensure that its members

learn to behave in a manner that’s considered appropriate. Teaching children about gender

roles is an important aspect of the socialization process. Gender roles are cultural expec-

tations about what is appropriate behavior for each gender. For example, in our culture

women have traditionally been expected to rear children, cook meals, clean house, and

do laundry. On the other hand, men have been expected to be the family breadwinner, do

yardwork, and tinker with cars.

Keep in mind that gender roles and gender stereotypes are intertwined, each fueling

the other. As we noted earlier, Eagly’s social role theory suggests that gender differences

often occur (and seem bigger than they actually are) because males and females are guided

by different role expectations. In the next section, we’ll discuss how society teaches individ-

uals about gender roles.

Processes in Gender-Role Socialization

How do people acquire gender roles? Several key learning processes come into play, includ-

ing reinforcement and punishment, observational learning, and self-socialization.

Reinforcement and Punishment

In part, gender roles are shaped by the power of rewards and punishment—the key pro-

cesses in operant conditioning (see Chapter 2). Parents, teachers, peers, and others often

reinforce (usually with tacit approval) “gender-appropriate” behavior. For example, a young

boy who has hurt himself may be told that “big boys don’t cry.” If he succeeds in inhibiting

his crying, he may get a pat on the back or a warm smile—both powerful reinforcers. Over

time, a consistent pattern of such reinforcement will strengthen the boy’s tendency to “act

like a man” and suppress emotional displays.

Most parents take gender-appropriate behavior for granted and don’t go out of their

way to reward it. However, many are much less tolerant of gender-inappropriate behavior,

especially for males. For instance, a 10-year-old boy who enjoys playing with dollhouses

will probably elicit strong disapproval. Reactions usually involve ridicule or verbal repri-

mands rather than physical punishment.

Learning Objectives

■ Define socialization and gender roles.

■ Explain how reinforcement and

punishment, observational learning,

and self-socialization operate in

gender-role socialization.

■ Describe how parents, peers, schools,

and the media serve as sources of

gender-role socialization.

Children learn behaviors appropriate to their gender roles very early in life. According to social learning

theory, girls tend to do the sorts of things their mothers do, whereas boys tend to follow in their fathers’

footsteps.

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318 C H A P T E R 1 1

Observational Learning

Younger children commonly imitate the behavior of a parent or an older sibling. This imi-

tation, or observational learning, occurs when a child’s behavior is influenced by observing

others. These others are called models. Parents serve as models for children, as do siblings,

teachers, relatives, and others who are important in children’s lives. Models are not limited

to real people; television, movie, and cartoon characters can also serve as models.

According to social cognitive theory (see Chapter 2), young children are more likely to

imitate people who are nurturant, powerful, and similar to them (Bussey & Bandura, 1984,

2004). Children imitate both genders, but most children are prone to imitate same-gender

models. Interestingly, same-gender peers may be even more influential models than par-

ents are (Maccoby, 2002).

Self-Socialization

Children are not merely passive recipients of gender-role socialization. Rather, they play an

active role in this process, beginning early in life. Because society labels people, character-

istics, behavior, and activities by gender, children learn that gender is an important social

category. Around 2 to 3 years of age, children begin to identify themselves as male or female

(Martin, Ruble, & Szkrybalo, 2002). Once children have these labels, they begin to organize

the various pieces of gender-relevant information into gender schemas. Gender schemas

are cognitive structures that guide the processing of gender-relevant information. Basi-

cally, gender schemas work like lenses that cause people to view and organize the world in

terms of gender (Bem, 1993).

Self-socialization begins when children link the gender schema for their own gender

to their self-concept. Once this connection is made, children are motivated to selectively

attend to activities and information that are consistent with the schema for their own gen-

der. For example, Terrance knows that he is a boy and also has a “boy” schema that he

attaches to himself. Now his self-esteem is dependent on how well he lives up to his boy

schema. In this way, children get involved in their own socialization. They are “gender

detectives,” working diligently to discover the rules that are supposed to govern their

behavior (Halim & Ruble, 2010).

Sources of Gender-Role Socialization

Four major sources of gender-role messages are parents, peers, schools, and the media

(Leaper & Farkus, 2015). Keep in mind that gender-role socialization varies depending on

one’s culture. For example, black families typically make fewer distinctions between girls

and boys than do white families (Hill, 2002); as a result, gender roles are more flexible for

black women (Littlefield, 2003). By contrast, gender roles are relatively rigidly defined in

Asian and Hispanic families (Chia et al., 1994; Comas-Diaz, 1987). Also, gender roles are

changing, so the generalizations that follow may say more about how you were socialized

than about how your children will be.

Parents

Parents are arguably the most important agents of socialization (Grusec & Davidov, 2015).

Although a meta-analysis of 172 studies of parental socialization practices suggests that par-

ents don’t treat girls and boys as differently as one might expect (Lytton & Romney, 1991),

there are some important disparities. For one thing, there is a strong tendency for both

mothers and fathers to emphasize and encourage play activities that are “gender appropriate.”

For example, studies show that parents encourage boys and girls to play with different types

of toys (Wood, Desmarais, & Gugula, 2002). Generally, boys have less leeway to play with

“feminine” toys than girls do with “masculine” toys. It is clear that children are socialized to

play with “girl” toys or “boy” toys, but could this play also be a source of gender-role social-

ization? The following Spotlight on Research explores this possibility.

Boys are under more pressure than girls to

behave in gender-appropriate ways. Little

boys who show an interest in dolls are likely

to be chastised by both parents and peers.

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Gender and Behavior 319

In addition to toys, the picture books parents buy for their children typically depict

characters engaging in gender-stereotypic activities (Gooden & Gooden, 2001). One study

of more than 5,600 books from 1900 to 2000 found that males are twice as likely as females

to be in the book’s title and 1.6 times more likely to be the main character (McCabe et al.,

2011). Further, a content analysis of 20 years of award-winning children’s books revealed

that females were more often depicted using household items (spoons, sewing machines),

whereas male characters were more often depicted using production items outside the

home (such as cars and tools), a pattern that has not changed over time (Crabb & Marciano,

2011). Even books that parents and teachers rate as “nonsexist” portray female characters

with stereotypic personalities, chores, and leisure activities (Diekman & Murnen, 2004).

Further, the way parents communicate with their children about picture books pro-

vides clues for gender schemas. One study found that even with gender-neutral books, par-

ents reinforce gender stereotypes by providing gender labels (Endendijk et al., 2014). For

instance, while reading picture books with gender-neutral characters to their preschoolers,

parents were more likely to label angry characters as male while labeling sad or happy

characters as female (van der Pol et al., 2015).

Can Barbie Be a Firefighter?

Source: Sherman, A. M., & Zurbriggen, E. L. (2014). “Boys can be anything”:

Effect of Barbie play on girls’ career cognitions. Sex Roles, 70(5–6), 195–208.

As we have discussed, men are more likely to be employed

in math-based occupations such as engineering or computer

science, but psychologists speculate that this gap is not due to

gender differences in cognitive abilities. Instead, gender-role

socialization plays an important role in one’s academic interests

and career choices. Childhood play is central to socialization in

that children learn appropriate behaviors for their gender. The

researchers examined the impact of gender-socialized play (that

is, girls playing with Barbie dolls) on perceptions about careers.

If Barbie dolls carry gendered messages about how girls should

look, then perhaps these dolls affect the perception about what

jobs girls can do as well.

Method Participants. Thirty-seven girls, ages 4 to 7, participated in the study. All parents gave consent for their daughters to participate.

Materials and Procedures. Girls were randomly assigned to play with either a Barbie doll or a Mrs. Potato Head doll. After 5 minutes

of “free play,” the experimenter removed the dolls and told the

participants that they were going to play a picture game. The girls

viewed eleven pictures showing various occupations (one neutral,

five stereotypically female, and five stereotypically male). Each

photo had a caption and no humans were shown. For example,

there was a picture of a fire station captioned, “This is a fire station.

A firefighter works here.” Pictures were presented in random order

and for each one the girls were asked “Could you do this job when

you grow up? And “could a boy do this job when he grows up?”

“Yes” or “no” responses were recorded.

Results Regardless of which doll they played with, the girls reported that

boys had more job options overall than they did. However, the

difference in the number of jobs the girls thought were possible for

themselves versus the number possible for boys was significantly

greater after the girls played with a Barbie doll. That is, girls who

played with Barbie reported fewer job possibilities for themselves

than the girls who played with Mrs. Potato Head.

Discussion These results demonstrate that childhood play can affect children’s

expectations about their future career possibilities at an early and

impressionable age. As children are building their gender schemas,

even their toys provide them with information. The researchers

noted some limitations. Specifically, the girls were asked to report

on themselves and a hypothetical boy. Perhaps the results would

be different if the girls were asked to report on a hypothetical girl,

as opposed to themselves. Future researchers are encouraged

to include other outcomes such as self-concept or well-being in

addition to career possibilities. Although more research is needed,

this study presents evidence that gender gaps in career domains

might be due in part to early childhood socialization.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Did you play with gender-stereotypical toys? How might this

play have influenced your academic choices so far (such as

your choice of major)?

2. The researchers suggest that future studies consider other

outcomes besides career possibilities (for example, self-

concept)? Can you think of other outcomes than might be

affected by gender-socialized childhood play?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

320 C H A P T E R 1 1

Of course, parents communicate gender roles in more direct ways.

For instance, one study found that fathers were more attentive to their

daughters’ submissive emotions such as sadness, whereas they were

more attentive to their sons’ disharmonious emotions such as anger

(Chaplin, Cole, & Zahn-Waxler, 2005). Through these conversational

patterns, parents subtly (or not so subtly) reinforce what emotions and

behaviors are appropriate for girls and boys to display.

Peers

Peers form an important network for learning about gender-

appropriate and gender-inappropriate behavior, especially as children

get older (Bussey, 2013). Between the ages of 4 and 6, children tend

to separate into same-gender groups, and these preferences appear to

be child- rather than adult-driven (Fabes, Hanish, & Martin, 2003).

From age 6 to about 12, boys and girls spend much more time with

same-gender than other-gender peers. Moreover, according to Eleanor

Maccoby (1998, 2002), over time boys’ and girls’ groups develop differ-

ent “subcultures” (shared understandings and interests) that strongly

shape youngsters’ gender-role socialization. One study that examined

friendship stability from seventh through twelfth grade found that

mixed-gender friendships were more likely than same-gender ones to

dissolve (Hartl, Laursen, & Cillessen, 2015).

Because both boys and girls are critical of peers who violate tra-

ditional gender norms, they perpetuate stereotypical behavior. Among

children ages 3 to 11, boys are devalued more than girls for dressing

like the other gender, whereas girls are evaluated more negatively than

boys for playing like the other gender—for instance, loudly and roughly

versus quietly and gently (Blakemore, 2003). Further, “gender-atypical

boys” report more often being victims of bullying, more loneliness,

and greater distress than their “typical” peers (Young & Sweeting,

2004). Associations between negative adjustment and gender-atypical

behavior, however, appear to be reduced with positive parenting styles

(Alanko et al., 2008).

Schools

The school environment figures importantly in socializing gender roles (Wentzel & Looney,

2007). One way that gender bias shows up in schools is in teachers’ treatment of boys and

girls. Preschool and grade school teachers often reward gender-appropriate behavior in

their pupils. Teachers also tend to pay greater attention to boys—helping them, praising

them, and scolding them more than girls (Beaman, Wheldall, & Kemp, 2006). By contrast,

girls tend to be less visible in the classroom and to receive less encouragement for aca-

demic achievement from teachers. Overall, these teacher-student interactions reinforce the

gender stereotype of male competence and dominance (Meece & Scantlebury, 2006). In

contrast, given that females tend to have higher academic achievement than boys, teachers’

stereotypes about the “underachieving male” can also bias their perceptions. For instance,

one study found that teachers rated males (especially those who behaved in a gender-typical

manner) as less academically engaged than females (Heyder & Kessles, 2015). This finding

indicates that gender stereotypes can cut both ways.

Gender bias also shows up in academic and career counseling. Despite the fact that

females obtain higher grades than males (on the average) in all subjects from elementary

school through college (Stoet & Geary, 2015), many counselors continue to encourage male

students to pursue high-status careers in medicine or engineering while guiding female

students toward less-prestigious careers. Stereotypic beliefs that lead to differential treat-

ment by counselors and teachers can facilitate barriers to women’s career choices, especially

in the areas of science and math.

The way parents read to their children can provide clues for gender

schemas. Even with gender-neutral books, parents can reinforce

gender stereotypes by labeling angry characters as male while

labeling sad or happy characters as female.

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Gender and Behavior 321

The Media

Television, videos, and other forms of media are sources of gender-role socialization

(Scharrer, 2013). According to a Nielsen Research Group (2014) report, the average

American child (ages 2–11) spends 24 hours, 16 minutes a week watching traditional TV

(the time is even greater if you include recorded shows). And that doesn’t include DVDs,

videos, or streaming content. Given this high level of consumption, researchers are quite

interested in gender messages in the media.

In traditional children’s adventure cartoons (as opposed to educational cartoons),

male characters appear more often and engage in more physical aggression, whereas

female characters are much more likely to show fear, act romantic, be polite, and act

supportive (Leaper et al., 2002). An analysis of male and female characters on prime-time

television programs showed that the number and variety of roles of female TV characters

have increased but that these shifts lag behind the actual changes in women’s lives

(Glascock, 2001). Compared to males, females appear less often, are less likely to be

employed in prestigious positions, are more likely to be younger, and are more likely

to appear in secondary and comedy roles. As compared to female characters, males are

still more likely to demonstrate acompetence-related behaviors such as reaching a goal,

showing ingenuity, and answering questions (Aubrey & Harrison, 2004). In shows geared

toward tweens (those considered too old to be a child but not yet a teenager), females are

more likely to be attractive and receive comments or display concern about their looks

(Gerding & Signorielli, 2013). Even in the news, use of the pronoun “he” is nine times

more likely than “she” and is associated with more positive contexts (Sendén, SikstrÖm,

& Lindholm, 2014).

Television commercials are even more gender stereotyped than TV programs (Lippa

2005). When analyzing more than 450 after-school commercials from the popular

children’s network Nickelodeon, researchers found that gender-role stereotypes were

pervasive (Kahlenberg & Hein, 2010). Commercials were gender orientated, and even

gender-neutral toys were often marketed toward one gender (see Figure 11.8). Further, boys

tended to be depicted outdoors more than girls, and they were shown engaged in a wider

variety of activities. In a content analysis comparing the major U.S. networks to an African

American niche station (Black Entertainment Television—BET), researchers found that

TV Smarter

This site encourages screen-time

reduction for all. It includes a thorough

set of facts and figures on television

watching and several topics including

reading, aggression, and health.

Learn More Online

21.8% Transportation

13.7% Sports

4% Mixed/ other

4.8% Animals

18.5% Games/build

8.1% Make believe

29% Action figures

BOYS ONLY

6.4% Make believe

36.5% Animals

1.3% Sports

3.8% Games/ build

51.9% Dolls

GIRLS ONLY

Figure 11.8 Toys presented in commercials with boys or girls in them. A content analysis of commercials airing on Nickelodeon demonstrated that commercials with only boys promoted very different toys

than those with only girls. These differences highlight the role of gender-role stereotypes in the media.

(Adapted from Kahlenberg & Hein, 2010)

322 C H A P T E R 1 1

the majority of the characters in primetime commercials are male and white, even on BET

(Messineo, 2008).

TV is not the only medium that perpetuates gender stereotypes; gender-role social-

ization is a multimedia phenomenon. Most video games push a hypermasculine stereotype

featuring search-and-destroy missions, fighter pilot battles, and male sports (Lippa, 2005).

Females, if depicted at all, tend to be hypersexualized. One study found that including a

hypersexualized, but noncentral, female character on the box for the game was associated

with increased sales (Near, 2013). Of the few video games directed at girls, the great major-

ity are highly stereotypic (shopping and Barbie games).

Do the media actually influence children’s views about gender? Evidence suggests that

the answer is “yes.” A meta-analysis reported a link between children’s exposure to gen-

der stereotyping in the media and the acquisition of gender-stereotyped beliefs (Oppliger,

2007). Even among adults, viewing sexualized portrayals of women appears to influence

viewers’ gender-role and sexual attitudes (Kistler & Lee, 2010). One study found that men

who watched a sexually objectifying TV clip were subsequently more likely to endorse

stricter gender roles and engage in coercive and harassing behavior than were those who

viewed a non-objectifying clip (Gladi, Maass, & Cadinu, 2014). Admittedly, gender-role

socialization is complex, and other factors such as parental values come into play as well.

Nonetheless, Greenwood and Lippman (2010) argue that our perceptions of gender differ-

ences might be an “artifact of the gender-stereotyped landscape of the mass media” (p. 662).

Traditional gender roles are based on several unspoken assumptions: that all members of

the same gender have basically the same traits, that the traits of one gender are very differ-

ent from the traits of the other gender, and that masculine traits are more highly valued. In

this section, we review the research and theory in this area and note changes in gender roles

in the recent past. We begin with the male role.

Role Expectations for Males

A number of psychologists have sought to pinpoint the essence of the traditional male role

(Levant, 2011; Pleck, 1995). Many consider anti-femininity to be the central theme that

runs through the male gender role. That is, “real men” shouldn’t act in any way that might

be perceived as feminine. Five key attributes constitute the traditional male role (Brannon,

1976; Jansz, 2000).

1. Achievement. To prove their masculinity, men need to beat out other men at work

and at sports. Having a high-status job, driving an expensive car, and making lots of money

are aspects of this element.

2. Aggression. Men should be tough and fight for what they believe is right. They should

aggressively defend themselves and those they love against threats.

3. Autonomy. Men should be self-reliant and not admit to being dependent on others.

4. Sexuality. Real men are heterosexual and are highly motivated to pursue sexual

activities and conquests.

5. Stoicism. Men should not share their pain or express their “soft” feelings. They

should be cool and calm under pressure.

There is evidence that manhood, as opposed to womanhood, is more precarious

(Bosson, Vandello, & Caswell, 2013). That is, it is more susceptible to threat and requires

social proof and validation. Unfortunately, harmful demonstrations of masculinity such

as displays of physical aggression are typical ways of defending one’s manhood when this

11.5 Gender-Role Expectations ■ List the key elements of the traditional

male role and identify common

problems associated with the traditional

male role.

■ List the major expectations of the

female role and identify common

problems associated with the female

role.

Learning Objectives

Gender and Behavior 323

status is threatened. This behavior is often at odds with modern gender-role expectations.

According to Joseph Pleck (1995), who has written extensively on this issue, in the tradi-

tional male role, masculinity is validated by individual physical strength, aggressiveness,

and emotional inexpressiveness. In the modern male role, however, masculinity is validated

by economic achievement, organizational power, emotional control (even over anger), and

emotional sensitivity and self-expression, but only with women.

This flux in expectations means that males are experiencing role inconsistencies and

pressures to behave in ways that conflict with traditional masculinity; that is, they have

gender-role strain (Levant & Richmond, 2016). Brooks (2010) argues that distress over

ever-changing gender roles fuels three major problems—violence, substance abuse, and

sexual misconduct—as men channel their distress into these destructive behaviors. Iron-

ically, endorsement of gender roles becomes a barrier to seeking help for such problems

(Yousaf, Popat, & Hunter, 2015).

Problems with the Male Role

It is often assumed that only females suffer from the constricting binds of traditional

gender roles. Not so. As we just discussed, the costs of the male role are an increasing cause

for concern.

Pressure to Succeed

Most men are socialized to be highly competitive and are taught that a

man’s masculinity is measured by the size of his paycheck and job status.

The majority of men who have internalized the success ethic are unable

to fully realize their dreams. This is a particular problem for African

American and Hispanic men, who experience more barriers (due to

discrimination) to financial success than European American men do.

How does this “failure” affect men? Although many are able to adjust to

it, some are not. The men in this latter group are likely to suffer from

shame and low self-esteem (Kilmartin, 2000). Regardless of ethnicity,

losing his job can threaten a man’s sense of manhood, increasing his risk

for depression and anxiety (Bosson et al., 2013).

Gender differences in pressure to succeed might be more perceived

than real. When asked about perceptions, college students rated the typ-

ical man as worrying about achievement more that the typical woman.

However, when asked about their own worry, women reported more

worry about achievement than men did (Wood et al., 2005). Perhaps

this finding reflects men’s not wanting to admit that they are worrying

about anything.

The Emotional Realm

Most young boys are trained to believe that men should be strong,

tough, cool, and detached. Thus, they learn early to hide vulnerable

emotions such as love, joy, and sadness because they believe that such

feelings are feminine and imply weakness (Fischer & Evers, 2013). As a

result, over time, some men lose touch with their own emotional lives.

With the exception of anger, men with traditional views of masculinity

are more likely to suppress outward emotion, supposedly because hav-

ing feelings may lead to a loss of composure (Jakupcak et al., 2003).

Males’ difficulty with “tender” emotions has serious consequences.

First, as we saw in Chapter 3, suppressed emotions can contribute

to stress-related disorders. And, men are less likely than women to

seek social support or help from health professionals. Second, men’s

emotional inexpressiveness can cause problems in their relationships

with partners and children. For example, compared to husbands who

American Men’s Studies

Association

This site collects academic resources to

advance “the critical study of men and

masculinities.” It includes links to many

other sites and organizations interested

in the male experience.

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Because most men are taught that their masculinity is measured by

their job status, losing a job can threaten a man’s sense of manhood,

increasing his risk for depression and anxiety.

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324 C H A P T E R 1 1

endorse traditional masculine roles, those who endorse egalitarian gender roles report

greater marital happiness, as do their wives (Frieze & Ciccocioppo, 2009). Further,

children whose fathers are warm, loving, and accepting toward them have higher self-

esteem and lower rates of aggression and behavior problems than those with colder, more

distant fathers (Rohner & Veneziano, 2001).

Sexual Problems

Traditional gender-role socialization gives men a “macho” sexual image to live up to. As a

result, a great fear for many men is the inability to achieve an erection. Unfortunately, this

very fear often causes the dysfunction that men dread (see Chapter 12). The upshot is that

men’s obsession with sexual performance can produce anxiety that may interfere with their

sexual responsiveness. Alternatively, distress about being perceived as “masculine enough”

can lead to overcompensation in the sexual arena. One study found that men who felt

distress about living up to gender roles were more likely to engage in risky sexual behav-

iors and were more likely to be diagnosed with a sexually transmitted infection as a result

(Reidy et al., 2015).

Another problem is that many men learn to confuse feelings of intimacy and sex. In

other words, if a man experiences strong feelings of connectedness, he is likely to interpret

them as sexual feelings. This confusion has a number of consequences. For one thing, sex

may be the only way some men can allow themselves to feel intimately connected to some-

one else. In addition, the confusion of intimacy and sex may underlie the tendency for

men (but not women) to perceive eye contact, a compliment, an innocent smile, a friendly

remark, or a brush against the arm as a sexual invitation (Kowalski, 1993). Finally, the

sexualization of intimate feelings causes inappropriate anxiety when men feel affection for

another man, thus promoting homophobia or sexual prejudice, the intense intolerance of

homosexuality. Indeed, endorsement of traditional gender roles and hypermasculinity are

related to negative attitudes toward homosexuality (Parrott et al., 2008). This tendency can

put a strain on developing male friendships.

Role Expectations for Females

Male roles aren’t the only ones in flux; the role expectations for American women have

undergone dramatic changes, especially with regard to work. Prior to the 1970s, a woman

was expected to be a housewife and a stay-at-home mother. Today, there are three major

expectations for women:

1. The marriage mandate. Remaining single is a choice that has been growing in

popularity for several decades; however, there is still a stigma attached to singlehood in

a society where marriage is the norm (DePaulo, 2014). Most women are socialized to feel

incomplete until they find a mate.

2. The motherhood mandate. A major imperative of the female role is to have children.

This expectation has been termed the motherhood mandate (Rice & Else-Quest, 2006).

The prevailing ideology of today’s motherhood mandate is that women should desire to

have children, mothering should be wholly child-centered, and mothers should be self-

sacrificing rather than persons who have their own needs and interests.

3. Work outside the home. Most of today’s young women, especially those who are

college educated, expect to work outside the home, and they also want a satisfying family

life. The percentage of women in the labor force has been steadily rising over the last

30 years. Yet even when they work outside the home, women still perform the bulk of the

household chores (Blair, 2013).

Problems with the Female Role

Writers in the feminist movement generated some compelling analyses of the problems asso-

ciated with the pre-1970s traditional role of wife and mother (Friedan, 1964; Millett, 1970).

Many criticized the assumption that women, unlike men, did not need an independent

Feminist Majority

Foundation

The mission of this organization is to

“advance women’s equality, non-violence,

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importantly, empowerment of women

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brings together a massive set of resources

dealing with issues from a feminist

perspective.

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Gender and Behavior 325

identity; it should be sufficient to be a wife and a mother. Since that time, girls and women

have increasingly been encouraged to develop and use their talents, and work opportunities

for women have greatly expanded. Still, there are problems with the female role.

Diminished Career Aspirations

As we have discussed, gender roles can dictate a woman’s academic interests and

career choices (Eccles, 2014). Despite recent efforts to increase women’s opportunities for

achievement, young women are more likely to underestimate their achievement than boys

(who overestimate theirs), especially when estimating performance on “masculine” tasks

such as science and math (Eccles, 2001, 2007). As a result, girls might shy away from taking

math-intensive courses at school. This is a problem because science and math are the foun-

dations for many high-paying, high-status careers, and the lack of a math background (as

opposed to ability) often contributes to the inferior performance of some women. Further,

researchers speculate that it is gender differences in attitudes about math-centered careers

(again, as opposed to actual ability) that lead fewer women to pursue those jobs (Ceci

et al., 2014).

The discrepancy between women’s abilities and their level of achievement has been

termed the ability-achievement gap (Hyde, 1996). The roots of this gap seem to lie in the

conflict between achievement and femininity that is built into the traditional female role.

The marriage and motherhood mandates fuel women’s focus on heterosexual success—

learning how to attract and interest males as prospective mates. The resulting emphasis on

dating and marriage can lead some women away from occupational success—they worry

that they will be seen as unfeminine if they boldly strive for a challenging career. Of course,

this is not a concern for all women. And, because younger men are more supportive of their

wives’ working than older men are, this conflict should ease for younger women.

Juggling Multiple Roles

Another problem with the female role is that societal institutions have not kept pace with

the reality of women’s lives, especially if women choose motherhood. In 2014, approxi-

mately 70% of mothers with children younger than 18 years of age were employed or look-

ing for work (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014a). Yet some workplaces (and many husbands

and fathers) still operate as if all women were stay-at-home moms and as if there were no

single-parent families. This gap between outdated policies and modern reality means that

women who “want it all” experience burdens and conflicts that most men do not. This

is because most men typically have major day-to-day responsibilities in only one role:

worker. But most women have major day-to-day responsibilities in three roles: spouse,

parent, and worker.

Of course multiple roles, in themselves, are not inherently problematic. In fact, there

is some evidence that multiple roles can be beneficial to mental health, as you’ll see in

Chapter 13. Rather, the problem stems from the tensions among these roles and the

unequal sharing of role responsibilities. Greater participation in household tasks and

child care by husbands or others, as well as family-friendly workplaces and subsidized

quality child-care programs, help alleviate women’s stress in this area. However, this

issue is not clear cut. Goldberg and Perry-Jenkins (2004)

note that women with traditional gender roles and whose

husbands did more child care after the birth of their

first child experienced substantial distress. This finding

may be due to the conflict of performing less child care

than they expected and, thus, not living up to their own

gender-role expectations.

Ambivalence about Sexuality

Like men, women may have sexual problems that stem,

in part, from their gender-role socialization (Katz-Wise Although multiple roles are not inherently problematic, most women have major

day-to-day responsibilities in three roles: spouse, parent, and worker.

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Voice of the Shuttle:

Gender Studies

The VOS maintains one of the broadest

databases of web resources across many

topics. The multiple links cited here cover

the spectrum of gender-related issues

from women’s and men’s studies to gay

and lesbian identity resources.

Learn More Online

326 C H A P T E R 1 1

& Hyde, 2014). For many women, the problem is difficulty in enjoying sex. Why? Research

shows that adherence to traditional gender roles is associated with a decrease in women’s

sexual satisfaction (Sanchez, Fetterrolf, & Rudman, 2012). For instance, many girls are still

taught to suppress or deny their sexual feelings. Further, they are told that a woman’s role

in sex is a passive one. In addition, girls are encouraged to focus on romance rather than on

gaining sexual experience. As a result, many women feel uncomfortable (guilty, ashamed)

with their sexual urges. Thus, when it comes to sexuality, women are likely to have am-

bivalent feelings instead of the largely positive feelings that men have. Unfortunately, this

ambivalence is often viewed as sexual “dysfunction” for women, as opposed to an attitude

resulting from narrow gender roles.

In Western society, gender roles are in a state of transition. As we have noted, sweeping

changes have already occurred in the female role. It’s hard to imagine today, but less than

100 years ago, women were not allowed to vote or to manage their own finances. It wasn’t

that long ago when it was virtually unheard of for a woman to initiate a date, manage a cor-

poration, or run for public office. In this section, we discuss why gender roles are changing

and what the future might bring.

Why Are Gender Roles Changing?

A number of theories attempt to explain why gender roles are in transition. Basically,

these theories look at the past to explain the present and the future. A key consideration

is that gender roles have always constituted a division of labor. In earlier societies, such as

hunting-and-gathering and herding societies, the gender-based division of labor was a nat-

ural outgrowth of some simple realities. For instance, men tend to be stronger than women,

so they were better equipped to handle such jobs as hunting and farming. Thus, traditional

gender roles are a carryover from the past. Once traditions are established, they have a way

of perpetuating themselves. Over the last century or so in Western society, these divisions

of labor have become increasingly antiquated. For example, the wide-

spread use of machines to do work has rendered differences in physical

strength relatively unimportant. Therein lies the prime reason for changes

in gender roles. Traditional gender roles no longer make economic sense.

The future is likely to bring even more dramatic shifts in gender roles.

We can see the beginnings of these changes now. For example, although

women still bear children, nursing responsibilities are now optional.

Moreover, as women become more economically independent, they have

less need to get married solely for economic reasons. Further, with the

recent legalization of same-sex marriage, a gender-based division of labor

for these families is irrelevant. In light of these and other changes in mod-

ern society, it is safe to say that gender roles are likely to remain in flux for

some time to come.

Alternatives to Traditional Gender Roles

Gender-role identity is a person’s identification with the qualities

regarded as masculine or feminine. Initially, gender-role identity was con-

ceptualized as either “masculine” or “feminine.” All males were expected to

develop masculine role identities and females, feminine gender-role iden-

tities. Individuals who did not identify with the role expectations for their

gender or who identified with the characteristics for the other gender were

judged to be few in number and to have psychological problems.

11.6 Gender in the Past and in the Future ■ Explain the basis for traditional gender

roles and why they are changing.

■ Define gender-role identity and discuss

two alternatives to traditional gender

roles.

■ Discuss gender variance, including

transgender and gender fluidity.

Learning Objectives

Traditional gender roles are in flux. The recent legalization of

same-sex marriage and other changes in modern society make a

gender-based division of labor irrelevant.

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Gender and Behavior 327

In the 1970s, social scientists began to rethink their ideas about

gender-role identity. One assumption that was called into question is that

males should be “masculine” and females should be “feminine.” For one

thing, it appears that the number of people who don’t conform to tradi-

tional gender-role norms is higher than widely assumed, as is the amount

of strain that some people experience trying to conform to conventional

roles (Pleck, 1981, 1995). In addition, the evidence suggests that “mas-

culine” males and “feminine” females may be less well adjusted, on the

average, than those who are less traditional. As people have become aware

of the possible costs of conventional gender roles, there has been much

debate about moving beyond them. A big question has been: What should

we move toward? Let’s examine some options.

Androgyny

Like masculinity and femininity, androgyny is a type of gender-role iden-

tity. Androgyny refers to the coexistence of both masculine and feminine

personality traits in a single person. In other words, an androgynous per-

son is one who scores above average on measures of both masculinity and

femininity.

To help you fully appreciate the nature of androgyny, we need to briefly review other

kinds of gender identity (see Figure 11.9). Males who score high on masculinity and low on

femininity, and females who score high on femininity and low on masculinity, are said to be

gender-typed. Males who score high on femininity but low on masculinity, and females who

score high on masculinity but low on femininity, are said to be cross-gender-typed. Finally,

males and females who score low on both masculinity and femininity are characterized as

gender-role undifferentiated.

In groundbreaking research more than four decades ago, Sandra Bem (1975)

challenged the then-prevailing view that males who scored high in masculinity and

females who scored high in femininity are better adjusted than “masculine” women

and “feminine” men. She argued that traditionally masculine men and feminine women

feel compelled to adhere to rigid and narrow gender roles that unnecessarily restrict

their behavior. In contrast, androgynous individuals ought to be able to function

more flexibly.

How have Bem’s ideas played out over time? Androgynous people do seem more flex-

ible than others. That is, they can be nurturing (feminine) or independent (masculine),

depending on the situation (Bem, 1975). In contrast, gender-typed males tend to have dif-

ficulty behaving in a nurturing manner, while gender-typed females often have trouble

with independence. Also, individuals whose partners are either androgynous or feminine

(but not masculine or undifferentiated) report higher relationship satisfaction and fewer

depressive symptoms (Bradbury, Campbell, & Fincham, 1995). This finding holds for both

cohabiting heterosexuals and lesbian and gay couples (Kurdek & Schmitt, 1986). Thus, in

these areas androgyny seems to be advantageous.

However, researchers speculate that, due to changing gender roles, the traits Bem

used to categorize gender identities are now outdated. Case in point—in a sample of col-

lege students, Auster and Ohm (2000) found that although eighteen of the twenty femi-

nine traits still qualified as feminine, only eight of the twenty masculine traits were still

perceived as strictly masculine. These problems with the concept of androgyny and its

measurement have led Bem and other psychologists to take a different view of gender

roles, as you’ll see next.

Gender-Role Transcendence

As psychologists thought more about androgyny, they realized that the concept had some

additional problems. For one thing, the idea that people should have both masculine and

feminine traits reinforces the assumption that gender is an integral part of human behavior.

That is, if people use gender-based labels (“masculine” and “feminine”) to describe certain

Femininity score

M as

cu li

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High Low

L o w

Androgynous males and females

Feminine gender-typed (if female)

or cross-gender-typed

(if male)

Undifferentiated males and females

Masculine gender-typed

(if male) or

cross-gender-typed (if female)

Figure 11.9 Possible gender-role identities. This diagram summarizes the relations between participants’ scores on measures of

masculinity and femininity and four possible gender identities.

Sandra Bem challenged the view that

males who scored high in masculinity and

females who scored high in femininity are

better adjusted than “masculine” women

and “feminine” men.

328 C H A P T E R 1 1

human characteristics and behavior, they are likely to associate these

traits with one gender or the other, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy

of sorts (Batalha & Reynolds, 2013). Another criticism of androgyny is

that it implies that the solution to gender bias is to change the individual

rather than to address the gender inequities in society and its institutions

(Matlin, 2004).

Many gender theorists maintain that masculinity and feminin-

ity are really only arbitrary labels that we have learned to impose

on certain traits through societal conditioning. This assertion is the

foundation for the gender-role transcendence perspective (Bem, 1983,

1993; Spence, 1983). The gender-role transcendence perspective pro-

poses that to be fully human, people need to move beyond gender

roles as a way of organizing their perceptions of themselves and

others. This goal requires that instead of dividing human character-

istics into masculine and feminine categories (and then combining

them, as the androgyny perspective suggests), we should dispense

with the artificially constructed gender categories and labels alto-

gether. How would this work? Instead of the labels masculine and

feminine, we would use gender-neutral terms such as instrumental

and expressive, respectively, to describe personality traits and behav-

iors. This “decoupling” of traits and gender could reduce the self-

fulfilling prophecy problem. Given that individuals today have had

years of exposure to gender messages, moving toward gender-role

transcendence would likely be a gradual process.

Gender Variance

Contemporary researchers agree that gender labels are arbitrary and

socially constructed. Instead of defining new labels, they are more

interested in gender variance, or gender nonconformity. Due to out-

spoken celebrities such as Caitlyn Jenner and Laverne Cox, the

concept of transgender has received mainstream media attention and

entered public discourse. Transgendered individuals are those whose

sense of gender identity differs from the biological sex they were

labeled with at birth (typically based on genitals) (Bockting, 2014). As such, transgen-

dered individuals typically don’t adhere to traditional gender roles in terms of phys-

ical appearance or behaviors, and often reject traditional gender labels. Given that

gender expression is diverse and culturally bound, researchers argue that gender varia-

tions, such as transgender, are not pathological and most adjustment problems that do

occur typically result from stressors outside the individual (from sexism or sexual prejudice)

(Hidalgo et al., 2013).

More recently, researchers have begun to explore the idea of gender fluidity (Baker

& Richards, 2015). These researchers recognize that the construct of gender can vary

over time. As a result, gender-fluid individuals move between identities—identifying as

a woman at times, a man at other times, or rejecting a gender label altogether. Looking

at gender as an unstable continuum is complex and challenges deep-rooted ideas about

gender. This research is still in its infancy, and it will be interesting to see where it leads.

However, it has researchers and practitioners alike questioning the notion of an either/or

approach to gender.

Researchers recognize that gender can be fluid, varying over time.

As a result, gender-fluid individuals move between identities. Jaden

Smith (son of Will and Jada Pinkett Smith) has been public in his

gender nonconformity, bringing greater attention to gender fluidity.

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Gender and Behavior 329

Answer the following questions “true” or “false.”

1. Sexism can stem from positive feelings toward a person.

2. Women in high-status positions can contribute to the

stereotyping of other women in the workplace.

3. Women who behave in ways that go against traditional

gender-role expectations are more likely to be harassed.

4. Clear, transparent policies for hiring and promotion

decisions reduce the chances of sexism in the workplace.

If you answered “true” to all of these statements, you were cor-

rect. As we have discussed, gender stereotypes bias our per-

ceptions and expectations of others. They go beyond merely

describing our beliefs about males and females to prescribing

behaviors that are deemed appropriate (Barreto & Ellmers,

2013). These gender-based prescriptions can present particular

difficulties in the workplace. Although the issues are relevant for

men (especially gay men in low-status positions), they are more

commonly a problem for women. As a result, you will find our

coverage tilted in that direction.

Sexism

Sexism is discrimination against people on the basis of their

gender. Sexism usually refers to discrimination by men against

women. However, sometimes women discriminate against other

women and sometimes men are the victims of gender-based

discrimination. Sexism is not limited to American culture; it

is a cross-cultural phenomenon (Brandt, 2011). Further, sex-

ism does not have to come from an individual, but rather can

be a result of institutional policies that value one gender over

another (Barreto & Ellemers, 2013).

Sexism can be hostile, if one is expressing clearly negative

attitudes toward one gender. However, sometimes people be-

have in sexist ways without having negative attitudes toward the

target. Instead, they have positive feelings toward the target, but

still treat the target in restricting ways. For example, men might

behave in ways toward women (for instance, treating them in

a child-like fashion, placing them on a pedestal) ostensibly to

protect them, implying that they cannot protect themselves.

Researchers call this benevolent sexism. Although benevolent

sexism might seem less problematic than hostile discrimination,

it still has a negative impact. It conveys the belief that women

are inferior and need protection and help from men, thus per-

petuating the gender stereotype that males are more competent

and have more agency than women. This type of sexism is subtle

and largely legitimized in society, making it difficult for women

to identify and combat it (Jetten et al., 2013). Let’s look at the

impact of sexism in the workplace.

Economic Discrimination

Women are victimized by two forms of economic discrimination:

differential access to jobs and differential treatment once on the

job. Concerning job access, the problem is that women still lack the

same employment opportunities as men. A meta-analysis showed

that there was a gender bias in that men were preferred over women

for stereotypically male jobs, but no such preference emerged for

female jobs (Kock, D’Mello, & Sackett, 2015). For example, in 2011

women were more than twice as likely as men to have occupations

with wages below the poverty level (Institute for Women’s Policy

Research, 2012). Ethnic minority women are even less likely than

white women to work in high-status, male-dominated occupations.

Across all economic sectors, men are more likely than women to

hold positions with decision-making authority (Eagly & Sczesny,

2009). In contrast, women are overrepresented in “pink-collar

ghetto” occupations, such as secretary and preschool and kinder-

garten teacher. Additionally, motherhood can be a liability on the

job market. One study found that there is a bias against mothers

(but not fathers) applying for a job, in terms of anticipated compe-

tence (Heilman & Okimoto, 2007).

The second aspect of economic discrimination is differential

treatment on the job. For example, women typically earn lower

salaries than men in the same jobs (see Figure 11.10). And occu-

pations that are male dominated typically pay more than those

that are female dominated (Pratto & Walker, 2004). Further,

when women demonstrate leadership qualities such as confi-

dence, ambitiousness, and assertiveness, they are evaluated less

favorably than men, perhaps because this behavior contradicts

the female gender stereotype (Lyness & Heilman, 2006). Thus,

they are often penalized for their success.

The Glass Ceiling

There appears to be a glass ceiling that prevents most women

and ethnic minorities from being advanced to top-level profes-

sional positions (Reid, Miller, & Kerr, 2004). It is called a “glass”

11.7 Gender in the Workplace

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Describe sexism and explain benevolent sexism.

■ Discuss two forms of economic discrimination. Describe the glass

ceiling and explain what might account for it.

■ Define sexual harassment, describe two forms of it, and explain some

characteristics of targets.

■ Discuss the effects of sexism and harassment as well as ways to

reduce each.

Learning Objectives

330 C H A P T E R 1 1

ceiling because it is largely unseen, but still a barrier. For exam-

ple, in 2012 there were only eighteen female CEOs of Fortune

500 companies—still an all-time record high (Huffington Post,

2012). One of the reasons for the glass ceiling is the perception

by bosses that female subordinates have greater family-work

conflict than their male counterparts (Hoobler, Lenmon, &

Wayne, 2011). Ironically, men employed in traditionally female

fields are promoted more quickly than their female counter-

parts, a phenomenon dubbed the glass escalator (Hultin, 2003).

What might account for the glass ceiling? Recall that the

traditional male stereotype is more complimentary than the

conventional female stereotype. These stereotypes can lead to

different interpretations of men and women’s behaviors. For

instance, in the workplace a man demonstrating leadership

might be described as “strong,” whereas a woman is viewed as

“bossy” for the same behaviors. Any time a woman behaves

counter to gender stereotypes, she risks negative evaluation.

That is, she could be judged as not feminine enough. Yet,

masculine behaviors are often the very ones valued in hiring

and promotion decisions for high-status jobs (Phelan,

Moss-Racusin, & Rudman, 2008).

Of course, women can climb the ladder in their male-

dominated professions in the face of direct discrimination.

Research shows that many of these women (referred to as

Queen Bees) do so by distancing themselves from their gender

identity and acting “masculine” (Derks et al., 2011). In doing

so, they are contributing to the stereotyping of other women in

the workplace by perpetuating the idea that only masculinity

will get you to the top. However, Derks and colleagues (2016)

argue that the Queen Bee phenomenon isn’t just another source

of gender inequality in the workplace, but instead is a result

of gender bias. Reminding Queen Bees of gender biases in the

workplace can motivate them to actually improve the conditions

for other women (Derks et al., 2011).

Sexual Harassment

Sexual harassment is unwelcome conduct on the basis of

gender. The key components of sexual harassment are that it is

unwelcome, unreciprocated, and socially inappropriate (Maass,

Cadinu, & Galdi, 2013). It can include sexual advances, requests

for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical harassment of a

sexual nature. Sexual harassment has become recognized as a

widespread problem that occurs not only on the job but also

at home (obscene telephone calls), while walking outside (cat-

calls and whistles), and in medical and psychotherapy settings.

It also takes place in schools and colleges. Sexual harassment

is more about dominance and power than desire. Women in

male-dominated organizations are more likely to be harassed

than those in female-dominated ones, and women who break

traditional gender roles (such as being assertive and showing

leadership abilities) in male-dominated organizations are the

most likely to be targets (Berdahl, 2007).

Betz (2006) distinguishes between two categories of sexual

harassment in the workplace. In quid pro quo harassment, em-

ployees are expected to give in to sexual demands in exchange

for employment, raises, promotions, and so forth. In hostile

environment harassment, employees are exposed to sexist or

sexually oriented comments, cartoons, posters, and so forth.

The experience of sexual harassment is related to poorer job

outcomes (Settles et al., 2006), as well as increased psychological

Chief executives

Accountants and auditors

Elementary and middle school teachers

First-line supervisors of retail sales workers

Secretaries/ administrative assistants

Retail salespersons

Janitors and building cleaners

Cooks

All occupations

0 2,5002,0001,5001,000500 Median weekly earnings ($)

Females

Males

Figure 11.10 The gender gap in weekly wages. Women continue to earn less than men in almost all occupational categories, as these 2011 data for

selected occupations make clear. Many factors can contribute to this gender

gap in earned income, but economic discrimination is probably a major

consideration. (Data from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2012)

Sexual harassment is a problem in the workplace, and women in male-

dominated organizations are more likely to be harassed than those in

female-dominated ones. The key components of sexual harassment are

that it is unwelcome, unreciprocated, and socially inappropriate.

Pe op

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V is

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Gender and Behavior 331

distress (Nielsen & Einarsen, 2012). Given that harassment con-

tinues to be a major problem in the workplace, future research-

ers will no doubt continue to explore this issue.

Targets of Harassment

As we will discuss further in Chapter 13, anyone can be the

target of harassment, though researchers have uncovered some

trends. In general, women who are seen as vulnerable are often

targets (perhaps because they are perceived as easily dominated),

whereas women who are seen as strong are also targets (perhaps

because they challenge the idea of male dominance). In particu-

lar, women who work in a male-dominated workplace, who have

already experienced interpersonal violence, or who go against

gender-role expectations, are more likely to be harassed (Maass

et al., 2013). Research shows that minority women experience a

form of “double jeopardy” when it comes to workplace harass-

ment. When Berdahl and Moore (2006) surveyed employees

from five ethnically diverse companies, they found that women

experience more harassment than men, that minorities experi-

ence more harassment than whites, and that minority women

experience more harassment than any other group.

Men are less likely to be targets of harassment, with some ex-

ceptions. Specifically, gay men and straight men who do not con-

form to gender-role expectations are often targets of harassment

by other men, especially if they are in low-status positions.

Effects of Sexism and Sexual Harassment Experiencing discrimination in the form of sexism and sexual

harassment has detrimental effects on one’s mental and physi-

cal well-being. A meta-analysis of almost 200 studies found that

perceived discrimination is associated with increases in depres-

sion and distress, as well as a heightened stress response (Pascoe

& Richman, 2009). The negative effects of sexism decrease when

women themselves endorse traditional gender stereotypes or if

they view the perceived discrimination as a challenge rather than a

threat (Barreto & Ellemers, 2013). Sexism is a stressor, and as with

other stressors, women’s appraisals of discrimination (as challenge

or threat) play a role in its impact (Matheson & Foster, 2013).

There are negative effects of sexual harassment for individ-

uals as well as organizations. In a meta-analysis of more than

70,000 participants, harassment was related to lower job satis-

faction, reduced commitment to the organization, becoming

less engaged at work, and poorer physical and mental health

(Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007). In severe cases, it is associated

with symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (see Chapter 3).

Given these negative effects, researchers continue to explore

experiences of sexism and harassment.

Reducing Sexism and Sexual Harassment

Reducing sexism and sexual harassment requires a shift in

social norms. Traditional gender stereotypes labeling women

as weak and passive and men as strong and agentic perpetuate

gender inequalities and support male-dominance as the status

quo. To combat sexism, organizations need to recognize that

sexism and discrimination exist, provide opportunities for suc-

cess for disadvantaged group members, and have clear, trans-

parent policies for hiring and promotion (Stroebe, Barreto, &

Ellemers, 2010).

To combat workplace harassment, organizations must

develop a culture that discourages it. Researchers recommend

that organizations adopt a clearly communicated zero-tolerance

policy, safe and visible ways to report violations, and diversity

training (Maass et al., 2013). In addition, these policies must be

embraced from the top. Shifting societal and organizational

norms takes time and effort, but they yield benefits to all

employees and the workplace as a whole.

Sexual Harassment-EEOC

The U.S. Equal Opportunity Commission hosts a website dedicated

to sexual harassment. This site includes facts, laws, regulations and

guidelines. It also defines different types of discrimination.

Learn More Online

Experiencing sexual harassment at work increases stress. It is related to

lower job satisfaction, reduced commitment to work, and poorer physical

and mental health.

A nd

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oc k.

co m

332 C H A P T E R 1 1

C H A P T E R 11 Review Key Ideas

11.1 Gender Stereotypes ● Many stereotypes have developed around behavioral differences

between the genders, although the distinctions between the male and female stereotypes are less rigid than they used to be. Gender stereotypes may vary depending on ethnicity, and they typically favor males.

11.2 Gender Similarities and Differences ● Some contemporary researchers have adopted the gender similarity

hypothesis, emphasizing the fact that males and females are more similar than different on most psychological variables.

● There are no gender differences in general intelligence. When it comes to verbal abilities, gender differences are small, and they generally favor females. Gender differences in mathematical abilities are typically small as well, and they favor males. Males perform much better than females on the spatial ability of mental rotation; however, this skill can be improved through practice.

● Research shows that males typically are somewhat higher in self- esteem, although the findings are complex. Males tend to be more physically aggressive than females, whereas females are higher in relational aggression. Males have more permissive attitudes about casual sex and are more sexually active than females. Males and females are similar in the experience of emotions, but females are more likely to outwardly display emotions. Gender differences in communication are complex. Men tend to talk more and interrupt more than women. Women tend to be more skilled in nonverbal communication. Males and females are similar in overall mental health, but they differ in prevalence rates for specific psychological disorders.

● The gender differences that do exist are quite small. Moreover, they are group differences that tell us little about individuals. Nonetheless, some people still adhere to the belief that psychological differences between the genders are substantial. Social role theory and social constructionism provide two explanations for this phenomenon.

11.3 Biological Origins of Gender Differences ● Biological explanations of gender differences include those based on

evolution, brain organization, and hormones. Evolutionary psychologists explain gender differences on the basis of their purported adaptive value in ancestral environments. These analyses are speculative and difficult to test empirically.

● Regarding brain organization, some studies suggest that males exhibit more cerebral specialization than females. However, linking this finding to gender differences in cognitive abilities is questionable for a number of reasons.

● Efforts to tie hormone levels to gender differences have also been troubled by interpretive problems. Nonetheless, there probably is some hormonal basis for gender differences in aggression and in some aspects of sexual behavior.

11.4 Environmental Origins of Gender Differences ● The socialization of gender roles appears to take place through the

processes of reinforcement and punishment, observational learning, and self-socialization. These processes operate through many social institutions, but parents, peers, schools, and the media are the primary sources of gender-role socialization.

11.5 Gender-Role Expectations ● Five key attributes of the traditional male role include achievement,

aggression, autonomy, sexuality, and stoicism. The theme of anti- femininity cuts across these dimensions. Problems associated with the traditional male role include excessive pressure to succeed, difficulty in dealing with emotions, and sexual problems. Homophobia is a particular problem for men.

● Role expectations for females include the marriage mandate, the motherhood mandate, and working outside the home. Among the principal costs of the female role are diminished aspirations, juggling of multiple roles, and ambivalence about sexuality.

11.6 Gender in the Past and in the Future ● Gender roles have always represented a division of labor. They

are changing today, and they seem likely to continue changing because they no longer mesh with economic reality. Consequently, an important question is how to move beyond traditional gender roles. The perspectives of androgyny and gender-role transcendence provide two possible answers to this question.

● Many contemporary researchers view binary gender labels as arbitrary and are more interested in gender variance or gender nonconformity. Transgender and gender fluidity are two types of gender variance.

11.7 Application: Gender in the Workplace ● Sexism is discrimination against people on the basis of their gender.

It can be hostile or benevolent. Sexism can lead to differential access to jobs and differential treatment once on the job. The glass ceiling, a result of traditional gender stereotypes, prevents many women from advancing to top positions in their careers.

● Sexual harassment is unwelcome, unreciprocated, and socially inappropriate. Women who work in a male-dominated workplace are more likely to be harassed. Though less likely in men, gay men and straight men who do not conform to gender-role expectations are often targets of same-gender harassment.

● Sexism and sexual harassment have detrimental effects on mental and physical well-being. Reducing sexism and sexual harassment requires a shift in social and organizational norms.

Sandra Bem p. 327 Alice Eagly p. 314

Janet Shibley Hyde p. 309 Joseph Pleck p. 323

Key People

Key Terms

Aggression p. 311 Androcentrism p. 308 Androgyny p. 327 Body image p. 313 Cerebral hemispheres p. 315 Corpus callosum p. 315 Expressiveness p. 308 Gender p. 307 Gender-role identity p. 326 Gender-role transcendence

perspective p. 328

Gender roles p. 317 Gender schemas p. 318 Gender stereotypes p. 307 Hormones p. 316 Instrumentality p. 308 Meta-analysis p. 309 Sexism p. 329 Sexual harassment p. 330 Social constructionism p. 314 Social role theory p. 314 Socialization p. 317

Gender and Behavior 333

C H A P T E R 11 Practice Test 9. The idea that individuals can move between gender identities is

referred to as a. gender nonconformity. b. gender fluidity. c. transgender. d. androgyny.

10. Sara’s supervisor implied that she would get a promotion if she would go out on a date with him. This is an example of a. quid pro quo harassment. b. hostile environment harassment. c. benevolent sexism. d. the Queen Bee phenomenon.

1. Taken as a whole, gender differences in verbal abilities are a. small and favor females. b. large and favor females. c. nonexistent. d. small and favor males.

2. Among the following traits, the largest gender differences are found in a. verbal abilities. b. mathematical abilities. c. spatial abilities. d. general intelligence.

3. The finding that males exhibit more cerebral specialization than females supports which of the following biologically based explanations for gender differences? a. Evolutionary theory b. Brain organization c. Hormones d. Social constructionism

4. Four-year-old Rachel seems to pay particular attention to what her mother and her older sister do, and she often imitates them. What is taking place? a. Punishment b. Observational learning c. Reinforcement d. Self-socialization

5. Parents tend to respond negatively to __________ behavior,

especially in __________. a. gender appropriate; boys b. gender appropriate; girls c. gender inappropriate; boys d. gender inappropriate; girls

6. Which of the following is not a problem associated with the male role? a. Pressure to succeed b. Emotional inexpressiveness c. Sexual problems d. The marriage mandate

7. Aaron exhibits both masculine and feminine personality traits. According to gender identity theory, he would be classified as a. androgynous. b. androcentric. c. undifferentiated. d. cross-gender-typed.

8. Which of the following perspectives proposes that to be fully human, people need to move beyond gender roles as a way of organizing their perceptions of themselves and others? a. Social constructivism b. Evolutionary theory c. Gender-role identity d. Gender-role transcendence

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 11.1 Self-Assessment: Personal Attributes Questionnaire

(PAQ)

Exercise 11.2 Self-Reflection: How Do You Feel about Gender Roles?

Answers 1. a Page 309 2. c Page 310 3. b Page 315 4. b Page 318 5. c Page 318

6. d Pages 323–324 7. a Page 327 8. d Page 328 9. b Page 328

10. a Page 330

C H A P T E R 12 Development and Expression of Sexuality

12.1 Becoming a Sexual Person

Key Aspects of Sexual Identity

RECOMMENDED READING Sexual Intelligence by Marty Klein

Physiological Influences

Psychosocial Influences

Gender Differences in Sexual Socialization

12.2 Sexual Orientation

Models of Sexual Orientation

Origins of Sexual Orientation

Attitudes toward Homosexuality

Disclosing One’s Sexual Orientation

Adjustment

12.3 The Human Sexual Response

The Sexual Response Cycle

Gender Differences in Patterns of Orgasm

12.4 Sexual Expression

Fantasy

Kissing

Masturbation

Oral Sex

Anal Sex

Intercourse

Communicating about Sex

12.5 Patterns of Sexual Behavior

Sex outside of Committed Relationships

Sex in Committed Relationships

Infidelity in Committed Relationships

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Oxytocin Promotes Fidelity

12.6 Practical Issues in Sexual Activity

Contraception

Sexually Transmitted Diseases

12.7 APPLICATION: Enhancing Sexual Relationships

General Suggestions

Understanding Sexual Dysfunction

Coping with Specific Problems

Review

Practice Test

ImageDJ/Alamy Stock Photo

12.1 Becoming a Sexual Person

People vary greatly in how they express their sexuality. While some eagerly reveal the inti-

mate details of their sex lives, others can’t even utter sexual words without embarrassment.

To understand this diversity, we need to examine developmental influences on human

sexual behavior.

Before beginning, we should note that sex research has some unique problems. Given

the difficulties in conducting direct observation, sex researchers depend mostly on survey

methods such as interviews and questionnaires (Schick, Calabrese, & Herbenick, 2014). As

a result, sex studies are especially susceptible to participant bias. People who are willing to

volunteer information tend to be more sexually experienced and have more positive atti-

tudes about sex than does the general population (Chivers et al., 2014). In addition, respon-

dents may shade the truth about their sex lives because of shame, embarrassment, boasting,

wishful thinking, or simply wanting to be viewed favorably. Thus, you need to evaluate the

results of sex research with more than the usual caution.

Key Aspects of Sexual Identity

Identity refers to a clear and stable sense of who one is in the larger society. We’ll use the

term sexual identity to refer to the complex set of personal qualities, self-perceptions,

attitudes, values, and preferences that guide one’s sexual behavior. In other words, your

sexual identity is your sense of yourself as a sexual person. It includes four key features:

sexual orientation, body image, sexual values and ethics, and erotic preferences.

1. Sexual orientation. Sexual orientation is an individual’s preference for emotional

and sexual relationships with individuals of one gender or the other. Heterosexuals

seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of the other gender. Homosexu-

als seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of the same gender. Bisexuals

seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of both genders. Asexuals feel little

need for emotional-sexual relationships with either gender. However, as we will see later

in this chapter, sexual orientation is more complicated and multidimensional than this

simple categorization implies.

2. Body image. Your body image is how you see yourself physically. Your view of your

physical self affects how you feel about yourself in the sexual domain. A positive body

image is correlated with greater sexual activity, higher sexual satisfaction, and fewer sexual

problems (Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2008; Weaver & Byers, 2006). The popularity of face-

lifts and breast enhancements testifies to the importance of body image to many people.

3. Sexual values and ethics. In forming their values, people are taught that certain

expressions of sexuality are “right,” while others are “wrong.” The nature of these sexual

messages is culture-specific and varies depending on gender, race, ethnicity, and socioeco-

nomic status. For example, a lingering sexual double standard encourages sexual activity

Learning Objectives

■ Identify four key aspects of sexual

identity.

■ Explain how physiological factors

influence sexual differentiation and

maturation.

■ Understand how psychosocial factors

influence aspects of sexuality such as

attitudes and behavior.

■ Explain gender differences in sexual

socialization and how they affect

individuals.

Development and Expression of Sexuality 335

hadn’t come home yet. Questions raced through Marissa’s

mind. How could Rachel have spent the night with a guy she

barely even knew? Was it being prudish to think that? Did

Rachel or Luis have a condom? Marissa knew she would have

been afraid of getting pregnant, or maybe getting a disease of

some kind. As this scenario illustrates, sexuality raises a lot of

issues in people’s lives. In this chapter we consider key aspects

sexuality and adjustment. ■

R achel and Marissa, both college students and new

roommates, headed out to a local club on a Friday

night. After a while, they were joined by Luis and Jim,

whom they knew a little from one of their classes. After a

couple of hours, Rachel took Marissa aside and asked if she

would drive the car back to their apartment so Rachel could

leave with Luis. Marissa agreed and went home. When she

woke up the next morning, Marissa realized that Rachel

The Kinsey Institute

According to the website, the Kinsey

Institute at Indiana University works to

advance “sexual health and knowledge

worldwide.” This site has a host of

resources including a blog and podcast.

In addition, it has a feature called “Kinsey

Confidential” that provides useful, timely

information in a student-friendly

Q&A format.

Learn More Online

336 C H A P T E R 1 2

in males, but not females. Individuals are faced with the daunting task of sorting through

these often-conflicting messages to develop their own sexual values and ethics.

4. Erotic preferences. Within the limits imposed by sexual orientation and values,

people still differ in what they find enjoyable. People’s erotic preferences encompass their

attitudes about self-stimulation, oral sex, intercourse, and other sexual activities. For

instance, researchers found that although men and women were equally interested in

erotic photos, they differed in terms of their preferences for the sexual activities depicted

(Rupp & Wallen, 2009). Such preferences develop through a complex interplay of physio-

logical and psychosocial influences—issues we take up next.

Physiological Influences

Among the various physiological factors involved in sexual behavior, hormones have been

of particular interest to researchers. As you will see, hormones have important effects on

sexual development. Their influence on sexual anatomy, however, is much greater than

their influence on sexual activity (Brotto & Smith, 2014).

Hormones and Sexual Differentiation

During the prenatal period, a number of biological developments result

in a fetus that is male or female. Hormones play an important role in

this process, which is termed sexual differentiation. Around the third

month of prenatal development, different hormonal secretions begin to

be produced by male and female gonads—the sex glands. In males, the

testes produce androgens, the principal class of male sex hormones.

Testosterone is the most important of the androgens. In females, the

ovaries produce estrogens, the principal class of female sex hormones.

Actually, both classes of hormones are present in both genders, but

in different proportions. During prenatal development, the differen-

tiation of the genitals depends primarily on the level of testosterone

produced—high in males, low in females.

There are instances, though rare, in which sexual differentiation

is incomplete and individuals are born with ambiguous genitals, sex

organs, or sex chromosomes. These persons, called intersex individu-

als (formerly called hermaphrodites), are born with a combination of

male and female hormonal or anatomical features (Agocha, Asencio,

& Deccenta, 2014). Though their sex is usually difficult to determine at

birth, some intersex individuals might not be identified until puberty,

and it is often difficult for them to determine their “true” sexual identity.

obstacles to sexual intelligence as well as issues related to physical health and aging.

Klein is more interested in peoples’ mindsets than their sexual techniques. He encourages readers to enjoy sex with the bodies they have, rather than focusing on the body they think they should have. As such, he asserts that changing one’s way of thinking can change one’s sex life for the better. He is the author of five other books, including Let Me Count the Ways: Discovering Great Sex without Intercourse (1999) and America’s War on Sex: The Attack on Law, Lust, and Liberty (2012).

Sexual Intelligence: What We Really Want from

Sex and How to Get It

In this book, Klein draws on his decades of experience as a sex therapist and marriage counselor to explore the discrepancy between what people say they want from sex (e.g., closeness, pleasure) and what they primarily focus on (e.g., performance and normality worries). This book provides a wide-ranging discussion of the concept of sexual intelligence, including its informational and emotional components. Klein makes a strong argument for why sexual intelligence is important, using case studies throughout. In the final section of the book, Klein discusses common

Recommended Reading

by Marty Klein (HarperOne, 2012)

After Caster Semenya, a South African athlete who is intersex, won

the 800-meter world championship, questions were raised about her

eligibility to compete as a woman. This controversy brought gender

issues to the forefront of athletics.

Th om

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Development and Expression of Sexuality 337

Sexual Maturation and Puberty

At puberty, hormones reassert their influence on sexual development. Adoles-

cents attain reproductive capacity as hormonal changes trigger the maturation

of the primary sex characteristics, the structures necessary for reproduction (sex

organs). Hormonal shifts also regulate the development of secondary sex char-

acteristics (physical features that distinguish the genders but are not directly

involved in reproduction). For instance, in females, more estrogen leads to breast

development, widened hips, and rounded body contours. In males, more andro-

gen results in developing facial hair, a deeper voice, and angular body contours.

In females, a pivotal point in pubertal development is menarche—the first

occurrence of menstruation. American girls typically reach menarche between

ages 12 and 13, with further sexual maturation continuing for 2 to 3 more years

(Peper & Dahl, 2013). In males, there is no clear-cut marker of the onset of sexual

maturity, although the capacity to ejaculate is used as an index of puberty. Sper-

marche, or the first ejaculation, is often experienced through nocturnal ejacula-

tions (O’Sullivan & Thompson, 2014). Experts note that ejaculation may not be

a valid index of actual maturity, as early ejaculations may contain seminal fluid

but not active sperm.

Psychosocial Influences

The principal psychosocial influences on sexual identity are essentially the same as the

main sources of gender-role socialization discussed in Chapter 11. Sexual identity is shaped

by one’s family, peers, schools, and religion, as well as the media.

Families

Parents and the home environment are significant influences on sexual identity in the early

years. Before they reach school age, children usually engage in some sex play and explo-

ration, such as “playing doctor.” They also display curiosity about sexual matters, asking

questions such as “Where do babies come from?” This curiosity increases with age. One

study of more than 1000 preadolescents found that 70% of 12-year-olds were eager to learn

about sex (Miller et al., 2012). Parents who punish innocent, exploratory sex play and who

stutter and squirm when kids ask sexual questions convey the idea that sex is “dirty.” As a

result, children may begin to feel guilty about their sexual urges and curiosity.

Direct communication between parents and children about issues related to sex is

important. However, only 79% of girls and 70% of boys report talking to their parents about

sex (Martinez, Abma, & Casey, 2010). As you can see in Figure 12.1, almost 50% of teens

report getting information about birth control from someone other than their parents. And

even when communication does occur, many young people feel dissat-

isfied with the sexual information they receive from their parents, in

terms of both quantity and quality. Although most parents recognize

that it is important to communicate with their children about issues

related to sexuality, many don’t because they simply don’t know how.

Further, even when parents do provide information, it is not uncom-

mon for their knowledge about sexually related topics to be incorrect,

incomplete, or outdated, prompting experts to encourage sex education

for the parents of teens (Brookes et al., 2010).

Peers

Friends provide a lot of information regarding sex, and positive peer

influence is associated with less risky sexual behavior and reduced risk

of sexually transmitted infections (Dunn, Gilbert, & Wilson, 2011;

Vivancos et al., 2013). Indeed, the sexual behaviors of one’s friends is

a strong predictor of one’s own sexual behavior (Lyons et al., 2011).

15% Parents only

38% Formal

instruction and parents

27% Formal

instruction only

20% Neither

Figure 12.1 Sources of information about birth control among teens. Many young people do not get their information about contraception from either their

parents or their schools. (Adapted from Alan Guttmacher

Institute, 2012b)

D av

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338 C H A P T E R 1 2

But it’s not just actual behaviors that individuals use for information; adolescents’ sexual

attitudes and behavior are also positively associated with their perceptions of their friends’

sexual attitudes and behavior (Sprecher, Christopher, & Cate, 2006). Unfortunately, peers

can be a source of highly misleading information and often champion sexual behavior at

odds with parents’ views.

Schools

Surveys show that the vast majority of parents and other adults support sex education pro-

grams in the schools, despite the media attention given to isolated, vocal protests (Tortolero

et al., 2011). As of 2015, twenty-two states and the District of Columbia mandated sex

education (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 2015). The type of sexual education schools offer

varies. “Abstinence only” programs offer no information about contraceptive methods but

encourage students to abstain from sex, while “abstinence plus” programs include addi-

tional information about sexually transmitted diseases and contraception. “Comprehen-

sive programs” offer information on a wide variety topics such as contraception, abortion,

sexually transmitted diseases, relationships, sexual orientation, and responsible decision

making (Kendall, 2014).

What is the effectiveness of these various programs? Abstinence only programs do not

deter adolescents from engaging in sex, nor do they delay first intercourse or reduce the

number of sexual partners (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2007). In fact,

they have been associated with a decrease in reliable contraceptive use (Isley, 2010). In

contrast, comprehensive programs result in a wide range of positive outcomes: increased use

of contraception, fewer pregnancies, and reduced high-risk sexual behavior (Chin et al.,

2012). In addition, comprehensive programs do not promote (and may even delay) having

early sex and do not increase (and may decrease) the number of sexual partners (Katz-Wise

& Hyde, 2014). Even with these statistics, most schools do not offer students comprehen-

sive sexual education (Kendall, 2014).

Religion

One’s religious background (or lack thereof ) can play a major role in the development of

sexual identity (Hernandez, Mahoney, & Pragament, 2014). Religious teachings and tra-

ditions can dictate what is seen as sexually natural or unnatural. For example, religious

institutions historically have had a lot to say about issues such as guilt, monogamy, and

homosexuality (Francoeur, 2007). Using data from three national surveys, Regnerus (2007)

found that the predominant message that teens receive about sex from their religious in-

stitutions is “Don’t do it until you’re married.” This message is conveyed through church-

based initiatives such as abstinence pledges, chastity vows, and purity rings. This message

is largely ineffective, however. Teens who take these pledges tend to be just as sexually

active (but less likely to use condoms or other forms of birth control) as their equally reli-

gious nonpledging peers. They do, however, tend to feel guiltier about

it (Rosenbaum, 2009). These findings suggest that although religious

teachings might affect sexual attitudes, they do not always influence be-

havior. However, there is evidence that teens and young adults who view

religion as very important and who frequently attend church are less

likely to have had sex and, if they have, to have had fewer sex partners

than their nonreligious peers (Haglund & Fehring, 2010). Additionally,

Hernandez and her colleagues (2014) found that married couples who

view sex as a sacred bond (that is, having a spiritual component) report

higher marital and sexual satisfaction.

The Media

Americans see thousands of sexual encounters a year on television,

movie, and computer screens. And the portrayal of sexual content, both

in terms of sex talk and behavior, appears to be on the rise. In movies,

SIECUS (Sexuality

Information and Educational

Council of the United States)

This site is produced by one of the

oldest organizations in the United States

devoted to educating the public about

matters of sexuality. It contains an

annotated set of web-based links to a

variety of topics related to sexuality.

Learn More Online

Teens who take abstinence pledges or wear purity rings tend to be just

as sexually active as their peers who don’t.

C A

M ER

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/R ed

Development and Expression of Sexuality 339

sexual content has increased over the years, especially for female characters (Bleakley,

Hennessy, & Fishbein, 2012). O’Hara and colleagues (2012) analyzed movies over a 6-year

period and found that 84% of them contained sexual content (including 68% of G-rated

films). The percentage of television shows containing sexual content has been increasing

as well. When analyzing more than 2000 television programs, Kunkel and his colleagues

(2007) found that depictions of sexual intercourse doubled over a 5-year period. They also

found that topics related to sexual risks and responsibilities, though increasing, were still

incredibly rare, with such references appearing in only 6% of all sexual scenes. Figure 12.2

shows how sexual content is distributed over common television genres.

Movies and televisions shows aimed at young people also contain sexual content. One

study found that 16% of characters involved in sexual intercourse on television are teen-

agers or young adults (Eyal & Finnerty, 2009). Media portrayals of sexual behavior can

influence an individual’s beliefs about typical sexual practices. For adolescents, exposure

to sexual content is associated with earlier sexual activity as well as increased sexual risk

taking (O’Hara et al., 2012).

Music lyrics and music videos are additional vehicles of sexual socialization, and the

sexualization of music has also increased over time (Hall, West, & Hill, 2012). Listening

to music with sexually explicit and degrading lyrics is associated with higher levels of

sexual behaviors in teenagers (Primack et al., 2009). In one study, male college students

who viewed sexually explicit music videos were more sexually permissive, were more

likely to objectify women, expressed more stereotypic gender attitudes, and showed a

greater acceptance of rape (Kistler & Lee, 2010). Rap music videos tend

to sexualize female characters more than male ones, and for African

American adolescents, exposure to these stereotypes is associated with

increases in sexual partners, negative body image, and acceptance of

rape myths (Burgess & Burpo, 2012; Conrad, Dixon, & Zhang, 2009;

Peterson et al., 2007).

Video games also contain sexually explicit content, often depict-

ing women in highly sexualized ways and combining sex with violence.

Research shows that exposure to these games is associated with increased

sexist attitudes (Stermer & Burkley, 2012) and sexually harassing be-

haviors (Yao, Mahood, & Linz, 2010). Playing these video games is also

related to increased sexual risk taking (Fischer et al., 2011).

Turning to cyberspace, experts estimate that there were about

7.26 billion (42.4% of the total world population) Internet users world-

wide in 2015 (Internet World Stats, 2015). The Internet has become a

common way to both explore and express one’s sexuality. Online por-

nography is extremely popular, especially among males. And exposure

to sexually explicit material online is related to problematic sexual

Comedy series

Drama series

Movie

News magazine

Soap opera

Talk show

Reality

Total

0 80 90 10070605040302010 Percent of programs in various genres that depict any sexual content

Figure 12.2 Sexual content in television programs by genre. Kunkel and colleagues (2007) examined more than 100 hours of television

per week for the 2001–2002 television

season. They measured both sexual talk

(conversations about sex, comments about

sexual actions) and sexual behavior (intimate

touching, implied sexual intercourse). As

you can see, sexual content is common in a

variety of television genres.

Video games can contain sexually explicit content, often depicting

women in highly sexualized ways. Research shows that exposure to

these games is associated with increased sexist attitudes, sexually

harassing behaviors, and sexual risk taking.

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340 C H A P T E R 1 2

attitudes such as unrealistic expectations (Buhi et al. 2014; Owens et al., 2012). On the up

side, the Internet provides easy, private access to useful information on a variety of sexual

topics, including contraceptive methods and resources for the LGBT communities.

Note that the causal link between sexual behavior and sexual media viewing can be

bidirectional. While those exposed to sex in the media are more sexually active, those who

are more sexually active tend to seek out more sexual content. In addition, the link be-

tween media exposure and sexual behaviors may actually be due to outside factors, such

as permissive parenting or having sexually active peers—factors that could influence both

viewing sexual media and sexual behaviors simultaneously.

Admittedly, the media can promote responsible sexual behavior and an understanding

of issues such as sexual orientation (Ward et al., 2014). However, whatever advantages there

might be to sexual content in the media, experts agree that media depictions of sexuality

would have to change dramatically for consumption of sexual media to be considered a

healthy part of sexual development.

Gender Differences in Sexual Socialization

Americans have many deeply held beliefs about how men and women express themselves

sexually. From an early age, we are taught that men simply like sex more than women do—

they are more interested in it, want more of it, and are more open in their attitudes than

women are. As we saw in Chapter 11, such gender differences can become exaggerated,

leading to harmful gender stereotypes. So how do these commonly held beliefs hold up

under scientific scrutiny? To explore this question, Jennifer Petersen and Janet Shibley Hyde

(recall that she is the proponent of the gender similarity hypothesis) conducted a large-scale

meta-analysis that included more than 800 published articles and seven large national data

sets. Petersen and Hyde (2010b, 2011) conclude that while gender differences exist in both

sexual behaviors and sexual attitudes, most of these differences are quite small—the sexes

have a lot more in common than was previously thought. Here is a summary of some of the

smaller differences they uncovered:

● Men have sex somewhat more frequently and have more sex partners. ● Men are more permissive in their attitudes toward sex in general (again, the magnitude

of this difference has decreased over time). ● Women are more likely than men to feel negative emotions (e.g., shame, guilt, fear)

in response to sex.

There were a few areas in which men and women differ to a greater degree. Here is a sum-

mary of some of the larger differences they uncovered:

● Men are more likely to engage in casual sex (sex with a stranger or acquaintance). ● Men are more likely to engage in masturbation. ● Men are more likely to use pornography.

Although biological and evolutionary factors can explain some of these differences,

societal values and gender roles obviously come into play here (Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2014).

American males are encouraged to experiment sexually, to initiate sexual activities, and to

enjoy sex without emotional involvement. They also get the message to be conquest ori-

ented and to desire multiple partners. Females are typically taught to view sex in the context

of a loving relationship with one partner. They learn about romance and the importance

of physical attractiveness and catching a mate. Unlike males, they are not encouraged to

experiment with sex or to have numerous sexual partners. In fact, sexually active women

may be chastised for their behavior.

With differing views of sexuality and relationships, males and females can be out of

sync with each other—particularly in adolescence and early adulthood. These gender dif-

ferences can lead to confusion and mean that communication is essential for mutually

satisfying sexual relationships. Because both members of homosexual couples have been

socialized similarly, they are less likely than heterosexual couples to have problems with

incompatible expectations. Let’s consider sexual orientation next.

Development and Expression of Sexuality 341

12.2 Sexual Orientation

In this section, we’ll explore the intriguing and complex topic of sexual orientation. The

terms gay and straight are widely used to refer to homosexuals and heterosexuals, respec-

tively. Male homosexuals are called gay, whereas female homosexuals are referred to as

lesbians. Frequently, the term LGB is used to refer, collectively, to lesbians, gay men, and

bisexuals. Transgendered individuals are those whose sense of gender identity differs from

the sex they were labeled with at birth (Bockting, 2014). As such, transgendered individuals

typically don’t adhere to traditional gender roles in terms of physical appearance or behav-

iors. Because the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered communities often have inter-

secting interests, the term LGBT is used to refer to these groups. However, it is important to

note that transgender is related to gender identity and not to sexual orientation.

Models of Sexual Orientation

Most people view heterosexuality and homosexuality as two distinct categories: you’re

either one or the other. However, many individuals who define themselves as heterosex-

uals have had homosexual experiences, and vice versa. Thus, it is more accurate to view

heterosexuality and homosexuality as endpoints on a continuum. Indeed, Alfred Kinsey

and colleagues (1948) devised a 7-point scale, shown in Figure 12.3, to characterize sexual

orientation.

Some researchers argue that even Kinsey’s model is too simplistic, inaccurately

depicting sexual orientation as fixed and stable. For instance, how would you categorize

a man who was married for 10 years, has children, is divorced, and is now involved in

a committed homosexual relationship? What about a woman who dates only men but

who has homosexual fantasies? Instead, contemporary research supports a complex and

malleable view of sexual orientation. Lisa Diamond (2014) uses the term sexual fluid-

ity to reflect this complexity. She rejects the idea that sexual orientation is a stable trait

and argues that our attractions can change depending on interpersonal and situational

factors (Diamond, 2013a). That is, our sexuality is “fluid,” a phenomenon that appears

to apply more strongly for women. This explains how someone could have same-sex

attraction and behaviors without identifying with a homosexual orientation (Kleinplatz

& Diamond, 2014).

Diamond (2014) also notes that it has been widely assumed that most of those who

report same-sex attractions are exclusively homosexual, with bisexuals presumed to be

infrequent exceptions, who were often viewed skeptically as gays in denial about their

homosexuality. In reality, recent, more fine-grained data from a variety of surveys suggest

that among those who are not exclusively heterosexual, only a minority are exclusively

homosexual, especially among women. These data suggest that bisexuality is much more

common than previously appreciated, but Diamond (2014) points out that the term bisexu-

ality suggests an equal attraction to both sexes, whereas many of the people in this category

are predominantly, but not exclusively, attracted to one sex or the other. She argues that it is

probably more accurate to characterize these individuals as nonexclusive in their sexuality,

as opposed to bisexual. As you can see, models of sexual orientation are complicated and

evolving.

Origins of Sexual Orientation

There is no consensus among researchers as to what determines one’s sexual orientation. A

number of environmental explanations have been proposed as causes of sexual orientation.

Freud believed that homosexuality originates from an unresolved Oedipus complex (see

Chapter 2). That is, instead of coming to identify with the parent of the same gender, the

child continues to identify with the parent of the other gender. Learning theorists asserted

that homosexuality results from early negative heterosexual encounters or early positive

Learning Objectives

■ Compare Kinsey’s continuum of

sexuality with Diamond’s theory of

sexual fluidity.

■ Summarize the current thinking on the

origins of sexual orientation.

■ Describe contemporary attitudes

toward homosexuality.

■ Explain the process of disclosing one’s

sexual orientation, and the adjustment

of lesbians and gay males.

Chaz Bono (born Chastity Bono to parents

Sonny and Cher) is a transgender man. Born

female, he identifies as male and underwent

a female-to-male gender transition as an

adult. He is now an LBGT advocate.

Alfred Kinsey is a pioneer in sexuality

research and founder of the Kinsey Institute

at the University of Indiana.

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342 C H A P T E R 1 2

homosexual experiences. Sociologists proposed that homosexuality develops because of

poor relationships with same-gender peers or because being labeled a homosexual sets

up a self-fulfilling prophecy. However, a comprehensive review of the causes of sexual ori-

entation found no compelling support for any of these explanations (Bell, Weinberg, &

Hammersmith, 1981).

Some theorists speculate that biological factors are involved in the development of sex-

ual orientation. Several lines of research suggest that hormonal secretions during prenatal

development may shape sexual development, organize the brain in a lasting manner, and

influence subsequent sexual orientation. Because of advances in technology that allow re-

searchers to actually map the activity in the brain, we can begin to explore brain differences

in sexual orientation. However, it is important to keep in mind that it is difficult to deter-

mine whether any brain differences are the cause or the consequence of sexual orientation.

There are interesting trends in birth-order effects and sexual orientation, with gay

men more likely to be born after their heterosexual siblings (Mustanski, Kuper, & Greene,

2014). This trend holds especially for older brothers, in that having older brothers tends

to increase the likelihood of the younger brother being gay (Bogaert & Skorska, 2011).

Researchers speculate this is due to changes in the maternal prenatal immune response for

each male she carries.

Genetic factors are also of interest. In an important study, investigators identified gay

and bisexual men who had a twin brother or an adopted brother (Bailey & Pillard, 1991).

They found that 52% of the participants’ identical twins were gay, 22% of their fraternal

twins were gay, and only 11% of their adoptive brothers were gay. A companion study of

lesbian women with twin or adopted sisters reported a similar pattern of results (Bailey

et al., 1993; see Figure 12.4).

The bottom line is that there probably isn’t a single determining factor for an individual’s

sexual orientation. Contemporary researchers endorse a more interactive, biopsychosocial

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

Exclusively heterosexual

Predominantly heterosexual only incidentally homosexual

Predominantly homosexual only incidentally heterosexual

Predominantly heterosexual more than incidentally homosexual

Predominantly homosexual more than incidentally heterosexual

Equally heterosexual and homosexual

Exclusively homosexual

Figure 12.3 Heterosexuality and homosexuality as endpoints on a continuum. Kinsey and other sex researchers

view heterosexuality and

homosexuality as ends of a

continuum rather than as all-

or-none distinctions. Kinsey

created this 7-point scale (from

0 to 6) for describing sexual

orientation.

Sexual fluidity reflects the idea that sexual

orientation is not a fixed, stable trait. Instead,

our attractions can change depending on

interpersonal and situational factors. Actress

Cynthia Nixon referred to this concept when

addressing the media about why she left a

long-term relationship with a man to be with

a woman.

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

100%

50%

Percentage of relatives with gay sexual orientation

Genetic relatednessRelationship

Identical twin

Fraternal twin

Adoptive sibling

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Figure 12.4 Genetics and sexual orientation. A concordance rate indicates the percentage of twin pairs or other pairs of relatives that exhibit the

same characteristic. If relatives who share more genetic relatedness

show higher concordance rates than relatives who share less genetic

overlap, this evidence suggests a genetic predisposition to the

characteristic. Studies of both gay men and lesbian women have

found higher concordance rates among identical twins than fraternal

twins, who in turn exhibit more concordance than adoptive siblings.

These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that genetic factors

influence sexual orientation. If only genetic factors were responsible

for sexual orientation, the identical twin concordance rates would

push 100%; because they are much lower, environmental factors must

also play a role. (Data from Bailey & Pillard, 1991; Bailey et. al., 1993)

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Development and Expression of Sexuality 343

model of sexual orientation to capture the influence of biological, psychological, and social

factors. This issue is exceedingly complex and needs additional research.

Attitudes toward Homosexuality

Gay and lesbian rights have gained attention in the political arena, as evidenced by the his-

toric Supreme Court ruling on June 26, 2015, making same-sex marriage legal across the

United States. Although the public discussion of gay marriage can be divisive, it has allowed

the gay community to educate straight citizens about the realities and diversity of same-sex

couples and their family relationships. Second, it has helped raise the nation’s awareness

about the facets of prejudice and discrimination against the LGBT community.

Homophobia is the fear and intolerance of homosexuals. Because few people with

negative attitudes toward homosexuals have the psychopathology that “phobia” implies,

some psychologists believe that sexual prejudice is a more appropriate term. The lowest

levels of sexual prejudice are associated with individuals who personally know someone

who is gay (Fingerhut, 2011). Viewing homosexuality as biological or genetic in origin

(as opposed to attributing it to choice) is also associated with more favorable attitudes

(Savin-Williams et al., 2010). Higher levels of sexual prejudice are associated with being

older, male, less educated, and living in the South or Midwest and in rural areas (Herek

& Capitanio, 1996). Sexual prejudice is also correlated with such psychological factors as

authoritarianism, traditional gender-role attitudes (see Chapter 11), and conservative reli-

gious and political beliefs.

Tragically, negative attitudes sometimes translate into violence. In 2013, 20.8% of

reported hate crimes were based on the offender’s bias against the victim’s sexual orien-

tation (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2013). In a national survey, 23% of the LGB par-

ticipants had been threatened with violence, and 49% reported verbal harassment. These

percentages were even higher when just considering gay males (35% for violence and 63%

for harassment; Herek, 2009). These forms of discrimination are by no means exclusively

an American problem, as violence related to sexual prejudice is reported around the world

(Turner-Frey, 2014).

Although many Americans still exhibit sexual prejudice, general attitudes appear to

be moving in a positive direction. As shown in Figure 12.5, a 2015 national poll found that

more than half (57%) of Americans would not be upset if their child was gay, up from just

9% in 1985 (Gao, 2015). Greater acceptance is due, in part, to the increasing visibility of

lesbians and gays in society. For instance, homosexual content on television has increased

dramatically over the past two decades, including having more

openly gay and transgendered characters (Modern Family,

Orange Is the New Black) and celebrities (Ellen DeGeneres).

Disclosing One’s Sexual Orientation

Coming to terms with one’s sexual identity is difficult when

it must take place in a climate of sexual prejudice. For gays,

lesbians, and bisexuals, coming out involves recognizing and

accepting one’s sexual orientation, then disclosing it to others.

Coming out can be a difficult process for many people. Gay

and lesbian teenagers report losing more friends and worry-

ing more about friendship loss than their heterosexual coun-

terparts (Diamond & Lucas, 2004). Negative reactions from

those to whom one is disclosing is associated with decreased

well-being (Ryan, Legate, & Weinstein, 2015). Typical negative

reactions include denying the disclosure, asking inappropriate

questions, or shaming the person (Manning, 2015).

In deciding to disclose one’s sexual orientation to others,

individuals must balance the psychological and social benefits

(being honest, having social support) against the costs (losing

0 10

100

1985

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f r es

po nd

en ts

w ho

w ou

ld be

u ps

et o

r no

t u ps

2000

Year 2004 2013 2015

Upset

Not upset

Figure 12.5 Reactions to having a gay or lesbian child. Although many Americans still exhibit sexual prejudice, general attitudes appear to moving in a positive

direction. As shown in this graph, a national poll found that more than half of

Americans would not be upset if their child was gay. Greater acceptance may be

due, in part, to the increasing visibility of lesbians and gays in society.

Source: From Gao, G. (2015). Most Americans now say learning their child is gay wouldn’t upset them.

Retrieved October 18, 2015, from www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/06/29/most-americans-now-

say-learning-their-child-is-gay-wouldnt-upset-them/.

Parents, Families, and

Friends of Lesbians and Gays

The mission of this national organization

is to promote the health and well-being of

gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered

people as well as that of their families and

friends. The organization is involved in

support, education, and advocacy efforts

and has more than 500 chapters, covering

every state.

Learn More Online

344 C H A P T E R 1 2

friends, being fired, falling victim to hate crimes, losing custody of children). When the

costs are too high or fear is too great, some individuals choose not to make known their

sexual identity and are said to be in the closet.

Adjustment

The mental health community initially classified homosexuality as a psychological disorder,

but researchers demonstrated that view to be a myth. That is, homosexuals and heterosexu-

als are indistinguishable in their general levels of psychopathology (Cochran & Mays, 2013).

As a result of this research, changes in public attitudes, and political lobbying, homosexu-

ality was deleted from the official list of psychological disorders in 1973 (Newmahr, 2011).

Although there is no reliable evidence that one’s homosexual orientation per se impairs

psychological functioning, exposure to sexual prejudice and discrimination can cause

acute distress and lead to mental and physical health problems (Lick, Durso, & Johnson,

2013). For instance, gay men experience an increase in depression shortly after coming out

(Pachankis, Cochran, & Mays, 2015). Other studies suggest that gay males and lesbians are

at greater risk than their straight peers for anxiety, depression, self-injurious behavior, sub-

stance dependence, suicidal ideation, and suicide attempts (Balsam et al., 2005; Cochran &

Mays, 2013). Fortunately, like their heterosexual counterparts, most LGBT individuals are

able to cope with this stress and thrive despite the adversity.

12.3 The Human Sexual Response

When people engage in sexual activity, exactly how does the body respond? Surprisingly,

until William Masters and Virginia Johnson conducted their groundbreaking research in

the 1960s, little was known about the physiology of the human sexual response. Masters and

Johnson used physiological recording devices to monitor the bodily changes of volunteers

engaging in sex. Their observations and interviews with these subjects yielded a detailed

description of the human sexual response.

The Sexual Response Cycle

Masters and Johnson’s (1966, 1970) description of the sexual response cycle is a general

one, outlining typical rather than inevitable patterns—people vary considerably. Figure 12.6

shows how the intensity of sexual arousal changes as women and men progress through the

four phases of the sexual response cycle.

Excitement Phase

During the initial phase of excitement, the level of arousal usually escalates rapidly. In both

sexes, muscle tension, respiration rate, heart rate, and blood pressure increase quickly. In

males vasocongestion—engorgement of blood vessels—produces penile erection, swollen

testes, and the movement of the scrotum (the sac containing the testes) closer to the body.

In females, vasocongestion leads to a swelling of the clitoris and vaginal lips, vaginal lubri-

cation, and enlargement of the uterus. Most women also experience nipple erection and a

swelling of the breasts.

Plateau Phase

The name given to the “plateau” stage is misleading because physiological arousal does

not level off. Instead, it continues to build, but at a much slower pace. In women, further

vasocongestion produces a tightening of the lower third of the vagina and a “ballooning”

of the upper two-thirds, which lifts the uterus and cervix away from the end of the vagina.

■ Describe the four phases of the human

sexual response cycle.

■ Discuss gender differences in patterns of

orgasm and give some reasons for them.

Learning Objectives

William Masters and Virginia Johnson

conducted groundbreaking research in

the 1960s on the physiology of the human

sexual response.

Development and Expression of Sexuality 345

In men, the head of the penis may swell, and the testicles typically enlarge and move closer

to the body. Many men secrete a bit of pre-ejaculatory fluid from the tip of the penis that

may contain sperm.

Distractions during the plateau phase can delay or stop movement to the next stage.

These include ill-timed interruptions like a phone ringing or a child’s knocking on the bed-

room door. Equally distracting can be internal factors such as physical discomfort, pain,

guilt, frightening thoughts, feelings of insecurity or anger toward one’s partner, and anxiety

about sexual performance.

Orgasm Phase

Orgasm occurs when sexual arousal reaches its peak intensity and is discharged in a

series of muscular contractions that pulsate through the pelvic area. Heart rate, respira-

tion rate, and blood pressure increase sharply during this exceedingly pleasant spasmodic

response. The male orgasm is usually accompanied by ejaculation of seminal fluid. Some

women report that they ejaculate some kind of fluid at orgasm, but the prevalence of female

ejaculation and the source and nature of the fluid are matters still under debate. The subjec-

tive experience of orgasm appears to be essentially the same for men and women, although

the relationship between subjective experience and physical response seems to be greater

for men (Suschinsky, Lalumiere, & Chivers, 2009). That is, there is a higher degree of agree-

ment between a man’s physical response (erection) and his self-report of arousal than there

is for a woman.

Refractory period

Orgasm

Plateau

Excitement

In te

ns it

y of

a ro

us al

In te

ns it

y of

a ro

us al

Resolution

Time

Patterns for males

Patterns for females

A B

A B C

Figure 12.6 The human sexual response cycle. There are similarities and differences between men and women in patterns of sexual arousal. Pattern A, which culminates in orgasm and resolution, is the most typical

sequence for both sexes. Pattern B, which involves sexual arousal without orgasm followed by a slow

resolution, is also seen in both genders, but it is more common among women. Pattern C, which involves

multiple orgasms, is seen almost exclusively in women, as men go through a refractory period before they

are capable of another orgasm. (Based on Masters & Johnson, 1966)

346 C H A P T E R 1 2

Resolution Phase

During the resolution phase, the physiological changes

produced by sexual arousal subside. If one has not had an

orgasm, the reduction in sexual tension may be relatively

slow and sometimes unpleasant. After orgasm, men gen-

erally experience a refractory period, a time following

orgasm during which males are largely unresponsive to

further stimulation. The refractory period varies from a

few minutes to a few hours and increases with age.

Critics note that the Masters and Johnson model

focuses entirely on genital changes during sex and

ignores cognitive factors. Because people’s thoughts and

views about sex underlie many sexual problems, it is

helpful to keep in mind that the sexual response involves

more than just physical factors.

Gender Differences in Patterns of Orgasm

As a whole, the sexual responses of women and men parallel each other fairly closely.

Nonetheless, there are some interesting differences between the genders in their patterns of

experiencing orgasm. During intercourse, women are less likely than men to reach orgasm

(that is, they are more likely to follow pattern B in Figure 12.6). Women are more likely to

orgasm when they engage in a variety of sexual behaviors such as oral sex, whereas men

are more likely to orgasm when sex includes intercourse. According to a national survey

(Herbenick et al., 2010b), 91% of men report having had an orgasm during their sexual

activities in the past year compared to 64% of women (see Figure 12.7).

How do we account for these disparities? First, although most women report that

they enjoy intercourse, it is not the optimal mode of stimulation for them. This is because

intercourse provides rather indirect stimulation to the clitoris, the most sexually sensitive

genital area in most women. Thus, more lengthy foreplay, including manual or oral stim-

ulation of the clitoris, is usually the key to enhancing women’s sexual pleasure. Many men

mistakenly assume that women experience the same degree of pleasurable sensations as

they do during sexual intercourse. But this is not the case, as the upper two-thirds of the

vagina has relatively few nerve endings—a good thing given that the vagina serves as the

birth canal! Manual or oral stimulation of the clitoris is typically more effective in produc-

ing female orgasm than sexual intercourse alone. Unfortunately, many couples are locked

into the idea that orgasms should be achieved only through intercourse (as often depicted

in movies). Even the word foreplay suggests that any other form of sexual stimulation is

merely preparation for the “main event.”

Because women reach orgasm through intercourse less consistently than men, they are

more likely than men to fake an orgasm. Some 67% of women and 28% of men report that

they have faked an orgasm (Muehlenhard & Shippee, 2010). People typically do so to make

their partner feel better or to bring sexual activity to an end when they’re tired. Frequent

faking is not a good idea because it can become a cycle that undermines communication

about sex.

Experienced orgasm

“Quite a bit” or “extreme” pleasure

0 80 90 10070605040302010 Percent

Females

Males

Figure 12.7 Gender differences in sexual experiences within the past year. A national survey regarding Americans’ most recent sexual experiences revealed that men

were more likely than women to report having experienced orgasm and to report

experiencing high levels of pleasure during sex. (Adapted from Herbenick et al., 2010a)

12.4 Sexual Expression

People experience and express sexuality in myriad ways. Most individuals engage in a

variety of sexual practices (see Figure 12.8), and the menu of sexual activities is quite sim-

ilar for heterosexual and same-sex couples. Erogenous zones are areas of the body that

are sexually sensitive or responsive. The genitals and breasts usually come to mind when

people think of erogenous zones because these areas are particularly sensitive for most

■ Describe six different forms of sexual

expression.

■ Discuss the preferred sexual activities of

gay males and lesbians.

■ Describe common barriers in

communicating about sex.

Learning Objectives

Development and Expression of Sexuality 347

people. But it’s worth noting that virtually any area of the body can function as an eroge-

nous zone. Indeed, the ultimate erogenous zone may be the mind. An individual’s mental

state is extremely important to sexual arousal. Skillful genital stimulation by a partner may

have absolutely no impact if a person is not in the mood. Yet fantasy in the absence of any

other stimulation can produce great arousal. Ultimately, communication between partners

is crucial for a satisfying sexual experience. In this section, we’ll consider the most common

forms of sexual expression.

Fantasy

Have you ever fantasized about having sex with someone other than your partner?

If so, you’ve had one of the most commonly reported fantasies. In fact, a study of

university students and employees reported that 98% of men and 80% of women

had sexual fantasies involving some-

one other than their current partner

(Hicks & Leitenberg, 2001). As you

might expect, women’s fantasies tend

to be more romantic, while men’s

tend to contain more explicit imagery

(Impett & Peplau, 2006). However,

the presence of romantic emotions is

the most commonly reported element

of sexual fantasies for both men and

women (Joyal, Cossette, & Lapierre,

2015). Most sex therapists view sex-

ual fantasies as a harmless, and even

healthy, way to enhance sexual excite-

ment and achieve orgasm either dur-

ing masturbation or with a partner.

Figure 12.9 shows some commonly

reported features of sexual fantasies

(Joyal, Cossette, & Lapierre, 2015).

0 80 90 10070605040302010 Percent

Masturbated alone

Masturbated with partner

Received oral from women

Received oral from men

Gave oral to women

Gave oral to men

Vaginal intercourse

Received penis in anus

Inserted penis into anus

Males

Females

Figure 12.8 Percentages of sexual activities for American men and women, ages 20 to 24. Data from a national survey show the distribution of reported sexual activities for

men and women, ages 20 to 24, in the past

year. It is clear that young adults engage in

a variety of sexual activities. (Adapted from

Herbenick, et al., 2010b)

Figure 12.9 Commonly reported features of sexual fantasy. Sexual fantasy is a normal component of sexuality. Both men and women report that their sexual fantasies increase their excitement. This graph shows some

of the most commonly reported features of sexual fantasy. (Adapted from Joyal, Cossette, & Lapierre, 2015).

100

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348 C H A P T E R 1 2

Kissing

Most two-person sexual activities begin with kissing. Kissing usually starts at the lips

but may be extended to almost any area of the partner’s body. In fact, there seems to be

something special about kissing as a form of nonverbal communication. Floyd and col-

leagues (2009) randomly assigned heterosexual partners to either increase their romantic

kissing frequency or not. After 6 weeks, they found that those who had increased kissing

had lower perceived stress levels and higher relationship satisfaction. These differences

were still significant even after the researchers controlled for increased verbal affections

and decreased conflict, two factors that might be expected with increased romantic kiss-

ing. Research shows that kissing is especially relevant in long-term relationships—not as

a way to increase arousal, but as a way to maintain emotional closeness and attachment

(Wlodarski & Dunbar, 2013, 2014).

Masturbation

Masturbation, or the stimulation of one’s own genitals, has historically been condemned

as immoral because it is nonreproductive. Disapproval and suppression of masturbation

(often referred to as self-abuse at the time) were truly intense in the 19th and early 20th cen-

turies, when people believed that the practice was harmful to physical and mental health.

Yet Kinsey discovered more than six decades ago that most people masturbate with no ill

effects, and sexologists now recognize it as normal and healthy. In fact, sex therapists often

prescribe masturbation to treat both male and female sexual problems. Nonetheless, many

of those who engage in the practice feel guilty about it.

Masturbation, also referred to as self-stimulation or autoeroticism, is quite common

in our society. In a national survey, 85% of women and 94% of men reported having

engaged in self-stimulation at some point in their lives (Herbenick et al., 2010b). Among

married couples, up to 71% of men and 51% of women report engaging in self-stimulation

(Herbenick et al., 2010c; Reece et al., 2010). In fact, masturbation in marriage is often

associated with a greater degree of marital and sexual satisfaction (Leitenberg, Detzer, &

Srebnik, 1993).

Sometimes people, more often women, use vibrators or other sex toys for self-

stimulation. One study found that 46% of women reported having used a vibrator dur-

ing masturbation (Herbenick et al., 2010d). Recent evidence suggests that vibrator use for

women is associated with more positive sexual functioning and better sexual health prac-

tices (Herbenick et al., 2009). The findings are similar for men who incorporate vibrators

into foreplay with their partners (Reece et al., 2009).

Oral Sex

Oral sex refers to oral stimulation of the genitals. Cunnilingus is oral stimulation of the

female genitals; fellatio is oral stimulation of the penis. Oral sex is a common practice

in adolescent sexual experiences and most couples’ (both homosexual and heterosexual)

sexual relationships. According a national survey, about two-thirds of males and females

ages 15 to 24 have had oral sex (Copen, Chandra, & Martinez, 2012). Oral sex may be

one of several activities in a sexual encounter, or it may be the main event. It is a major

source of orgasms for many heterosexual couples, and it plays a central role in homosexual

relationships.

A positive aspect of oral sex for some people is that it does not result in pregnancy. This

fact partly accounts for the finding that younger teens are more likely to engage in oral sex

than in intercourse. However, some sexually transmitted diseases (HIV, for example) can be

contracted through oral-genital stimulation, especially if there are small cracks in the mouth

or if the mouth is exposed to semen. In addition, a person with a cold sore can pass along

the herpes virus during oral sex or kissing. Unfortunately, data suggest that up to 40% of

sexually active teens either don’t know that one can become infected with HIV through un-

protected oral sex or are unsure about it (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2009).

Development and Expression of Sexuality 349

Anal Sex

Anal intercourse involves insertion of the penis into a partner’s anus and rectum. Legally,

it is termed sodomy (and it is still illegal in some states). In a national survey, up to 27%

of men and 22% of women reported having practiced anal sex in the past year (Herbenick

et al., 2010b). Anal intercourse is more popular among homosexual male couples than

among heterosexual couples. However, even among gay men it ranks behind oral sex and

mutual masturbation in prevalence.

Although we will discuss sexually transmitted infections later in the chapter, it is worth

noting here that anal sex is risky. Gay men who engage in it without a condom (referred

to as bareback sex) run a high risk for HIV infection in that rectal tissues are easily torn,

facilitating HIV transmission. Anal sex is associated with increased risk for infections in

women as well (Benson, Martins, & Whitaker, 2015).

Intercourse

Penile-vaginal intercourse, known more technically as coitus, involves the insertion of the

penis into the vagina and (typically) pelvic thrusting. It is the most widely endorsed and

practiced sexual act in our society. In a national survey, 80% of male and 86% of female

respondents said that they had practiced coitus in their most recent sexual encounter

(Herbenick et al., 2010a). Frequent intercourse is associated with greater sexual and relation-

ship satisfaction, higher life satisfaction, and better mental health (Brody & Costa, 2009).

Inserting the penis generally requires adequate vaginal lubrication or intercourse

may be painful for the woman. In a national survey, about 30% of women reported mild

pain during intercourse (Herbenick et al., 2015). This is a good reason

for couples to spend plenty of time on foreplay, as sexual excitement

induces vaginal lubrication. In the absence of adequate lubrication,

partners may choose to use artificial lubricants.

What kinds of sexual activities do homosexuals prefer in the

absence of coitus (which is, by definition, a heterosexual act)? As is true

with heterosexual couples, the preliminary activities of gay and lesbian

couples include kissing, hugging, and caressing. Gay men also engage

in fellatio, mutual masturbation, and anal intercourse. Lesbians engage

in cunnilingus, mutual masturbation, and tribadism (also known as

humping or scissoring), in which partners rub their genitals together so

that both receive genital stimulation at the same time.

Communicating about Sex

Regardless of the activity, it is clear that communication is the key in-

gredient to a satisfying sexual relationship (Byers & Rehman, 2014).

Because individuals differ in sexual motives, attitudes, and appetites,

disagreements about sex are to be expected. Couples have to negoti-

ate whether, how often, and when they will have sex. They also have to

decide what kinds of erotic activities will take place and what sexual

behavior means to their relationship. Unresolved disparities can be an

ongoing source of frustration in a relationship. Still, many people find it

difficult to talk with their partner about sex. Couples can encounter four

common barriers to sexual communication.

1. Fear of appearing ignorant. Many Americans are ignorant and

misinformed about sex, often because media sources present incor-

rect information or perpetuate sexual myths. (You can test your own

knowledge about some aspects of sex by responding to the questions

in Figure 12.10.) Because most people feel that they should be experts

about sex and know that they are not, they feel ashamed. To hide their

lack of knowledge, they avoid talking about sex.

Figure 12.10 How knowledgeable about sex are you? Check your basic sexual knowledge by answering these five questions. Information

about each of the questions is discussed in this chapter.

HOW KNOWLEDGEABLE ABOUT SEX ARE YOU?

1. Massage oil, petroleum jelly, and body lotions are good

lubricants to use with a condom or diaphragm.

____ True ____ False ____ Don’t know

2. A homosexual orientation is related to impaired psychological

adjustment.

____ True ____ False ____ Don’t know

3. A teenage girl or woman can get pregnant during her menstrual

period.

____ True ____ False ____ Don’t know

4. Most cases of sexually transmitted diseases occur in people

ages 26–50.

____ True ____ False ____ Don’t know

5. In the United States, heterosexually-transmitted HIV infections

rarely occur.

____ True ____ False ____ Don’t know

Scoring: 1. False. (Oil-based creams, lotions, and jellies can produce

microscopic holes in rubber products within 60 seconds of their

application.) 2. False. (Research does not support this view.) 3. True.

(While the chance of a woman’s becoming pregnant during her

menstrual period is lower than at other times, pregnancy can occur

if she has unprotected sex during her period. Sperm can live for

several days in a woman’s reproductive tract, and if the menstrual

cycle is irregular, as it is likely to be in adolescence, sperm may still be

present in the reproductive tract a week later to fertilize a new egg.)

4. False. (Most cases of sexually transmitted diseases occur in the

younger-than-25 age group.) 5. False. (There is currently an upsurge

in heterosexually transmitted HIV infections in the United States)

350 C H A P T E R 1 2

2. Concern about partner’s response. Both men and women say they want their part-

ners to tell them what they want sexually. Ironically, both can feel uncomfortable doing so.

People usually hold back because they’re afraid of hurting each other’s feelings. Or they

fear that their partner won’t respect and love them if they are truthful. However, extensive

disclosure of sexual likes and dislikes positively predicts sexual and relationship satisfac-

tion in committed relationships (Byers, 2011).

3. Conflicting attitudes about sex. Many people, particularly women, are burdened

with the negative sexual messages they learned as children. Also, many individuals have

contradictory beliefs about sex (“Sex is ‘beautiful’ ” and “Sex is ‘dirty’ ”), and this disso-

nance produces internal psychological conflicts that can make communication difficult.

4. Negative early sexual experiences. Some people have had negative sexual experi-

ences that inhibit their enjoyment of sex. If these experiences are due to ignorant or incon-

siderate sexual partners, subsequent positive sexual interactions will usually resolve the

problem over time. If earlier sexual experiences have been traumatic, as in the case of rape

or incest, counseling may be required to help a person view sex positively and enjoy it.

Even with these barriers, communicating one’s sexual likes and dislikes to one’s partner

is related to higher sexual satisfaction and functioning for both men and women (Rehman,

Rellini, & Fallis, 2011). To communicate more easily and effectively about sex, you may

want to review Chapter 8. Most of the advice on how to improve verbal and nonverbal

communication can be applied to sexual relationships. Assertive communication and con-

structive conflict resolution strategies can keep sexual negotiations healthy. A basic rule is

to accentuate the positive (“I like it when you . . .”) rather than the negative (“I don’t like it

when you . . .”).

12.5 Patterns of Sexual Behavior

The context of a sexual interaction influences the interaction itself. In this section we exam-

ine how the type of relationship one is in relates to sexual behavior.

Sex outside of Committed Relationships

“Hooking up” involves two uncommitted people having a sexual encounter with no expec-

tation of a romantic relationship, and experts estimate that 60%–80% of college students

have participated in a hookup (Garcia et al., 2012). Hookups don’t always involve inter-

course (manual stimulation and oral sex are common). When looking at hookups that did

include sexual intercourse, Eshbaugh and Gute (2008) found that 36% of sexually active

women reported having sex with someone only once, and 29% reported having sex with

someone they had known less than 24 hours. Further, hookups that included sex were

linked to regret for women. Hookups are often related to drinking alcohol (Johnson &

Chen, 2015), and typically end when one or both partners reach orgasm or one person

leaves or passes out (Paul, Wenzel, & Harvey, 2008).

Friends with benefits (FWB) refers to friends who engage in sex but who don’t label

their relationship as romantic. This situation is different from hooking up because partici-

pants in a FWB relationship anticipate maintaining their friendship. In one study, 54%

of young adult men and 43% of women reported maintaining this kind of relationship

(Owen & Fincham, 2011). People who engage in a FWB arrangement are more likely to

be casual daters, to be nonromantics, and to hold more hedonistic (anything goes) sexual

values (Puentes, Knox, & Zusman, 2008). Obviously, negotiating such relationships can

be tricky. Friendships are jeopardized if unreciprocated desires for romantic commitment

develop or if one person wants to end the sexual relationship. However, one study of FWBs

found that 50% reported feeling as close or closer when the sexual relationship ended,

especially if the relationship was more friendship than sexually based (Owen, Fincham, &

Manthos, 2013).

■ Outline the research on sex outside

of as well as within committed

relationships.

■ Compare and contrast sexual behavior

in committed heterosexual and

homosexual couples.

■ Discuss the research on infidelity in

committed relationships.

■ Describe the Spotlight on Research

regarding the role of oxytocin in

promoting fidelity.

Learning Objectives

Hooking up involves two uncommitted people

having a sexual encounter with no expectation

of a romantic relationship. Experts estimate

that 60%–80% of college students have

participated in a hookup. Hookups are often

related to drinking alcohol.

M on

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B us

in es

s Im

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S hu

tt er

st oc

k. co

Development and Expression of Sexuality 351

Sex in Committed Relationships

Sex is a key aspect of most romantic relationships. In this section, we examine patterns of

sexual activity in the context of committed relationships.

Sex between Dating Partners

With the average age of first marriage rising, most couples confront the issue of premarital sex.

Some worry that sex might adversely affect the relationship; others fear that not having sex

will cause trouble. Is there evidence to support either view? As it turns out, sexual intimacy is

a positive predictor of relationship stability (Sprecher & Cate, 2004). However, gender plays

a role in this relationship. For men, sexual (but not relationship) satisfaction is significantly

correlated with relationship stability; for women, relationship (but not sexual) satisfaction is

significantly associated with relationship stability (Sprecher, 2002). For both men and women,

though, there is evidence that delaying sexual intercourse (even for a few weeks into the rela-

tionship) is associated with higher relationship satisfaction and stability (Willoughby, Carroll,

& Busby, 2014).

“Sexting,” or sharing sexual images or messages via a text or social media site, is get-

ting increased notice from researchers. This area of research is still new, but initial studies

indicate that sexting is not uncommon. One study found that 38% of participants had sent

or received a sext, and of those, the vast majority were within the context of a romantic

relationship (Perkins et al., 2014). In addition, sexting is more common among adults than

adolescents and men report higher levels of sexting than woman (Dir & Cyders, 2015;

Klettke, Hallford, & Mellor, 2014). Generally, information shared in a sext is intended to be

private, but there is a risk that it can be shared to hurt or humiliate the sender. As a result,

some view sexting as a new opportunity for cyberbullying or intimate partner violence

(Bauman, 2015; Drouin, Ross, &, Tobin, 2015).

Marital Sex

Couples’ sexual satisfaction is strongly related to their overall marital satisfaction (Sprecher

et al., 2006). Of course, it is difficult to know whether good sex promotes good marriages or

good marriages promote good sex; in all probability, it’s a two-way street. Married couples

vary greatly in how often they have sex (see Figure 12.11). The majority of couples report

engaging in sex in a range of two to three times per week to a few times per month, with the

frequency of sex decreasing as the years pass (Herbenick et al., 2010c; Reece et al., 2010).

Biological changes play some role in this trend, but social factors are also compelling. Many

couples attribute this decline to increasing fatigue from work and childrearing and to a

growing familiarity with their sexual routine.

20% A few times per year to

monthly 37%

A few times per month or weekly

17% 2–3 times per week

4% More than 3 times per week

22% Not in the past year

MENWOMEN

18% A few times per year to

monthly

38% A few times per month or weekly

24% 2–3 times per week

6% More than 3 times per week

14% Not in the past year

Figure 12.11 Frequency of sex among married men and women. In a large-scale national survey, married individuals were asked how

often they had vaginal intercourse. Their

responses were wide ranging. The majority

of couples report engaging in sex between

two to three times per week and a few times

per month. (Adapted from Herbenick et al.,

2010c, and Reece et al., 2010)

352 C H A P T E R 1 2

As men and women age, sexual arousal tends to build more slowly and orgasms tend

to diminish in frequency and intensity. Males’ refractory periods lengthen, and females’

vaginal lubrication and elasticity decrease. Nevertheless, older people, especially those in

good health, remain capable of and interested in rewarding sexual encounters. In a national

survey, 43% of men and 22% of women older than the age of 70 reported having had sex in

the previous year (Herbenick, 2010b). Marrying for love, still being in love, and being finan-

cially stable are associated with sexual activity in later adulthood (Papaharitou et al., 2008).

Sex in Homosexual Relationships

Because the ability for same-sex partners to legally marry is so new, researchers have yet

to tease apart dating relationships versus marriages. However, Peplau and her colleagues

(2004) explored the frequency of sex among lesbian, gay, and heterosexual committed cou-

ples and found three patterns. First, there is a general decline in the frequency of sexual

behavior over time. Second, in the early stages of a relationship, gay males engage in sex

more frequently than the other types of couples. Third, lesbian couples have sex less often

than other couples. Comparative studies find comparable levels of sexual satisfaction in

gay, lesbian, and heterosexual couples. And for all groups, sexual satisfaction is correlated

with overall relationship satisfaction (Fingerhut & Peplau, 2013).

Infidelity in Committed Relationships

Sexual infidelity occurs when a person who is in a committed relationship engages in erotic

activity with someone other than his or her partner. Among married couples, this behav-

ior is also called “adultery” or “extramarital sex.” Infidelity among couples in committed but

unmarried relationships is termed extradyadic sex. The vast majority of people (91%) in our

society believe that extramarital sex is “always” or “almost always wrong” (Saad, 2007). None-

theless, Americans engage in infidelity, as evidenced by the success of Ashley Madison, the on-

line dating site marketed specifically to those who are married or in a committed relationship.

Although it’s not common, some couples condone extramarital sex. Two examples

include “swinging” and “open marriage.” Swingers are married couples who agree to

exchange partners for sex. In open marriage, now typically called polyamory, both partners

agree that it is okay for each to have sex with others.

Prevalence

Because of the associated stigma and secrecy, accurate estimates of infidelity are difficult

to come by. Yet experts estimate that approximately 21% of men and 11% of women have

engaged in sexual infidelity (Baucom, Snyder, & Abbott, 2014). In one study of more than

1300 undergraduates, approximately 20% had engaged in extradyadic oral sex or inter-

course without telling their partner (Knox, Vail-Smith, & Zusman, 2008).

Sexual openness is more common in committed gay male relationships, and the rates

of extradyadic sex for this group are higher than for all other groups (Fingerhut & Peplau,

2013). Committed lesbian relationships are more exclusive, in principle and in practice,

than gay male relationships (Peplau & Fingerhut, 2007). Rates of lesbian extradyadic sex are

also lower than those for married women.

Motivations

Why do people pursue sexual encounters outside of their committed relationships? Com-

mon reasons include dissatisfaction with a relationship, anger toward a partner, and bore-

dom. Sometimes people need to confirm that they are still desirable, or they want to trigger

the end of an unsatisfying relationship. Then again, extramarital sexual activity can occur

simply because two people are attracted to each other. Erotic reactions to people other than

one’s partner do not cease when one makes a permanent commitment, though most people

suppress these sexual desires because they disapprove of adultery.

The gender differences in motivations for infidelity parallel the gender differences

in sexual socialization. Men tend to engage in extradyadic affairs to obtain sexual variety

Development and Expression of Sexuality 353

or more frequent sex, whereas women usually seek an emotional connection (Buunk &

Dijkstra, 2006). Men are also more motivated by sexual excitement, whereas women are

more motivated by relationship unhappiness (Mark, Janssen, & Milhousen, 2011). Low

levels of positive communication are associated with infidelity for both genders (Allen

et al., 2008). Further, for both men and women, holding power positions is related to

increased instances of infidelity (Lammers et al., 2011). Interestingly, recent evidence sug-

gests that our hormones might play a role in maintaining fidelity, as the following Spotlight

on Research shows.

Oxytocin Promotes Fidelity

Source: Scheele, D., Striepens, N., Güntürkün, O., Deutschländer, S., Maier,

W., Kendrick, K. M., & Hurlemann, R. (2012). Oxytocin modulates social

distance between males and females. The Journal of Neuroscience, 32(46),

16,074–16,079.

As we learned in Chapter 3, oxytocin is associated with affiliation

and bonding in women. It has also been related to attraction

and attachment for men. Thus far, oxytocin has been explored in

initial encounters, but it has not been examined in relation to the

maintenance of committed relationships. Therefore, the present

researchers explored the role of oxytocin in fidelity-promoting

behaviors in men, specifically keeping one’s social distance in a

first encounter. The researchers wondered whether oxytocin would

play a role in the willingness of men to approach an attractive,

unfamiliar woman.

Method Participants. Participants included fifty-seven healthy heterosexual men, twenty-seven of whom were single and thirty of whom were

in a monogamous relationship.

Materials and procedures. Prior to beginning the experiment, participants were randomly assigned to receive a nasal spray

containing either oxytocin or a placebo. The study employed a

double-blind design, where neither the experimenters nor the

participants knew which nasal spray participants received. After

45 minutes, the men were introduced to an attractive female

experimenter and using a “stop-distance paradigm” were asked

to determine the boundary of personal space. In this paradigm,

participants stood at the end of the room with their toes on a

line, and the female experimenter moved toward and away from

them. While she did this, participants indicated the “ideal distance”

for interacting with the experimenter and the distance that felt

“slightly uncomfortable” for interaction. Then the roles were

reversed, and the participants moved toward and away from the

experimenter. The final chin-to-chin distance was measured as an

indicator of social distance.

Results The results demonstrated that men in committed relationships

who received the hormone oxytocin chose to keep a greater

distance between themselves and the unfamiliar, attractive female

experimenter than men in committed relationships who received

the placebo. In addition, oxytocin led the men in committed

relationships, but not those who were single, to keep a greater

distance between themselves and the experimenter. In addition,

oxytocin seemed to influence only behaviors, but not attitudes, in

that both those who received the oxytocin and those who received

the placebo rated the experimenter as being equally attractive.

In a separate study, the researchers found that oxytocin had no

effect on the distance men kept between themselves and a male

experimenter.

Discussion These results support the idea that oxytocin promotes fidelity

behaviors in committed relationships. Approach behaviors

(such as seeking a close social distance) are important signals

of romantic interest in initial encounters with someone.

By preferring a greater distance in the oxytocin condition,

monogamous men avoided signaling romantic interest and thus

fidelity was enhanced. The authors note that both the presence

of oxytocin and the relationship status acted together in leading

to this result. Obviously, this study looked at only one attraction

behavior (i.e., social distance), and oxytocin was artificially

introduced to the participants. However, the researchers note

that this is the “first direct evidence for a behavior-modifying

role of [oxytocin] in helping maintain monogamous pair-bonds

in humans” (p. 16,078). Future research is needed to understand

exactly how this hormone exerts its influence on relationship

behaviors.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. The premise of this study is based on the assumption that

a closer social distance is a signal of romantic interest. What

other behaviors can you think of that signal interest in initial

encounters with someone?

2. Would you volunteer to be in a study that required you to take

a nasal spray with hormones? Why or why not?

3. How does using a double-blind design make this study

stronger?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

354 C H A P T E R 1 2

Impact

Infidelity can lead to breaking up or divorce. Still, it’s hard to know in these cases whether

extradyadic sex is a symptom of a disintegrating relationship or its cause. When a partner

cheats, men tend to react with anger and violence, whereas women tend to show sadness

and seek out support from friends (Miller & Maner, 2008). Additionally, women are more

distressed by emotional infidelity, while men are more distressed by sexual infidelity (Treger

& Sprecher, 2011). Participants in extramarital affairs, whether or not they are discovered,

may experience loss of self-respect, guilt, stress, and complications of sexually transmitted

diseases. Occasionally, extramarital affairs can have a positive effect on a marriage if they

motivate a couple to resolve relationship problems through marital counseling (Baucom

et al., 2014).

12.6 Practical Issues in Sexual Activity

Regardless of the context of sexual activity, two practical issues are often matters of con-

cern: contraception and sexually transmitted diseases. These topics are more properly in

the domain of medicine than of psychology, but birth control and sex-related infections

certainly do have their behavioral aspects.

Contraception

Most people want control over whether and when they will conceive a child, so they need

reliable contraception and need to know how to use it effectively. Despite the availability

of effective contraceptive methods, however, many people fail to exercise much control. In

2008, 51% of pregnancies were either mistimed or unwanted (Finer & Zolna, 2014), with

the unintended pregnancy rate being five times higher for lower income women (Sonfiled,

Hasstedt, & Gold, 2014). Teenage birth rates are also a concern, although these rates have

been declining in recent years. In 2013, there were 26.5 births for every 1000 adolescent

females (Hamilton et al., 2015).

Constraints on Effective Contraception

Effective contraception requires that intimate couples negotiate their way through a com-

plex sequence of steps. First, both people must define themselves as sexually active. Second,

both must have accurate knowledge about fertility and conception. Third, their chosen

method of contraception must be readily accessible. Finally, both must have the motivation

and skill to use the method correctly and consistently. Failure to meet even one of these

conditions can result in an unintended pregnancy.

Why do some individuals and couples engage in risky sexual behavior? Reasons can

range from not having the contraception on hand, to fearing a partner’s reaction, to religious

restrictions, to having inaccurate information about contraception (Ayoola, Nettleman, &

Brewer, 2007). Once again, conflicting norms about gender and sexual behavior play a role.

Men are socialized to be the initiators of sexual activity, but when it comes to birth control,

they often rely on women to take charge. It is hard for a woman to maintain an image of

sexual naiveté and also be responsible for contraception. The mixed messages sent by some

sexual education programs (“Use a condom but we can’t supply you with one”) add to the

confusion. In addition, many individuals have inaccurate knowledge about contraception

effectiveness (Frost, Lindberg, & Finer, 2012).

Selecting a Contraceptive Method

How should one go about selecting a contraceptive technique? A rational choice requires

accurate knowledge of the effectiveness, benefits, costs, and risks of the various methods.

■ Identify constraints on effective

contraception and discuss the merits

of hormone-based contraceptives and

male condoms.

■ Describe the various types of STDs and

discuss their prevalence.

■ List some suggestions for safer sexual

practices.

Learning Objectives

Planned Parenthood

Planned Parenthood maintains an

accurate, up-to-date website with

information on STDs, contraception,

emergency contraception, and abortion.

This site is a useful resource when

considering one’s contraceptive options.

Learn More Online

Development and Expression of Sexuality 355

Figure 12.12 summarizes information on most of the methods currently available. The ideal

failure rate estimates the probability of conception when the technique is used correctly and

consistently. The typical failure rate is what occurs in the real world, when users’ negligence

is factored in.

Contraception is a joint responsibility. Hence, it’s essential for partners to discuss their

preferences, to decide what method(s) they are going to use, and to act on their decision.

Let’s look in more detail at two of the most widely used birth control methods in the West-

ern world: hormone-based contraceptives and condoms.

Hormone-based contraceptives contain synthetic forms of estrogen and progesterone

(or progesterone only, in the minipill), which inhibit ovulation in women. Types of hor-

mone-based contraceptives include “the pill,” hormonal injectables (Depo-Provera), the

transdermal patch (worn on the skin), the vaginal ring (inserted once a month), and con-

traceptive implants. Many couples prefer these birth control options because contraceptive

use is not tied to the sex act. However, these contraceptives do not protect against sexually

transmitted diseases. Women considering these options should speak with their health-

care providers about risks and side effects.

The male condom, a barrier method of contraception, is a sheath worn over the penis

during intercourse to collect ejaculated semen. The condom is the only widely available

contraceptive device for use by males. Eighty percent of adolescent males (and 69% of

females) reported using a condom the most recent time they had intercourse (Fortenberry

et al., 2010). Other barrier methods include female condoms (which are inserted into the

vagina), diaphragms, and spermicides.

Condoms can be purchased in any drugstore without a prescription. If used correctly,

the condom is highly effective in preventing pregnancy (see Figure 12.12). It must be placed

over the penis after erection but before any contact with the vagina, and space must be left

Most excuses provided by women for having

unprotected sex fall into three categories:

individual (such as forgetting or having

unexpected sex), interpersonal (for example,

fear of partner’s reaction), or societal

(for instance, limited access or incorrect

information).

Figure 12.12 A comparison of widely used contraceptive techniques. Couples can choose from a variety of contraceptive methods. This chart summarizes the advantages and disadvantages of each method. Note

that the typical failure rate is much higher than the ideal failure rate for all methods because couples do

not use contraceptive techniques consistently and correctly. (Based on Alan Guttmacher Institute, 2012a)

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(continued on next page)

CONTRACEPTIVE METHODS

Methods

Ideal

failure

rate (%)

Typical

failure

rate (%) Advantages Disadvantages

Hormonal methods

Birth control pills

combination

0.3 9 Highly reliable; coitus-independent; has some

health benefits

Side effects; daily use; continual cost; health

risks for some women; no protection against

STDs

Minipill (progestin

only)

0.5 3 Thought to have low risk of side effects; coitus-

independent; has some health benefits

Breakthrough bleeding; daily use; continual

cost; health risks for some women; no

protection against STDs

Hormonal injectables

(Depo-Provera)

0.2 6 Highly reliable; coitus-independent; no memory

or motivation required for use; reduces risk of

endometrial and ovarian cancer

Side effects; use may increase risk of certain

cancers; continual cost; injection every

3 months; no protection against STDs

Hormonal ring

(NuvaRing)

0.3 9 Highly reliable; coitus-independent; no memory or

motivation required for use; may offer protection

against endometrial and ovarian cancer

Side effects; no data on extended use; no

protection against STDs

Subdermal implants

(Implanon)

0.05 0.05 Highly reliable; coitus-independent; no memory or

motivation required for use

Side effects; painful removal; possible scarring

at site; no protection from STDs

Transdermal patch .03 9 No memory or motivation required to use; coitus-

independent; very reliable; has some health benefits

Continual cost; skin irritation for some women;

no protection against STDs

356 C H A P T E R 1 2

CONTRACEPTIVE METHODS

Methods

Ideal

failure

rate (%)

Typical

failure

rate (%) Advantages Disadvantages

Barrier methods

IUD 0.2–0.6 0.2–0.8 No memory or motivation required for use; very

reliable; some health benefits

Cramping, bleeding, expulsion; risk of pelvic

inflammatory disease; no protection against

STDs

Diaphragm with

spermicidal cream

or jelly

6 12 No major health risks; inexpensive Aesthetic objections; initial cost

Condom (male) 2 18 Protects against STDs; simple to use; male

responsibility; no health risks; no prescriptions

required

Unaesthetic to some; requires interruption of

sexual activity; continual cost

Condom (female) 5 21 Protects against STDs; reduces post-coital drip; can

be used without partner knowledge

Difficult to insert; uncomfortable; can be noisy

during intercourse

Sponge 9–20 12–24 24-hour protection; simple to use; no taste or

odor; inexpensive; effective with several acts of

intercourse

Aesthetic objections; continual cost; no

protection against STDs

Cervical cap with

spermicidal cream

or jelly

9–20 20–40 48-hour protection; no major health risks May be difficult to insert; may irritate cervix;

initial cost

Spermicides 18 28 No major health risks; no prescription required Unaesthetic to some; must be properly

inserted; continual cost; no protection against

STDs

Fertility awareness

(rhythm)

1–9 24 No cost; acceptable to Catholic Church Requires high motivation and periods of

abstinence; unreliable; no protection against

STDs

Surgical methods

Female sterilization

(tubal ligation)

0.5 0.5 Effective; permanent; doesn’t interfere with sexual

activity; reduces risk of ovarian cancer

Side effects associated with surgery; doesn’t

protect against STDs; expensive; irreversible

Male sterilization

(vasectomy)

0.1 0.15 Effective; permanent; doesn’t interfere with sexual

activity

Side effects associated with surgery; doesn’t

protect against STDs; expensive; irreversible

Other methods

Withdrawal 4 22 No cost or health risks Reduces sexual pleasure; unreliable;

requires high motivation; no protection

against STDs

No contraception 85 85 No immediate monetary cost High risk of pregnancy and STDs

Figure 12.12 (continued) A comparison of widely used contraceptive techniques.

at the tip to collect the ejaculate. The man should withdraw before completely losing his

erection and firmly hold the rim of the condom during withdrawal to prevent any semen

from spilling into the vagina.

Condoms are made of polyurethane, latex rubber, or animal membranes (“skin”).

Skin condoms do not offer protection against sexually transmitted diseases. Polyure-

thane condoms are thinner than latex condoms; however, they are more likely to break

and to slip off than latex condoms. Using latex condoms definitely reduces the chances

of contracting or passing on various sexually transmitted diseases. However, oil-based

Development and Expression of Sexuality 357

creams and lotions (petroleum jelly, massage oil, baby oil, and hand and body lotions,

for example) should never be used with latex condoms. Within 60 seconds, these prod-

ucts can make microscopic holes in the rubber membrane that are large enough to

allow passage of HIV and organisms produced by other sexually transmitted infections.

Instead, water-based lubricants such as Astroglide or K-Y Warming Liquid should

be used.

Emergency Contraceptive

There are a variety of reasons that individuals have unprotected sex, and in some cases

they might turn to emergency contraception after the fact. Women may seek emergency

contraception in cases of sexual assault, contraceptive failure, or unplanned sex. Progestin

pills (also called Plan B or “morning after” pills) are available from pharmacies without a

prescription. Plan B pills are 89% effective when started within 72 hours after unprotected

sex. The drug works like birth control pills, by preventing ovulation or fertilization and

implantation of the fertilized egg into the uterine wall (Planned Parenthood Federation of

America, 2014a). By contrast, mifepristone (also called the “abortion pill”) is a drug that

can induce a miscarriage in pregnancies of less than 9 weeks. Prescribed by a physician,

mifepristone is typically administered in the form of two pills taken several days apart

(Planned Parenthood Federation of America, 2014b). Although no substitute for regular

birth control, these drugs can be used after unprotected sex. They do not, however, provide

any protection against sexually transmitted diseases.

Sexually Transmitted Diseases

A sexually transmitted disease (STD) is a disease or infection transmitted primarily

through sexual contact. When people think of STDs (also referred to as sexually transmit-

ted infections or STIs), they typically think of chlamydia and gonorrhea, but these diseases

are only the tip of the iceberg. There are actually around twenty-five sexually transmitted

diseases. Some of them—for instance, pubic lice—are minor nuisances that can be readily

treated. Others, however, are severe afflictions that are difficult to treat. For instance, if

it isn’t detected early, syphilis can cause heart failure, blindness, and brain damage, and

AIDS is eventually fatal. The principal types of sexually transmitted diseases are listed in

Figure 12.13, along with their symptoms and modes of transmission. Most of these infec-

tions are spread from one person to another through intercourse, oral-genital contact, or

anal-genital contact.

Prevalence

No one is immune to sexually transmitted diseases. Health authorities estimate that about

19 million new cases occur in the United States each year, with nearly half occurring in the

under-25 age group (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012b).

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2012a) estimate that 1.2 million

people are living with HIV/AIDS. Since the mid-1990s, new diagnoses of HIV have

remained relatively stable at about 50,000 infections per year (Hall et al., 2008). HIV dis-

proportionately affects sexual minorities and people of color (Pellowski et al., 2013).

In 2010, women made up 20% of the new HIV infections in the United States,

with 84% of these infections stemming from heterosexual contact (Centers for Disease

Control and Prevention, 2015a). An increasing concern is that a woman’s partner may

be secretly having sex with other men. This phenomenon, known as being on the “down

low,” is more common among black and Latinos than white men, possibly because of

cultural differences in attitudes toward homosexuality and bisexuality. In one study,

22% of men on the down low had recently had both unprotected anal and vaginal sex

(Siegel et al., 2008). These men report that they didn’t use protection because they didn’t

always have condoms available, they enjoyed sex more without a condom, and they per-

ceived their females partners as “safe” (Dodge, Jeffries, & Sandfort, 2008). Obviously, this

Kaiser Family Foundation

This foundation sponsors multiple

programs and educational efforts in

the United States and around the globe

to promote health generally, and its

site provides a large set of resources

regarding HIV/AIDS.

Learn More Online

358 C H A P T E R 1 2

Figure 12.13 Overview of common sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). This chart summarizes the symptoms and modes of transmission of nine STDs. Note that intercourse is not required to transmit

all STDs—many can be contracted through oral-genital contact or other forms of physical intimacy.

(Adapted from Carroll, 2007; Crooks & Baur, 2008; Hatcher et al., 2004)

SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES (STDS)

STD Transmission Symptoms

Acquired

syndrome

(AIDS)

The AIDS virus is spread by coitus or anal intercourse.

There is a chance the virus may also be spread by oral-

genital sex, particularly if semen is swallowed. (AIDS can

also be spread by nonsexual means: contaminated blood,

contaminated hypodermic needles, and transmission

from an infected woman to her baby during pregnancy or

childbirth.)

Most people infected with the virus show no immediate symptoms; an-

tibodies usually develop in the blood 2 to 8 weeks after infection. People

with the virus may remain symptom-free for 5 years or more. No cure for

the disease has yet been found. Common symptoms include fevers, night

sweats, weight loss, chronic fatigue, swollen lymph nodes, diarrhea and/

or bloody stools, atypical bruising or bleeding, skin rashes, headache,

chronic cough, and a whitish coating on the tongue or throat.

Chlamydia

infection

The Chlamydia trichomatis bacterium is transmitted

primarily through sexual contact. It may also be spread by

In men, chlamydial infection of the urethra may cause a discharge and

burning during urination. Chlamydia-caused epidydimitis may produce

scrotal skin, and painful swelling at the bottom of the testicle. In women,

periods, temperature, and cause abdominal pain, nausea, vomiting,

headache, infertility, and ectopic pregnancy.

Human

papillomavirus

(HPV)

Virus is often on genital skin areas not covered by a

condom (vulva, scrotum, etc.); virus is spread primarily

through penile-vaginal, oral-genital, oral-anal, or

genital-anal contact; transmission most often occurs by

asymptomatic individuals.

Often asymptomatic; 10% of infections lead to contagious genital warts,

which may appear 3 to 8 months after contact with infected person; HPV

is associated with various cancers.

Gonorrhea (“clap”) The Neisseria gonorrhoeae bacterium (gonococcus) is

spread through penile-vaginal, oral-genital, or genital-anal

contact.

Most common symptoms in men are a cloudy discharge from the penis

and burning sensations during urination. If the disease is untreated,

at the base of the testicle. In women, some green or yellowish discharge

is produced, but the disease commonly remains undetected. At a later

Herpes The genital herpes virus (HSV-2) appears to be transmitted

primarily by penile-vaginal, oral-genital, or genital-anal

contact. The oral herpes virus (HSV-1) is transmitted

primarily by kissing, or oral-genital contact.

Small red, painful bumps (papules) appear in the region of the genitals

(genital herpes) or mouth (oral herpes). The papules become painful

blisters that eventually rupture to form wet, open sores.

Pubic lice (“crabs”) Phthirus pubis, the pubic louse, is spread easily through

body contact or through shared clothing or bedding.

Persistent itching. Lice are visible and may often be located in pubic hair

or other body hair.

Syphilis The Treponema pallidum bacterium (spirochete) is

transmitted from open lesions during penile-vaginal,

oral-genital, oral-anal, or genital-anal contact.

Primary stage: A painless chancre (sore) appears at the site where

the spirochetes entered the body. Secondary stage: The chancre

disappears and a generalized skin rash develops. Latent stage: There

may be no observable symptoms. Tertiary stage: Heart failure, blindness,

mental disturbance, and many other symptoms may occur. Death

may result.

Trichomoniasis The protozoan parasite Trichomonas vaginalis is passed

through genital sexual contact or less frequently by

towels, toilet seats, or bathtubs used by an infected

person.

In women, white or yellow vaginal discharge with an unpleasant odor;

vulva is sore and irritated. Men are usually asymptomatic.

Viral hepatitis The hepatitis B virus may be transmitted by blood,

semen, vaginal secretions, and saliva. Manual, oral,

or penile stimulation of the anus is strongly

associated with the spread of this virus. Hepatitis A

seems to be spread primarily via the fecal-oral route.

Oral-anal sexual contact is also a common mode of sexual

transmission for hepatitis A.

illness characterized by high fever, vomiting, and severe abdominal pain.

Development and Expression of Sexuality 359

lifestyle has serious implications for unknowing female partners in terms of increasing

their risk for HIV infection or any STD.

Human papillomavirus (HPV), the infection that causes genital warts, is the most

common STD. In fact, it’s estimated that nearly all sexually active men and women acquire

HPV at some point in their lives (Centers for Disease Control, 2014). HPV tends to be

more problematic for women than men because certain types of HPV can lead to cervical

cancer. In 2006, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved a vaccine (Gardisil) that

prevents infection with the types of HPV that lead to cervical cancer. The vaccination is rec-

ommended for both girls and boys, starting at age 11 (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 2012b).

Prevention

Abstinence is obviously the best way to avoid acquiring STDs. Of course, for many people

this is not an appealing or realistic option. Short of abstinence, the best strategy is to engage

in sexual activity only in the context of a long-term relationship, where partners have an

opportunity to know each other reasonably well. You need to talk openly about safer sexual

practices with your partner. But if you don’t carry the process one step further and practice

what you preach, you remain at risk.

We offer the following suggestions for safer sex:

● If you are not involved in a sexually exclusive relationship with someone free of

disease, always use latex condoms with spermicides; they have a good track record

of preventing STDs and offer effective protection against the AIDS virus. (And never use

oil-based lubricants with latex condoms; use water-based lubricants instead.) ● If there is any possibility that you or your partner has an STD, abstain from sex, always

use condoms, or use other types of sexual expression such as hand-genital stimulation.

People can be carriers of sexually transmitted diseases without knowing it. For instance, in

its early stages gonorrhea may cause no readily apparent symptoms in women, who may

unknowingly transmit the infection to their partners. ● Don’t have sex with lots of people. This increases your risk of contracting STDs. ● Don’t have sex with someone who has had lots of previous partners. People won’t

always be honest about their sexual history, so it’s important to know whether you can trust

a prospective partner’s word. ● You should consider any activity that exposes you to blood (including menstrual

blood), semen, vaginal secretions, urine, feces, or saliva as high-risk behavior unless you

and your partner are in a mutual, sexually exclusive relationship and neither of you is

infected. ● Because HIV is easily transmitted through anal intercourse, it’s a good idea to avoid

this type of sex. Rectal tissues are delicate and easily torn, thus letting the virus pass through

the membrane. Always use a condom during anal sex. ● Oral-genital sex may also transmit some STDs. Use a condom or a Sheer Gylde dam

to make this safer. ● Watch for sores, rashes, or discharge around the vulva or penis, or elsewhere on your

body, especially the mouth. If you have cold sores, avoid kissing or oral sex.

If you have any reason to suspect that you have an STD, find a good health clinic and get

tested as soon as possible. It’s normal to be embarrassed or afraid of getting bad news, but

don’t delay. Health professionals are in the business of helping people, not judging them.

To be really sure, get tested twice. If you have several sexual partners in a year, you should

have regular STD checkups. You will have to ask for them because most doctors and health

clinics won’t perform them otherwise.

If your test results are positive, it’s essential to get the proper treatment right away.

Notify your sexual partners so they can be tested immediately, too. And avoid sexual

intercourse and oral sex until you and your partner are fully treated and a physician or

clinic says you are no longer infectious.

Human papillomavirus (HPV) is the most

common STD. In 2006, the U.S. Food and

Drug Administration approved a vaccine

that prevents infection with the types of HPV

that lead to cervical cancer. The vaccination

is recommended for both girls and boys,

starting at age 11.

El en

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360 C H A P T E R 1 2

Answer the following statements “true” or “false.”

1. Sexual problems are unusual.

2. Sexual problems belong to couples rather than indivi-

duals.

3. Sexual problems are highly resistant to treatment.

4. Sex therapists sometimes recommend masturbation as a

treatment for certain types of problems.

The answers are (1) false, (2) true, (3) false, and (4) true. If you

missed several of these questions, you are by no means unusual.

Misconceptions about sexuality are the norm rather than the

exception. Fortunately, there is plenty of useful information on

how to improve sexual relationships.

For the sake of simplicity, our advice is directed to hetero-

sexual couples, but much of what we have to say is also relevant

to same-gender couples. For advice aimed specifically at same-

gender couples, we recommend Permanent Partners: Building

Gay and Lesbian Relationships that Last by Betty Berzon (2004).

General Suggestions

Let’s begin with some general ideas about how to enhance sexual

relationships. Even if you are satisfied with your sex life, these

suggestions may be useful as “preventive medicine.”

1. Become knowledgeable about sex. The first step in pro-

moting sexual satisfaction is to acquire accurate information

about sex. The shelves of most bookstores are bulging with

popular books on sex, but many of them are loaded with inac-

curacies. A good bet is to pick up a college textbook on human

sexuality. Enrolling in a course on human sexuality is also a

good idea. Most colleges offer such courses today.

2. Review your sexual values system. Many sexual problems

stem from a negative sexual values system that associates sex

with immorality. The guilt feelings caused by such a perspec-

tive can interfere with sexual functioning. Thus, sex therapists

often encourage adults to examine the sources and implications

of their sexual values.

3. Learn to communicate about sex. Sexual communica-

tion is linked to both sexual and relationship satisfaction. It is

essential in a sexual relationship. Many common problems—

such as choosing an inconvenient time or too little erotic

activity before intercourse—are traceable largely to poor com-

munication. Your partner is not a mind reader! You have to

share your thoughts and feelings.

4. Avoid focusing on sexual performance. Sexual encoun-

ters are not tests or races. People can get overly concerned

with issues like both partners reaching orgasm simultane-

ously. This mindset can lead to disruptive habits like judging

one’s performance. Sexual experiences are usually best when

you adopt the philosophy that getting there is at least half

the fun.

5. Enjoy your sexual fantasies. As we noted earlier, the

mind is the ultimate erogenous zone. Men and women both re-

port that their sexual fantasies increase their excitement. Don’t

be afraid to use fantasy to enhance your sexual arousal.

Understanding Sexual Dysfunction

Many people struggle with sexual dysfunctions—impairments

in sexual functioning that cause subjective distress. Figure 12.14

shows the prevalence of some of the most common sexual prob-

lems. Physical, psychological, and interpersonal factors can

contribute to sexual problems. Physical factors include chronic

illness, disabilities, some medications, alcohol, and drugs. Indi-

vidual psychological factors include performance anxiety, nega-

tive attitudes about sexuality learned during childhood, fears of

pregnancy and STDs, life stresses such as unemployment, and

prior sexual abuse. Interpersonal factors include ineffective com-

munication about sexual matters and unresolved relationship

issues that fuel anger and resentment.

People commonly assume that a sexual problem resides in

just one partner (physical or individual psychological factors).

While this is sometimes the case, most sexual problems emerge

from partners’ unique ways of relating to each other (interper-

sonal factors). In other words, sexual problems belong to cou-

ples rather than to individuals.

12.7 Enhancing Sexual Relationships

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ List five general suggestions for enhancing sexual relationships.

■ Discuss the nature, prevalence, causes of common sexual dysfunctions,

as well as some strategies to cope with them.

Learning Objectives

American Psychological Association: Sex

APA’s website offers information and resources on many important

contemporary psychological issues. Under the topic of “sex,” the site

provides answers to common questions and information about common

problems as well as links to books and additional web resources.

Learn More Online

Development and Expression of Sexuality 361

Let’s examine the symptoms and causes of four common

sexual dysfunctions: erectile difficulties, premature ejaculation,

orgasmic difficulties, and hypoactive sexual desire.

Erectile difficulties are the male sexual dysfunction char-

acterized by the persistent inability to achieve or maintain

an erection adequate for intercourse. The traditional name

for this problem is impotence, but sex therapists have discarded

the term because of its demeaning connotation. A man who has

never had an erection sufficient for intercourse is said to have

lifelong erectile difficulties. A man who has had intercourse in the

past but who is currently having problems achieving erections

is said to have acquired erectile difficulties. The latter problem is

more common and easier to overcome.

Erectile difficulty is the most commonly reported sex-

ual problem for men (Stassberg, Perelman, & Walter, 2014).

In a study of twenty-seven countries, nearly half the men sur-

veyed reported having erectile difficulties if a broad criterion

(the inability to get an erection adequate for satisfactory sexual

performance) is used (Mulhall et al., 2008). In a national survey

of American adults over the age of 50, 44% of men reported

some erectile difficulty (Schick et al., 2010).

Physical factors besides aging can play a role in erectile

difficulties. For example, many cases may be the result of side

effects from medication. A host of common diseases (such as

obesity, diabetes, heart disease, and high blood pressure) can

produce erectile problems as a symptom. Many temporary con-

ditions, such as fatigue, worry about work, an argument with

one’s partner, a depressed mood, or too much alcohol can cause

such incidents. The most common psychological cause of erec-

tile difficulties is anxiety about sexual performance. This anxiety

can be amplified if one’s partner turns an incident into a major

catastrophe.

Premature ejaculation is characterized as impaired sex-

ual relations because a man consistently reaches orgasm too

quickly. What is “too quickly”? To address this question, research-

ers asked a random sample of sex therapists from the United

States and Canada for their expert opinions (Corty & Guardiani,

2008). They found that sustaining intercourse for 3 to 13 minutes

0 2015105 25 403530 Percent

Experiencing pain during sex

Low arousal

Lack of orgasm

Erection difficulty

Lubrication difficulty

Males

Females

Figure 12.14 Gender differences in reported sexual difficulties within the past year. This graph shows the results of a national survey of sexual behavior in Americans ages 18 to 59.

The most commonly reported problem among men is erectile

difficulties; in women common problems include orgasmic and

lubrication difficulties. (Adapted from Herbenick et al., 2010a)

Unresolved sexual problems can be a source

of tension and frustration in relationships.

Physical, psychological, and interpersonal

factors can contribute to sexual difficulties. Lu

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362 C H A P T E R 1 2

is not worthy of concern. Obviously, time estimates, even from

“experts,” are arbitrary. The critical consideration is the subjective

feelings of the partners. If either partner feels that the ejaculation

is persistently too fast for sexual gratification, the couple has a

problem. Although estimates of the pervasiveness of premature

ejaculation vary, as many as one in three men might deal with this

issue at some point in their lives (Mayo Clinic, 2011).

What causes this dysfunction? Some men who have a life-

long history of quick ejaculation may have a neurophysiolog-

ical predisposition to the condition. Biological causes include

hormones, thyroid problems, or inflammation of the prostate.

Psychological causes can include stress, depression, or anger at

one’s partner. Some therapists believe that early sexual experi-

ences in which a rapid climax was advantageous (or necessary to

avoid being discovered) can establish a habit of rapid ejaculation

(Mayo Clinic, 2009).

Orgasmic difficulties occur when people experience

sexual arousal but have persistent problems in achieving

orgasm. When this problem occurs in men, it is often called

male orgasmic disorder. The traditional name for this problem

in women, frigidity, is no longer used because of its derogatory

implications. Because this problem is much more common

among women, we’ll limit our discussion to them. A woman

who has never experienced an orgasm through any kind of

stimulation is said to have generalized lifelong orgasmic difficul-

ties. Women who experience orgasms in some situations or only

rarely are said to have situational orgasmic difficulties. Although

lifelong orgasmic difficulties would seem to be the more severe

problem, they are actually more responsive to treatment than

situational orgasmic difficulties.

Physical causes of orgasmic difficulties are rare (medi-

cations can be a problem). One of the leading psychological

causes is a negative attitude toward sex. Women who have been

taught that sex is dirty or sinful are likely to approach it with

shame and guilt. These feelings can undermine arousal, inhibit

sexual expression, and impair orgasmic responsiveness. Arousal

may also be inhibited by fear of pregnancy or excessive concern

about achieving orgasm.

Hypoactive sexual desire is the lack of interest in sexual

activity. Individuals with this problem rarely initiate sex or

tend to avoid sexual activities with their partner. It occurs in

both men and women, but it is more common among women

and tends to increase with age (Bradford & Schwartz, 2014).

In women, low sexual desire is most often associated with rela-

tionship difficulties. Other factors related to hypoactive desire

include sexual abuse in childhood, stress, distraction, anxiety,

depression, and body image dissatisfaction (Brotto et al., 2010).

In men, low sexual desire is often related to embarrassment

about erectile dysfunction (Carvalho & Nobre, 2011).

Coping with Specific Problems

With modern sex therapy techniques, sexual problems no longer

have to be chronic sources of frustration and shame. Sex therapy

involves the professional treatment of sexual dysfunctions.

Masters and Johnson reported high success rates for their treat-

ments of specific problems, and there is a consensus that sexual

dysfunctions can be overcome with regularity. However, the ad-

vent of medications (such as Viagra) to treat sexual problems

has resulted in an increased emphasis on medical and individ-

ual treatments over relationship interventions (Perelman, 2014).

Nonetheless, couple-based treatment approaches definitely have

their place and are often recommended. If you’re looking for a

sex therapist, be sure to find someone who is qualified to work

in this specialized field. One professional credential to look for

is that provided by the American Association of Sex Educators,

Counselors, and Therapists (AASECT).

Erectile Difficulties

According to Pfizer, the company that makes Viagra, the much-

touted pill for treating erectile disorders is effective for up to four

out of five men. Still, it is not without its drawbacks—some of

them life threatening. Cialis and Levitra are two similar pills that

enhance erections over a longer period (24 to 36 hours) than

Viagra. These drugs affect the muscles in the penis, allowing

them to relax, which in turn increases the blood flow and results

in an erection. To work effectively, these pills must be incorpo-

rated into the couple’s lovemaking style. There is evidence that

exercising and staying physically active help maintain healthy

erectile functioning (Janiszewski, Janssen, & Ross, 2009).

The expectation that a pill alone will solve sexual prob-

lems that stem from relationship or psychological issues can set

a couple up for disappointment. To overcome psychologically

based erectile difficulties, the key is to decrease the man’s per-

formance anxiety. It is a good idea for a couple to discuss the

problem openly. Obviously, it is crucial for partners to be emo-

tionally supportive rather than hostile and demanding.

Masters and Johnson introduced an effective procedure

for the treatment of erectile difficulties and other dysfunctions.

Sensate focus is an exercise in which partners take turns

pleasuring each other while giving guided verbal feedback

and in which certain kinds of stimulation are temporar-

ily forbidden. One partner stimulates the other, who simply

lies back and enjoys it while giving instructions and feedback

about what feels good. Initially, the partners are not allowed

to touch each other’s genitals or to attempt intercourse. This

prohibition should free the man from feelings of pressure to

perform. Over a number of sessions, the couple gradually in-

clude genital stimulation in their sensate focus, but intercourse

is still banned. With the pressure to perform removed, many

The American Association of Sexuality Educators,

Counselors and Therapists (AASECT)

This professional organization is for sexual educators, counselors, and

therapists. The website includes books and articles by members. It also

has a link to locate sex therapists or educators on a state-by-state basis.

Learn More Online

Development and Expression of Sexuality 363

men spontaneously get erections. Repeated arousals should be-

gin to restore the man’s confidence in his sexual response. As

his confidence returns, the couple can move on gradually to

attempts at intercourse.

Premature Ejaculation

Men troubled by premature ejaculation range from those who

climax almost instantly to those who cannot last the time that

their partner prefers. In the latter case, simply slowing down the

tempo of intercourse may help. Sometimes the problem can be

solved indirectly by discarding the traditional assumption that

orgasms should come through intercourse. If the female part-

ner enjoys oral or manual stimulation, these techniques can be

used to provide her with an orgasm either before or after inter-

course. This strategy can reduce the performance pressure for

the male partner, and couples may find that intercourse starts

to last longer.

For the problem of instant ejaculation, two treatments are

very effective: the stop-start method (Semans, 1956) and the

squeeze technique (Masters & Johnson, 1970). With both, the

woman brings the man to the verge of orgasm through manual

stimulation. Then, she either stops stimulating him (stop-start

technique) or squeezes the base or the end of his penis firmly for

3 to 5 seconds (squeeze technique) until he calms down. She re-

peats this procedure three or four times before bringing him to

orgasm. These exercises can help a man recognize preorgasmic

sensations and teach him that he can delay ejaculation. Med-

ications such as certain antidepressants and topical anesthetic

creams may also help (Mayo Clinic, 2009).

Orgasmic Difficulties

In some cases, couples can deal with women’s orgasmic dif-

ficulties by exploring sexual activities such as manual or oral

stimulation of the clitoris that are more effective in produc-

ing female orgasm than sexual intercourse alone. However, if

negative attitudes and embarrassment about sex are at the root

of the problem, therapy might be needed. Therapeutic discus-

sions are usually geared toward helping nonorgasmic women

reduce their ambivalence about sexual expression, become

clearer about their sexual needs, and become more assertive

about them. Sex therapists often suggest that women who have

never had an orgasm try to have one by first using a vibrator

and then shifting to masturbation because the latter more

closely approximates stimulation by a partner. Sensate focus

is also an effective technique for treating orgasmic difficulties

(Donahey, 2010).

Hypoactive Sexual Desire

Therapists consider reduced sexual desire the most challenging

sexual problem to treat (Aubin & Heiman, 2004). This is because

the problem usually has multiple causes that can be difficult to

identify. If the problem is a result of fatigue from overwork,

couples may be encouraged to allot more time to personal and

relationship needs. Sometimes hypoactive sexual desire reflects

relationship problems. Treatment for reduced sexual desire

is usually more intensive than that for more specific sexual

disorders, and it is usually multifaceted to deal with the multiple

aspects of the problem.

Medications can be used for low sexual desire if the prob-

lem is chemical in nature. Hormonal therapies are used for both

men and women. The medical and financial success of Viagra

has opened the door to the recent introduction of a drug to in-

crease women’s sexual desires. However, drugs will not solve

relationship problems. For these, sex therapy is recommended

(Kennedy, Martinez, & Garo, 2010). And as we have seen

for most problematic issues in this chapter, communication

between partners is crucial (Herbenick et al., 2014).

364 C H A P T E R 1 2

C H A P T E R 12 Review Key Ideas

12.1 Becoming a Sexual Person ● One’s sexual identity is made up of sexual orientation, body image,

sexual values and ethics, and erotic preferences. Physiological factors such as hormones influence sexual differentiation and anatomy more than they do sexual activity. Psychosocial factors appear to have more impact on sexual behavior.

● Sexual identity is shaped by families, peers, schools, religion, and the media. Because of differences in sexual socialization, sexuality can have different meanings for males and females.

12.2 Sexual Orientation ● Experts believe that sexual orientation should be viewed on a

continuum and that it is more complex and fluid than widely appreciated. The determinants of sexual orientation are not yet known but appear to be a complex interaction of biological, psychological, and environmental factors.

● Negative attitudes toward homosexuals can lead to discrimination. Attitudes appear to be changing in a positive direction. Coming to terms with and disclosing sexual orientation is a complicated process. Evidence suggests that homosexuals are at greater risk for depression and suicide attempts than are heterosexuals, a phenomenon linked to their membership in a stigmatized group.

12.3 The Human Sexual Response ● The physiology of the human sexual response was described by

Masters and Johnson. They analyzed the sexual response cycle into four phases: excitement, plateau, orgasm, and resolution. For a more complete view of this process, individuals’ cognitive experiences during sexual encounters also need to be factored in.

● Women reach orgasm in intercourse less consistently than men, usually because foreplay is too brief and intercourse is not the optimal mode of stimulation. Gender differences in sexual socialization might also play a role.

12.4 Sexual Expression ● Sexual fantasies are normal and are an important aspect of sexual

expression. Kissing is an important erotic activity linked to attachment in long-term relationships. Despite historically negative attitudes about masturbation, this practice is quite common, even among married people. Oral-genital sex is a common element in most couples’ sexual repertoires. Anal sex is less common.

● Coitus is the most widely practiced sexual act in our society. Sexual activities between gay males include mutual masturbation, fellatio, and, less often, anal intercourse. Lesbians engage in mutual masturbation, cunnilingus, and tribadism.

● Disparities between partners in sexual interest and erotic preferences lead to disagreements that require negotiation. Common barriers to sexual communication include fear of appearing ignorant, concern about partner’s response, conflicting attitudes, and negative early experiences. Effective communication plays an important role in sexual and relationship satisfaction.

12.5 Patterns of Sexual Behavior ● Hooking up is a common practice for young adults. The casual

sex associated with hookups is risky. Many young adults engage in friends-with-benefits arrangements. These relationships can be tricky to negotiate.

● Sexual intimacy is a predictor of relationship stability. Younger married couples report having sex about two or three times a week. This

frequency declines with age in both heterosexual and same-sex couples, though sexual activity in late adulthood is still common. Sexting in the context of sexual relationships is not uncommon.

● Most Americans disapprove of extramarital sex, though some couples condone it. Infidelity is less common among married couples and lesbians and more common among gay male couples. People become involved in extradyadic relationships for a variety of reasons, and it can lead to the dissolution of the relationship. The findings of our Spotlight on Research suggest that oxytocin may inhibit infidelity.

12.6 Practical Issues in Sexual Activity ● Contraception and sexually transmitted diseases are two practical

issues that concern many sexually active individuals. Many people who do not want to conceive a child fail to use contraceptive procedures effectively, if at all. Contraceptive methods differ in effectiveness and have various advantages and disadvantages.

● STDs are prevalent, especially among those younger than 25. Since the mid-1990s, the rate of newly diagnosed HIV cases is holding steady. HIV disproportionally affects sexual minorities and people of color. HPV is very common and is more problematic for women. There is now an HPV vaccine.

● The danger of contracting STDs is higher among those who have had more sexual partners. Using condoms decreases the risk of contracting STDs. Early detection and treatment of STDs are important.

12.7 Application: Enhancing Sexual Relationships ● To enhance their sexual relationships, individuals need to have

adequate sex education and positive values about sex. They also need to be able to communicate with their partners about sex and avoid focusing on sexual performance. Enjoying sexual fantasies is also important.

● Common sexual dysfunctions include erectile difficulties, premature ejaculation, orgasmic difficulties, and hypoactive sexual desire. Treatments for low sexual desire are less effective than those for more specific sexual problems. Sex therapy can be useful.

Lisa Diamond p. 341 Alfred Kinsey p. 341

William Masters and Virginia Johnson pp. 344–345

Key People

Key Terms

Anal intercourse p. 349 Androgens p. 336 Asexuals p. 335 Bisexuals p. 335 Coitus p. 349 Cunnilingus p. 348 Erectile difficulties p. 361 Erogenous zones p. 346 Estrogens p. 336 Fellatio p. 348 Gonads p. 336 Heterosexuals p. 335 Homophobia p. 343 Homosexuals p. 335 Hypoactive sexual desire p. 362

Masturbation p. 348 Menarche p. 337 Orgasm p. 345 Orgasmic difficulties p. 362 Premature

ejaculation p. 361 Refractory period p. 346 Sensate focus p. 362 Sex therapy p. 362 Sexual dysfunctions p. 360 Sexual identity p. 335 Sexually transmitted

disease (STD) p. 357 Spermarche p. 337 Vasocongestion p. 344

Development and Expression of Sexuality 365

C H A P T E R 12 8. Which of the following statements about condoms is true?

a. It’s okay to use oil-based lubricants with latex condoms. b. Polyurethane condoms are thicker than latex condoms. c. Skin condoms provide protection against STDs. d. It’s okay to use water-based lubricants with latex condoms.

9. Sexually transmitted diseases a. are all very serious. b. have immediate symptoms. c. are most common among people younger than age 25. d. are most common among people between the ages of

26 and 40.

10. Which of the following is one of the text’s suggestions for enhancing your sexual relationships? a. Set clear goals for each sexual encounter. b. Adhere to negative sexual values. c. Avoid giving your partner feedback. d. Pursue adequate sex education.

1. Which of the following is a problem unique to research on sexuality? a. Sex studies typically do not produce generalizable results. b. Sex studies do not meet ethical guidelines. c. Sex studies must rely on direct observation. d. Sex studies are especially susceptible to participant bias.

2. Which of the following statements about sexual orientation is true? a. Heterosexuality and homosexuality are best viewed as two

distinct categories. b. Sexual orientation is complex and malleable. c. Biological factors alone probably determine sexual

orientation. d. Environmental factors alone probably determine sexual

orientation.

3. Stacy is in the initial phase of sexual arousal. Her muscles are tense and her heart rate and blood pressure are elevated. She is in which phase of Masters and Johnson’s sexual response cycle? a. Foreplay b. Orgasm c. Excitement d. Resolution

4. Sexual fantasies a. are signs of abnormality. b. are quite normal. c. rarely include having sex with someone other than

one’s partner. d. are an excellent indication of what people want to

experience in reality.

5. Regarding overall marital satisfaction and sexual satisfaction, research indicates there is a. a strong relationship. b. a weak relationship. c. no relationship. d. a strong relationship, but only in the first year of marriage.

6. Which of the following statements is true regarding infidelity? a. Women are more distressed by emotional infidelity, while

men are more distressed by sexual infidelity. b. Women are more motivated by sexual excitement, whereas

men are more motivated by relationship unhappiness. c. People between the ages of 18 and 30 are less likely to

engage in sex outside a committed relationship than people older than 50.

d. The majority of people in American society today approve of extramarital sex.

7. A man is orally stimulating his female partner. In which of the following is he engaging? a. Fellatio b. Cunnilingus c. Coitus d. Sodomy

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 12.1 Self-Assessment: Sexuality Scale

Exercise 12.2 Self-Reflection: How Did You Acquire Your Attitudes

about Sex?

Answers 1. d Page 335 2. b Page 341 3. c Page 344 4. b Page 347 5. a Page 351

6. a Page 354 7. b Page 348 8. d Page 357 9. c Page 357

10. d Page 360

Practice Test

C H A P T E R 13 Careers and Work

13.1 Choosing a Career

Examining Personal Characteristics

and Family Influences

Researching Job Characteristics

Using Psychological Tests for Career Decisions

Taking Important Considerations into Account

13.2 Models of Career Choice and Development

Holland’s Person-Environment Fit Model

Super’s Developmental Model

Women’s Career Development

13.3 The Changing World of Work

Contemporary Workplace Trends

Education and Earnings

Workforce Diversity

13.4 Coping with Occupational Hazards

Job Stress

Sexual Harassment

Unemployment

13.5 Balancing Work and Other Spheres of Life

Workaholism

Work and Family Roles

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Work-Family Conflict’s Connection to a Good Night’s Sleep (Or the Lack Thereof)

Leisure and Recreation

13.6 APPLICATION: Getting Ahead in the Job Game

RECOMMENDED READING What Color Is Your Parachute? by Richard Nelson Bolles

Putting Together a Résumé

Finding Companies You Want to Work For

Landing an Interview

Polishing Your Interview Technique

Review

Practice Test

Pressmaster/Shutterstock.com

models of career development and discuss women’s career

issues. Next, we examine how the workplace and workforce

are changing and look at some occupational hazards such as

job stress, sexual harassment, and unemployment. Finally,

we address the important issues involved in balancing work,

relationships, and leisure. In the Application, we offer some

concrete suggestions for enhancing your chances of landing

a desirable job. ■

“L ove and work . . . work and love, that’s all there

is.” This quote is attributed to Sigmund Freud,

whose opinions on love and sex are well known,

if sometimes misunderstood. Less well known, however,

is the fact that Freud viewed work as an important ele-

ment in understanding the human condition. Work is

a defining characteristic in the lives of many people; it

may be the defining characteristic for Americans. Con-

sider this: Do most people you know identify themselves

by what they do in their careers? When you meet some-

one new, isn’t one of the first things you ask, “So, what do

you do for a living?” How people reply to this question

reveals information not only about their occupation but

also about their social status, educational background,

lifestyle, personality, interests, aspirations, and aptitudes.

In other words, work plays a pivotal role in adult life.

According to a Gallup poll, 73% of Americans rate work

as either “extremely” or “very important” in their life

(Moore, 2003). In Figure 13.1, you can see that how people

view their jobs is strongly correlated with their income. In

a real sense, people are what they do at work. Therefore,

it should come as no surprise that being unemployed can

have devastating consequences for people’s sense of self,

well-being, and even happiness.

Because work is a significant aspect of life, psychol-

ogists take great interest in it. Industrial/organizational

(I/O) psychology is the study of human behavior in the

workplace. Industrial/organizational psychologists strive

to increase the dignity and performance of workers and the

organizations for which they labor (Schmitt, Highhouse, &

Weiner, 2013). Among other issues, I/O psychologists study

worker motivation and satisfaction, job performance and

training, ethics in the workplace, leadership, occupational

hazards, personnel selection, and diversity in organiza-

tions. A recent concern is how individuals balance work

and family life. An imbalance between these two spheres

can lead to what I/O psychologists call work-family conflict

(e.g., Allen, 2013).

We begin this chapter by reviewing some important

considerations in choosing a career. Then we explore two

Careers and Work 367

13.1 Choosing a Career

One of life’s biggest decisions is choosing a career. Consider this: The average person

works at least 8 hours a day, 5 days a week, 50 weeks a year, for 40 to 45 years. Some

people work much more and, admittedly, some work considerably less. Still, such a time

commitment—really, a lifetime commitment—implies that you should both enjoy and be

proficient at what you do for a living. Imagine the dissatisfaction, if not drudgery, that

people who neither like their careers nor are adept at them feel all the time. Aside from

Learning Objectives

■ Describe personal and family influences

on job choice.

■ List helpful sources of career

information and important aspects of

potential occupations.

■ Clarify the role of occupational interest

inventories in career decisions.

■ Outline important considerations in

choosing an occupation.

0 Less than $30,000

$30,000– $50,000

$50,000– $75,000

$75,000+

Annual income

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get a sense of identity from job

work just to earn a living

Percentage of respondents who . . .

Figure 13.1 How workers view their jobs. The way workers view their jobs is strongly related to their income. Those who earn higher salaries are

more likely to obtain a sense of identity from their work, whereas those

who earn lower salaries typically see their jobs merely as a way to make

a living. (Data from Moore, 2001)

368 C H A P T E R 1 3

sleeping, most people spend more time working than performing any other activity. Just

consider a typical weekday:

Sleep 6–8 hours

Commute to and from work 1–2 hours

Work 8 hours

Prepare and eat meals 2 hours

TV and Internet time 1–3 hours

Other activities 1–2 hours

As you can see, the importance of your career decision is enormous. It may determine

whether you are employed or unemployed, financially secure or insecure, happy or un-

happy. Rapidly advancing technology and the increased training and education required

to break into most fields make it more important than ever to choose carefully. In theory,

what’s involved in making a successful career choice is pretty straightforward. First, you

need a clear grasp of your personal characteristics. Second, you need realistic information

about potential careers. From there, it’s just a matter of selecting an occupation that is a

good match with your personal characteristics. In reality, however, the process is a lot

more complicated than simply finding a match between these two elements. Let’s take a

closer look.

Examining Personal Characteristics and Family Influences

People with limited job skills and qualifications (education, training, experience) have

limited job options; they often take whatever job is available rather than one that is well

suited for them. In a real sense, these individuals do not choose their jobs—the jobs

choose them. In fact, choosing a career is a luxury usually afforded to the middle and

upper classes. For those who are able to select a career, personal qualities and family

influences come into play.

Personal Qualities

Making career decisions can be scary. Individuals who exhibit secure attachment (see

Chapter 9) and who have a sense of self-efficacy about career-relevant abilities (see

Chapter 6) find it easier to make career choices (Braunstein-Bercovitz et al., 2012). What

other personal characteristics affect career choice? Although intelligence does not nec-

essarily predict occupational success (Griffeth, Hom, & Gaertner, 2000), it does predict

the likelihood of entering particular occupations. That’s because intelligence is related

to academic success—the ticket required to enter certain fields. Professions such as law,

medicine, and engineering are open only to those who can meet increasingly selective cri-

teria as they advance from high school to college to graduate education and professional

training. The relationship between intelligence and occupational level generally holds well

for men, but an ability-achievement gap exists for women, as we noted in Chapter 11.

Some psychologists have also wondered about the link between intelligence and job

satisfaction. One study indicates that smart people tend to have lower job satisfaction than

less-intelligent workers when the work in question is not complex or challenging (Ganzach,

1998). Thus, pursuing a career that matches one’s intellectual abilities may be a wise decision

(Ganzach & Fried, 2012).

Still, in many occupations, special talents are more important than general intelligence.

Specific aptitudes that might make a person well suited for certain occupations include cre-

ativity, artistic or musical talent, mechanical ability, clerical skills, mathematical ability, and

persuasive talents. A particularly crucial characteristic is social skills because teams and

networking are increasingly important in organizations (Kozlowski & Bell, 2003). Workers

must be able to get along well with peers and to also counsel or supervise them. Certainly,

social-emotional or interpersonal intelligence—the ability to behave wisely in human

relations and to accurately interpret emotions and intentions—is an important part of such

social skills (Meisler, 2014).

Careers and Work 369

As people travel through life, they acquire interests. Are you

intrigued by the business world? the academic world? international

affairs? the outdoors? physical sciences? music? athletics? art and cul-

ture? human services? hospitality and recreation? The list of potential

interests is virtually infinite. Because interests underlie your motivation

for work and your job satisfaction, they should definitely be considered

in your career planning. Whether you perceive your work as meaning-

ful has an impact, as well, because it can influence how self-directed

you are in the workplace (Hall, Feldman, & Kim, 2013).

Finally, it is important to choose an occupation that is compatible

with your personality (Swanson & D’Achiardi, 2005). We’ll examine the

relationship between personality types and career choice in a later section.

Family Influences

Individuals’ career choices are strongly influenced by their family back-

grounds (Duck et al., 2013) and social class (Blustein et al., 2011, 2015).

That is, the jobs that appeal to people tend to be like those of their parents. Thus, people

who grow up in middle-class homes are likely to aspire to high-paying professions in law,

medicine, or business. In contrast, individuals from low-income families often lean toward

blue-collar jobs in construction work, office work, and food services.

Family background influences career choice for several reasons. First, a key predictor of

occupational status is the number of years of education an individual has completed (Arbona,

2005). And because parents and children often attain similar levels of education, they are

likely to have similar jobs. Second, career attainment is related to socioeconomic status. The

factors that mediate this relationship are educational aspirations and attainment during the

school years (Schoon & Parsons, 2002). This means that parents and teachers can help boost

children’s career aspirations and opportunities by encouraging them to do well in school.

Finally, parenting practices come into play. Most children from middle-class homes are

encouraged to be curious and independent, qualities that are essential to success in many

high-status occupations. In contrast, children from lower-status families are often taught

to conform and obey (Hochschild, 2003), thus they may have less opportunity to develop

the qualities demanded in high-status jobs. As we noted in Chapter 11, parents’ gender-role

expectations also influence their children’s aspirations and sometimes interact with socio-

economic status and ethnicity.

Researching Job Characteristics

The second step in selecting an occupation is seeking out information about jobs. Because

the sheer number of jobs is overwhelming, you must narrow your search before you start

gathering information.

Sources of Career Information

Once you select some jobs that might interest you, the next question is, Where do you

get information about them? A helpful place to start is the Occupational Outlook Hand-

book, available in most libraries and on the Internet. This government document, published

every 2 years by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, is a comprehensive guide to occu-

pations. It includes job descriptions, education and training requirements, salaries, and

employment outlooks for more than 800 occupations.

If you’re interested in a career in psychology, you can obtain materials from the Amer-

ican Psychological Association (APA) or consult a book dedicated to careers in psychology

(Hettich & Landrum, 2014; Landrum & Davis, 2013). Also, the APA website provides links

to other sites describing more than fifty subfields in psychology, many of which provide

useful career information. Related professions (social work, school psychology, and so on)

also have webpages. You can find the addresses of these pages on Marky Lloyd’s Careers in

Psychology website.

Occupational Outlook

Handbook (OOH) Online

Every 2 years the Bureau of Labor

Statistics publishes the OOH, now

available via the Internet. This guide to

every occupation in the United States

includes descriptions of the nature of

each job and its working conditions,

educational requirements, future

employment, and earnings prospects.

You can also find information about job

and workforce trends here.

Learn More Online

Lloyd Bridges’ sons decided to emulate their father by pursuing

acting careers.

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370 C H A P T E R 1 3

Essential Information about Occupations

When you examine the occupational literature and interview professionals, what kinds of

information should you seek? To some extent, the answer depends on your interests, val-

ues, and needs. However, some things are of concern to virtually anyone. Workers typically

give high ratings to good health insurance, retirement plans, limited job stress, and recog-

nition for performing well (Saad, 1999), as well as whether the organization is a great place

to work (Wentland, 2015). Some key issues include:

● The nature of the work. What would your daily duties and responsibilities be? ● Working conditions. Is the work environment pleasant or unpleasant, low key or high

pressure? ● Job entry requirements. What education and training are required for an occupation? ● Ongoing training or education. Will you need to continue learning in order to remain

proficient? ● Chance to collaborate. Will you have the opportunity to work with others on a team? ● Potential earnings. What are entry-level and average salaries, and how much can you

hope to earn if you’re exceptionally successful? Are there fringe benefits? ● Potential status. What is the social status associated with this occupation? ● Opportunities for advancement. How do you move up in this field? Are there adequate

opportunities for promotion and advancement? ● Trust and respect. Are all the employees in this workplace treated well and fairly? ● Intrinsic job satisfaction. Apart from money and benefits, what can you derive in the

way of personal satisfaction from this job? Will it allow you to help people, have fun, be

creative, or shoulder responsibility? ● Future outlook. What is the projected supply and demand for this occupation? ● Security. Is the work stable, or can the job disappear if there is an economic downturn?

By the way, if you’re wondering whether your college education is worth the expense,

the answer is “yes.” As we’ll discuss shortly, the jobs that you can obtain with a college

degree typically yield higher pay than those requiring less education, so, despite the costs

involved, a college education is worth the money (Leonhardt, 2014). Indeed, by current

estimates, across a lifetime a typical bachelor’s degree leads to in excess of $1 million of

earnings more than a high school diploma (Reuters, 2012). But educational attainment

alone does not predict who performs well in a given job setting (Hunter & Hunter, 1984).

In other words, having a degree is not as important as the grades you earn during college.

Why? Higher grade point averages (GPAs) point to the ability to be trained, which in turn

influences subsequent job performance (Roth et al., 1996) and salary level (Roth & Clarke,

1998). Still, experts agree that the future belongs to those who are better educated, and

a main reason is the appeal education has for employers. Ng and Feldman (2009) found

that employees with more education performed better at work, were good organizational

citizens, were absent less frequently, and were much less likely to engage in on-the-job sub-

stance abuse than workers with less education.

Using Psychological Tests for Career Decisions

If you are undecided about an occupation, you might consider taking some tests at your

school’s counseling center. Occupational interest inventories measure one’s interests as

they relate to various jobs or careers. These inventories help users identify vocational

areas for choosing potential careers (Burns, 2015). Two widely used tests are the Strong

Interest Inventory (SII) (Kantamneni, 2014) and the Self-Directed Search (SDS) (Behrens

& Nauta, 2014). Another popular interest inventory is the Kuder Career Search with Person

Match (Ihle-Helledy, Zytowski, & Fouad, 2004; Zytowski, 2001).

Occupational interest inventories do not predict whether you would be successful in var-

ious occupations based on your interests, skills, motivations, values, and other personal fac-

tors (Harrington & Long, 2013). Rather, they focus more on potential job satisfaction than job

success (Nye et al., 2011). After taking an inventory, you receive many scores indicating how

Marky Lloyd’s Careers

in Psychology Page

For those who think they might want

a job or career in psychology or allied

fields, Professor Marky Lloyd has put

together a fine set of resources to help

in both planning and making the choice.

Many of the resources are helpful to any

student seeking career guidance and

employment tips.

Learn More Online

Careers and Work 371

similar your interests are to those of people in various occupations. For example, a high score

on the accountant scale of a test means that your interests are similar to those of the average

accountant. This correspondence in interests does not guarantee that you would enjoy a

career in accounting, but it is a moderately good predictor of job satisfaction (Hansen, 2005).

Although interest inventories can be helpful in working through career decisions, sev-

eral cautions are worth noting. First, you may score high on some occupations that you’re

sure you would hate or that simply do not interest you. Given the sheer number of occupa-

tional scales on these tests, this can easily happen by chance. However, avoid dismissing the

remainder of the test results just because you’re sure that a few specific scores are “wrong.”

Second, don’t let a test make career decisions for you. Some students naively believe

that they should pursue whatever occupation yields their highest score. That is not how

the tests are designed to be used. They merely provide information for you and to give

you some directions or possibilities to consider. Ultimately, you have to think things out

for yourself and do a bit of research on the suggested options. A very good idea is to learn

about potential careers indicated by these tests by talking to professionals who hold such

jobs. Once you think a particular career seems to be appealing to you, ask to “job shadow”

a professional who currently works in field of interest for a day or two (sometimes campus

career services can set up such opportunities for you). Observing firsthand what a lawyer or

a physical therapist or a landscape architect does all day can be very informative.

Third, be aware that most occupational interest inventories have a lingering gender bias

(Einarsdóttir & Rounds, 2009). Many of these scales were originally developed decades ago

when outright discrimination or more subtle discouragement prevented women from enter-

ing many traditionally “male” occupations. Critics assert that interest inventories have helped

channel women into gender-typed careers, such as nursing and teaching, while guiding them

away from more prestigious “male” occupations, such as medicine and engineering. Un-

doubtedly, this was true in the past. Recently, progress has reduced but not completely elim-

inated gender bias in occupational tests. Research suggests that ethnic bias on interest tests

is less of a concern than gender bias (Hansen, 2005; but see Einarsdóttir & Rounds, 2009).

Taking Important Considerations into Account

As you contemplate career options, here are some important points to keep in mind.

1. You have the potential for success in a variety of occupations (Spokane & Cruza-

Guet, 2005). Considering the huge variety of job opportunities, it’s foolish to believe that

People vary in their preferences for work environments. Some like high pressure work; others prefer more

low-key jobs.

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372 C H A P T E R 1 3

only one career would be right for you. If you expect to find one perfect job, you may

spend your entire lifetime searching for it.

2. Career success is apt to be linked to mobility. Career paths are now more turbulent and

subject to sudden unexpected changes than before. Career success can hinge on your flex-

ibility and willingness to move from one job to another; viewing such change as a positive

event rather than a negative event is associated with career evolution (Chudzikowski, 2011).

3. Be cautious about choosing a career solely on the basis of salary. Because of the tre-

mendous emphasis on material success in America, people are often tempted to choose

careers solely on income or status. However, research suggests that meaning and purpose,

not money, lead to happiness and well-being (e.g., Berg, Dutton, & Wrzesniewski, 2013;

Wrzesniewski, 2012). Experts advise against following a strategy aimed at choosing a

career based solely on projected earnings (Pollack, 2007). When people ignore personal

characteristics in choosing a career, they risk being mismatched. Such job mismatching

can result in boredom, frustration, and unhappiness with one’s work, and these negative

feelings can spill over into other spheres of life.

4. There are limits on your career options. Entry into a particular occupation is not sim-

ply a matter of choosing what you want to do. Although you get to make choices, you also

have to persuade schools and employers to choose you. Your career options will be limited

by factors beyond your control, including economic fluctuations and the job market.

5. Career choice is an ongoing developmental process. Occupational choice involves

not one but a series of decisions. Once believed to extend only from prepuberty to the

early 20s, authorities now recognize that this process continues throughout life. Some

experts predict that the average person will have eleven or more jobs over the course of

his or her working life (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015c). Thus, making occupational

choices is not limited to youth.

6. Some career decisions are not easily undone. Although it’s never too late to try new

career directions, it is clear that many decisions are not readily reversed. Learning to exer-

cise control over your career and the environment where you work is important (Converse

et al., 2012). Few middle-aged lawyers suddenly decide to attend medical school or be-

come elementary school teachers, for example, but it does happen. Once you invest time,

money, and effort following one career path, it may not be easy to change paths.

7. Do you want a job, a career, or a calling? Some I/O psychologists draw distinctions

among these three work options (Wrzesniewski, 2012; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). A job

allows people to earn money in order to survive, while work is something to be done in

exchange for pay, not identity. A career enables people to achieve, to compete with others

in the workplace, and to raise their status or their prestige. A calling exists when individu-

als see work as means to becoming personally fulfilled, to serve a greater social purpose by

serving the self and others. Research on these approaches to work suggests that about one-

third of workers fall into each of the three categories (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Which

one describes your orientation toward work?

In the next section, we explore in greater detail how personal characteristics are related

to career choice and career development.

13.2 Models of Career Choice and Development ■ Summarize Holland’s model of career

choice and Super’s stage model of

career development.

■ Identify some differences between

women’s and men’s career

development.

Learning Objectives

How do people choose a career? Before interest inventories existed, career counselors asked

people to share likes and dislikes, to identify individuals they admired, and to catalog their

hobbies (Reardon et al., 2009). Self-reports and interest tests have their place, but psychol-

ogists are interested in more theoretically based approaches for understanding how indi-

viduals make career choices and how their careers evolve. Here we examine two influential

models that are often used to provide college students with career counseling (Hartung &

Niles, 2000).

Careers and Work 373

Holland’s Person-Environment Fit Model

The most influential trait model of career choice was developed by John

Holland (1997; see also Wilkins & Tracey, 2014). According to Holland,

career choice is related to an individual’s personality characteristics

(e.g., values, interests, needs, skills, learning styles, attitudes), which are

assumed to be relatively stable over time. In Holland’s system, people are

classified into one of six personality types, called personal orientations.

Similarly, occupations are classified into six ideal work environments.

According to Holland, people search for environments that allow

them to exercise their abilities and skills, share their attitudes or val-

ues, and adopt agreeable problems and roles. They flourish when their

personality type is matched with a work environment that is congru-

ent with their abilities, interests, and self-beliefs. The term work envi-

ronment should be viewed broadly, as it can be a job or an occupation,

a field of study, an educational program, a college or a university, a

leisure time activity, or a particular organization’s culture. In fact, in

Holland’s view, a work environment can even be construed as a social

relationship with another person or persons (Reardon et al., 2009). A good match between

one’s personality and a work environment typically results in career satisfaction, achieve-

ment, and stability (Wilkins & Tracey, 2014). Workers who fit well in their professional en-

vironments, for example, are less likely to report job conflicts or to display aggression in the

workplace (Pseekos, Bullock-Yowell, & Dahlen, 2011). Holland’s six personal orientations

and their optimal work environments are shown in Figure 13.2.

Figure 13.2 Overview of Holland’s theory of occupational choice. According to John Holland (1985), people can be divided into six personality types (personal orientations) that prefer different work environments,

as outlined here.

Source: Adapted from Holland, J. L. (1985). Making occupational choices: A theory of occupational personalities and work environments

(2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Adapted by permission of Prentice-Hall, Inc.

Those with a social personal orientation in Holland’s theory are

understanding and want to help others. Teachers typically score high on

social orientation.

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HOLLAND’S PERSONAL ORIENTATIONS AND RELATED WORK ENVIRONMENTS

Themes Personal orientations Work environments

Realistic Values concrete and physical tasks. Perceives self as having

mechanical skills and lacking social skills.

Settings: concrete, physical tasks requiring mechanical skills,

persistence, and physical movement

Careers: machine operator, pilot, draftsperson, engineer

Investigative

problems. Sees self as analytical, critical, curious, introspective,

and methodical.

Settings: research laboratory, diagnostic medical case

conference, work group of scientists

Careers: marine biologist, computer programmer, clinical

psychologist, architect, dentist

Artistic Prefers unsystematic tasks or artistic projects: painting, writing,

or drama. Perceives self as imaginative, expressive, and

independent.

Settings: theater, concert hall, library, radio or TV studio

Careers: sculptor, actor, designer, musician, author, editor

Social Prefers educational, helping, and religious careers. Enjoys

social involvement, church, music, reading, and dramatics.

Is cooperative, friendly, helpful, insightful, persuasive,

and responsible.

Settings:

religious meetings, mental institutions, recreational centers

Careers: counselor, nurse, teacher, social worker, judge,

minister, sociologist

Enterprising Values political and economic achievements, supervision,

and leadership. Enjoys leadership control, verbal expression,

recognition, and power. Perceives self as extraverted, sociable,

Settings: courtroom, political rally, car sales room, real estate

Careers: realtor, politician, attorney, salesperson, manager

Conventional Prefers orderly, systematic, concrete tasks with verbal and

mathematical data. Sees self as conformist and having clerical

and numerical skills.

Settings:

Careers:

typist, receptionist

374 C H A P T E R 1 3

The six personal orientations are ideal types, and no one person will fit perfectly into

any one type. Indeed, most people are a combination of two or three types (Holland, 1996).

Try categorizing your own personal orientation by studying Figure 13.2. Look at the match-

ing work environments to get some ideas for possible career options. In contrast to trait

models such as Holland’s that view occupational choice as a specific event, stage theories

view occupational choice as a developmental process. We consider that approach next.

Super’s Developmental Model

Donald Super (1988, 1990) outlined a highly influential developmental model of career

choice. Super views occupational development as a process that begins in childhood,

unfolds and matures gradually across most of the lifespan, and ends with retirement. Super

asserts that the person’s self-concept is the critical factor in this process, so that decisions

about work and career commitments reflect people’s attempts to express their changing

views of themselves. To map these changes, Super breaks the occupational life cycle into

five major stages and various substages (see Figure 13.3).

Growth Stage

The growth stage occurs during childhood, when youngsters fantasize about exotic jobs

they would enjoy. Generally, they imagine themselves as detectives, airplane pilots, and

brain surgeons rather than plumbers, salespersons, and bookkeepers. Until the end of this

period, children are largely oblivious to realistic considerations such as the abilities or edu-

cation required for specific jobs. Naturally, children’s aspirations and expectations may vary

widely because of home and educational environments (Cook et al., 1996).

Figure 13.3 Overview of Super’s theory of occupational development. According to Donald Super, people go through five

major stages (and a variety of substages) of

occupational development over the lifespan.

Source: Adapted from Zaccaria, J. (1970). Theories of

occupational choice and vocational development. Boston:

Corporation, New Hampshire.

STAGES OF OCCUPATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Stage

Approximate

ages Key events and transitions

Growth stage 0–14 A period of general physical and mental growth

Prevocational substage 0–3 No interest or concern with vocations

Fantasy substage 4–10 Fantasy is basis for vocational thinking

Interest substage 11–12 Vocational thought is based on individual’s likes and dislikes

Capacity substage 13–14 Ability becomes the basis for vocational thought

Exploration stage 15–24 General exploration of work

Tentative substage 15–17 Needs, interests, capacities, values, and opportunities

become bases for tentative occupational decisions

Transition substage 18–21 Reality increasingly becomes basis for vocational thought

and action

Trial substage 22–24 First trial job is entered after the individual has made an

initial vocational commitment

Establishment stage 25– 44 Individual seeks to enter a permanent occupation

Trial substage 25–30 Period of some occupational change due to unsatisfactory

choices

Stabilization substage 31– 44

Maintenance stage 45–65 Continuation in one’s chosen occupation

Decline stage 65+ Adaptation to leaving workforce

Deceleration substage 65–70 Period of declining vocational activity

Retirement substage 71+ A cessation of vocational activity

Careers and Work 375

Exploration Stage

Pressures from parents, teachers, and peers to develop a general career direction begin to

intensify during high school. By the end of high school, individuals are expected to turn a

general career direction into a specific one. Young people try to get a sense of their intended

occupation through reading about it or taking on part-time work. In effect, it’s better to

explore a particular career and discover it does not meet one’s expectations sooner rather

than later. Helwig (2008) found that while parent and teacher support are important, not

enough career preparation occurs during the high school years, which means that the sub-

sequent stage in Super’s model becomes a very important one.

Establishment Stage

Vacillation in career commitment is common early in the establishment stage. Once peo-

ple make gratifying occupational choices, their career commitment is strengthened. With

few exceptions, future job moves will take place within the preferred occupational area.

Having made a commitment, the person now needs to demonstrate the ability to function

effectively in the area. To succeed, individuals must use known skills, learn new ones, and

display flexibility in adapting to organizational and technological changes.

Maintenance Stage

Across time, opportunities for further career advancement and occupational mobility

decline. However, both formal and informal forms of lifelong learning are often necessary

so that workers can keep pace with the ever-changing aspects of their current and future

jobs (Pang, Chua, & Chu, 2008). Around their mid-40s, many people cross into the main-

tenance stage, during which they worry more about retaining their achieved status than

improving it. Although middle-aged employees may need to update their skills to compete

with younger workers, their primary goal is to protect the security, power, advantages, and

perks that they have attained. With decreased emphasis on career advancement, many peo-

ple shift energy and attention away from work toward family or leisure activities.

Decline Stage

Deceleration involves a decline in work activity in the years prior to retirement. People

redirect their energy and attention toward planning for this major transition. Super’s orig-

inal formulation, which was based on research in the 1950s, projected that deceleration

ought to begin around age 65. Since the 1970s, however, the large Baby Boom cohort has

created an oversupply of skilled labor and professional talent. This social change spawned

pressures that promote early retirement, so deceleration often begins earlier than Super ini-

tially indicated. However, the recent economic recession and accompanying financial wor-

ries experienced by people in the United States and around the world may change things yet

again. Individuals who lost their job or retirement savings may be planning a longer time

horizon, so that career deceleration may not begin until closer to age 70.

Retirement brings work activity to a halt. People approach this transition with var-

ied attitudes. Many individuals look forward to it eagerly. Others are apprehensive, unsure

about how they will occupy themselves and worried about their financial viability. Still

others approach retirement with both hopeful enthusiasm and anxious concern. Although

retirement may mean less income, it can also mean more time to spend with friends and on

hobbies, travel, and volunteer or charity work. For some, retirement from a primary career

may prompt the launching of a new career.

In support of Super’s model, research shows career maturity is correlated with self-

esteem and self-efficacy (Creed, Prideaux, & Patton, 2005). A serious problem with Super’s

theory, however, is that it assumes that people will remain in the same careers all of their

working lives. Today’s American workers will have many career changes, a reality that is

incompatible with the assumptions of long-term models like Super’s. The current thinking

about career stages or cycles is that they are shorter and recur periodically over the course

376 C H A P T E R 1 3

of a person’s career (Greenhaus, 2003). To be useful, stage models must reflect today’s work-

place realities while also providing career counseling that can help people to see meaning in

their work and careers despite the reality of change (Sterner, 2012).

Women’s Career Development

Currently, estimates are that 57.2% of adult women (versus 69.7% of men) are in the labor

force (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013a). In terms of ethnicity, 99.5 million women of work-

ing age were white, 16.6 million were black or African American, 7.1 million were Asian,

and 18.7 million were Hispanic or Latino (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013a,b). Will

women’s presence in the workforce rise? Between 2012 and 2022, the number of women

present in the civilian labor force will increase by 5.4% (compared to an estimated 5.6%

increase for men; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013c). However, women are estimated

to represent only 46.8 % of the labor force by 2022 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013c).

Gender also affects career paths. Men’s career paths are usually continuous, whereas

women’s tend to be discontinuous (Betz, 1993). Thus, once men start working full-time,

they usually continue to work. Women often interrupt their careers to concentrate on chil-

drearing or family crises (Hynes & Clarkberg, 2005). Because women are having fewer chil-

dren and are returning to work sooner, the amount of time they are out of the labor force

is decreasing. Although labor force discontinuity is a factor in women’s lower salaries and

status, there is other evidence that women are simply paid less than men (Dey & Hill, 2007).

Women who do not have children usually remain in the labor force, following a pattern of

career advancement similar to men’s (Blair-Loy & DeHart, 2003).

13.3 The Changing World of Work ■ Identify seven work-related trends.

■ Describe the relationship between

education and salary.

■ Summarize demographic changes

transforming the workforce,

highlighting challenges posed by

diversity.

Learning Objectives

Before entering the working world, it’s important to get your bearings. In this section we

look at several important background issues: contemporary workplace trends, the relation-

ship between education and earnings, and workforce diversity.

Contemporary Workplace Trends

Work is an activity that produces something of value for others. For some people, work

is just a way to earn a living; for others, work is a way of life (recall our discussion of jobs,

careers, and callings). For virtually all workers, the nature of work is undergoing dramatic

changes that are affecting people’s identities (Crafford et al., 2015).

Because such changes can affect your future job prospects, you need to

be aware of seven important trends.

1. Technology is changing the nature of work. Computers and elec-

tronic equipment have dramatically transformed the workplace. For

workers, these changes have both down sides and up sides. On the nega-

tive side, computers automate many tasks that people perform, eliminat-

ing jobs. The digital workplace also demands that employees have more

education and skills than ever before. Workers must upgrade their tech-

nology skills, which can be stressful. On the positive side, technological

advances allow employees to work at home and to communicate with

others while traveling. Working at home when electronically connected

to the office is called telecommuting (Lautsch, Kossek, & Ernst, 2011), and

approximately 45% of organizations use some form of it (SHRM, 2011).

Telecommuting provides psychological and practical benefits for work-

ers, including lower levels of work-family life conflict, lower employee

turnover, and higher job satisfaction (Gajendran & Harrison, 2007). The growth of technology is significantly changing the nature of work,

with both positive and negative effects.

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Careers and Work 377

2. New work attitudes are required. Yesterday’s workers could usually count on job

security, but today’s workers have job security only as long as they can add value to a com-

pany; organizational change is a frequent event (Burke, 2011). Thus, workers must take a

more active role in shaping their careers, developing a variety of valuable skills, being pro-

ductive workers, and skillfully marketing themselves to prospective employers. In the new

work environment, the keys to job success are self-direction, self-management, up-to-date

knowledge and skills, flexibility, and mobility (Smith, 2000).

3. Lifelong learning is a necessity. Experts predict that today’s jobs are changing so

rapidly that in many cases, work skills will become obsolete over a 10- to 15-year period

(Lock, 2005a). Thus, lifelong learning and training will become essential for employees

(Boyer et al., 2014). Continuing education, retraining, and even self-directed learning

can occur on the job, in community colleges, or in technical institutes. Online or distance

learning courses also provide skill development and maintenance opportunities. Workers

who know “how to learn” will be able to keep pace with change and will be highly valued.

Those who cannot, may be left behind.

4. Independent workers are increasing. Corporations are downsizing and restructuring

to cope with the changing economy and to be competitive globally. In doing so, they are

slashing thousands of permanent jobs and doling out the work to temporary employees or

to workers in other countries, a practice termed outsourcing. By reducing their workforce,

companies can chop their expenditures on payroll, health insurance, and pension plans, as

temporary employees don’t typically receive such benefits. A leaner workforce also enables

organizations to respond quickly to fast-changing markets. Many professionals now thrive

on contract work, which, while often short-term, can provide freedom, flexibility, and high

incomes. But for those who are short on skills and entrepreneurial spirit, this work can be

stressful and risky. About one-third of independent employees would prefer to work for

someone else than to work for themselves (Bond et al., 2003).

5. The boundaries between work and home are disappearing. As already noted, tech-

nological advances allow people to work at home and stay in touch with the office via the

Internet or smartphones. Working at home is convenient—workers save time (no com-

muting) and money (on gas, parking, clothes). Still, family members and friends may

interrupt home-workers, necessitating setting rules to protect work time. With expanding

wireless networks, smartphones, and tablet computers, employees can be contacted any-

where and any time, making some workers feel they are on an “electronic leash.” Looking at

People who telecommute have the flexibility to work at home.

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378 C H A P T E R 1 3

Education and Earnings

Although many jobs exist for individuals without a college degree, these

jobs usually offer the lowest pay and benefits. In fact, all but one of the fifty

highest-paying occupations require a college degree or higher (U.S. Bureau of

Labor Statistics, 2004). (The high-paying job that doesn’t require a college degree is air traf-

fic controller.) Many construction management jobs, too, do not require a bachelor’s degree

(U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012a). In Figure 13.5, you can see that the more you learn,

the more you earn. Having a college degree is also associated with more career options,

greater opportunities for professional advancement, and lower unemployment (Dohm &

Wyatt, 2002). The link between learning and earning holds for both males and females,

although, as you can see, men are paid approximately $7000 to $30,000 more than women

with the same educational credentials. Despite legislation aimed at reducing discrepancies

related to gender, research indicates that women continue to receive lower wages than men

for holding the same or similar jobs (Lips, 2013). One estimate indicates that women are

now earning about 79% of what men earn (AAUW, 2015).

On the other hand, a college degree is no guarantee of a great job. In fact, many

college graduates are underemployed. Underemployment is settling for a job that does

TWENTY FASTEST GROWING OCCUPATIONS: 2012–2022

Personal care aides 49%

Industrial-organizational psychologists 53%

Home health aides 48%

Insulation workers, mechanical 47%

46%

43%

Interpreters and translators

Diagnostic medical sonographers

Helpers—brickmasons, blockmasons, stonemasons, and tile and marble setters

Occupational therapy assistants 43%

Genetic counselors 41%

41%Physical therapist assistants

Physical therapist aides 40%

Skincare specialists 40%

38%Physician assistants

Segmental pavers 38%

Helpers—electricians 37%

Information security analysts

Occupational therapy aides

Health specialties teachers, postsecondary

Medical secretaries

Physical therapists

37%

36%

Figure 13.4 The twenty fastest-growing occupations. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the occupations listed

are expected to show a large increase in job openings

between 2012 and 2022. The percentages represent the rate

of expanded growth in the number of people holding these

occupations by 2022.

Source: Adapted from the Occupational Outlook Handbook (2014). Bureau

of Labor Statistics: Fastest growing occupations, 2012–2022. Retrieved from

www.bls.gov/ooh/fastest-growing.htm.

the flip side, the availability of onsite day care in some large companies means

that a traditional home function has moved to the office (Payne, Cook, & Diaz,

2012). This development is largely a response to increases in the number of

single-parent families and dual-earner households, in which both partners are

employed. Consider this fact: More than 70% of today’s workers have children

younger than the age of 18 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012b). Thus, quality

onsite day care is a big draw to workers because it allows parents to interact

with their children during the day.

6. The highest job growth will occur in the professional and service

occupations. The United States, like many industrialized nations, contin-

ues to shift from a manufacturing, or “goods-producing,” economy to a

service-producing one (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2006). Whereas the

bulk of yesterday’s jobs were in manufacturing, construction, agriculture, and

mining, the jobs of the next decade will be in the professional (and related

technical) occupations and service occupations. Figure 13.4 depicts twenty

occupations expected to grow the fastest between 2012 and 2022 (Occupa-

tional Outlook Handbook, 2014).

7. Job sharing is becoming more common. Not everyone wants to work

a 40-hour week or can do so. Having the opportunity to job share—that is,

sharing one job between two people—may be beneficial to workers’ well-being

(Westman, 2010). Approximately 13% of organizations currently provide this

option (Society for Human Resource Management, 2011). Job sharing often

occurs when both spouses work in similar professions. For example, high

school teaching is a good fit; the husband, a history instructor, can teach his

classes in the morning, while his wife, a math teacher, can schedule her courses

in the afternoons. When sharing a job, each person usually works 20 hours per

week at separate times. A few hours per week may be conjoined so that each

partner can update the other, as well as meet with their supervisor and other

workforce members. Job sharing is ideal for couples who have small children

or other family obligations (caring for elderly parents), are enrolled in degree

programs, want to work part-time, or are considering gradually winding down

their careers. Employers like job sharing because it promotes commitment to

the organization while also attracting well-qualified individuals who could not

otherwise accept a full-time position.

Careers and Work 379

not fully utilize one’s skills, abilities, and training. Besides having implications for

worker satisfaction, underemployment poses social, psychological, and physical health

challenges (Anderson & Winefield, 2011). About 48% of college graduates take jobs that

don’t usually require a college degree, and experts predict that this situation is unlikely to

change in the near future (Adams, 2013). And while it’s true that the jobs one can obtain

with a college degree pay more than those requiring less education, the higher-paying

jobs go to college graduates with college-level reading, writing, and quantitative skills.

College graduates without these skills more often end up in high-school-level jobs (Pryor

& Schaffer, 1997).

Workforce Diversity

The labor force consists of all those who are employed, as well as those who are currently

unemployed but are looking for work. In this section, we look at some of the demo-

graphic changes affecting the labor force and consider how women and other minorities

fare in the workplace.

Demographic Changes

The workforce is becoming increasingly diverse with regard to both gender and ethnicity. In

2005, 61% of married women worked, compared to 41% in 1970 (U.S. Bureau of the Cen-

sus, 2012a). This percentage increase holds even for women with very young children. For

instance, in 1975 only 33% of women with children younger than the age of 3 worked out-

side the home; by 2005, this number had grown to 57% (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012b).

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Figure 13.5 Education and income. This graph shows the average incomes of year-round, full-time workers age 18 and older, by gender and educational attainment. As you can see, the more education people

have, the higher their income tends to be. However, at all levels women earn less than men with

comparable education. (Data from U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012a)

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2012). Statistical abstract of the United States: 2012. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

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380 C H A P T E R 1 3

The workforce is also becoming more eth-

nically diversified (see Figure 13.6) (U.S. Bureau

of Labor Statistics, 2006). High school gradu-

ation rates for Asian Americans match those

for European Americans, but college gradua-

tion rates for Asian Americans exceed those

of European Americans. Both high school and

college graduation rates of Hispanics and Afri-

can Americans lag behind those of European

Americans, although they have been improv-

ing in recent decades (Worthington, Flores, &

Navarro, 2005). Consequently, both groups are

at a disadvantage when it comes to competing

for the better jobs.

Although gay, lesbian, and bisexual work-

ers have been longstanding participants in the

workplace, they are often “closeted” for fear of

discrimination. The recent and rapid cultural

changes in the United States, notably the 2015

Supreme Court Decision declaring the legal-

ity of same-sex marriage, will likely change

things. Yet, most gay and lesbian workers do

not have the same legal protections against

employment discrimination as their hetero-

sexual counterparts (Barron & Hebl, 2011);

thus, wage gaps can exist because of sexual

orientation. One study suggests that gay men

tend to earn somewhat less than heterosexual men, while lesbians may earn somewhat

more than heterosexual women (Antecol, Jong, & Steinberger, 2008), findings that were

confirmed in a separate study concerning the sexual orientation wage gap for racial mi-

norities (Douglas & Steinberger, 2015). Regrettably, wage penalties may be associated with

disclosing one’s sexual orientation (Cushing-Daniels & Tsz-Ying, 2009). Factors associated

with the decision to disclose one’s sexual orientation at work include employer policies and

perceived gay supportiveness of the employer (Griffith & Hebl, 2002).

Today’s Workplace for Women and Minorities

Recent years have seen a dramatic upsurge in the number

of females and ethnic minorities in the workplace. Is today’s

workplace essentially the same for these groups as it is for

white males? The answer appears to be “no” (Denmark,

German, & Brodsky, 2011). Although job discrimination

based on race and gender has been illegal for more than

40 years, women and minority group members continue

to face obstacles to occupational success. Foremost among

these obstacles is job segregation. Jobs are simultaneously

typed by gender and by race. For example, skycaps are typ-

ically African American males, and most hotel maids are

minority females. Most white women and minority workers

tend to be concentrated in jobs where there is little opportu-

nity for advancement or increase in salary (Equal Employ-

ment Opportunity Commission, 2007). As a result, they

lag behind men where key dimensions of job quality are

concerned, such as opportunities to achieve autonomy over

time, job security, and good physical and emotional work

settings (Stier & Yaish, 2014). However, there is reason for

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1990 2018 1990 2018 1990 2018 1990 2018 1990 2018 1990 2018 Men Women BlackWhite Hispanic Asian and

otherGender Ethnicity

Figure 13.6 Increasing diversity in the workforce. Women and minority group members are entering the workforce in greater numbers than before. This graph projects changes in the share of the labor

force by gender and by ethnicity between 1990 and 2018, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor

Statistics. (Data from Toossi, 2009)

John Browne, the long-time chief executive of British Petroleum and close associate

of former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, had little choice but to resign after a

judge cleared the way for a newspaper to publish allegations made by a former

boyfriend. The exposé of Browne’s private life ended his 41-year career at British

Petroleum. The stunning demise of Browne’s career demonstrates why many gay

individuals choose to remain “closeted” in the workplace out of concern about

recrimination.

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Careers and Work 381

hope. As the relative share of occupational positions held by women increases, the existing

gender gaps in job quality dimensions should decrease.

More women and ethnic minorities are entering higher-status occupations, but they

still face discrimination because they are frequently passed over for promotion in favor of

white men (Whitley & Kite, 2006). This seems to be a problem especially at higher levels of

management. For example, in 2013, about 14.6% of corporate officer positions in Fortune

500 companies were held by women (Catalyst, 2014), a percentage that has not changed

much over the past 5 years. An earlier estimate found that only about 1.5% were held by

women of color (Catalyst, 2007), who also hold only 3.2% of all the board seats of Fortune

500 companies (Warner, 2014). Furthermore, discrimination toward women and ethnic

and other minorities (gays, lesbians) is now more covert, subtle, and indirect (Nadal &

Haynes, 2012). Employers and fellow employees are less likely to display overt discrimi-

natory behaviors. Instead, however, they may hold onto prejudices that leak out uncon-

sciously in exchanges with members of diverse groups (Nadal, 2008).

There appears to be a glass ceiling, or invisible barrier that prevents most women

and ethnic minorities from advancing to the highest levels of occupations. That very few

black women are in managerial positions has caused some to term the glass ceiling a con-

crete wall for women of color. Women are underrepresented at the upper levels of corporate

life (Barreto, Ryan, & Schmitt, 2009). Largely because of these reduced opportunities for

career advancement, some female corporate managers are quitting their jobs and starting

their own firms. In 2007, women owned 28.7% of nonfarm U.S. businesses (National As-

sociation of Women Business Owners, 2010). At the other end of the job spectrum, there

seems to be a sticky floor that causes women and minorities to get stuck in low-paying

occupations (Brannon, 2005).

When only one woman or minority person is employed in an office, that person be-

comes a token—or a symbol of all the members of that group. Tokens are more distinctive

or visible than members of the dominant majority (Richard & Wright, 2010). And, as we

discussed in Chapter 7, distinctiveness makes a person’s actions subject to intense scrutiny,

stereotyping, and judgments. Thus, if a white male makes a mistake, it is explained as an in-

dividual problem. When a token woman or minority person errs, it is seen as evidence that

all members of that group are incompetent. Hence, tokens experience a great deal of per-

formance pressure, an added source of job stress (King et al., 2010). There is even evidence

that women who believe they are tokens in a work setting perceive they receive less support

from same-gender rather than opposite-gender supervisors (Ryan et al., 2012). Interest-

ingly, if tokens are perceived as being “too successful,” they may be labeled “workaholics” or

may be accused of trying to “show up” members of the dominant majority.

The Challenges of Change

The increasingly diverse workforce presents challenges for organizations and workers

(Podsiadlowski et al., 2013). These challenges can occur within the workplace, as well as

within the community where the workplace and workers reside. Important cultural differ-

ences exist in managing time and people, in identifying with work, and in making decisions

(Konyu-Fogel, 2015). These differences can contribute to conflict. Not surprisingly, per-

haps, members of majority groups (generally white males) do not perceive discrimination

as often as the members of minority groups do (Danaher & Branscombe, 2010). Another

challenge is that some individuals feel that they are personally paying the price of prejudice

in the workplace, and this perception causes resentment. Recognizing the problem, some

corporations offer diversity training programs for employees (Green, 2013; Roberson,

Kulik, & Tan, 2013).

Many who advocate abandoning affirmative action programs that are intended to pro-

mote access to jobs for women and minorities argue that these programs promote “reverse

discrimination” through the use of unfair hiring and promotion practices (Thompson &

Morris, 2013). For some, this perception reflects a sense of privilege, an unquestioned as-

sumption that white males should be guaranteed a place in society and that others should

compete for the remaining jobs (Nkomo & Ariss, 2014). Not surprisingly, women and ethnic

382 C H A P T E R 1 3

minority group members hold more positive views of affirmative action than do males and

nonminority group members (Harrison et al., 2006). Some also argue that affirmative action

undercuts the role of merit in employment decisions and sets up (supposedly) underpre-

pared workers for failure. Many laboratory studies show that individuals have negative feel-

ings about employees who may have been hired under affirmative action (Brandts, Groenert,

& Rott, 2015). However, studies conducted with actual workers have not found this situation

(Taylor, 1995). Regardless, this potential negative effect can be counteracted when workers

know that decisions are based on merit as well as on group membership.

13.4 Coping with Occupational Hazards ■ Recognize some important sources of

job stress.

■ Summarize the effects of job stress on

physical and mental health.

■ Describe the prevalence and

consequences of sexual harassment.

■ Identify some causes and effects of

unemployment.

Learning Objectives

Work can bring people deep satisfaction; indeed, it can promote psychological health and

well-being (Duffy, Autin, & Bott, 2015). Yet work can also be a source of frustration and

conflict. In this section, we explore three challenges to today’s workers: job stress, sexual

harassment, and unemployment.

Job Stress

You saw in Chapter 3 that stress can emerge from any corner of your life. However, many

theorists suspect that the workplace is the primary source of stress in modern society. To

begin, let’s consider this sobering statistic: More than 80% of the workers in the United States

claim that something about their jobs is stressful (Smith, 2014). To put this statistic into con-

text, let’s compare the typical stressors experienced by younger

adults (ages 17–21) and those of older (25+), working adults.

As you can see in the left column of Figure 13.7, younger peo-

ple are troubled more by personal stressors, whereas older

adults are troubled primarily by work-related stressors (right

column). Let’s examine the pervasive problem of job stress

and see what employers and workers can do about it.

Sources of Stress on the Job

In addition to long hours, common job stressors include lack

of privacy, high noise levels, unusual hours (such as rotating

shifts), the pressure of deadlines, lack of control over one’s

work, inadequate resources to do a job, and perceived inequi-

ties at work (Fairbrother & Warn, 2003). Environmental con-

ditions, such as workplace temperature (e.g., extreme heat in

a steel mill, excessive cold in a meat-packing plant), can affect

physical, cognitive, and perceptual tasks (Evans et al., 2012).

Fears of being downsized, concerns about health-care bene-

fits (losing them or paying increasingly higher premiums),

and worries about losing pension plans also dog workers in

today’s economy (Clay, 2011). Office politics and conflict

with supervisors, subordinates, and co-workers also make

the list of job stressors (Chang, Rosen, & Levy, 2009).

Women may experience certain workplace stressors,

such as sex discrimination and sexual harassment, at higher

rates than men (Betz, 2008). African Americans and ethnic

minorities must cope with racism and other types of discrim-

ination on the job (Betz, 2006), which means members of

minority groups may experience higher levels of stress than

Figure 13.7 Common stressors found in younger and older adults. Compare and contrast the typical sources of stress reported by younger and older adults. Do

any of these stressors reflect your own experiences? As you can see, as people get

older, their stress increasingly comes from work-related issues.

Adapted from Aamodt, M. (2010). Industrial/organizational psychology: An applied approach. Belmont, CA:

COMMON STRESSORS FOUND IN YOUNGER AND OLDER ADULTS

Young adults (age 17–21) Older adults (age 25 and beyond)

Graduating from high school Organizational change

Beginning college Job insecurity (downsizing)

Leaving home Balancing work and family demands

Nagging parents Paying bills

Peer pressure Increasing job demands

Taking exams Dull or unchallenging work

Fear of the future Work overload (time pressure)

Graduating from college Lack of supervisor or co-worker support

Job search Unpleasant or dangerous work settings

Starting a new job Pay inequity

Interviewing for jobs Attending school while working full time

Financial concerns (school loans) Job relocation

Planning for retirement

Careers and Work 383

nonminorities do (Sulsky & Smith, 2005). Discrimination is also a problem for gay and

lesbian employees (Badgett, 2003). Workers from lower socioeconomic groups typically

work in more dangerous jobs than workers from higher socioeconomic status do.

Why are American workers so stressed out? Many factors are probably at work, includ-

ing the following.

1. More workers are employed in service industries. Workers in these jobs must inter-

act with a variety of individuals on a daily basis. While most customers are civil and easy

to deal with, some are decidedly difficult. Nonetheless, even obnoxious and troublesome

customers are “always right,” so workers have to swallow their frustration and anger, and

doing so is stressful. Such situations may contribute to residual stress, where strain and

tension from work are carried over because workers have a hard time “letting go.” Imagine

the frustration some workers must feel if their jobs do not allow them to be “right” or to

speak candidly to customers.

2. The economy is unpredictable. In the age of takeovers and bankruptcies, even ex-

cellent workers aren’t assured of keeping their jobs. Change in response to economic pres-

sures often comes in the form of downsizing, restructuring, and job insecurity (De Witte,

Vander Elst, & De Cuyper, 2015). Thus, the fear of job loss may lurk in the back of workers’

minds.

3. Rapid changes in computer technology tax workers’ abilities to keep up. Computers

have taken over some jobs, forcing workers to develop new skills and to do so quickly. In

other jobs, the stress comes from rapid and ongoing advances in technology (software as

well as hardware) that force workers to keep pace with change.

4. The workplace is becoming more diverse. Individuals from all groups must learn

to interact more with people who are unfamiliar to

them. Developing these skills takes time and may be

stressful.

5. Role overload. Amid all this organizational

change and disruption, some workers feel that they

lack the skills or resources to complete their work

tasks, often coupled with the fact that the tasks are

simply not doable in the available time (or the work-

ers perceive it that way). Such role overload is not only

stressful (Bolino & Turnley, 2005), but it can compro-

mise workers’ health (Shultz, Wang, & Olson, 2010).

Taking a broader view, Robert Karasek contends

that the two key factors in occupational stress are the

psychological demands made on a worker and a worker’s

amount of decision control (Dollard & Karasek, 2010).

Psychological demands are measured by asking em-

ployees questions such as “Is there excessive work?”

and “Must you work fast (or hard)?” To measure

decision control, employees are asked such questions

as “Do you have a lot of say in your job?” and “Do

you have freedom to make decisions?” In Karasek’s

demand-control model, stress is greatest in jobs char-

acterized by high psychological demands and low deci-

sion control. Based on survey data, he has tentatively

mapped out where various jobs fall on these two key

dimensions of job stress, as shown in Figure 13.8. The

jobs thought to be most stressful are those with heavy

psychological demands and little control over decisions

(see the lower right area of the figure). Considerable

research has been conducted on the demand-control

model, most of which has been supportive (Sonnentag

& Frese, 2003).

Architect

Forester

Natural scientist

Dentist Peddler

Skilled machinist

Auto repairman

Real estate agent

Sales manager Secondary school teacher

Manufacturing manager

Retail manager

Police

Carpenter

Billing clerk

Truck driver

Night watchman

Janitor

Waiter and waitress

Telephone operatorCashier

Cook

Freight handler Garment stitcher

Mail worker

Lo w

d ec

is io

n co

nt ro

l H

ig h

de ci

si on

c on

tr ol

Low psychological demand High psychological demand

Physician

Figure 13.8 Karasek’s model of occupational stress as related to specific jobs. Robert Karasek (1979) theorizes that occupational stress is greatest in jobs characterized by high

psychological demands and low decision control. Based on survey data, this chart shows

where various familiar jobs fall on these two dimensions. According to Karasek’s model,

the most stressful jobs are those shown in the shaded area on the lower right.

384 C H A P T E R 1 3

Effects of Job Stress

As with other forms of stress, occupational stress is associated with numer-

ous negative effects (Hurrell & Sauter, 2012). Job stress has been linked to

an increased number of industrial accidents, heightened absenteeism, poor

job performance, and higher turnover rates (Colligan & Higgins, 2005).

Experts estimate that stress-related reductions in workers’ productivity may

cost American industry hundreds of billions of dollars per year. Just under

3% of the workforce is absent on any given workday in the United States

(Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014), and 13% of all employee absences can

be chalked up to the impact of stress (Commerce Clearing House, 2007).

When job stress is temporary (a looming deadline), workers usually

suffer only minor, brief effects of stress, such as sleeplessness or anxiety.

Prolonged high levels of stress are more problematic, as those who work in

people-oriented jobs such as human services, education, and health care

can attest (Maslach, 2005). A chief reason for the prevalence of burnout

in these professions is the ongoing amount of “people work,” that is, per-

forming the emotional labor required by clients, customers, students, and

patients (Brotherridge & Grandey, 2002). As we noted in Chapter 3, pro-

longed stress can lead to burnout, characterized by exhaustion, cynicism,

and poor job performance (Leiter, Bakker, & Maslach, 2014; Maslach, & Leiter, 2014). People’s

personalities and the nature of the work and careers they choose, too, can influence burnout

(Lohmer, 2012). Figure 13.9 lists some of the most common signs of burnout among workers.

Dealing with Job Stress

There are essentially three avenues of attack for dealing with occupational stress (Ivancevich

et al., 1990). The first is to intervene at the individual level by modifying workers’ ways of

coping with job stress. For example, workers often try to deal with job stress by taking them-

selves out of the workplace for a short time, such as taking a vacation. Although vacations can

help people recharge their professional batteries by reducing stress and the feelings associated

with burnout, the benefits are temporary. Research indicates symptoms of stress and burn-

out do drop just before, during, and immediately following vacations; however, they tend to

return to their original levels a few weeks later (de Bloom et al., 2010, 2011). The second is to

intervene at the organizational level by redesigning the work environment itself. The third is

to intervene at the individual-organizational interface by improving the fit between workers

and their companies. Occupational stress and burnout can be treated, ideally by ensuring a

proactive approach where a strong fit between work demands and worker strengths is made,

work-family balance is sought, and resources for coping are present in the workplace and the

home (Leiter & Maslach, 2014; Rupert, Miller, & Dorociak, 2015). Other concrete suggestions

for coping with stressors, including those found in the workplace, are discussed in Chapter 4.

Sexual Harassment

Sexual harassment is an ongoing problem in the workplace (Gibbons, Cleveland & Marsh,

2014; Levin & Rotter, 2014). Although most workers recognize that they need to take the

problem of sexual harassment seriously, many people remain relatively naive about what

constitutes sexual harassment.

Sexual harassment is characterized by unwelcome conduct on the basis of gender.

As we learned in Chapter 11, there are two types of sexual harassment. The first is quid pro

quo (from the Latin expression that translates as “something given or received in exchange

for something else”). In the context of sexual harassment, quid pro quo involves making

submission to unwanted sexual advances a condition of hiring, advancement (raise, pro-

motion), or not being fired. In other words, the worker’s survival on the job depends on

agreeing to engage in unwanted sex. The second type of harassment is hostile environment,

or any type of unwelcome sexual behavior that creates hostile work situations that can in-

flict psychological harm and interfere with job performance.

Figure 13.9 Common signs of job burnout among workers. Here are some of the commonly observed symptoms of stress-induced

burnout, a physical and psychological condition that is marked by

fatigue, pessimism, and a lowered quality of work or job performance.

Burnout is most likely to occur when the stress and strain of work are

continuous rather than occasional or sporadic.

(Adapted from Aamodt, M. (2010). Industrial/organizational psychology: An applied

Learning, Inc.)

COMMON SIGNS OF BURNOUT AMONG WORKERS

Low energy Negativity and complaining attitude

Lessened productivity Increased forgetfulness

Apathy Dread of going to work

Routinely late for work Sense of being overwhelmed

Limited concentration Frustration and tension

Feelings of low impact on organization or peers

Careers and Work 385

Unfortunately, sexual harassment is all too common in the

workplace. Both men and women can be the targets of this

unwanted form of workplace discrimination.

Sexual harassment can take a variety of forms: unsolicited and unwelcome flirting, sex-

ual advances, or propositions; insulting comments about an employee’s appearance, dress,

or anatomy; unappreciated dirty jokes and sexual gestures; intrusive or sexual questions

about an employee’s personal life; explicit descriptions of the harasser’s own sexual expe-

riences; abuse of familiarities such as “honey” and “dear”; unnecessary and unwanted phys-

ical contact such as touching, hugging, pinching, or kissing; catcalls; exposure of genitals;

physical or sexual assault; and rape. Sexual harassment is an abuse of power by a person in

authority (Elias, Gibson, & Barney, 2013). To determine what legally constitutes sex-

ual harassment, the courts take into account “whether the behavior is motivated by the

gender of the victim, whether it is unwelcome, whether it is repetitive, and whether

it could lead to negative psychological or organizational outcomes” (Goldberg &

Zhang, 2004, p. 823). Same-sex sexual harassment also occurs and is prosecuted

according to the same standards applied in opposite-sex sexual harassment, although

little research has been done on the topic (but see Rabelo & Cortina, 2014).

Prevalence and Consequences

Sexual harassment in the workplace is more widespread than most people

realize, but the topic is now better understood because of increased research

attention (O’Leary-Kelly et al., 2009). By one estimate, nearly one-quarter

of all women in the United States have experienced some form of sexual

harassment in the workplace (Ilies et al., 2003). A reasonable estimate for

male workers is 16.3% (Catalyst, 2012). The typical female victim is young,

divorced or separated, in a nonsenior position, and in a masculine-stereo-

typed field (Davidson & Fielden, 1999). A review of studies on women in

the military reported rates of sexual harassment ranging from 55% to 79%

(Goldzweig et al., 2006). Women in blue-collar jobs are also at high risk, but

sexual harassment also occurs in the professions. Sadly, sexual harassment is

often associated with other forms of workplace discrimination for blacks and

other ethnic or minority groups (Rospenda, Richman, & Shannon, 2009).

Experiencing sexual harassment can have negative effects on psychological and

physical health (Pina & Gannon, 2012). Problematic reactions include anger, reduced

self-esteem, depression, and anxiety. Victims may also have difficulties in their personal

relationships and in sexual adjustment (loss of desire, for example). Increased alcohol con-

sumption, smoking, and dependence on drugs are also reported (Rospenda et al., 2008). In

addition, sexual harassment can produce fallout on the job: Women who are harassed may

be less productive, less satisfied with their jobs, and less committed to their work and em-

ployer (Woodzicka & LaFrance, 2005). Women who are sexually harassed also report lower

job satisfaction and may withdraw from work as the result of physical and mental health

problems. Some of these women are even found to display symptoms of posttraumatic

stress disorder (Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007). Finally, sexual harassment can heighten the

incidence of job withdrawal while decreasing job satisfaction and undermining an individ-

ual’s organizational commitment (Kath et al., 2009).

Stopping Sexual Harassment

Responses to sexual harassment may be personal and organizational. Researchers have

developed a typology of possible responses to this problem (see Figure 13.10) and have

studied their relative effectiveness (Bowes-Sperry & Tata, 1999). Unfortunately, the most

frequently used strategy—avoidance/denial—is also the least effective one. Confrontation/

negotiation and advocacy seeking are two effective strategies but are infrequently used.

One recent experiment with college students found that learning about how victims of

sexual harassment suffered led to a reduction in both the acceptance of myths about sexual

harassment (e.g., “Jokes about sex never hurt anybody—they are being too sensitive”) and

men’s likelihood to sexually harass (Diehl, Glaser, & Bohner, 2014). When seeing things from

the victims’ perspectives, participants also expressed higher levels of empathy. Although this

research was conducted in a controlled lab situation, the investigators hope that insights

Li sa

S /S

hu tt

er st

oc k.

co m

386 C H A P T E R 1 3

from it can be used to design workplace interven-

tions to reduce the incidence of sexual harassment.

Unemployment

A major consequence of recent economic upheavals is

displaced workers—individuals who are unemployed

because their jobs have disappeared. Losing one’s

job is difficult at best and devastating at worst, rank-

ing among the most stressful events a person can ex-

perience. As of June 2015, the unemployment rate was

5.3% (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015a), a drop

from previous highs (in late 2012, for example, it was

around 8.1%; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012b).

Still, many Americans have found themselves out of

work and continue to worry about their futures. Not

only can unemployment cause economic distress, but

it can cause health problems and such psychological

difficulties as loss of self-esteem, depression, and anx-

iety (Wanberg, 2012). A meta-analysis found that the

rate of psychological problems was more than doubled

among unemployed persons compared to those who

were working (Paul & Moser, 2009). Also, the rate of at-

tempted and completed suicides is higher among those

who are unemployed (Yang, Tsai, & Huang, 2011).

Longer unemployment is also a risk factor linked with

higher rates of suicide (Classen & Dunn, 2012). Gen-

der, however, does not affect the amount of distress

experienced as the result of job loss (Kulik, 2000). Even

“survivors,” those who retain their jobs following a

round of layoffs during downsizing, are not immune

from psychological distress (Paulsen et al., 2005).

Although losing a job at any age is highly stressful,

those who are laid off in middle age seem to find the

experience most difficult (Breslin & Mustard, 2003).

For one thing, they typically have more financial re-

sponsibilities than those in other age groups (e.g., chil-

dren still at home). Second, if other family members aren’t able to provide health insurance,

the entire family’s health and welfare is jeopardized. Third, older workers typically remain out

of work longer than younger workers. Thus, economic hardship can be a real possibility and

can threaten quality of life for the worker’s family. Finally, middle-aged workers have been on

the job for a number of years, which means they identify with and are involved in their work.

Coping with Unemployment

Mental health experts view job loss as a devastating life experience—similar to death,

divorce, and serious illness or disability. Foremost, people are hit with the frightening pros-

pect of loss of income and must deal with the stressful practicalities of how to live on less. Job

loss also deals a psychological blow because it strikes at a key component of adult identity—

having a job, which provides purpose as well as an income. And victims of downsizing must

deal with the anger and resentment that stem from the unfairness of the situation.

Understandably, job loss negatively affects mental health (Shupe & Buchholz, 2013;

Ziersch et al., 2014) and is associated with decreases in self-confidence, feelings of failure

and rejection, and increases in anxiety and depression (Bobek & Robbins, 2005). Some

experts suggest that individuals’ reactions to job loss are similar to what they experience

when they confront their own death (Bobek & Robbins, 2005).

Mode of response Self-response

Self-focus

Initiator focus

Supported response

Avoidance/denial Most frequently used, yet least effective for ending harassment

Not effective for ending harassment, but may assist in coping with negative consequences resulting from harassment

Social coping

Confrontation/negotiation Not frequently used, but very effective for ending harassment

Not frequently used, but very effective for ending harassment

Advocacy seeking

Fo cu

s of

r es

po ns

voiding the harasser

g the job situation by transferring/quitting

Ignoring the behavior

ng along with the behavior

Treating the behavior as a joke

ng self

ging along a friend when harasser will be present

ng the situation with sympathetic other

ng medical and/or emotional counseling

sking or telling the harasser to stop

eatening the harasser

ng the harasser (if in a position to do so)

Figure 13.10 Effectiveness of responses to sexual harassment. Responses to sexual harassment can be classified into four categories based on the focus of the response (directed toward

self or toward the harasser) and the mode of the response (involving the self or others).

Unfortunately, the most frequent reactions turn out to be the least helpful. Effective

strategies are available, but they are infrequently used.

Source: From Bowes-Sperry, L., & Tata, J. (1999). A multiperspective framework of sexual harassment. In G. N. Powell

(Ed.), Handbook of gender and work (pp. 263–280). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Careers and Work 387

For some practical suggestions for coping with job loss, we draw on the advice of career

experts Laskoff (2004) and Lock (2005b).

1. Apply for unemployment benefits as soon as possible. The average length of unem-

ployment in June 2015 was 28.1 weeks (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015b). Thus, you

need to look into unemployment benefits, which you may be able to collect for 26 weeks

(or longer in some cases). Contact the nearest office of your state’s Employment Security

Commission or Department of Labor.

2. Determine your income and expenses. Determine precisely your sources of income

(unemployment benefits, spouse or partner’s income, savings) and how much you can

count on per month. Itemize your monthly expenses. Set up a realistic budget and stick to

it. Talk with your creditors if you need to.

3. Lower your expenses and think of ways to bring in extra income. Cut out unneces-

sary expenses for now. Minimize your credit card purchases and pay off the credit card

bills every month to avoid building up huge debt. For extra income, consider selling a car,

having a garage sale, or putting items up for sale on Craigslist or for auction on eBay. Use

your skills as a temporary or seasonal worker.

4. Stay healthy. To save money on medical expenses, eat well-balanced meals, main-

tain an exercise regimen, and get adequate sleep. Keep yourself in a positive frame of mind

by recalling past successes and imagining future ones.

5. Reach out for support. Although it is difficult to do, explain your job situation to

your family and friends. You need their support, and they need to know how your unem-

ployment will affect them. If you are having relationship problems, consult a counselor. Let

your friends know that you are looking for work; they may have job leads.

6. Get organized and get going. Start by setting aside time and space to work on your

job search. Is your résumé up to date? Can you find a similar job, or do you need to think

about other options? Do you need to relocate? Do you need more education or retraining?

Some people decide to go into business for themselves, so don’t overlook this option.

Check out some of the excellent career planning books (see this chapter’s recommended

reading, What Color Is Your Parachute?, for example) and visit relevant websites. Expect to

spend 15 to 25 hours a week on job-searching activities.

13.5 Balancing Work and Other Spheres of Life Learning Objectives ■ Articulate current perspectives on

workaholism.

■ Explain work-family conflict and discuss

the benefits of multiple roles.

■ Define leisure and list several leisure

activities.

A major challenge for individuals today is balancing work, family, and leisure activities

in ways that are personally satisfying (Major & Morganson, 2011). We noted earlier that

dual-earner families are becoming increasingly common and that the traditional bound-

aries between family and paid work life are breaking down. These two developments are

related. Historically, traditional gender roles assigned women’s work to the home and men’s

work outside the home. This division of labor created boundaries between family and work

life. With more women entering the workforce, these boundaries have become blurred. The

technology-based changes in the workplace are also eroding these distinctions between

family and work life. Here we examine three issues related to balancing various life roles:

workaholism, work and family roles, and leisure and recreation.

Workaholism

Workaholics devote nearly all their time and energy to their jobs; for them, work is addictive

(Andreassen, 2015). They put in lots of overtime, take few vacations, regularly bring work

home, sacrifice other roles in their lives, and think about work constantly, yet they may not

necessarily enjoy the job (Ng, Sorenson, & Feldman, 2007). They are energetic, intense, and

ambitious, which are generally positive traits; however, two unfavorable traits, perfection-

ism and negative emotionality, also predict workaholism (Bovornusvakool et al., 2012).

388 C H A P T E R 1 3

Besides personal factors, situational forces can promote

workaholism (Aziz & Burke, 2015). Thus, it is more

common where organizational climates support imbal-

ances between work and personal life (Burke, 2001). Re-

search finds a link between workaholism and aggression

(interpersonal conflict) in the workplace (Balducci

et al., 2012). Workaholism has even been labeled a 21st-

century addiction (Griffths, 2011).

Psychologists are divided on the issue of whether

workaholism is problematic. Should workaholics be praised

for their dedication and encouraged in their single-minded

pursuit of fulfillment through work (Baruch, 2011)? Or is

workaholism a form of addiction (Shifron & Reysen, 2011),

a sign that an individual is driven by uncontrollable compul-

sions? In support of the former view is evidence that some

workaholics tend to be highly satisfied with their jobs and

with their lives (Bonebright, Clay, & Ankenmann, 2000).

They work hard simply because work is the most meaningful activity they know. Yet other

evidence suggests that workaholics may have poorer emotional and physical well-being than

nonworkaholics (Bonebright et al., 2000). How can these conflicting findings be reconciled?

There may be two types of workaholics (Aziz & Zickar, 2006). One type, the enthusias-

tic workaholic, works for the pure joy of it. Such people derive immense satisfaction from

work and generally perform well in highly demanding jobs. They also qualify as being high

in work engagement, an emerging positive and fulfilling construct linked to absorption in

work (Shimazu et al., 2015). The other type, the nonenthusiastic workaholic, feels driven to

work but reports low job enjoyment. Moreover, these people report lower life satisfaction

and less purpose in life than enthusiastic workaholics. Thus, it is not surprising that the

nonenthusiastic group is more likely to develop burnout (Maslach, 2005).

Both types of workaholics experience an imbalance between work and personal time.

Not surprisingly, this situation translates into a high degree of work-family conflict for both

groups (Shimazu, Kubota, & Bakker, 2015). Moreover, the families of both groups suffer

(Robinson, Flowers, & Ng, 2006).

Work and Family Roles

One of the biggest changes in the labor force has been the emergence of dual-earner house-

holds, now the dominant family form in the United States (U.S. Bureau of the Census,

2006). Dual-earner couples struggle to balance family life and work demands.

These changes in work and family life draw the interest of researchers in many

disciplines, including psychology.

An important fact of life for dual-earner couples is juggling multiple roles:

spouse/partner and employee. TICKS (two-income couples with kids) add a

third role: parent. Thus, today’s working parents experience work-family conflict,

or the feeling of being pulled in multiple directions by competing demands

from job and family. In heterosexual dual-earner families, men are taking on

more household chores and childcare, but most wives still have greater responsi-

bilities in these areas (Drago, 2007) and neither spouse may accurately recognize

the work-family conflict experienced by the other (Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2015).

In gay and lesbian dual-earner households, responsibilities are more evenly

divided (Kurdek, 2005). Single parents are especially likely to have work-family

conflicts.

How does work-family conflict affect workers’ quality of sleep, an impor-

tant factor in both physical and mental health? The lack of consistent sleep is

a factor that can have consequences for performance in the workplace and at

home. This issue is the focus of this chapter’s Spotlight on Research.

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Being pulled between the needs of the workplace and the

needs of the family is a cause of conflict for many of today’s

workers.

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Careers and Work 389

Work-Family Conflict’s Connections to a Good Night’s Sleep (Or the Lack Thereof)

Source: Crain, T. L., Hammer, L. B., Bodner, T., Kossek, E. E., Moen, P., Lilienthal, R.

& Buxton, O. M. (2014). Work-family conflict, family-supportive supervisor

behaviors (FSSB) and sleep outcomes. Journal of Occupational Health

Psychology, 19(2), 155–167.

Stressors at work are thought to affect the quality of family life, just

as family challenges, in turn, should influence well-being at work.

Such work-family conflict is the subject of considerable research

in psychology but little is known about how such conflict relates

to other domains of daily life, including leisure time, community

involvement, and sleep.

Sleep is crucial to physical health. Yet little or no research

examines the role of sleep outcomes for workers who experience

work-family conflict. Too little sleep (less than 7 hours per night)

and too much sleep (more than 8 hours per night) are linked

with chronic health problems, such as cardiovascular disease,

obesity, diabetes, and hypertension. This study hypothesized that

work-family conflict can impact both the quantity and quality

of workers’ sleep cycles. Specifically, the investigators predicted

that work role demands are incompatible with family role

demands, which means that work to family conflict (WTFC) or

family to work conflict (FTWC) could both adversely affect sleep

quality (initiating and maintaining sleep without insomnia) and

quantity of sleep (duration of nightly rest).

Method Sample and procedure. Participants were 637 employees at a large Fortune 500 company. The employees, who received $20 for their

participation, were interviewed for 1 hour by trained interviewers.

The participants wore a sleep-monitoring device at night for the

duration of the study.

Measures. Employee WTFC and FTWC were assessed using two five-item subscales that were rated on a 5-point scale from 1

(strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). A sample WTFC item read,

“The demands of your work interfere with your family or personal

time” and a sample for FTWC stated, “The demands of your family

or personal relationships interfere with work-related activities.”

Participants also completed a sleep quality index, self-reporting

items dealing with sleep insufficiency, sleep duration, and insomnia

symptoms.

Results Employees who reported higher levels of WTFC experienced

less sufficient sleep and displayed more insomnia symptoms.

However, FTWC was not associated with either sleep insufficiency

or insomnia symptoms. WTFC was also negatively associated with

self-reported sleep duration as well as device-monitored total sleep

time. Thus, employees who reported higher levels of WTFC had to

live with less sleep than those with lower levels of WTFC. FTWC was

not associated with sleep duration.

Discussion Discovering which aspects of work-family conflict influence sleep

is an important concern for workers as well as I/O psychologists.

Measures of WTFC were found to predict the quality and duration

of sleep in this study. The fact that FTWC did not predict outcomes

is interesting but, given the cross-sectional nature of this research,

it is difficult to determine why the work to family conflict direction

was predictive while the family to work side was not. Future

research should further explore whether bidirectional relationships

exist between work-family conflict and patterns of sleep.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Can you think of reasons why WTFC would influence measures

of sleep duration and quality while FTWC did not?

2. What can organizations and workplaces do to foster improved

sleep quality and quantity in their workers?

3. Do these results have anything to say about the experience of

college students and sleep? In other words, is college life like

work life, indicating that stress related to course work and the

classroom has similar affects as WTFC?

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

Although employers are reducing their contributions to employee benefits such as

pension and retirement plans, health-care benefits, and the like, they do not seem to be

cutting back on flexible work schedules, family leave, and child and elder care support

(SHRM, 2011). A key reason employers are retaining these programs is that they help

recruit and retain employees. Still, the fact is that most employees do not have access to

such programs. Some believe that this situation is partly to blame for the downward drift

in the percentage of mothers with infant children who are in the labor force (Stone &

Lovejoy, 2004). In 1998, the participation rate for this group had reached a high of 59%; by

2005, it had fallen to 56%. According to Ellen Galinsky, president of the Families and Work

Institute, “They’re not fleeing work—they’re fleeing the demanding way of work” (Armour,

2004). Indeed, the more hours women work, the more their marital satisfaction tends to

suffer (but keep in mind that this is a correlational relationship and not a causal one). How-

ever, it makes sense that longer work hours can spill over into time once reserved for family

390 C H A P T E R 1 3

commitments, thereby introducing strain in family life (Hughes & Parkes, 2007). To gain

more control over their lives, some women are temporarily opting out of the workforce;

others are going into business for themselves.

Some decline in women’s labor force participation rates is probably due to gener-

ational shifts in the views of the optimal balance of work and family roles. As you can

see in Figure 13.11, more Gen-X employees with children endorsed a family-centric

view over a work-centric view compared to a comparable group of Boomers. Some

suggest that these generational differences are due, in part, to many Gen-Xers seeing

their hardworking parents lose their jobs because of downsizing (Families and Work

Institute, 2004).

Leisure and Recreation

Given the pace of contemporary American life, it’s no surprise that almost 60% of Amer-

icans say that having leisure time is either “extremely important” or “very important” in

their lives, according to a Gallup poll (Moore, 2003). Yet many Americans are taking less

vacation time than they did in the past (Dickey, 2015; Schor, 2011). U.S. workers take an

average of 14 days of paid annual vacation after 5 years of service (U.S. Bureau of Labor

Statistics, 2009). The paid vacation time of American workers lags far

behind that of many European workers. Moreover, workers in many

European Union countries get 4 weeks of vacation time mandated by

law (Roughton, 2001). A generous number of public holidays pushes

the average vacation time in the European Union to about 7 weeks!

We define leisure as unpaid activities people choose to engage in

because the activities are personally meaningful. How might we dis-

tinguish activities that are meaningful from those that aren’t? Although

people may lounge in front of the TV or surf the Internet for hours at a

time, most would also acknowledge that an important difference exists

between this use of time and, say, hiking around a beautiful lake. While

one activity merely provides respite from a boring or exhausting day

(which you sometimes need), the other can be genuinely revitalizing.

Being a couch potato will probably contribute nothing to your state of

mind and may even contribute to feelings of apathy and depression. Par-

ticipating in activities that are meaningful and fulfilling, however, can

contribute to one’s well-being and quality of life (Brajša-Žganec, Merkaš,

& Šverko, 2011).

33% Dual-centric

13% Work-centric

55% Family-centric

35% Dual-centric

20% Work-centric

46% Family-centric

BOOMERS Age 38–57

GEN-X Age 23–37

Figure 13.11 Generational differences in work and family priorities. Gen-X parents were significantly more likely than Boomer

parents to be family-centric (place more

emphasis on family than work), whereas

Boomer parents were significantly more

likely than Gen-Xers to be work-centric

(place greater emphasis on work than

family). The fact that both groups had

children younger than 18 living at home

suggests that this was a generational,

rather than a life cycle, difference.

Source: From Families and Work Institute (2004,

October). Generation and gender in the workplace. New

York: Families and Work Institute.

Leisure time should be relaxing and personally meaningful; cultivating

a garden can be both of those things. Some research suggests that

being satisfied with one’s job and one’s leisure activities is predictive

of psychological health.

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Careers and Work 391

Types of Leisure Activities

The leisure activities that people enjoy are quite diverse. Popular leisure pursuits include:

● Hobbies. Among the most popular hobbies are photography; acting; music (playing

and listening); dancing; gardening; knitting; drawing; collecting stamps, autographs, and

so forth; hiking; camping; fishing; and birdwatching. ● Reading. Although fewer individuals read now than in the past, plenty of people still love

to curl up with a good book. Books allow readers to escape from daily cares, solve mysteries,

travel to real or imaginary places, learn useful information, and find inspiration. ● Surfing the Internet. A relatively new entry into the world of leisure, the Internet

offers an amazing array of activities: emailing friends and relatives, social networking

on Facebook or Instagram, posting on message boards or Twitter, and playing multiuser

games are just a few options. ● Travel. Many choose their destinations spontaneously, but others are more systematic

in their travel plans. For example, some individuals want to travel to all the U.S. national

parks or to every state. Others travel abroad—to get a taste of real French cooking or a

firsthand look at what remains of ancient Egypt. ● Games and puzzles. Some individuals enjoy playing bridge for relaxation; others like

to play board games such as Scrabble or chess. Computerized and video games are highly

popular. For some, the day isn’t complete without the daily crossword or Sudoku puzzle. ● Sports. Many people play team sports such as bowling or softball, enjoying both

physical exercise and social interaction. Others enjoy individual sports such as jogging,

swimming, surfing, ice skating, or skiing. ● Volunteer activities. People can use their skills to help others in diverse settings:

homeless shelters, hospitals, schools, battered women’s shelters, boys’ and girls’ clubs, and

sports teams, for example.

Being aware of the broad range of leisure activities heightens your chances of selecting

those that are most meaningful to you.

In the upcoming Application, we describe how to conduct a productive job search and

offer a few tips for more effective job interviews.

Answer the following statements “true” or “false.”

1. The most common and effective job-search method is

answering classified ads.

2. Your technical qualifications are the main factor in

determining the success of your job search.

3. Employment agencies are a good source of leads to high-

level professional jobs.

4. Your résumé should be very thorough and include

everything you have ever done.

5. It’s a good idea to inject some humor into your job inter-

views to help you and your interviewer relax.

Most career counselors would agree that all these statements are

generally false. Although there is no one method for obtaining a

desirable job, recommended guidelines can increase your chances

of success. These insights appear in this Application. To ensure that

you get the best job you can, you’ll need to know more details than

we can provide here. A good place to start is to read What Color

Is Your Parachute?, one of the best job-search manuals available.

13.6 Getting Ahead in the Job Game

■ Summarize some guidelines for putting together an effective résumé.

■ Discuss strategies for targeting companies you would like to work for.

■ Outline several strategies for landing an interview and discuss how to

behave when interviewing for a job.

Learning Objectives

A P P L I C AT I O N

392 C H A P T E R 1 3

in job searches. He discusses practical topics, including where the jobs are, what will get you hired, how to get in to see the boss, whom to see, whom to avoid, and how to start your own business. His discussion of transferable skills is must-reading. Readers will also appreciate helpful hints on using the Internet for career information and job searching. The book contains a number of useful appendixes, including exercises to help people determine their ideal job and locate a career counselor or coach.

What Color Is Your Parachute? A Practical Manual

for Job-Hunters and Career-Changers

Richard Bolles is a clever, creative writer who wrote a landmark book on the process of hunting for a job. Parachute was first published in 1970 and has become so successful that it’s updated yearly. If you have time to read only one book about getting a job or changing careers, this is the one to choose. Bolles’s writing is humorous and opinionated. However, his opinions have merit because he has done his homework. The book is thoroughly researched and documented, and the author destroys myths about what does and does not work

Recommended Reading

by Richard Nelson Bolles (Ten Speed Press, 2017)

Above all else, conduct a job search that is well organized,

thorough, and systematic. Sending out a hastily written résumé

to a few randomly selected companies is a waste of effort. An

effective job search requires time and careful planning. Thus, it

is crucial to begin your search well in advance of the time when

you will need a job.

Of course, no amount of planning and effort can guar-

antee favorable results in a job search. Most hiring decisions

are based on subjective impressions gleaned from résumés,

telephone conversations, and face-to-face interviews. These

impressions are based on perceptions of personality, appear-

ance, social skills, and body language. Knowing these truths,

you can practice certain strategies that may increase the odds

in your favor.

No matter what job you’re looking for, successful searches

contain certain steps. First, you must prepare a résumé. Next,

you must target specific companies you would like to work for.

Then, you must inform these companies of your interest in such

a way as to get them interested in you.

Putting Together a Résumé

The purpose of a strong résumé is not to get you a job, but

to get you an interview. To be effective, your résumé must

show that you have at least the minimum technical qualifi-

cations for the position, know standard conventions of the

work world, and are someone who is on the fast track to suc-

cess. Furthermore, it must achieve these goals without being

flashy or gimmicky, yet it must tell your story and make you

stand out from other applicants (Akpan & Notar, 2012). No

spelling or grammatical errors can be present.

Here are a few basic guidelines for a résumé projecting a

positive, yet conservative image.

1. Use high-quality white, ivory, or beige paper for hard

copies.

2. Make sure the résumé contains no typographical errors.

3. Keep it short. One side of an 8.5" � 11" sheet of paper will suffice for most students; do not go over two pages.

4. Don’t write in full sentences, and avoid using the word

I. Instead, begin each statement with an “action” word describ-

ing a specific achievement, such as “Supervised a staff of fifteen”

or “Handled all customer complaints.”

5. Avoid including personal information that is unrelated

to the job. Such information is distracting, giving a reader cause

to dislike you and to reject your application.

Effective résumés generally contain the following elements

(Figure 13.12 shows an attractively prepared, easily read résumé):

Heading. At the page’s top, list your name, address, phone num-

ber, and email address. This is the only unlabeled section of the

résumé. (You do not need to label the document “Résumé.”)

Objective. State precisely and concisely the position you are seek-

ing, remembering to use action words. An example might be

“Challenging, creative position in the communication field requir-

ing extensive background in newspaper, radio, and television.”

Education. List any degrees you’ve earned, giving major field,

date, and granting institution for each. List the highest degree

you received first. If you have a college degree, you don’t need

to mention your high school diploma. If you received academic

honors or awards, mention them here.

Experience. This section should be organized chronologically,

beginning with your most recent job and working backward.

For each position, provide dates of employment and describe

The Riley Guide: Employment Opportunities and

Job Resources on the Internet

This site, developed by the well-regarded career expert Margaret

F. Dikel, complements her excellent book The Guide to Internet Job

Searching. Her website contains hundreds of annotated links regarding

almost any topic related to employment and careers.

Learn More Online

Careers and Work 393

TERESA M. MORGAN

Campus Address Permanent Address 1252 River St., Apt. 808 1111 W. Franklin East Lansing, MI 48823 Jackson, MI 49203 (517)332-6086 (517)782-0819 [email protected] [email protected]

OBJECTIVE To pursue a career in interior design, or a related field, in which I can utilize my design training. Willing to relocate after June 2018.

EDUCATION Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48825. Sept. 2016– Bachelor of Arts–Interior Design, with emphasis in Design June 2018 Communication and Human Shelter. Courses include Lighting, Computers, Public Relations and History of Art. (F.I.D.E.R. accredited) 3.0 GPA (4.0 = A).

July 2016– Michigan State University overseas study, England and France, Aug. 2016 Decorative Arts and Architecture. 4.0 GPA (4.0 = A).

Sept. 2013– Jackson Community College, Jackson, MI 49201. June 2015 Associate’s Degree. 3.5 GPA (4.0 = A).

EMPLOYMENT Food Service and Maintenance, Owen Graduate Center, Michigan Dec. 2017– State University.

Sept. 2016– Food Service and Maintenance, McDonel Residence Hall, June 2017 Michigan State University.

June 2012– Waitress, Charlie Wong’s Restaurant, Jackson, MI.

employee trainer.

HONORS AND ACTIVITIES Executive Board, MSU Chapter.

REFERENCES and PORTFOLIO available upon request.

Figure 13.12 Example of an attractively formatted résumé. The physical appearance of a résumé is very important. This example shows what a well-prepared résumé should look like. (Adapted

from Lock, 2005b)

your responsibilities and accomplishments. Be specific, making

sure your most recent position highlights the greatest achieve-

ments. Don’t list trivial attainments: Readers find such material

annoying.

Also, beware of padding your résumé with misrepresen-

tations or outright untruths. One résumé-writing business re-

ported that 43% of 1000 résumés they received over a 6-month

period contained one or more “significant inaccuracies” (Cullen,

2007). If you are wondering whether to include a questionable

entry on your résumé, use the “sniff test.” Could you talk easily

with an interviewer about what you claim on your résumé with-

out feeling nervous? If not, delete the information.

If you are currently a student or are a recent graduate, your

schooling will provide the basis for both your experience and

your qualifications. You can get a jump on the competition by

gaining experience in the field in which you want to work—

through internships or part-time or summer jobs. If this option

isn’t feasible, do some volunteer work and list

it under an “Honors and Activities” section

on your résumé.

Technology is changing aspects of the

job-search process, including the preparation

and screening of résumés. Increasingly, com-

panies are electronically scanning résumés for

key words that match job specifications (Lock,

2005a). Thus, it’s helpful to create an elec-

tronic résumé in addition to the traditional

paper version. You can get this information

at your campus career services office. In fact,

find out if your career services office spon-

sors any résumé-writing workshops. Attend-

ing one is likely to improve your résumé quite

a bit, as demonstrated by a study exploring the

impact of a résumé-writing workshop on

students’ résumé-writing skills (Tillotson &

Osborn, 2012). Also, many organizations post

formatting instructions on their websites for

people who want to submit electronic résumés.

Finding Companies You Want to Work For

Initially, you need to determine what general

type of organization will best suit your needs.

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CollegeGrad

This site bills itself as “The #1 entry-level job site.”

Key sections include “Job Preparation” (explore

careers, résumés, and cover letters), “Job Searching”

(advice and posting résumés), and “Offers” (salary,

negotiating, and new job advice). You can also

search for internships here.

Learn More Online

394 C H A P T E R 1 3

CareerRookie

This site is geared to college students seeking internships, part-time

jobs, and entry-level careers. Check out the section on internships,

where you can search by city, state, or category.

Learn More Online

To be successful on a job interview, candidates need to dress

appropriately and convey confidence, enthusiasm, and interest in

the job.

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Do you want to work in a school? A hospital? A small business?

A large corporation? A government agency? A human services

agency? To select an appropriate work environment, you need

an accurate picture of your personal qualities and knowledge

of various occupations and their characteristics. Job-search

manuals like Parachute can provide you with helpful exercises

in self-exploration. To learn about the characteristics of various

occupations, check out relevant websites such as the Occupa-

tional Outlook Handbook or visit your career services office.

Landing an Interview

No one is going to hire you without first “checking out the goods.”

This inspection process typically involves one or more formal

interviews. How do you get invited for an interview? If you are

applying for an advertised vacancy, the traditional approach is

to send a résumé with a cover letter to the hiring organization.

If your letter and résumé stand out from the crowd, you may be

invited for an interview. A good way to increase your chances

is to persuade the prospective employer that you are interested

enough in the company to have done some research on the

organization.

If you are approaching an organization in the absence of a

known opening, your strategy may be somewhat different. You

may still opt to send a résumé, along with a more detailed cover

letter explaining why you have selected this particular com-

pany. Another option, suggested by Bolles (2007), is to intro-

duce yourself (by phone or in person) directly to the person in

charge of hiring and request an interview. You can increase your

chances of success by using your network of personal contacts

to identify some acquaintance that you and the person in charge

have in common. Then you can use this person’s name to facili-

tate your approach.

Polishing Your Interview Technique

The final, and most crucial, step in the process of securing a

job is the face-to-face interview. If you’ve gotten this far, the

employer already knows that you have the necessary training

and experience to do the job. Your challenge is to convince the

employer that you’re the kind of person who would fit well in

the organization. Your interviewer will attempt to verify that

you have the intangible qualities that will make you a good

hire. More importantly, he or she will try to identify any “red-

flag” behaviors, attitudes, or traits that mark you as an unac-

ceptable risk.

To create the right impression, you must appear confident,

enthusiastic, and ambitious. By the way, a firm (not wishy-washy

or bone-crushing) handshake helps create a positive first impres-

sion, especially for women (Stewart et al., 2008). Your demeanor

should be somewhat formal and reserved; avoid any attempts at

humor—you never know what might offend your interviewer.

Above all, never give more information than the interviewer

requests, especially negative information. If asked directly what

your weaknesses are—a common ploy—respond with a “flaw”

that is really a positive, as in “I tend to work too hard at times.”

Finally, don’t ever blame or criticize anyone, especially previous

employers, even if you feel that the criticism is justified (Lock,

2005b).

Developing an effective interview technique requires prac-

tice. Many experts suggest that you never turn down an inter-

view because you can always benefit from the practice even if

you don’t want the job. Preparation is crucial: Never go into an

interview cold. Find out all you can about the company before

you go. Try to anticipate the questions that will be asked and

have some answers ready. You can review commonly asked

interview questions on websites and in career books (Yate,

2006). Know, however, that many untrained interviewers treat

interviews as informal and unplanned, which means they rely

on unstructured questions. In contrast, trained interviewers

usually rely on a set of standardized questions for prospective

employees. Sample questions associated with both interviewer

styles are shown in Figure 13.13. In general, you will not be asked

simply to reiterate information from your résumé. Remember,

it is your personal qualities that are being assessed at this point.

Interviews are not a one-way street: Your interviewer will

expect that you will have some questions to ask about the posi-

tion. In fact, the sorts of questions you ask will be another source

of information for determining your fit in that workplace.

Figure 13.14 lists some sample questions that you might ask. And

remember, it is very bad form to tell an interviewer that “I don’t

have any questions about the position at this point” because it

conveys a lack of interest in the job and that you are not taking

the interview very seriously.

Careers and Work 395

1. What particular skills are appropriate for this position?

Some questions a job candidate might ask during an interview

2. Please explain to me the responsibilities and duties associated with this position.

3. What is the ideal candidate for this position like?

4. Is this a new position in the company? 5. Who would I work with in this position? 6. If I join the company in this position,

how will I be evaluated? Who will perform my evaluation?

7. What are the strengths of this company? 8. What direction will the company be taking

in the next 5 years?

Unstructured interview questions

1. What are your weaknesses? 2. Why should we hire you? 3. What are your goals? 4. Why do you want to work here? 5. What are three positive things a former

boss would say about you? 6. What salary are you seeking? 7. If you were an animal, what animal would

you want to be? Why?

Structured interview questions

1. Tell me in specific detail about a time when you had to deal with a difficult person.

2. Give me an example of a time when you had to make a decision without having a supervisor present to help you.

3. Give me a specific example of when you demonstrated initiative in your last job.

4. Tell me about a time when you had to work with a team of other people.

5. Describe a situation where you had to be creative when it came to solving some problem.

Figure 13.13 Some typical unstructured and structured interview questions. Untrained interviewers treat interviews as informal and unplanned; they tend to ask unstructured questions. In contrast, trained

interviewers usually rely on a set of standardized questions for prospective

employees. Sample questions associated with unstructured or structured

interviews, respectively, are shown here. (Adapted from Baumeister &

Bushman, 2011)

Figure 13.14 Some questions job candidates might ask during an interview. Job seekers need to ask as well as answer questions. Having good questions at the ready during an interview can demonstrate to the

employers that you are serious and interested in working for them. Review

the questions here before you go on an interview and adjust them as

needed to fit the job and the needs of your possible future employer.

Salary.com

This useful site allows you to determine median salaries for numerous

occupations at different experience levels and in different geographical

areas and compare them to national averages. You can probably get

all the information you need for free, but you can also pay (a lot) for a

customized salary report.

Learn More Online One more thing: As we learned in Chapter 8, nonverbal be-

havior matters, so your smiles, eye contact, posture, rate of speak-

ing, amount of time you speak, and paralanguage all matter, as

they will create an impression in the mind of your interviewer

(Frauendorfer & Mast, 2015). Your nonverbal behavior should

convey interest, enthusiasm, and honesty. No doubt, too, you will

be trying to “read” the nonverbal cues the interviewer displays,

which is understandable; however, you should focus more on the

nonverbal as well as verbal messages you are sending.

A final word of advice: If possible, avoid discussing salary

in an initial interview. The appropriate time for salary negotia-

tion is after a firm offer of employment has been extended. You

can scope out salary information for many jobs through judi-

cious searching of the Internet. After you have an interview,

you should follow up with a thank-you note and a résumé that

will jog the prospective employer’s memory about your training

and talents.

396 C H A P T E R 1 3

Key Ideas

13.1 Choosing a Career ● Ideally, people look for jobs that are compatible with their personal

characteristics. Thus, individuals need to have a sense of their own abilities, interests, and personality. Family background also influences career choices.

● There are abundant resources for those who want to learn about possible career options. In researching prospective careers, it is important to find out about the nature of the work, working conditions, entry requirements, potential earnings, potential status, opportunities for advancement, intrinsic satisfactions, and the future outlook for jobs.

● Individuals who have trouble making career decisions may find it helpful to take an occupational interest inventory. People have the potential for success in a variety of occupations, and they need to keep this and other considerations in mind as they make career decisions.

13.2 Models of Career Choice and Development ● John Holland’s person-environment fit model of career development

asserts that people select careers based on their own personality characteristics. Holland’s well-supported theory includes six personal orientations and matching work environments.

● Super’s stage theory holds that self-concept development is the basis for career choice. According to this model, there are five stages in the occupational life cycle: growth, exploration, establishment, maintenance, and decline. However, the assumption that people will remain in the same career all of their working lives is out of sync with current workplace realities.

● Models of career development in women are still being developed. Women’s career paths are often less orderly and predictable than men’s because of the need to juggle multiple roles and because many women interrupt their careers to devote time to childrearing.

13.3 The Changing World of Work ● Work is an activity that produces something of value for others.

A number of contemporary trends are changing the world of work. Generally, the more education individuals obtain, the higher their salaries will be.

● In the future, more women and minorities will join the labor force. Although women and minorities participate in the workforce at all occupational levels, they tend to be concentrated in lower-paying and lower-status positions. Furthermore, women and minorities face discrimination in a number of areas. Increasing diversity in the workforce presents challenges to both organizations and workers.

13.4 Coping with Occupational Hazards ● Major hazards related to work include job stress, sexual harassment,

and unemployment. Stress affects both employers and employees. Interventions to manage stress in the workplace can be made at the individual level, the organizational level, and the individual- organizational interface.

● Victims of sexual harassment often develop physical and psychological symptoms of stress that can lead to decreased work motivation and productivity. Many organizations are educating their workers about this problem. Individuals can also take steps to reduce sexual harassment, although the most popular strategies tend to be the least effective.

● Because of dramatic changes in the economy, unemployment is a problem for both skilled and unskilled workers. Job loss is highly stressful. Middle-aged workers are most distressed by the experience. Unemployed workers who believe that they have been treated unfairly and arbitrarily often feel angry. In coping with unemployment, social support is critical.

13.5 Balancing Work and Other Spheres of Life ● A major challenge for workers today is balancing work, family, and

leisure activities in ways that are personally satisfying. Workaholism may be based on positive or negative motives, but it still creates work-family conflict for workaholics and their families.

● As dual-earner families have become the norm, juggling multiple roles has emerged as a challenge, especially for women. Nonetheless, multiple roles are generally beneficial to mental, physical, and relationship health. Leisure plays an important role in promoting well- being and quality of life.

13.6 Application: Getting Ahead in the Job Game ● The essential elements of a successful job search include (1) determining

the type of organization that will best suit one’s needs, (2) constructing an effective résumé, (3) obtaining a job interview, and (4) developing an effective interview technique.

● Résumés should be brief and project a positive, yet conservative image. To locate prospective employers, it is good to use a variety of strategies.

● Nonverbal communication skills can be crucial in job interviews. You should try to appear confident and enthusiastic. Try to avoid salary discussions in your initial interview.

Displaced workers p. 386 Dual-earner households p. 378 Glass ceiling p. 381 Industrial/organizational (I/O)

psychology p. 367 Labor force p. 379 Leisure p. 390

Occupational interest inventories p. 370

Sexual harassment p. 384 Token p. 381 Underemployment p. 378 Work p. 376 Work-family conflict p. 388

Key Terms

John Holland pp. 373–374 Robert Karasek p. 383

Donald Super pp. 374–375

Key People

C H A P T E R 13 Review

Careers and Work 397

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 13.1 Self-Assessment: Assertive Job-Hunting Survey

Exercise 13.2 Self-Reflection: What Do You Know about the Career

that Interests You?

10. Which of the following is a good tip for preparing an effective résumé? a. Make your résumé as long as possible. b. Use complete sentences. c. Keep it short. d. Provide a lot of personal information.

1. Individuals’ career choices are often a. much higher in status than those of their parents. b. similar to those of their parents. c. much lower in status than those of their parents. d. unrelated to their family background.

2. Findings on education and earnings show that a. at all levels of education, men earn more than women. b. at all levels of education, women earn more than men. c. there are no gender differences in education and earnings. d. there is no relationship between education and earnings.

3. Occupational interest inventories are designed to predict a. how successful an individual is likely to be in a job. b. how long a person will stay in a career. c. how satisfied a person is likely to be in a job. d. all of the above.

4. Holland’s theory of occupational choice emphasizes a. the role of self-esteem in job choice. b. the unfolding of career interests over time. c. parental influences and job choice. d. matching personality traits and job environments.

5. Which of the following is not a work-related trend? a. Technology is changing the nature of work. b. New work attitudes are required. c. Most new jobs will be in the manufacturing sector. d. Lifelong learning is a necessity.

6. When there is only one woman or minority person in a workplace setting, that person becomes a symbol of his or her group and is referred to as a a. token. b. scapegoat. c. sex object. d. protected species.

7. Job stress has been found to lead to all but which of the following negative effects? a. Burnout b. Bipolar disorder c. High blood pressure d. Anxiety

8. According to law, the two types of sexual harassment are a. quid pro quo and hostile environment. b. legal and illegal. c. caveat emptor and confrontational. d. industrial and organizational.

9. Compared to European workers, American workers receive a. much less paid vacation time. b. about the same amount of paid vacation time. c. much more paid vacation time, but less sick leave. d. much more paid vacation and more sick leave.

Answers 1. b Page 369 2. a Pages 378–379 3. c Pages 370–371 4. d Pages 373–374 5. c Pages 376–378

6. a Page 381 7. b Pages 382–384 8. a Page 384 9. a Page 390

10. c Pages 392–393

C H A P T E R 13 Practice Test

C H A P T E R 14 Psychological Disorders

14.1 General Concepts

The Medical Model Applied

to Abnormal Behavior

Criteria of Abnormal Behavior

Psychodiagnosis: The Classification

of Disorders

RECOMMENDED READING Saving Normal by Allen Frances

14.2 Anxiety Disorders and Obsessive- Compulsive Disorder

Generalized Anxiety Disorder

Specific Phobia

Panic Disorder

Agoraphobia

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder

Etiology of Anxiety-Related Disturbances

14.3 Dissociative Disorders

Description

Etiology of Dissociative Disorders

14.4 Depressive and Bipolar Disorders

Major Depressive Disorder

Bipolar Disorder

Mood Dysfunction and Suicide

Etiology of Depressive and Bipolar Disorders

14.5 Schizophrenic Disorders

Symptoms

Etiology of Schizophrenia

14.6 Autism Spectrum Disorder

Symptoms

Etiology of Autism Spectrum Disorder

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Autism and Vaccinations

14.7 Personality Disorders

Antisocial, Borderline, and Narcissistic

Personality Disorders

Etiology of Personality Disorders

14.8 APPLICATION: Understanding Eating Disorders

Types of Eating Disorders

Prevalence of Eating Disorders

Etiology of Eating Disorders

Review

Practice Test

Dotshock/Shutterstock.com

14.1 General Concepts

Misconceptions about abnormal behavior are common. We therefore need to clear up

some preliminary issues before we describe the various types of psychological disorders. In

this section, we discuss the medical model of abnormal behavior, the criteria of abnormal

behavior, and the classification of psychological disorders.

The Medical Model Applied to Abnormal Behavior

There’s no question that Howie Mandel’s extreme fear of germs is abnormal. But does it

make sense to view his unusual and irrational behavior as an illness? This is a controversial

question. The medical model proposes that it is useful to think of abnormal behavior as

a disease. This point of view is the basis for many of the terms used to refer to abnormal

behavior, including mental illness, psychological disorder, and psychopathology (pathology

refers to manifestations of disease). The medical model gradually became the conventional

way of thinking about abnormal behavior during the 19th and 20th centuries, and its influ-

ence remains dominant today.

The medical model clearly represented progress over earlier models of abnormal

behavior. Prior to the 18th century, most conceptions of abnormal behavior were based on

superstition. People who behaved strangely were thought to be possessed by demons, to be

witches in league with the devil, or to be victims of God’s punishment. Their disorders were

“treated” with chants, rituals, exorcisms, and such.

The rise of the medical model brought improvements in the treatment of those who

exhibited abnormal behavior. As victims of an illness, they were viewed with more sympathy

germs, it’s that you obsess about that thought and have to do

things like handwashing to relieve the worry. I always have

intrusive thoughts and rituals.”

What causes such abnormal behavior? Does Mandel

have a mental illness, or does he just behave strangely? What

is the basis for judging behavior as normal versus abnormal?

How common are such disorders? Can they be cured? These

are just a few of the questions that we address in this chap-

ter as we discuss psychological disorders and their complex

causes. ■

A ctress Jessica Alba used to unplug every single appli-

ance in her house because she worried it would catch

fire. She would also check and recheck her doors to

ensure that they were locked. Soccer star David Beckham

acknowledges more elaborate concerns that involve symme-

try and matching. He is not comfortable unless everything is

arranged in straight lines or in pairs. For instance, if he has

five cans of Pepsi in a refrigerator, he has to get rid of one to

restore even pairs. When he enters a hotel room he imme-

diately has to put away all the leaflets and books to restore

order to the room.

For Alba and Beckham, these aren’t just little eccentrici-

ties of being a celebrity. They’re manifestations of obsessive-

compulsive disorder (OCD). Comedian and talk show host

Howie Mandel explains it in his 2009 autobiography, Here’s

the Deal: Don’t Touch Me. Mandel doesn’t shake hands, due

to his fear of germs, but “it’s not just that I’m scared of germs,”

he says. There’s nothing wrong with shaking hands with

someone and then washing your hands. But “there is some-

thing wrong with being totally consumed that you didn’t get

everything off your hand, that there’s things crawling, so you

wash it again, and you’re so consumed that you wash it again,

and you wash it again and you wash it again and you wash

it again,” Mandel says. “When you can’t get past that, that’s

obsessive-compulsive disorder. It’s not that you’re afraid of

Learning Objectives

■ Describe and evaluate the medical

model of abnormal behavior.

■ Identify the key criteria of abnormality

and discuss the development of DSM-5.

Psychological Disorders 399

Howie Mandel has written an

insightful and amusing account

of his struggles with obsessive-

compulsive disorder.

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400 C H A P T E R 1 4

and less hatred and fear. Although living conditions in early asylums were often deplorable,

gradual progress was made toward more humane care of the mentally ill.

However, in recent decades, some critics have suggested that the medical model may

have outlived its usefulness (Boyle, 2007; Deacon, 2013). A particularly vocal critic has

been the late Thomas Szasz (1993). He asserted that “strictly speaking, disease or illness can

affect only the body; hence there can be no mental illness. . . . Minds can be ‘sick’ only in

the sense that jokes are ‘sick’ or economies are ‘sick’ ” (1974, p. 267). He further argued that

abnormal behavior usually involves a deviation from social norms rather than an illness.

He contended that such deviations are “problems in living” rather than medical problems.

According to Szasz, the medical model’s disease analogy converts moral and social ques-

tions about what is acceptable behavior into medical questions.

Some critics are also concerned because medical diagnoses of abnormal behavior pin

potentially derogatory labels on people (Overton & Medina, 2008). Being labeled as psy-

chotic, schizophrenic, or mentally ill carries a social stigma that can be difficult to shake.

Those characterized as mentally ill are viewed as erratic, dangerous, incompetent, and infe-

rior. These stereotypes fuel prejudice, which is a significant source of stress for people who

suffer from mental illness (Rüsch et al., 2014). Perhaps even more important, the stigma

associated with psychological disorders prevents many people from seeking the mental

health care that they need and could benefit from (Corrigan, Druss, & Perlick, 2014). Un-

fortunately, this stigma appears to be deep rooted and not easily reduced (Schnittker, 2008).

Although critics’ analyses of the medical model have some merit, we’ll take the posi-

tion that the disease analogy continues to be useful, although you should keep in mind that

it is only an analogy. Medical concepts such as diagnosis, etiology, and prognosis have proven

valuable in the treatment and study of abnormality. Diagnosis involves distinguishing one

illness from another. Etiology refers to the apparent causation and developmental his-

tory of an illness. A prognosis is a forecast about the probable course of an illness. These

medically based concepts have widely shared meanings that permit clinicians, researchers,

and the public to communicate more effectively in their discussions of abnormal behavior.

Criteria of Abnormal Behavior

If your next-door neighbor scrubs his front porch twice every day and spends virtually

all his time cleaning and recleaning his house, is he normal? If your sister-in-law goes to

one physician after another seeking treatment for ailments that appear imaginary, is she

psychologically healthy? How are we to judge what’s normal and what’s abnormal? Formal

diagnoses of psychological disorders are made by mental health professionals. In making

these diagnoses, clinicians rely on a variety of criteria, the foremost

of which are the following.

Hoarding behavior clearly represents a certain type of deviance, but

should it be regarded as a mental disorder? The criteria of mental illness

are subjective and complicated. Hoarding is viewed as a disorder, but as

with any disorder, it is all a matter of degree. In many cases, it can be very

difficult to draw a line between normality and abnormality.

1. Deviance. As Szasz pointed out, people are often said to have

a disorder because their behavior deviates from what their society

considers acceptable. What constitutes normality varies somewhat

from one culture to another, but all cultures have such norms. When

people ignore these standards and expectations, they may be labeled

mentally ill.

2. Maladaptive behavior. In many cases, people are judged to

have a psychological disorder because their everyday adaptive be-

havior is impaired. This is the key criterion in the diagnosis of sub-

stance use (drug) disorders. In and of itself, alcohol and drug use are

not terribly unusual or deviant. However, when the use of cocaine,

for instance, begins to interfere with a person’s social or occupa-

tional functioning, a substance use disorder exists. In such cases, it

is the maladaptive quality of the behavior that makes it disordered.

3. Personal distress. Frequently, the diagnosis of a psychologi-

cal disorder is based on an individual’s report of great personal dis-

tress. This is usually the criterion met by people who are troubled by

Psych Central

Psych Central is arguably the premier site

for all aspects of mental health, including

psychological disorders and treatment,

professional issues, and information for

mental health-care consumers. This site

offers nearly 2000 annotated listings to

information sources.

Learn More Online

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Psychological Disorders 401

depression or anxiety disorders. Depressed people, for

instance, may or may not exhibit deviant or maladaptive

behavior. Such people are usually labeled as having a dis-

order when they describe their subjective pain and suffer-

ing to friends, relatives, and mental health professionals.

Although two or three criteria may apply in a par-

ticular case, people are often viewed as disordered when

only one criterion is met. As you may have already no-

ticed, diagnoses of psychological disorders involve value

judgments about what represents normal or abnormal

behavior. The criteria of mental illness are not nearly as

value-free as the criteria of physical illness. Judgments

about mental illness reflect prevailing cultural values,

social trends, and political forces, as well as scientific

knowledge (Frances & Widiger, 2012; Kirk, Gomory, &

Cohen, 2013).

Antonyms such as normal versus abnormal and mental health versus mental illness imply

that people can be divided neatly into two distinct groups: those who are normal and those

who are not. In reality, it is often difficult to draw a line that clearly separates normality from

abnormality. On occasion, everyone experiences personal distress. Everybody acts in deviant

ways once in a while. And everyone displays some maladaptive behavior. People are judged

to have psychological disorders only when their behavior becomes extremely deviant, mal-

adaptive, or distressing. Thus, normality and abnormality exist on a continuum. It’s a matter of

degree, not an either-or proposition (see Figure 14.1).

Psychodiagnosis: The Classification of Disorders

Lumping all psychological disorders together would make it extremely difficult to under-

stand them better. A sound taxonomy of mental disorders can facilitate empirical research

and enhance communication among scientists and clinicians (Widiger & Crego, 2013).

Thus, a great deal of effort has been invested in devising an elaborate system for classifying

psychological disorders. This classification system, published by the American Psychiatric

Association, is outlined in a book titled the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental

Disorders. The fourth edition, titled DSM-IV, was used from 1994 until 2013, when the

current fifth edition was released. The fifth edition is titled DSM-5 (instead of DSM-V) to

facilitate incremental updates (such as DSM 5.1). It is the product of more than a decade of

research (Kupfer, Kuhl, & Regier, 2013). Clinical researchers collected extensive data, held

numerous conferences, and engaged in heated debates about whether various syndromes

should be added, eliminated, redefined, or renamed (Sachdev, 2013).

One area of concern related to the DSM has been its nearly exponential growth. The

number of specific diagnoses in the DSM has increased from 128 in the first edition to

541 in the current edition (Blashfield et al., 2014; see Figure 14.2). Some of this growth has

Deviance

Personal distress

Maladaptive behavior

Normal Abnormal

Figure 14.1 Normality and abnormality as a continuum. No sharp boundary divides normal and abnormal behavior. Behavior is normal or abnormal in degree, depending on the

extent to which it is deviant, personally distressing, or maladaptive.

NAMI: The National

Alliance for the Mentally Ill

Professional and lay evaluators have

consistently found NAMI among the most

helpful and informative organizations

dealing with the entire spectrum of

mental disorders, including schizophrenia

and depression. The NAMI site offers

a rich array of information on specific

mental disorders and on how patients

and their families can find support.

Learn More Online

0 DSM-I

1952

DSM-II

1968

DSM-III

1980

DSM-IV

1994

DSM-5

2013

100

200

300

N um

be r o

f d ia

gn os

400

500

600 Figure 14.2 Growth of the DSM diagnostic system. Published by the American Psychiatric Association, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual

of Mental Disorders has grown dramatically

with each new edition. The number of specific

diagnoses has more than quadrupled since the

first edition was released. (Based on Blashfield

et al., 2014)

402 C H A P T E R 1 4

been due to splitting existing disorders into narrower subtypes, but much of it has been

due to adding entirely new disorders. Some of the new disorders encompass behavioral

patterns that used to be regarded as mundane, everyday adjustment problems, rather than

mental disorders. For example, DSM-5 includes diagnoses for caffeine intoxication (getting

really buzzed from coffee), tobacco use disorder (inability to control smoking), disruptive

mood dysregulation disorder (problems with recurrent temper tantrums in youngsters),

binge-eating disorder (gluttonous overeating more than once a week for at least 3 months),

and gambling disorder (inability to control gambling). Some of these syndromes can be

serious problems for which people might want to seek treatment, but should they merit a

formal designation as a mental illness? Some critics of the DSM argue that this approach

“medicalizes” everyday problems and casts the stigma of pathology on normal self-control

issues (Frances, 2013). Critics also worry that making everyday problems into mental dis-

orders may trivialize the concept of mental illness.

We are now ready to start examining the specific types of psychological disorders. Ob-

viously, we cannot cover all of the diverse disorders listed in DSM-5. However, we will

introduce most of the major categories of disorders to give you an overview of the many

forms abnormal behavior takes. In discussing each set of disorders, we begin with brief

descriptions of the specific syndromes or subtypes that fall in the category. Then we focus

on the etiology of the disorders in that category.

unexpectedly contributed to diagnostic inflation, much to his chagrin and regret. He then outlines how a variety of decisions made for DSM-5 appear likely to lead to diagnostic hyperinflation. Along the way, Frances explains how a variety of forces in modern society and modern medicine are fueling diagnostic inflation, such as diagnostic fads, insurance reimbursement pressures for formal diagnoses, epidemiology methods that greatly overestimate the prevalence of disorders, and so forth. First and foremost among these forces, he indicts the pharmaceutical industry for overselling the benefits of psychiatric drugs through brilliant marketing and its copious funding of highly biased research on new medications. Frances wraps up his compelling analyses in the final chapters by offering a variety of suggestions for bringing diagnostic inflation under control, followed by a highly practical chapter on how to be a smart and savvy consumer of clinical services. Saving Normal is a very insightful, readable, and thought-provoking examination of contemporary issues in psychodiagnosis.

Saving Normal

In Saving Normal, psychiatrist Allen Frances takes a very critical look at contemporary trends in psychiatric diagnosis. The subtitle of the book provides a snapshot of its themes: An Insider’s Revolt against Out-of-Control Psychiatric Diagnosis, DSM-5, Big Pharma, and the Medicalization of Ordinary Life. Frances brings an interesting perspective to the table in analyzing various controversies, as he chaired the task force that created the previous edition of the diagnostic system (DSM-IV). Frances’s principal concern is what he calls diagnostic inflation, the trend toward taking the routine, everyday problems of the worried well and turning them into formal psychiatric disorders, thus leading countless people to seek unnecessary treatment, often with powerful medications that can prove harmful.

Frances begins by discussing the fuzzy boundaries between normality and abnormality, and describes the development of earlier editions of the DSM. He readily acknowledges that some of the decisions made under his guidance for DSM-IV

Recommended Reading

by Allen Frances (William Morrow, 2013)

National Institute of

Mental Health: For the Public

A wealth of information on psychological

disorders is available at this subpage of

the National Institute of Mental Health’s

massive website. Visitors will find online

booklets on generalized anxiety disorder,

obsessive-compulsive disorder, panic

disorder, depression, bipolar disorder, and

so forth. Brief fact sheets, dense technical

reports, and many other resources are

also available.

Learn More Online

14.2 Anxiety Disorders and Obsessive- Compulsive Disorder

■ Describe four types of anxiety disorders

and obsessive-compulsive disorder.

■ Discuss how biological factors and

conditioning contribute to the etiology

of anxiety-related disorders.

■ Explain how cognitive processes and

stress play a role in anxiety-related

disorders.

Learning Objectives

Anxiety disorders are a class of disorders marked by feelings of excessive apprehen-

sion and anxiety. In DSM-5 the principal types of anxiety disorders are generalized

anxiety disorder, specific phobia, panic disorder, and agoraphobia. DSM-5 removed

obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) from the anxiety disorders category and put it in

Psychological Disorders 403

its own special category with other compulsive problems, such as hoarding disorder. The

wisdom of this decision has been questioned as the new category consists of a hodgepodge

of disorders whose resemblance may be superficial (Abramowitz & Jacoby, 2015). In any

event, due to space limitations, we will cover OCD with the anxiety disorders.

Generalized Anxiety Disorder

Generalized anxiety disorder is marked by a chronic high level of anxiety that is not

tied to any specific threat. People with this disorder worry constantly about minor mat-

ters related to family, finances, work, and personal illness. Their anxiety is frequently

accompanied by physical symptoms, such as muscle tension, diarrhea, dizziness, faint-

ness, sweating, and heart palpitations. They hope that their worrying will prepare them

for the worst that could possibly happen, but the net result is they just generate nega-

tive emotions and prolonged physiological arousal (Newman & Llera, 2011). People with

generalized anxiety disorder sound like the “worried well,” but the disorder can be very

disabling and is associated with an increased risk for a variety of physical health problems

(Newman et al., 2013). Generalized anxiety disorder tends to have a gradual onset, has a

lifetime prevalence of about 5%–6%, and is seen more frequently in females than males

(Schneier et al., 2014).

Specific Phobia

In a phobic disorder, an individual’s troublesome anxiety has a precise focus. A specific pho-

bia is marked by a persistent and irrational fear of an object or situation that presents

no realistic danger. Although mild phobias are extremely common, people are said to have

a phobic disorder only when their fears seriously interfere with their everyday behavior.

The following case provides an example of a specific phobia:

Hilda is 32 years of age and has a rather unusual fear. She is terrified of snow. She cannot go

outside in the snow. She cannot even stand to see snow or hear about it on the weather report.

Her phobia severely constricts her day-to-day behavior. Probing in therapy revealed that her

phobia was caused by a traumatic experience at age 11. Playing at a ski lodge, she was buried

briefly by a small avalanche of snow. She had no recollection of this experience until it was

recovered in therapy. (Adapted from Laughlin, 1967, p. 227)

As Hilda’s unusual snow phobia illustrates, people can develop phobic responses to vir-

tually anything. Nonetheless, certain types of phobias are relatively common, as the data

in Figure 14.3 show. Particularly common are acrophobia (fear of heights), claustrophobia

(fear of small, enclosed places), brontophobia (fear of storms), hydrophobia (fear of water),

and various animal and insect phobias (McCabe & Antony, 2008). People troubled by pho-

bias typically realize that their fears are irrational, but they still are unable to calm them-

selves when they encounter a phobic object.

Storms

Water

Enclosed spaces

Flying

Blood

Heights

Animals

Lifetime prevalence (%)Specific fear 0 10 15 20 255

Figure 14.3 Common phobic fears. This graph shows the lifetime prevalence of the most

common types of phobic fears reported by

participants in a study by Curtis et al. (1998).

As you can see, a substantial number of

people struggle with a variety of specific

phobias. Bear in mind that only a portion of

these people qualify for a diagnosis of phobic

disorder, which is merited only if individuals’

phobias seriously impair their everyday

functioning.

404 C H A P T E R 1 4

Panic Disorder

A panic disorder is characterized by recurrent attacks of overwhelm-

ing anxiety that usually occur suddenly and unexpectedly. These par-

alyzing attacks are accompanied by physical symptoms of anxiety and

are sometimes misinterpreted as heart attacks. After a number of anxiety

attacks, victims often become apprehensive, wondering when their next

attack will occur. About two-thirds of people who are diagnosed with

panic disorder are female, and the onset of the disorder typically occurs

during late adolescence or early adulthood (Schneier et al., 2014).

Agoraphobia

People with panic disorder often become increasingly concerned about

exhibiting panic in public to the point where they are afraid to leave

home. This fear creates a condition called agoraphobia, which is a fear

of going out to public places (its literal meaning is “fear of the market-

place”). In particular, agoraphobics tend to experience great discomfort

in shopping malls, theaters, restaurants, and when using buses, trains,

and subways. The crux of the problem is that in these situations they fear

that it may be difficult to escape or get help if they panic. Some agoraphobics manage to

venture out, but they endure crowds with intense dread. As its name suggests, agoraphobia

was originally viewed as a phobic disorder. However, in DSM-III and DSM-IV it was char-

acterized as a common complication of panic disorder. In DSM-5 it is listed as a separate

anxiety disorder that may or may not coexist with panic disorder because it turns out that

it can coexist with a variety of disorders (Asmundson, Taylor, & Smits, 2014).

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder

Obsessions are thoughts that repeatedly intrude on one’s consciousness in a distressing way.

Compulsions are actions that one feels forced to carry out. Thus, an obsessive-compulsive

disorder (OCD) is marked by persistent, uncontrollable intrusions of unwanted

thoughts (obsessions) and urges to engage in senseless rituals (compulsions). To illus-

trate, let’s examine the bizarre behavior of a man once reputed to be the wealthiest person

in the world:

The famous industrialist Howard Hughes was obsessed with the possibility of being contaminated

by germs. This led him to devise extraordinary rituals to minimize the possibility of such

contamination. He would spend hours methodically cleaning a single telephone. He once wrote a

three-page memo instructing assistants on exactly how to open cans of fruit for him. The following

is just a small portion of the instructions that Hughes provided for a driver who delivered films to

his bungalow. “Get out of the car on the traffic side. . . . Carry only one can of film at a time. Step

over the gutter opposite the place where the sidewalk dead-ends into the curb from a point as far

out into the center of the road as possible. Do not ever walk on the grass at all, also do not step into

the gutter at all.” (Adapted from Barlett & Steele, 1979, pp. 227–237)

Obsessions often center on fear of contamination, inflicting harm on others, personal

failures, suicide, or sexual acts. Compulsions usually involve rituals that temporarily relieve

the anxiety produced by one’s obsessions. Common examples include constant handwash-

ing; repetitive cleaning of things that are already clean; endless rechecking of locks, fau-

cets, and such; and excessive arranging, counting, and hoarding of things. Specific types

of obsessions tend to be associated with specific types of compulsions. For example, obses-

sions about contamination tend to be paired with cleaning compulsions, and obsessions

about symmetry tend to be paired with ordering and arranging compulsions. People with

OCD vary considerably in regard to how much insight they have into their disorder. Some

are keenly aware that their obsessions and compulsions are irrational, whereas others are

convinced that their behavior is rational (Abramowitz & Jacoby, 2015).

Handwashing is one of the most common

compulsions among OCD patients, second

only to checking and rechecking. Some

theorists believe these compulsions are driven

by a need to reduce irrational feelings of guilt.

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Psychological Disorders 405

Many of us can be compulsive at times. Indeed, in samples of people without a mental

disorder many individuals report significant obsessions or compulsions (Clark et al., 2014).

However, full-fledged obsessive-compulsive disorders occur in roughly 2%–3% of the pop-

ulation (Zohar, Fostick, & Juven-Wetzler, 2009). Although OCD is often trivialized in the

media (Pavelko & Myrick, 2015), OCD can be a very serious disorder, as it is often asso-

ciated with severe social and occupational impairments (Dougherty, Wilhelm, & Jenike,

2014), as well as elevations in suicidal behavior (Angelakis et al., 2015). OCD is unusual

among anxiety-related problems in that it is seen in males and females in roughly equal

numbers (Gallo et al., 2013).

Etiology of Anxiety-Related Disturbances

Like most psychological disorders, anxiety disorders and OCD develop out of compli-

cated interactions among a variety of factors. Conditioning and learning appear especially

important, but biological factors may also contribute.

Biological Factors

Recent studies suggest that there may be a weak to moderate genetic predisposition to

anxiety-related disorders, depending on the specific type of disorder (Fyer, 2009). These

findings are consistent with the idea that inherited differences in temperament might make

some people more vulnerable than others to anxiety problems. Kagan and his colleagues

(1992) found that about 15%–20% of infants display an inhibited temperament, charac-

terized by shyness, timidity, and wariness, which appears to have a strong genetic basis.

Research suggests that this temperament is a risk factor for the development of anxiety

disorders (Coles, Schofield, & Pietrefesa, 2006).

Recent evidence suggests that a link may exist between anxiety-dominated distur-

bances and neurochemical activity in the brain. Neurotransmitters are chemicals that

carry signals from one neuron to another. Therapeutic drugs (such as Valium or Xanax)

that reduce excessive anxiety appear to alter activity at synapses for a neurotransmitter

called GABA. This finding and other lines of evidence suggest that disturbances in the

neural circuits using GABA may play a role in some types of anxiety disorders (Rowa &

Antony, 2008). Abnormalities in other neural circuits using the transmitter serotonin have

been implicated in obsessive-compulsive disorders (Sadock, Sadock, & Ruiz, 2015). Thus,

scientists are beginning to unravel the neurochemical bases for these kinds of disorders.

Conditioning and Learning

Many anxiety responses may be acquired through classical conditioning and maintained

through operant conditioning (see Chapter 2). According to Mowrer (1947), an originally

neutral stimulus (the snow in Hilda’s case, for instance) may be paired with a frighten-

ing event (the avalanche) so that it becomes a conditioned stimulus eliciting anxiety (see

Figure 14.4). Once a fear is acquired through classical conditioning, the person may start

Obsessive Compulsive

Foundation

The Obsessive Compulsive Foundation

was created to support research, educate

the public, and provide help for people

suffering from OCD. The site houses

newsletters, brochures, and videos on the

subject of OCD. Of particular interest are

reviews of many books on OCD.

Learn More Online

Classical conditioning: Acquisition of phobic fear

Operant conditioning: Maintenance of phobic fear (negative reinforcement)

Response Reinforcer

US CR

Reduction of fear

Fear UR

1 2 Snow

Buried in avalanche

Avoid snow

Figure 14.4 Conditioning as an explanation for phobias. (1) Many phobias appear to be acquired through classical conditioning

when a neutral stimulus is paired with an

anxiety-arousing stimulus. (2) Once acquired,

a phobia may be maintained through

operant conditioning because avoidance of

the phobic stimulus leads to a reduction in

anxiety, resulting in negative reinforcement.

406 C H A P T E R 1 4

avoiding the anxiety-producing stimulus. The avoidance response is negatively reinforced

because it is followed by a reduction in anxiety. This process involves operant conditioning

(also shown in Figure 14.4). Thus, separate conditioning processes may create and then

sustain specific anxiety responses. Consistent with this view, studies find that a substantial

portion of people suffering from phobias can identify a traumatic conditioning experience

that probably contributed to their anxiety disorder (McCabe & Antony, 2008). The acqui-

sition of conditioned fears is far from automatic, however. For a variety of reasons, people

vary in how easily they develop conditioned fears that may evolve into anxiety problems

(Mineka, 2013).

The tendency to develop phobias of certain types of objects and situations may be ex-

plained by Martin Seligman’s (1971) concept of preparedness. Like many theorists, Seligman

believes that classical conditioning creates most phobic responses. However, he suggests that

people are biologically prepared by their evolutionary history to acquire some fears much more

easily than others. His theory would explain why people develop phobias of ancient sources

of threat (such as snakes, spiders, and heights) much more readily than modern sources

of threat (such as electrical outlets, hammers, or hot irons). Consistent with this view,

researchers have found that phobic stimuli associated with evolutionary threats (snakes,

spiders) tend to produce more rapid conditioning of fears and stronger fear responses than

modern fear-relevant stimuli, such as guns and knives (Mineka & Öhman, 2002).

Cognitive Factors

Cognitive theorists maintain that certain styles of thinking make some people particularly

vulnerable to anxiety disorders (Ferreri, Lapp, & Peretti, 2011). According to these the-

orists, some people are prone to suffer from problems with anxiety because they tend to

(1) misinterpret harmless situations as threatening, (2) focus excessive attention on per-

ceived threats, and (3) selectively recall information that seems threatening (Clark & Beck,

2010). In one intriguing test of the cognitive view, anxious and nonanxious subjects were

asked to read thirty-two sentences that could be interpreted in either a threatening or a

nonthreatening manner (Eysenck et al., 1991). For instance, one such sentence was “The

doctor examined little Emma’s growth,” which could mean that the doctor checked her

height or the growth of a tumor. The results showed that the anxious subjects interpreted

the sentences in a threatening way more often than the nonanxious subjects did. Thus, the

cognitive view holds that some people are prone to anxiety disorders and OCD because

they see threat in every corner of their lives. Recently, researchers have also linked OCD to

deficits in what is called executive function. Executive function refers to the basic cognitive

processes that underlie self-regulation, planning, and decision making. In an influential

meta-analysis of 110 relevant studies, Snyder et al. (2015) found broad impairments in

executive function among OCD patients.

Stress

Finally, studies have supported the long-held suspicion that anxiety disorders are

stress related. For instance, Faravelli and Pallanti (1989) found that patients with

panic disorder had experienced a dramatic increase in stress in the month prior to the

onset of their disorder. Other studies have found that stress levels are predictive of

the severity of OCD patients’ symptoms (Lin et al., 2007; Morgado et al., 2013). Thus,

there is reason to believe that high stress often helps precipitate the onset of anxiety-

related disorders.

People tend to develop phobias to snakes

very easily but to hot stoves rarely, even

though the latter can be just as painful.

Preparedness theory can explain this

paradox.

14.3 Dissociative Disorders

Dissociative disorders are probably the most controversial set of disorders in the diagnostic

system, sparking heated debate among normally subdued researchers and clinicians. Dis-

sociative disorders are a class of disorders in which people lose contact with portions of

■ Distinguish between two types of

dissociative disorders.

■ Summarize what is known about the

causes of dissociative disorders.

Learning Objectives

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Psychological Disorders 407

their consciousness or memory, resulting in disruptions in their sense of identity. Here

we describe two dissociative syndromes—dissociative amnesia and dissociative identity

disorder—both of which are relatively uncommon.

Description

Dissociative amnesia is a sudden loss of memory for important personal information

that is too extensive to be due to normal forgetting. Memory losses may occur for a single

traumatic event (such as an automobile accident or home fire) or for an extended period

of time surrounding the event. Cases of amnesia have been observed after people have

experienced disasters, accidents, combat stress, physical abuse, and rape, or after they have

witnessed the violent death of a parent, among other things (Cardeña & Gleaves, 2007).

In some cases, having forgotten their name, their family, where they live, and where they

work, these people wander away from their home area. In spite of this wholesale forgetting,

they remember matters unrelated to their identity, such as how to drive a car and how to

do math.

Dissociative identity disorder (DID) involves the coexistence in one person of two

or more largely complete, and usually very different, personalities. The name for this

disorder used to be multiple personality disorder, which still enjoys some informal usage.

The name for the disorder was changed because the old name seemed to imply that dif-

ferent people inhabited the same body, whereas the modern view is that these individuals

fail to integrate incongruent aspects of their personality into a normal, coherent whole

(Cardeña et al., 2013). In dissociative identity disorder, the divergences in behavior go far

beyond those that people normally display in adapting to different roles in life. People with

“multiple personalities” feel that they have more than one identity. Each personality has

his or her own name, memories, traits, and physical mannerisms. Although it is relatively

infrequent, this syndrome is often portrayed in novels, movies, and television shows, such

as the satirical film Me, Myself, and Irene, a 2000 release starring Jim Carrey. In popular

media portrayals, the syndrome is often mistakenly called schizophrenia. As you will see

later, schizophrenic disorders are entirely different.

In dissociative identity disorder, the various personalities generally report that they

are unaware of each other, although objective measures of memory suggest otherwise

(Huntjens et al., 2006). The alternate personalities commonly display traits that are quite

foreign to the original personality. For instance, a shy, inhibited person might develop a

flamboyant, extraverted alternate personality. Transitions between identities often occur

suddenly. The disparities between identities can be bizarre, as personalities may assert that

they are different in age, race, gender, or sexual orientation (Kluft, 1996). Dissociative iden-

tity disorder is seen more in women than men (Simeon & Loewenstein, 2009).

Starting in the 1970s, a dramatic increase was seen in the diagnosis of DID. Only

seventy-nine well-documented cases had accumulated up through 1970, but by the late-

1990s about 40,000 cases were estimated to have been reported (Lilienfeld & Lynn, 2003).

Some theorists believe that the disorder used to be underdiagnosed—that is, it often went

undetected (Maldonado & Spiegel, 2014). However, other theorists argue that a handful

of clinicians have begun overdiagnosing the condition and that some clinicians even con-

tribute to the emergence of DID (Boysen & VanBergen, 2013). Consistent with this view, a

survey of all the psychiatrists in Switzerland found that 90% of them had never seen a case

of DID and 6 psychiatrists (out of 655 surveyed) accounted for two-thirds of the dissocia-

tive identity disorder diagnoses in Switzerland (Modestin, 1992).

Etiology of Dissociative Disorders

Dissociative amnesia is usually attributed to excessive stress. However, relatively little is

known about why this extreme reaction occurs in a tiny minority of people but not in the

vast majority who are subjected to similar stress.

The causes of dissociative identity disorder are the subject of some debate. Some skep-

tical theorists (Lilienfeld et al., 1999; Lynn et al., 2012) believe that people with multiple

International Society for

the Study of Dissociation

Dissociative disorders, including

dissociative identity disorder, are the

focus of this organization of research

and clinical professionals. In addition

to a selective bibliography and a set of

treatment guidelines, the site provides

links to other professional groups

involved in studying and treating

dissociation.

Learn More Online

408 C H A P T E R 1 4

identities come to believe, thanks in part to book and movie portrayals of DID and rein-

forcement from their therapists, that independent entities within them are to blame for

their peculiar behaviors, unpredictable moods, and ill-advised actions. Gradually, aided

by subtle encouragement from their therapists and a tendency to fantasize, they come to

attribute unique traits and memories to imaginary alternate personalities.

In contrast, many clinicians are convinced that DID is an authentic disorder (Dorahy

et al., 2014; van der Hart & Nijenhuis, 2009). They argue that there is no incentive for

either patients or therapists to manufacture cases of multiple personalities, which are often

greeted with skepticism and outright hostility. They maintain that most cases of DID are

rooted in severe emotional trauma that occurred during childhood (Maldonado & Spiegel,

2014). A substantial majority of people with DID report a history of disturbed home life,

beatings and rejection from parents, and sexual abuse (Van der Hart & Nijenhuis, 2009).

However, this abuse typically has not been independently verified (Ross & Ness, 2010). In

the final analysis, little is known about the causes of dissociative identity disorder, which

remains a controversial diagnosis.

14.4 Depressive and Bipolar Disorders

What might Abraham Lincoln, Marilyn Monroe, Kurt Cobain, Vincent van Gogh, Ernest

Hemingway, Winston Churchill, Ted Turner, Alec Baldwin, Catherine Zeta-Jones, Sting,

Jon Hamm, Ben Stiller, Demi Lovato, and Anne Hathaway have in common? Yes, they all

achieved great prominence, albeit in different ways at different times. But, more pertinent

to our interest, they all suffered from depression or bipolar disorder. Although these dis-

orders can be terribly debilitating, people afflicted with them may still achieve greatness

because such disorders tend to be episodic. In other words, depressive and bipolar disorders

often come and go, interspersed among periods of normality.

In DSM-III and DSM-IV, major depressive disorder and bipolar disorder were lumped

together in a category called mood disorders. In DSM-5 they each get their own chapter or

■ Describe depressive and bipolar

disorders, discuss their prevalence, and

explain their relation to suicide risk.

■ Explain how genetic, neurochemical,

and neuroanatomical factors contribute

to the development of depressive and

bipolar disorders.

■ Discuss how cognitive processes,

interpersonal factors, and stress

contribute to the development of

depressive and bipolar disorders.

Learning Objectives

Many well-known people, such as Ben Stiller and

Demi Lovato, have suffered from depressive and

bipolar disorders. The episodic nature of these

disorders means that they are not incompatible

with effective work and success.

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Psychological Disorders 409

category, but we will discuss them together here.

Figure 14.5 depicts the main ways in which these

disorders differ. People with major depressive dis-

order experience emotional extremes at just one

end of the mood continuum as they experience

periodic bouts of depression. People with bipolar

disorders experience emotional extremes at both

ends of the mood continuum, going through

periods of both depression and mania (excitement

and elation). Actually, although the name for the

disorder suggests that all bipolar individuals

experience both depression and mania, a small

minority of people with bipolar disorder do not

report episodes of depression (Johnson, Cuellar,

& Peckham, 2014).

Major Depressive Disorder

The line between normal and abnormal depres-

sion can be difficult to draw (Bebbington, 2013).

The depressive disorders category includes a num-

ber of milder syndromes, but the most common

disorder in this domain is major depressive dis-

order. In major depressive disorder people show

persistent feelings of sadness and despair and a

loss of interest in previous sources of pleasure.

Figure 14.6 summarizes the most common symp-

toms of depressive episodes and compares them to the symptoms of manic episodes. A

central feature of depression is anhedonia—a diminished ability to experience pleasure.

Depressed people lack the energy or motivation to tackle the tasks of living, to the point

where they often have trouble getting out of bed. Hence, they often give up things they used

to find enjoyable, such as hobbies, favorite foods, or spending time with friends. Reduced

appetite and insomnia are common. People with depression often lack energy. They tend to

move sluggishly and talk slowly. Anxiety, irritability, and brooding are frequently observed.

Self-esteem tends to sink as the depressed person begins to feel worthless.

The first onset of depression can occur at any point in the life span. However, a substan-

tial majority of cases emerge before age 40. Depression occurs in children and adolescents,

Manic

Normal

Depressed

Manic

Normal

Depressed

Time (years)

M oo

d st

at e

M oo

d st

at e

Depressive disorder

Bipolar disorder

Figure 14.5 Episodic patterns in depressive and bipolar disorders. Episodes of emotional disturbance come and go unpredictably in depressive and bipolar disorders. People with major

depressive disorders suffer from bouts of depression only, while people with bipolar disorders

experience both manic and depressive episodes. The time between episodes of disturbance

varies greatly.

Figure 14.6 Common symptoms in manic and depressive episodes. The emotional, cognitive, and motor symptoms exhibited in manic and depressive episodes are largely the opposite of each other.

COMPARISON OF DEPRESSIVE AND MANIC SYMPTOMS

Symptoms Depressive episode Manic episode

Emotional

symptoms

Dysphoric, gloomy mood

Diminished ability to experience pleasure

Sense of hopelessness

Euphoric, enthusiastic mood

Excessive pursuit of pleasurable activities

Unwarranted optimism

Behavioral

symptoms

Fatigue, loss of energy

Insomnia

Slowed speech and movement

Social withdrawal

Energetic, tireless, hyperactive

Decreased need for sleep

Rapid speech and agitation

Increased sociability

Cognitive

symptoms

Impaired ability to think and make decisions

Slowed thought processes

Excessive worry, rumination

Guilt, self-blame, unrealistic negative evaluations of one’s worth

Grandiose planning, indiscriminate decision making

Racing thoughts, easily distracted

Impulsive behavior

410 C H A P T E R 1 4

as well as adults, although rates of depression are notably lower in children and somewhat

lower in adolescents (Rohde et al., 2013). The vast majority of people who suffer from major

depression experience more than one episode over the course of their lifetime (McInnis,

Riba, & Greden, 2014). The average number of depressive episodes is five to six. The aver-

age length of these episodes is about 5 to 7 months (Keller et al., 2013). An earlier age of

onset is associated with more recurrences, more severe symptoms, and a worse prognosis

(Hammen & Keenan-Miller, 2013). Although depression tends to be episodic, some people

suffer from chronic major depression that may persist for many years (Klein & Allmann,

2014). Depression is associated with an elevated risk for a variety of health problems and

increases mortality by about 50% (Cuijpers et al., 2014).

How common are depressive disorders? Lifetime prevalence is estimated to be around

13% to 16% (Hammen & Keenan-Miller, 2013). At the low end, that estimate suggests that

roughly 40 million people in the United States have suffered or will suffer from depres-

sion! If that news isn’t sufficiently depressing, there is new evidence that the prevalence of

depression may be on the rise in recent birth cohorts (Twenge, 2014).

Research indicates that the prevalence of depression is about twice as high in women

as it is in men (Gananca, Kahn, & Oquendo, 2014). The many possible explanations for this

gender gap are the subject of considerable debate. The gap does not appear to be attribut-

able to differences in genetic makeup (Franić et al., 2010). A portion of the disparity may

be result of women’s elevated vulnerability to depression at certain points in their reproduc-

tive life cycle (Hilt & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2014). Obviously, only women have to worry abut

the phenomena of postpartum and postmenopausal depression. Susan Nolen-Hoeksema

(2001) argues that women experience more depression than men because they are far more

likely to be victims of sexual abuse and somewhat more likely to endure poverty, harass-

ment, and role constraints. In other words, she attributes the higher prevalence of depres-

sion among women to their experience of greater stress and adversity. Nolen-Hoeksema

also believes that women have a greater tendency than men to ruminate about setbacks

and problems. Evidence suggests that this tendency to dwell on one’s difficulties elevates

vulnerability to depression, as we will discuss momentarily.

Bipolar Disorder

Bipolar disorder is typically marked by the experience of both depressed and manic

periods. The symptoms seen in manic periods are generally the opposite of those seen in

depression (see Figure 14.6 for a comparison). In a manic episode, a person’s mood becomes

elevated to the point of euphoria. Self-esteem skyrockets as the person bubbles over with

optimism, energy, and extravagant plans. Individuals become hyperactive and may go for

days without sleep. They talk rapidly and shift topics wildly as their minds race at breakneck

speed. Judgment is often impaired. Some people in manic periods gamble impulsively, spend

money frantically, or become sexually reckless. Although manic episodes may have some

positive aspects (increases in energy and optimism), bipolar disorder ultimately proves to

be troublesome for most victims. Manic periods often have a paradoxical negative undertow

of uneasiness and irritability (Goodwin & Jamison, 2007). Moreover, mild manic episodes

often escalate to higher levels that become scary and disturbing. Impaired judgment leads

many victims to do things that they greatly regret later, as illustrated in the following case:

Robert, a dentist, awoke one morning with the idea that he was the most gifted dental surgeon

in his tri-state area. He decided to remodel his two-chair dental office, installing twenty

booths so that he could simultaneously attend to twenty patients. Impatient to get going on

his remodeling, he rolled up his sleeves, got himself a sledgehammer, and began to knock

down the walls in his office. Annoyed when that didn’t go so well, he smashed his dental tools,

washbasins, and X-ray equipment. Later, Robert’s wife became concerned about his behavior

and summoned two of her adult daughters for assistance. The daughters responded quickly,

arriving at the family home with their husbands. In the ensuing discussion, Robert—after

bragging about his sexual prowess—made advances toward his daughters. (Adapted from

Kleinmuntz, 1980, p. 309)

Dr. Ivan’s Depression

Central

Some might suggest that psychiatrist

Ivan Goldberg’s site would be better titled

“Everything You Ever Wanted to Know

about Depression. . . .” He offers visitors

a great depth of resources regarding

depression and mood disorders.

Learn More Online

Susan Nolen-Hoeksema was renowned

for her research on rumination and gender

differences in depression.

Psychological Disorders 411

Although not rare, bipolar disorder is much less common than

depression. Bipolar disorder affects about 1% of the population, and unlike

depression, it is seen equally often in males and females (Jauhar & Cavanagh,

2013). The onset of bipolar disorder is strongly age related. The typical age

of onset is in the late teens or early twenties (Ketter & Chang, 2014).

Mood Dysfunction and Suicide

A tragic, heartbreaking problem associated with depressive and bipolar

disorders is suicide, which is the tenth leading cause of death in the

United States, accounting for about 40,000 deaths annually. Official

statistics may underestimate the scope of the problem (Pritchard &

Hansen, 2015), as many suicides are disguised as accidents, either by

the suicidal person or by the survivors who try to cover up afterward.

Moreover, experts estimate that suicide attempts may outnumber com-

pleted suicides by a ratio of as much as twenty-five to one (Rothberg &

Feinstein, 2014). Evidence suggests that women attempt suicide three

times more often than men. But men are more likely to actually kill

themselves in an attempt, so they complete four times as many suicides

as women (Rothberg & Feinstein, 2014).

With the luxury of hindsight, it is recognized that about 90% of

the people who complete suicide suffer from some type of psycholog-

ical disorder, although in some cases this disorder may not be readily

apparent beforehand (Nock et al., 2014). As you might expect, both

bipolar disorder and depression are associated with dramatic eleva-

tions in suicide rates. These disorders account for about 50% to 60%

of completed suicides (Nock et al., 2014). The likelihood of a suicide

attempt increases as the severity of individuals’ depression increases.

Still, suicide is notoriously difficult to predict. Perhaps the best predictor

is when one expresses a sense of hopelessness about the future, but even

that can be difficult to gauge (MacLeod, 2013). Unfortunately, there is

no foolproof way to prevent suicidal persons from taking their own life.

But some useful tips are compiled in Figure 14.7.

Etiology of Depressive and Bipolar Disorders

We know quite a bit about the etiology of depressive and bipolar dis-

orders, although the puzzle hasn’t been assembled completely. There

appear to be a number of routes into these disorders, involving intricate

interactions between psychological and biological factors.

Genetic Vulnerability

The evidence strongly suggests that genetic factors influence the like-

lihood of developing major depression (Lau et al., 2014) and bipolar

disorder (Macritchie & Blackwood, 2013). In studies that assess the

impact of heredity on psychological disorders, investigators look at

concordance rates. A concordance rate indicates the percentage of

twin pairs or other pairs of relatives who exhibit the same disorder.

If relatives who share more genetic similarity show higher concor-

dance rates than relatives who share less genetic overlap, this finding

supports the genetic hypothesis. Twin studies, which compare iden-

tical and fraternal twins (see Chapter 2), suggest that genetic factors

are involved in depressive and bipolar disorders (Kelsoe, 2009). Con-

cordance rates average around 65% to 72% for identical twins but

only 14% to 19% for fraternal twins, who share less genetic similarity.

Figure 14.7 Preventing suicide. As Sudak (2005) notes, “It is not possible to prevent all suicides or to totally and absolutely protect a given

patient from suicide. What is possible is to reduce the likelihood of

suicide” (p. 2449). Hence, the advice summarized here may prove

useful if you ever have to help someone through a suicidal crisis.

(Based on American Association of Suicidology, 2007; American

Foundation for Suicide Prevention, 2007; Fremouw, de Perczel, & Ellis,

1990; Rosenthal, 1988; Shneidman, Farberow, & Litman, 1994)

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SUICIDE PREVENTION TIPS

1. Take suicidal talk seriously. When people talk about suicide in

vague generalities, it’s easy to dismiss it as idle talk and let it go.

However, people who talk about suicide are a high-risk group, and

prevention is to directly ask such people if they’re contemplating

suicide.

2. Provide empathy and social support. It is important to show the

suicidal person that you care. People often contemplate suicide

uncaring. Thus, you must demonstrate to the suicidal person that

you are genuinely concerned. Suicide threats are often a last-ditch

3. Identify and clarify the crucial problem. The suicidal person is

often confused and feels lost in a sea of frustration and problems. It

is a good idea to try to help sort through this confusion. Encourage

the person to try to identify the crucial problem. Once it is isolated,

the problem may not seem quite so overwhelming.

4. Do not promise to keep someone’s suicidal ideation secret. If you

really feel like someone’s life is in danger, don’t agree to keep his or

her suicidal plans secret to preserve your friendship.

5. In an acute crisis, do not leave a suicidal person alone. Stay with

the person until additional help is available. Try to remove any guns,

drugs, sharp objects, and so forth that might provide an available

means to commit suicide.

6. Encourage professional consultation. Most mental health

professionals have some experience in dealing with suicidal crises.

Many cities have suicide prevention centers with 24-hour hotlines.

trained to deal with suicidal problems. It is important to try to get

a suicidal person to seek professional assistance.

412 C H A P T E R 1 4

Thus, evidence suggests that heredity can create a predisposition to these disorders. Envi-

ronmental factors probably determine whether this predisposition is converted into an

actual disorder.

Neurochemical and Neuroanatomical Factors

Heredity may influence susceptibility to depressive and bipolar disorders by creating a pre-

disposition toward certain types of neurochemical abnormalities in the brain. Correlations

have been found between these disorders and abnormal levels of two neurotransmitters

in the brain: norepinephrine and serotonin, although other neurotransmitter disturbances

may also contribute (Thase, Hahn, & Berton, 2014). The details remain elusive, but low

levels of serotonin appear to be a crucial factor underlying most forms of depression. A

variety of drug therapies can be helpful in the treatment of depressive disorders. Most of

these drugs are known to affect the availability (in the brain) of the neurotransmitters that

have been related to depressive disorders (Bhagwagar & Heninger, 2009). Since this effect

is unlikely to be a coincidence, it bolsters the plausibility of the idea that neurochemical

changes contribute to depressive and bipolar disturbances.

Studies have also found some interesting correlations between depressive disorders

and a variety of structural abnormalities in the brain. Perhaps the best-documented cor-

relation is the association between depression and reduced hippocampal volume, especially

in the dentate gyrus of the hippocampus (Treadway et al., 2015; Schmaal et al., 2015; see

Figure 14.8). A relatively new theory of the biological bases of depression may be able to

account for this finding. The springboard for this theory is the discovery that the human

brain continues to generate new neurons (neurogenesis) in adulthood, especially in the

hippocampus (Kozorovitskiy & Gould, 2008). Recent evidence suggests that depression

Figure 14.8 The hippocampus and depression. This graphic shows the hippocampus in blue. The

photo inset shows a brain dissected to reveal

the hippocampus in both the right and left

hemispheres. It has long been known that

the hippocampus plays a key role in memory,

but its possible role in depression has

come to light only in recent years. Research

suggests that shrinkage of the hippocampal

formation due to suppressed neurogenesis

may be a key causal factor underlying

depressive disorders.

Cerebral cortex

Hippocampus J

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Psychological Disorders 413

occurs when major life stress causes neurochemical reactions that suppress this neuro-

genesis, resulting in reduced hippocampal volume (Mahar et al., 2014). According to this

view, the suppression of neurogenesis is the central cause of depression, and antidepres-

sant drugs are successful because they promote neurogenesis (Boldrini et al., 2013). Other

lines of research have implicated abnormally high reactivity in the amygdala as a factor in

depression. The amygdala is a small structure in the brain that is known to play a key role

in the learning of fear responses and may contribute to the regulation of other emotions

(LeDoux & Damasio, 2013). Brain-imaging studies indicate that depressed subjects show

heightened reactivity in the amygdala to negative emotional stimuli, which may contribute

to vulnerability to depression (Swartz, Williamson, & Hairi, 2015).

Cognitive Factors

A variety of theories emphasize how cognitive factors contribute to depressive disorders

(Clasen, Disner, & Beevers, 2013). We will discuss Aaron Beck’s (1987) influential cog-

nitive theory of depression in Chapter 15, where his approach to therapy is described. In

this section, we examine Martin Seligman’s learned helplessness model of depression. Based

largely on animal research, Seligman (1974) proposed that depression is caused by learned

helplessness—passive “giving up” behavior produced by exposure to unavoidable aversive

events (such as uncontrollable shock in the laboratory). He originally considered learned

helplessness to be a product of conditioning but eventually revised his theory, giving it a

cognitive slant. The reformulated theory of learned helplessness postulates that the roots of

depression lie in how people explain the setbacks and other negative events that they expe-

rience (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978). According to Seligman (1990), people who

exhibit a pessimistic explanatory style are especially vulnerable to depression. These people

tend to attribute their setbacks to their personal flaws instead of to situational factors, and

they tend to draw global, far-reaching conclusions about their personal inadequacies based

on these setbacks.

In accord with cognitive models of depression, Susan Nolen-Hoeksema (1991, 2000)

has found that people who ruminate about their problems and setbacks have elevated rates

of depression and tend to remain depressed longer than those who do not ruminate. Peo-

ple who tend to ruminate repetitively focus their attention on their depressing feelings,

thinking constantly about how sad, lethargic, and unmotivated they are. Excessive rumi-

nation tends to foster and amplify episodes of depression by increasing negative thinking,

impairing problem solving, and undermining social support (Lyubomirsky et al., 2015).

Nolen-Hoeksema believes that women have a greater tendency to ru-

minate than men and that this disparity may be a major reason that

depression is more prevalent in women.

In sum, cognitive models of depression maintain that negative

thinking is what leads to depression in many people. The principal

problem with cognitive theories is their difficulty in separating cause

from effect. Does negative thinking cause depression? Or does depres-

sion cause negative thinking (see Figure 14.9)? Strong evidence favoring

a causal role for negative thinking comes from a study by Alloy and

colleagues (1999) who assessed explanatory style in first-year college

students who were not depressed at the outset of the study, which

followed students for 2.5 years. They found that a negative explanatory

style was associated with increased occurrence of depression, as a major

depressive disorder emerged in 17% of the students who exhibited a

negative explanatory style in comparison to only 1% of the control

students. These findings suggest that negative thinking makes people

more vulnerable to depression.

Interpersonal Roots

Some theorists suggest that inadequate social skills put people on

the road to depressive disorders (Ingram, Scott, & Hamill, 2009;

Neurochemical changes

Negative thinking,

attributions Depression

Figure 14.9 Interpreting the correlation between negative thinking and depression. Cognitive theories of depression assert that consistent patterns of negative thinking cause depression. Although

these theories are highly plausible, depression could cause negative

thoughts, or both could be caused by a third factor, such as

neurochemical changes in the brain.

414 C H A P T E R 1 4

see Figure 14.10). These theorists point out that depression-prone people lack the

social finesse needed to acquire many important kinds of reinforcers, such as

good friends, top jobs, and desirable spouses. This paucity of reinforcers could

understandably lead to negative emotions and depression. Consistent with this

theory, researchers have indeed found correlations between poor social skills

and depression (Petty, Sachs-Ericsson, & Joiner, 2004).

Another interpersonal factor is that depressed people tend to be depress-

ing (Joiner & Timmons, 2009). Individuals suffering from depression are often

irritable and pessimistic. They complain a lot and aren’t particularly enjoyable

companions. They also alienate people by constantly asking for reassurances

about their relationships and their worth. This excessive reassurance seeking

ends up fostering rejection and is predictive of depression (Hames, Hagan, &

Joiner, 2013). Yet another issue is that complicated and difficult social relations

can greatly increase the level of stress in one’s life. Insofar as depressed people

are prone to experience awkward, tense, stormy, and frustrating interactions

with family, friends, and colleagues, they are likely to generate chronic stress

for themselves (Hammen & Shih, 2014), and as we will discuss next, stress can

be a factor in mood dysfunction.

Precipitating Stress

Depressive and bipolar disorders sometimes appear mysteriously “out of the

blue” in people who seem to be leading benign, nonstressful lives. For this rea-

son, experts used to believe that these disorders were relatively uninfluenced by

stress. However, advances in the measurement of personal stress have altered this picture.

The evidence available today suggests the existence of a moderately strong link between

stress and the onset of both major depression (Monroe, Slavich, & Georgiades, 2014)

and bipolar disorder (Johnson et al., 2014). Of course, the vast majority of people who

experience significant stress do not develop these disorders, so one’s vulnerability to both

stress and mood dysfunction must play a role (Bifulco, 2013). Unfortunately, vulnerabil-

ity to depression seems to increase as people go through more recurrences of depressive

episodes. Studies show that stress is less of a factor in triggering depression as episodes of

depression accumulate over the years (Monroe et al., 2014).

Figure 14.10 Interpersonal factors in depression. Interpersonal theories about the etiology of depression emphasize how

inadequate social skills may contribute to the development

of the disorder. Recent studies suggest that excessive

reassurance seeking may play a particularly critical role in the

social dynamics promoting depression.

Court rejection because

of irritability, pessimism,

reassurance seeking

Acquire fewer reinforcers, such as good friends,

top jobs

Endure low levels of

social support

Increased vulnerability

to depression

Poor social skills

14.5 Schizophrenic Disorders

Literally, schizophrenia means “split mind.” However, when Eugen Bleuler coined the term

in 1911, he was referring to the fragmenting of thought processes seen in the disorder—not

to a “split personality.” Unfortunately, writers in the popular media often assume that the

split-mind notion refers to the syndrome in which a person manifests two or more person-

alities. As you have already learned, this syndrome is actually called dissociative identity

disorder. Schizophrenia is a much more common, and altogether different, type of disorder.

Schizophrenia is a disorder marked by delusions, hallucinations, disorganized

thinking and speech, and deterioration of adaptive behavior. How common is schizo-

phrenia? Prevalence estimates suggest that about 1% of the population may suffer from

schizophrenic disorders (Sadock, Sadock, & Ruiz, 2015). Schizophrenia is an extremely

costly disorder for society because it is a severe, debilitating illness that tends to have an

early onset and often requires lengthy hospital care. Moreover, individuals suffering from

schizophrenia show an increased risk for suicide and for premature mortality (early death)

from natural causes (Nielsen et al., 2013).

Symptoms

Schizophrenia is a severe disorder that wreaks havoc in victims’ lives. Many of the key

symptoms of schizophrenia are apparent in the following case history (adapted from

■ Describe the prevalence and symptoms

of schizophrenia.

■ Explain how genetic vulnerability,

neurochemical factors, and structural

abnormalities in the brain contribute to

the development of schizophrenia.

■ Summarize how neurodevelopmental

insults to the brain, expressed

emotion, and stress contribute to the

development of schizophrenia.

Learning Objectives

Psychological Disorders 415

Sheehan, 1982). Sylvia was first diagnosed as schizophrenic at age 15. She has been in and

out of many types of psychiatric facilities since then. During severe flare-ups of her dis-

order, her personal hygiene deteriorates. She rarely washes, wears clothes that neither fit

nor match, and smears makeup on heavily but randomly. Sylvia occasionally hears voices

talking to her. Sylvia tends to be argumentative, aggressive, and emotionally volatile. Her

thoughts can be highly irrational, as is apparent from the following quotation:

“Mick Jagger wants to marry me. If I have Mick Jagger, I don’t have to covet Geraldo Rivera.

Mick Jagger is St. Nicholas and the Maharishi is Santa Claus. I want to form a gospel rock group

called the Thorn Oil, but Geraldo wants me to be the music critic on Eyewitness News, so what

can I do? Got to listen to my boyfriend. Teddy Kennedy cured me of my ugliness. I’m pregnant

with the son of God. Creedmoor is the headquarters of the American Nazi Party. They’re eating

the patients here. I’m Joan of Arc. I’m Florence Nightingale. The door between the ward and the

porch is the dividing line between New York and California. Divorce isn’t a piece of paper, it’s a

feeling. Forget about Zip Codes. I need shock treatment.” (Sheehan, 1982, pp. 104–105)

Sylvia’s case clearly shows that schizophrenic thinking can be bizarre and that schizo-

phrenia is a brutally disfiguring disorder. No single symptom is inevitably present, but the

following symptoms are commonly seen in schizophrenia (Arango & Carpenter, 2011).

1. Irrational thought. Cognitive deficits and disturbed thought processes are the cen-

tral, defining feature of schizophrenic disorders (Heinrichs et al., 2013). Various kinds of

delusions are common. Delusions are false beliefs that are maintained even though they

clearly are out of touch with reality. For example, one patient’s delusion that he was a

tiger (with a deformed body) persisted for 15 years (Kulick, Pope, & Keck, 1990). More

typically, affected persons believe that their private thoughts are being broadcast to other

people, that thoughts are being injected into their mind against their will, or that their

thoughts are being controlled by some external force (Maher, 2001). In delusions of gran-

deur, people maintain that they are extremely famous or important. Sylvia expressed an

endless array of grandiose delusions, such as thinking that Mick Jagger wanted to marry

her and that she dictated the hobbit stories to Tolkien. In addition to delusions, the schizo-

phrenic person’s train of thought deteriorates. Thinking becomes chaotic rather than log-

ical and linear. There is a “loosening of associations” as schizophrenic individuals shift

topics in disjointed ways. The quotation from Sylvia illustrates this symptom dramatically.

The entire passage involves a wild “flight of ideas.”

2. Deterioration of adaptive behavior. Schizophrenia involves a noticeable deteri-

oration in the quality of the person’s routine functioning in work, social relations, and

personal care (Harvey & Bowie, 2013). This deterioration is readily apparent in Sylvia’s

inability to get along with others and her neglect of personal hygiene.

3. Distorted perception. A variety of perceptual distortions may occur in schizophre-

nia, with the most common being auditory hallucinations, which are reported by about

75% of patients (Combs & Mueser, 2007). Hallucinations are sensory perceptions that

occur in the absence of a real external stimulus or that represent gross distortions of

perceptual input. Schizophrenics frequently report that they hear voices of nonexistent or

absent people talking to them. Sylvia, for instance, heard messages from Paul McCartney.

These voices often provide an insulting running commentary on the person’s behavior

(“You’re an idiot for shaking his hand”).

4. Disturbed emotion. Normal emotional tone can be disrupted in schizophrenia in

a variety of ways. Although it may not be an accurate indicator of their underlying emo-

tional experience, some victims show little emotional responsiveness, a symptom referred

to as “blunted or flat affect.” Others show inappropriate emotional responses that don’t

jell with the situation or with what they are saying. People with schizophrenia may also

become emotionally volatile. This pattern was displayed by Sylvia, who often overreacted

emotionally in erratic, unpredictable ways.

Traditionally, four subtypes of schizophrenic disorders were recognized: para-

noid, catatonic, disorganized, and undifferentiated schizophrenia (Minzenberg, Yoon, &

Carter, 2008). As its name implies, paranoid schizophrenia was thought to be dominated

416 C H A P T E R 1 4

by delusions of persecution, along with delusions of grandeur. Catatonic schizophrenia

was marked by striking motor disturbances, ranging from the muscular rigidity seen in a

withdrawn state called a catatonic stupor to random motor activity seen in a state of cata-

tonic excitement. Disorganized schizophrenia was viewed as a particularly severe syndrome

marked by frequent incoherence, obvious deterioration in adaptive behavior, and virtually

complete social withdrawal. People who were clearly schizophrenic but who could not be

placed into any of the three previous categories were said to have undifferentiated schizo-

phrenia, which involved idiosyncratic mixtures of schizophrenic symptoms.

However, in a radical departure from tradition, DSM-5 discarded the four subtypes of

schizophrenia. Why? For many years researchers pointed out that there were not meaning-

ful differences between the classic subtypes in etiology, prognosis, or response to treatment.

The absence of such differences cast doubt on the value of distinguishing among the sub-

types. Critics also noted that the catatonic and disorganized subtypes were rarely seen in

contemporary clinical practice and that undifferentiated cases did not represent a subtype

as much as a hodgepodge of “leftovers.” Finally, researchers had stopped focusing their

studies on the specific subtypes of schizophrenia (Braff et al., 2013).

Another approach to understanding and describing schizophrenia, advocated by

Nancy Andreasen (1990) and others, is to distinguish between the positive symptoms and

negative symptoms of the disorder (Stroup et al., 2014; see Figure 14.11). Negative symptoms

involve behavioral deficits, such as flattened emotions, social withdrawal, apathy, impaired

attention, poor grooming, lack of persistence at work or school, and poverty of speech.

Positive symptoms involve behavioral excesses or peculiarities, such as hallucinations,

delusions, incoherent thought, agitation, bizarre behavior, and wild flights of ideas. Most

patients exhibit both types of symptoms but vary in the degree to which positive or negative

symptoms dominate (Andreasen, 2009). A relative predominance of negative symptoms is

associated with less effective social functioning (Robertson et al., 2014) and poorer overall

treatment outcomes (Fervaha et al., 2014).

Schizophrenic disorders usually emerge during adolescence or early adulthood, with

75% of cases manifesting by the age of 30 (Perkins, Miller-Anderson, & Lieberman, 2006).

Those who develop schizophrenia usually have a long history of peculiar behavior and

cognitive and social deficits, although most do not manifest a full-fledged psychological

disorder during childhood. The emergence of schizophrenia may be sudden, but it usually

is insidious and gradual.

Etiology of Schizophrenia

Most of us can identify, at least to some extent, with people who suffer from depression,

obsessive-compulsive disorders, and phobic disorders. You can probably imagine events that

POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE SYMPTOMS IN SCHIZOPHRENIA

Few friendship relationships Delusions of persecution

Auditory hallucinations

Delusions of being controlled

Derailment of thought

Delusions of grandeur

Bizarre social, sexual behavior

Delusions of thought insertion

Aggressive, agitated behavior

Incoherent thought

Negative symptoms Positive symptoms

Percent of patients

Few recreational interests 95

Lack of persistence at work or school 95

Impaired grooming or hygiene

Paucity of expressive gestures

Social inattentiveness

Emotional nonresponsiveness 64

Inappropriate emotion 63

Percent of patients

23Poverty of speech

Figure 14.11 Positive and negative symptoms in schizophrenia. Some theorists believe that schizophrenic disorders can be best

understood by thinking in terms of two kinds

of symptoms: positive symptoms (behavioral

excesses) and negative symptoms

(behavioral deficits). The percentages shown

here, based on a sample of 111 schizophrenic

patients studied by Andreasen (1987),

provide an indication of how common each

specific symptom is.

Psychological Disorders 417

might leave you struggling with depression or grappling

with anxiety. But what could account for Sylvia thinking

that she was Joan of Arc or that she had dictated the hob-

bit novels to Tolkien? As mystifying as these delusions may

seem, you’ll see that the etiology of schizophrenic disorders

is not all that different from the etiology of other disorders.

Genetic Vulnerability

Evidence is plentiful that hereditary factors play a role in the

development of schizophrenic disorders (Riley & Kendler,

2011). For instance, in twin studies, concordance rates for

schizophrenia average around 48% for identical twins, in com-

parison to about 17% for fraternal twins (Gottesman, 2001).

Studies also indicate that a child born to two schizophrenic

parents has about a 46% probability of developing a schizo-

phrenic disorder (as compared to the probability of about 1%

for the population as a whole). These and other findings that

demonstrate the genetic roots of schizophrenia are summa-

rized in Figure 14.12. Overall, the picture is similar to that seen

for depressive and bipolar disorders. Several converging lines

of evidence indicate that people inherit a genetically transmit-

ted vulnerability to schizophrenia (Cornblatt et al., 2009). After years of inconsistent findings

and difficulties in replicating results, genetic mapping studies are finally beginning to yield

some promising insights regarding the specific combinations of genes and genetic mutations

that increase individuals’ risk for schizophrenia (Gelernter, 2015; Hall et al., 2015).

Recent research suggests that genetic vulnerability may be heightened when it is

accompanied by relatively low general intelligence. A large-scale study in Sweden found

that low IQ scores were associated with an increased prevalence of schizophrenia (Kendler

et al., 2015). The data suggested that IQ moderated the effect of genetic vulnerability, as low

IQ amplified genetic risk, whereas high IQ provided some protection against genetic risk.

Neurochemical Factors

Like depressive and bipolar disorders, schizophrenic disorders appear to be accompanied

by changes in the activity of one or more neurotransmitters in the brain. Excess dopamine

activity has been implicated as a likely cause of schizophrenia. This hypothesis makes sense

because most of the drugs that are useful in the treatment of schizophrenia are known to

dampen dopamine activity in the brain (Stroup et al., 2014). Recent research suggests that

increased dopamine synthesis and release in specific regions of the brain may be the cru-

cial factor that triggers schizophrenic illness in vulnerable individuals (Howes et al., 2011;

Winton-Brown et al., 2014).

Studies have found that marijuana use during adolescence may help precipitate schizo-

phrenia in young people who have a genetic vulnerability to the disorder (van Winkel &

Kuepper, 2014). This unexpected finding has generated considerable debate about whether

and how cannabis might contribute to the emergence of schizophrenia. Some critics have

suggested that schizophrenia might lead to cannabis use rather than vice versa. In other

words, emerging psychotic symptoms may prompt young people to turn to marijuana

to self-medicate. However, recent, carefully controlled studies have not supported the

self-medication explanation (van Winkel & Kuepper, 2014). The evidence suggests that

there is a causal link between marijuana use and the emergence of schizophrenia, but the

mechanism at work remains a mystery.

Structural Abnormalities in the Brain

Individuals with schizophrenia exhibit a variety of deficits in attention, perception,

information processing, and short-term memory (Goldberg, David, & Gold, 2011). These

cognitive deficits suggest that schizophrenic disorders may be caused by neurological

Concordance rate (%) (lifetime risk)

Identical twin 100%

Relationship

Genetic relatedness

50% with

each parent

50%

25%

50%

Fraternal twin

Sibling

Nephew or niece

10 0 20 30 40 50

Offspring of two

schizophrenic patients

Offspring of one

schizophrenic patient

Unrelated person

in the general population

Figure 14.12 Genetic vulnerability to schizophrenic disorders. Relatives of schizophrenic patients have an elevated risk for schizophrenia. This risk is greater among closer

relatives. Although environment also plays a role in the etiology of schizophrenia, the

concordance rates shown here suggest that there must be a genetic vulnerability to the

disorder. These concordance estimates are based on pooled data from forty studies.

418 C H A P T E R 1 4

defects. Brain imaging studies have yielded findings that support this idea. The

most frequent finding is that there is an association between enlarged brain

ventricles (the hollow, fluid-filled cavities in the brain depicted in Figure 14.13)

and schizophrenic disturbance (Lawrie & Pantelis, 2011). Enlarged ventri-

cles are assumed to reflect the degeneration of nearby brain tissue. Consistent

with this assumption, a recent meta-analysis of MRI studies of more than

2000 schizophrenia patients found shrinkage in several crucial subcortical

structures. The patients were found to have a smaller hippocampus, thalamus,

and amygdala than comparable control subjects (van Erp et al., 2015). This

structural deterioration could be a consequence of schizophrenia, or it could

be a contributing cause of the illness.

The Neurodevelopmental Hypothesis

The neurodevelopmental hypothesis of schizophrenia asserts that schizophrenia

is caused in part by various disruptions in the normal maturational processes

of the brain before or at birth. According to this hypothesis, insults to the brain

during sensitive phases of prenatal development or during birth can cause sub-

tle neurological damage that elevates individuals’ vulnerability to schizophre-

nia years later in adolescence and early adulthood (see Figure 14.14). What are

the sources of these early insults? Thus far, research has focused mainly on viral

infections or malnutrition during prenatal development and obstetrical com-

plications during the birth process.

Quite a number of studies have found a link between exposure to influenza

and other infections during prenatal development and increased prevalence of

schizophrenia (Brown & Derkits, 2010), with inflammation thought to be the

critical process that disrupts neural maturation (Miller et al., 2013). Additionally,

a study that investigated the possible impact of prenatal malnutrition found an

elevated incidence of schizophrenia in a cohort of people who were prenatally exposed to a

severe famine in 1944–1945 because of a Nazi blockade of food deliveries in the Netherlands

during World War II (Susser et al., 1996). Other research has shown that schizophrenic patients

are more likely than control subjects to have a history of obstetrical complications (McGrath

& Murray, 2011). Finally, research suggests that minor physical anomalies (slight anatomical

defects of the head, hands, feet, and face) that would be consistent with prenatal neurologi-

cal damage are more common in people with schizophrenia than in other people (Akabaliev,

Sivkov, & Mantarkov, 2014). Collectively, these

diverse studies argue for a relationship between

early neurological trauma and a predisposition to

schizophrenia (Rapoport, Giedd, & Gogtay, 2012).

Expressed Emotion

Studies of expressed emotion have primarily focused

on how this element of family dynamics influences

the course of schizophrenic illness after the onset

of the disorder. Expressed emotion (EE) reflects the

degree to which a relative of a schizophrenic patient

displays highly critical or emotionally overinvolved

attitudes toward the patient. Audiotaped interviews

of relatives’ communication are carefully evaluated

for critical comments, hostility toward the patient,

and excessive emotional involvement (overprotec-

tive, overconcerned attitudes).

Studies show that a family’s expressed

emotion is a good predictor of the course of a

schizophrenic patient’s illness. After release from

a hospital, patients who return to a family high in

Figure 14.14 The neurodevelopmental hypothesis of schizophrenia. Research suggests that insults to the brain sustained during prenatal development or at birth may disrupt

crucial maturational processes in the brain, resulting in subtle neurological damage that

gradually becomes apparent as youngsters develop. This neurological damage is believed to

increase both vulnerability to schizophrenia and the incidence of minor physical anomalies.

Figure 14.13 Schizophrenia and the ventricles of the brain. Cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) circulates around the brain and spinal

cord. The hollow cavities in the brain filled with CSF are called

ventricles. The four ventricles in the human brain are depicted

here. Studies with modern brain-imaging techniques suggest

that an association exists between enlarged ventricles in the

brain and the occurrence of schizophrenic disturbance.

Prenatal

viral

infection

Prenatal

malnutrition Subtle

neurological

damage

Increased

vulnerability to

schizophrenia

Minor

physical

anomalies

Obstetrical

complications

Other brain

insults

Disruption

of normal

maturational

processes before

or at birth

Right ventricle

Left ventricle

Third ventricle

Fourth ventricle

R im

D re

am /S

hu tt

er st

oc k.

co m

Psychological Disorders 419

expressed emotion show relapse rates two to three times those of patients who return to a

family low in expressed emotion (Hooley, 2009). Part of the problem for patients returning

to homes high in expressed emotion is that their families are probably sources of stress

rather than of social support (Bebbington & Kuipers, 2011).

Stress

Many theories of schizophrenia assume that stress plays a role in triggering schizophrenic

disorders. According to this notion, various biological and psychological factors influence

individuals’ vulnerability to schizophrenia. High stress may then serve to precipitate a

schizophrenic disorder in someone who is vulnerable (Bebbington & Kuipers, 2011).

Until relatively recently, interest in the connection between stress and schizophrenia

was limited to how adverse events in adolescence or early adulthood may contribute to

provoking the onset of the disorder. However, in recent years there has been a surge of

research on how severe stress in early childhood may increase individuals’ vulnerability to

schizophrenia 10 to 20 years later. In particular, quite a number of studies have reported a

link between early childhood trauma and later psychotic disorders and symptoms (Bendall,

Jackson, & Hulbert, 2010). For example, one recent study found an association between

psychotic symptoms and exposure to sexual abuse, physical abuse, bullying, and institu-

tional care during childhood (Bentall et al., 2012). It is not clear, however, whether the

long-term negative effects of childhood trauma are specific to schizophrenia. For example,

recent reviews have linked early childhood stress to a wide range of disorders, including

depression, anxiety disorders, and eating disorders (Carr et al., 2013; Martins et al., 2011).

14.6 Autism Spectrum Disorder

Autism, or autism spectrum disorder (ASD), is characterized by profound impairment

of social interaction and communication and severely restricted interests and activi-

ties. Originally called infantile autism, this disorder was first described by child psychiatrist

Leo Kanner in the 1940s.

Symptoms

The central feature of autistic disorder is the child’s lack of interest in other people. Chil-

dren with autism act as though people in their environment are no different than nearby

inanimate objects, such as toys, pillows, or chairs. They tend not to make eye contact with

others or to need physical contact with their caregivers. They make no effort to connect

with people and fail to bond with their parents or to develop normal peer relationships.

Verbal communication can be very impaired, as about one-third of autistic children fail to

develop speech (Wetherby & Prizant, 2005). Among those who do develop speech, their

ability to initiate and sustain a conversation is very limited. And their use of language tends

to be marked by peculiarities, such as echolalia, which involves rote repetition of others’

words. Autistic children’s interests are restricted in that they tend to become preoccupied

with objects or repetitive body movements (spinning, body rocking, playing with their

hands, and so forth). They can also be extremely inflexible, in that minor changes in their

environment can trigger rages. Some autistic children exhibit self-injurious behavior, such

as banging their heads, pulling their hair, or hitting themselves. About half of autistic chil-

dren exhibit subnormal IQ scores (Volkmar et al., 2009).

Parents of autistic children typically become concerned about their child’s develop-

ment by about 15 to 18 months of age and usually seek professional consultation by about

24 months. The diagnosis of autism is usually made before affected children reach 3 years

of age. More often than not, autism turns out to be a lifelong affliction requiring extensive

family and institutional support throughout adulthood. However, with early and effective

intervention, around 15% to 20% of autistic individuals are able to live independently in

Learning Objectives

■ Describe the symptoms and prevalence

of autistic spectrum disorder.

■ Explain what is known about the causes

of autism.

Children with autism often fail to make eye

contact with others and tend to find social

attention unpleasant.

R an

dy R

is lin

g/ To

ro nt

o S

ta r/

G et

ty Im

ag es

420 C H A P T E R 1 4

adulthood and another 20% to 30% approach this level of functioning (Volkmar et al.,

2009). Moreover, recent research suggests that a small minority may experience a full

recovery in adulthood (Fein et al., 2013).

Until relatively recently, the prevalence of autism was thought to be well under 1%

(Newsschaffer, 2007). Since the mid-1990s, however, a dramatic (roughly fourfold) increase

has occurred in the diagnosis of autism, with prevalence estimates approaching and even

exceeding 1% (Idring et al., 2014; Zahorodny et al., 2014). Most experts believe that this

surge in ASD is largely due to the result of greater awareness of the syndrome and the use

of broader diagnostic criteria (Abbeduto et al., 2014). Contemporary prevalence estimates

usually include related syndromes, such as Asperger’s disorder, that are milder forms of

the disorder that used to go uncounted, but are now included within the broadly defined

DSM-5 version of autism spectrum disorder. Males account for about 80% of autism

diagnoses, although curiously females tend to exhibit more severe impairments (Ursano,

Kartheiser, & Barnhill, 2008).

Etiology of Autism Spectrum Disorder

Autism was originally blamed on cold, aloof parenting (Bettelheim, 1967), but that view

was eventually discredited by research (Bhasin & Schendel, 2007). Given its appearance

so early in life, most theorists today view autism as a disorder that originates in biological

dysfunctions. Consistent with that viewpoint, twin studies and family studies have demon-

strated that genetic factors make a major contribution to autistic disorders (Risch et al.,

2014). Many theorists believe that autism must be due to some sort of brain abnormality,

but until recently there was relatively little progress in pinpointing the nature of this abnor-

mality. The most reliable finding has been that autism is associated with generalized brain

enlargement that is apparent by age 2 (Hazlett et al., 2011). Children with autism appear

to have 67% more neurons in the prefrontal cortex than other children (Courchesne et al.,

2011). One recent study found evidence that this overgrowth may begin during prenatal

development (Stoner et al., 2014). Theorists speculate that this overgrowth probably pro-

duces disruptions in neural circuits.

One hypothesis that has garnered a great deal of publicity is the idea that autism may be

caused by the mercury used as a preservative in some childhood vaccines (Kirby, 2005). How-

ever, the 1998 study that first reported a link between vaccinations and autism has been discred-

ited as fraudulent (Deer, 2011; Godlee, Smith, & Marcovitch, 2011). Moreover, independent

efforts to replicate the purported association between vaccinations and autism have consistently

failed (Paul, 2009; Wing & Potter, 2009), which brings us to our Spotlight on Research.

Autism and Vaccinations

Source: Jain, A., Marshall, J., Buikema, A., Bancroft, T., Kelly, J. P., &

Newschaffer, C. J. (2015). Autism occurrence by MMR vaccine status among

U.S. children with older siblings with and without autism. Journal of the

American Medical Association, 313(15), 1534–1540.

A number of studies have failed to find any correlation between

measles mumps rubella (MMR) vaccinations and the incidence of

autism spectrum disorder. However, due to all the “chatter” in popular

media, many parents continue to believe that vaccines cause ASD.

These concerns have led to reduced vaccination rates that appear

to be responsible for several recent outbreaks of measles. The

present study took another look at this controversial issue, using an

exceptionally large sample, with a special focus on siblings of children

with ASD, who are known to have an elevated risk for autism.

Method The researchers analyzed data from a huge, national insurance

claims database that tracks the health conditions of more than

34 million people in the United States, whose identities have been

stricken from the database. The sample consisted of all children in

the database born between 2001 and 2007 who were continuously

enrolled in their health plans from birth to at least 5 years of

age and had an older sibling. This approach yielded a sample of

95,727 children. Children (and their siblings) were classified as

having autism if the database showed that they had two or more

insurance claims on different dates citing ASD as the diagnostic

code. The database also indicated whether the children had been

administered either of the two recommended MMR vaccinations.

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

Psychological Disorders 421

Results Overall, 1.04% of the children received a diagnosis of ASD.

Consistent with the evidence that ASD is partly genetic in origin,

this rate was elevated (6.9%) among children who had an older

sibling with ASD. In the sample as a whole, there were no significant

differences between the vaccinated and unvaccinated children in

their risk for autism. This finding also held for the high-risk children

who had an older sibling with ASD. In fact, in this group, the relative

risk for autism was slightly lower among those who were vaccinated.

Discussion The results add to the building evidence that MMR vaccinations

are not a factor in the emergence of autism. These findings are

particularly reassuring given the large sample size and the focus on

children who carry an elevated genetic risk for ASD.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Why do you think that many people cling to the belief that

vaccinations contribute to autism?

2. The conclusions of this study are based on insurance records.

Can you think of any reasons why insurance records might be

unreliable indicators of ASD or vaccination status?

14.7 Personality Disorders

Personality disorders are a class of disorders marked by extreme, inflexible personality

traits that cause subjective distress or impaired social and occupational functioning.

Personality disorders generally become recognizable during adolescence or early adult-

hood. One conservative estimate pegged the lifetime prevalence of personality disorders at

around 12% (Caligor, Yeomans, & Levin, 2014).

DSM-5 lists ten personality disorders. They are grouped into three related clusters: anx-

ious/fearful, odd/eccentric, and dramatic/impulsive. These disorders are described briefly

in Figure 14.15. If you examine this figure, you will find a diverse collection of maladaptive

Learning Objectives

■ Discuss the nature and organization of

personality disorders.

■ Describe the symptoms of antisocial,

borderline, and narcissistic personality

disorders, and their etiology.

PERSONALITY DISORDERS

Anxious/fearful

Odd/eccentric

Dramatic/impulsive

Avoidant personality disorder

Dependent personality disorder

Obsessive-compulsive personality disorder

Excessively sensitive to potential rejection, humiliation, or shame; socially withdrawn in spite of desire for acceptance from others

Excessively lacking in self-reliance and self-esteem; passively allowing others to make all decisions; constantly subordinating own needs to others’ needs

Preoccupied with organization, rules, schedules, lists, trivial details; extremely conventional, serious, and formal; unable to express warm emotions

Schizoid personality disorder

Schizotypal personality disorder

Paranoid personality disorder

Defective in capacity for forming social relationships; showing absence of warm, tender feelings for others

Showing social deficits and oddities of thinking, perception, and communication that resemble schizophrenia

Showing pervasive and unwarranted suspiciousness and mistrust of people; overly sensitive; prone to jealousy

Histrionic personality disorder

Narcissistic personality disorder

Borderline personality disorder

Antisocial personality disorder

Overly dramatic; tending to exaggerated expressions of emotion; egocentric, seeking attention

Grandiosely self-important; preoccupied with success fantasies; expecting special treatment; lacking interpersonal empathy

Unstable in self-image, mood, and interpersonal relationships; impulsive and unpredictable

Chronically violating the rights of others; failing to accept social norms, to form attachments to others, or to sustain consistent work behavior; exploitive and reckless

Cluster Disorder Description

Figure 14.15 Personality disorders. There are ten personality disorders in DSM-5, which are described here. As you can see, these personality disorders are divided into three clusters: anxious/fearful, odd/eccentric, and

dramatic/impulsive.

Source: Estimated gender ratios from Millon (1981).

422 C H A P T E R 1 4

personality syndromes. You may also notice that some personality disorders essentially are

milder versions of more severe disorders that we have already covered. For example, the

schizoid and schizotypal personality disorders are milder cousins of schizophrenic disor-

ders. Although personality disorders tend to be relatively mild disorders in comparison

to anxiety, mood, and schizophrenic disorders, they often are associated with significant

impairments of social and occupational functioning (Trull, Carpenter, & Widiger, 2013).

Antisocial, Borderline, and Narcissistic Personality Disorders

Given the sheer number of personality disorders, we can only provide brief descriptions of

a few of the more interesting syndromes in this category. Hence, we will take a quick look

at the antisocial, borderline, and narcissistic personality disorders.

Antisocial Personality Disorder

People with this disorder are antisocial in the sense that they choose to reject widely ac-

cepted social norms regarding moral principles. People with antisocial personalities chron-

ically exploit others. The antisocial personality disorder is marked by impulsive, callous,

manipulative, aggressive, and irresponsible behavior. Since they haven’t accepted the

social norms they violate, people with antisocial personalities rarely feel guilty about their

transgressions. Essentially, they lack an adequate conscience. The antisocial personality

disorder occurs much more frequently among males than females (Torgersen, 2012). Many

people with antisocial personalities get involved in illegal activities. However, some people

with antisocial personalities keep their exploitive behavior channeled within the bound-

aries of the law. Such people may even enjoy high status in our society (Babiak & Hare,

2006). In other words, the concept of the antisocial personality disorder can apply to cut-

throat business executives and scheming politicians, as well as to con artists, drug dealers,

and petty thieves. People with antisocial personalities exhibit quite a variety of maladap-

tive traits (Hare & Neumann, 2008). Among other things, they rarely experience genuine

affection for others. Sexually, they are predatory and promiscuous. They can tolerate little

frustration, and they pursue immediate gratification. These characteristics make them

unreliable employees, unfaithful spouses, inattentive parents, and undependable friends.

Borderline Personality Disorder

The borderline personality disorder is marked by instability in social relationships,

self-image, and emotional functioning. This disorder appears to be somewhat more com-

mon in females than males (Tomko et al., 2014). These individuals tend to have turbulent

interpersonal relationships marked by fears of abandonment (Hooley, Cole, & Gironde,

2012). They often switch back and forth between idealizing people and devaluing them.

They tend to be intense, with frequent anger issues and poor control of their emotions.

They tend to be moody, shifting between panic, despair, and feelings of emptiness. They

are prone to impulsive behavior, such as reckless spending, drug use, or sexual behavior.

Individuals with borderline personality disorder often exhibit fragile, unstable self-

concepts, as their goals, values, opinions, and career plans shift suddenly. Borderline per-

sonality disorder is also associated with an elevated risk for self-injurious behavior, such

as cutting or burning oneself, and with an increased risk for suicide (Caligor et al., 2014).

Narcissistic Personality Disorder

We discussed the personality trait of narcissism in Chapter 2. As you might guess, people with

narcissistic personality disorder exhibit this trait to a very extreme degree. Hence, the nar-

cissistic personality disorder is marked by a grandiose sense of self-importance, a sense of

entitlement, and an excessive need for attention and admiration. This syndrome is more

common in males (Trull et al., 2010). People with this disorder think they are unique and

superior to others. They tend to be boastful and pretentious. Although they seem self-assured

and confident, their self-esteem is actually quite fragile, leading them to fish for compliments

and to be easily threatened by criticism. Their sense of entitlement manifests itself in arrogant

Psychological Disorders 423

expectations that they should merit special treatment and extra privileges. They routinely

complain that others do not appreciate their accomplishments or give them the respect that

they deserve. Some critics have argued that the current diagnostic criteria for narcissistic

personality disorder focus too much on the overt, grandiose presentation of the disorder

and too little on the covert, vulnerable side of the disorder (Skodol, Bender, & Morey, 2014).

Etiology of Personality Disorders

Like other disorders, the personality disorders all surely involve interactions between

genetic predispositions and environmental factors, such as cognitive styles, coping patterns,

and exposure to stress. As noted in Chapter 2, personality traits are shaped to a significant

degree by heredity (South et al., 2013). Given that personality disorders consist of extreme

manifestations of personality traits, it stands to reason that these disorders are also influ-

enced by heredity, and the data from twin and family studies support this line of reasoning

(Skodol et al., 2014). The environmental factors implicated in personality disorders vary

considerably from one disorder to another, which makes sense given the diversity of the

personality disorders. For example, contributing factors to antisocial personality disorder

include dysfunctional family systems, erratic discipline, parental neglect, and parental

modeling of exploitive, amoral behavior (Farrington, 2006; Sutker & Allain, 2001). In con-

trast, borderline personality disorder has been attributed primarily to a history of early

trauma, including physical and sexual abuse (Ball & Links, 2009; Widom, Czaja, & Paris,

2009). Different constellations of environmental factors have been implicated for each of

the other eight personality disorders.

Answer the following “true” or “false.”

1. Eating disorders are universal problems found in virtu-

ally all cultures.

2. People with anorexia nervosa are much more likely to

recognize their eating behavior as pathological than are people

suffering from bulimia nervosa.

3. The prevalence of eating disorders is twice as high in

women as it is in men.

4. The binge-and-purge syndrome seen in bulimia nervosa

is not common in anorexia nervosa.

All of these statements are false, as you will see in this Applica-

tion. Although most people don’t seem to take eating disorders

as seriously as other types of psychological disorders, you will

see that they are dangerous and debilitating. No psychological

disorder is associated with a greater elevation in mortality

(Striegel-Moore & Bulik, 2007).

Types of Eating Disorders

Eating disorders are severe disturbances in eating behavior

characterized by preoccupation with weight and unhealthy

efforts to control weight. The three syndromes are: anorexia

nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and a new syndrome added to DSM-5

called binge-eating disorder.

Anorexia Nervosa

Anorexia nervosa is characterized by intense fear of gaining

weight, disturbed body image, refusal to maintain normal

weight, and dangerous measures to lose weight. Two subtypes

have been distinguished. In restricting type anorexia nervosa,

people drastically reduce their intake of food, sometimes liter-

ally starving themselves. In binge-eating/purging type anorexia

nervosa, victims attempt to lose weight by forcing themselves

to vomit after meals, by misusing laxatives and diuretics, and by

engaging in excessive exercise.

Anorexics suffer from a disturbed body image. No matter

how frail and emaciated the victims become, they insist that

14.8 Understanding Eating Disorders

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Describe the subtypes, prevalence, and gender distribution of eating

disorders.

■ Explain how genetics, personality, culture, family dynamics, and

disturbed thinking contribute to the development of eating disorders.

Learning Objectives

424 C H A P T E R 1 4

they are too fat. Their morbid fear of obesity means that they

are never satisfied with their weight. If they gain a pound or

two, they panic. The only thing that makes them happy is to lose

more weight. The common result is a relentless decline in body

weight. Because of their disturbed body image, people suffer-

ing from anorexia generally do not appreciate the maladaptive

quality of their behavior and rarely seek treatment on their own.

They are typically coaxed or coerced into treatment by friends or

family members who are alarmed by their appearance.

Anorexia nervosa eventually leads to a cascade of medical

problems, including amenorrhea (a loss of menstrual cycles in

women), gastrointestinal problems, low blood pressure, osteo-

porosis (a loss of bone density), and metabolic disturbances that

can lead to cardiac arrest or circulatory collapse (Mitchell &

Wonderlich, 2014). Anorexia is associated with greatly elevated

mortality rates (Franko et al., 2013).

Bulimia Nervosa

Bulimia nervosa involves habitually engaging in out-of-

control overeating followed by unhealthy compensatory

efforts, such as self-induced vomiting, fasting, abuse of lax-

atives and diuretics, and excessive exercise. The eating binges

are usually carried out in secret and are followed by intense

guilt and concern about gaining weight. These feelings moti-

vate ill-advised strategies to undo the effects of the overeating.

However, vomiting prevents the absorption of only about half

of recently consumed food, and laxatives and diuretics have

negligible impact on caloric intake, so people suffering from

bulimia nervosa typically maintain a reasonably normal weight

(Fairburn, Cooper, & Murphy, 2009). Medical problems asso-

ciated with bulimia nervosa include cardiac arrythmias, dental

problems, metabolic deficiencies, and gastrointestinal problems

(Halmi, 2008). Like anorexia, bulimia is associated with elevated

mortality rates, although this elevation is only about one-third

as great as that seen for anorexia (Arcelus et al., 2011).

Obviously, bulimia nervosa shares many features with

anorexia nervosa, such as a morbid fear of becoming obese,

preoccupation with food, and rigid, maladaptive approaches

to controlling weight that are grounded in naive all-or-none

thinking. However, the syndromes also differ in crucial ways.

First and foremost, bulimia is a much less life-threatening con-

dition. Second, although their weight and appearance usually is

more “normal” than that seen in anorexia, people with bulimia

are much more likely to recognize that their eating behavior is

pathological and are more prone to recognize their need for

treatment (Guarda et al., 2007).

Binge-Eating Disorder

Binge-eating disorder involves distress-inducing eating binges

that are not accompanied by the purging, fasting, and exces-

sive exercise seen in bulimia. Obviously, this syndrome resem-

bles bulimia, but it is less severe. Still, this disorder creates great

distress, as binge eaters tend to be disgusted by their bodies and

distraught about their overeating. People with binge-eating dis-

order are frequently overweight. Their excessive eating is often

triggered by stress (Gluck, 2006).

Prevalence of Eating Disorders

Eating disorders are a product of modern, affluent Western cul-

ture, where food is generally plentiful and the desirability of be-

ing thin is widely endorsed. Until relatively recently, these prob-

lems were rarely seen outside of Western cultures. However,

advances in communication have exported Western culture to

far-flung corners of the globe, and eating disorders have started

showing up in many non-Western societies, especially affluent

Asian countries (Becker & Fay, 2006).

A huge gender gap exists in the likelihood of developing

eating disorders. About 90% to 95% of individuals with anorexia

nervosa and bulimia nervosa are female, and about 60% of those

with binge-eating disorder are female (Devlin & Steinglass,

2014). The staggering gender disparities in the prevalence of the

more serious eating disorders appears to be a result of cultural

pressures rather than biological factors. Western standards of

attractiveness emphasize being slender more for females than

for males, and women generally experience heavier pressure

to be physically attractive than men do (Strahan et al., 2008).

Eating disorders mostly afflict young women. The typical age of

Eating disorders have become

distressingly common among

young women in Western cultures.

No matter how frail they become,

people suffering from anorexia

insist that they are too fat.

M ot

te J

ul es

/A ba

ca /N

ew sc

The Alliance for Eating Disorders Awareness

This site offers a great deal of information on eating disorders. Visitors

can find statistics, suggested readings, information on symptoms and

treatments, self-tests, success stories from people who have overcome

their eating disorders, and links to other worthwhile websites.

Learn More Online

Psychological Disorders 425

onset for anorexia is 14 to 18, and for bulimia it is 15 to 21 (see

Figure 14.16).

How common are eating disorders in Western societies?

Research suggests that among females about 1% develop an-

orexia nervosa, roughly 1.5% develop bulimia nervosa, and

about 3.5% exhibit binge-eating disorder (Hudson et al., 2007).

In some respects, these figures may only scratch the surface of the

problem. Evidence suggests that another 2% to 4% of people may

struggle with serious eating problems that do not quite qualify

for a formal diagnosis (Swanson et al., 2011). And community

surveys suggest that there may be more undiagnosed eating dis-

orders among men than generally appreciated (Field et al., 2014).

Etiology of Eating Disorders

Like other types of psychological disorders, eating disorders are

caused by multiple determinants that work interactively. Let’s

take a brief look at some of the factors that contribute to the

development of anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa.

Genetic Vulnerability

The scientific evidence is not nearly as strong or complete for

eating disorders as it is for many other types of psychopathol-

ogy, but some people may inherit a genetic vulnerability to these

problems (Thornton, Mazzeo, & Bulik, 2011). There is con-

vincing evidence for a hereditary component in both anorexia

nervosa and bulimia nervosa, with genetics probably playing a

stronger role in anorexia (Trace et al., 2013).

Personality Factors

Genetic factors may exert their influence indirectly by fos-

tering certain personality traits that make people more vul-

nerable to eating disorders. Although there are innumerable

exceptions, victims of anorexia nervosa tend to be obsessive,

rigid, neurotic, and emotionally restrained, whereas victims

of bulimia nervosa tend to be impulsive, overly sensitive,

and low in self-esteem (Wonderlich, 2002). Research also

suggests that perfectionism is a risk factor for anorexia (Keel

et al., 2012).

Cultural Values

The contribution of cultural values to the increased preva-

lence of eating disorders can hardly be overestimated. In West-

ern society, young women are socialized to believe that they

must be attractive and that to be attractive they must be as

thin as the actresses and fashion models that dominate the

media (Fox-Kales, 2011; Levine & Harrison, 2004). Thanks

to this cultural milieu, many young women are dissatisfied

with their weight because the societal ideals promoted by the

media are unattainable for most of them (Thompson & Stice,

2001). Unfortunately, in a small portion of these women, the

pressure to be thin, in combination with genetic vulnerability,

family pathology, and other factors, leads to unhealthy efforts

to control weight.

The Role of the Family

Many theorists emphasize how family dynamics can contribute

to the development of anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa

in young women. The principal issue appears to be that some

mothers contribute to eating disorders simply by endorsing so-

ciety’s message that “you can never be too thin” and by model-

ing unhealthy dieting behaviors of their own (Francis & Birch,

2005). In conjunction with media pressures, this role modeling

leads many daughters to internalize the idea that the thinner

you are, the more attractive you are. Of course, peers can also

endorse beliefs and model behaviors that promote eating dis-

orders (Keel et al., 2013). Another potentially family-related is-

sue is that there is an association between childhood sexual and

physical abuse and an elevated risk for eating disorders (Steiger,

Bruce, & Israel, 2013).

Cognitive Factors

Many theorists emphasize the role of disturbed thinking in the

etiology of eating disorders. For example, anorexic patients’ typ-

ical belief that they are fat when they are really wasting away is

a dramatic illustration of how thinking goes awry. Patients with

eating disorders display rigid, all-or-none thinking and many

maladaptive beliefs (Roberts, Tchanturia, & Treasure, 2010).

Such thoughts may include “I must be thin to be accepted,” “If

I am not in complete control, I will lose all control,” “If I gain one

pound, I’ll go on to gain enormous weight.” Additional research

is needed to determine whether distorted thinking is a cause or

merely a symptom of eating disorders.

Ca se

s (%

)

0 10–14 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45+

Age of onset

Figure 14.16 Age of onset for anorexia nervosa. Eating disorders emerge primarily during adolescence, as these data for anorexia nervosa show. This graph

depicts how age of onset was distributed in a sample of 166 female

patients from Minnesota. As you can see, more than half experienced the

onset of their illness before the age of 20, with vulnerability clearly peaking

between the ages of 15 and 19. (Data from Lucas, et al., 1991)

426 C H A P T E R 1 4

C H A P T E R 14 Review Key Ideas

14.1 General Concepts ● The medical model views abnormal behavior as a disease. There are

some problems with the medical model, but the disease analogy is useful. Some critics are concerned that medical diagnoses of abnormal behavior pin stigmatizing labels on people. The stigma associated with mental illness appears difficult to reduce. Three criteria are used in deciding whether people suffer from psychological disorders: deviance, personal distress, and maladaptive behavior.

● DSM-5 is the official psychodiagnostic classification system in the United States. The DSM has grown dramatically and now includes diagnoses for many syndromes that used to be considered everyday problems. Critics argue that this approach “medicalizes” everyday problems and casts the stigma of pathology on normal self-control issues.

14.2 Anxiety Disorders and Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder ● The anxiety disorders include generalized anxiety disorder, specific

phobia, panic disorder, and agoraphobia. After decades of being lumped with the anxiety disorders, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) was given its own category in DSM-5. These disorders have been linked to a genetic predisposition, an inhibited temperament, and neurochemical abnormalities in the brain at GABA synapses.

● Many anxiety responses, especially phobias, may be caused by classical conditioning and maintained by operant conditioning. Cognitive theorists maintain that some people are vulnerable to anxiety disorders because they see threats everywhere. Stress may also contribute to the onset of these disorders.

14.3 Dissociative Disorders ● Dissociative disorders include dissociative amnesia and dissociative

identity disorder (DID). These disorders appear to be uncommon, although there is some controversy about the prevalence of DID. Stress and childhood trauma may contribute to DID, but overall, the causes of dissociative disorders are not well understood. Some theorists believe that people with DID come to believe, thanks in part to book and movie portrayals of DID and reinforcement from their therapists, that independent entities within them are to blame for their peculiar behaviors.

14.4 Depressive and Bipolar Disorders ● People with major depressive disorder show persistent feelings of

sadness and despair, whereas as those with bipolar disorder usually experience both depressed and manic periods. Both of these disorders are associated with an elevated risk for suicide. People vary in their genetic vulnerability to depressive and bipolar disorders, which are accompanied by changes in neurochemical activity in the brain. Reduced hippocampal volume and suppressed neurogenesis may be factors in depression.

● Cognitive models posit that a pessimistic explanatory style, rumination, and other types of negative thinking contribute to depression. Depression is often rooted in interpersonal inadequacies, as people who lack social finesse often have difficulty acquiring life’s reinforcers and their stormy social relations are a source of stress. Depressive and bipolar disorders are sometimes precipitated by stressful events.

14.5 Schizophrenic Disorders ● Schizophrenic disorders are characterized by deterioration of adaptive

behavior, irrational thought, distorted perception, and disturbed mood. The distinction between positive and negative symptoms has proven useful, but most patients exhibit both types of symptoms. Schizophrenic disorders usually emerge gradually during adolescence or early adulthood.

● Research has linked schizophrenia to genetic vulnerability, changes in neurotransmitter activity at dopamine synapses, and enlarged ventricles in the brain. The neurodevelopmental hypothesis attributes schizophrenia to disruptions of normal maturational processes in the brain before or at birth. Patients who return to homes high in expressed emotion tend

to have elevated relapse rates. Stress in early childhood may increase a person’s vulnerability to schizophrenia. Precipitating stress in adolescence or adulthood may help to trigger the disorder in vulnerable individuals.

14.6 Autism Spectrum Disorder ● Autism is characterized by profound impairment of social interaction

and communication and by severely restricted interests and activities. Since the mid-1990s there has been a dramatic increase in the diagnosis of autism. This increase is probably due to greater awareness of the syndrome and the use of broader diagnostic criteria.

● Genetic factors contribute to autistic disorders. Another factor is brain overgrowth, which may disrupt neural circuits. Research has failed to find an association between vaccinations and autism.

14.7 Personality Disorders ● Personality disorders are marked by extreme personality traits that

cause distress and impaired functioning. There are ten personality disorders that are grouped into three clusters: anxious/fearful, odd/ eccentric, and dramatic/impulsive. Antisocial personality disorder is characterized by manipulative, impulsive, exploitive, aggressive behavior.

● Borderline personality disorder is marked by instability in social relationships, self-concept, and emotional functioning. Narcissistic personality disorder involves a grandiose sense of self-importance, a sense of entitlement, and an excessive need for attention. Personality disorders are influenced by heredity and environmental factors.

14.8 Application: Understanding Eating Disorders ● The principal eating disorders are anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa,

and binge-eating disorder. Anorexia and bulimia both lead to a cascade of medical problems, although anorexia is more dangerous. Eating disorders appear to be a product of modern, affluent, Westernized culture.

● Females account for 90% to 95% of anorexic and bulimic disorders. The typical age of onset is roughly 15 to 20. There appears to be a genetic vulnerability to eating disorders, which may be mediated by heritable personality traits. Cultural pressures on young women to be thin clearly help foster eating disorders. Some theorists emphasize how family dynamics and disturbed thinking can contribute to the development of eating disorders.

Key Terms

Agoraphobia p. 404 Anhedonia p. 409 Anorexia nervosa p. 423 Antisocial personality

disorder p. 422 Anxiety disorders p. 402 Autism p. 419 Autism spectrum disorder

(ASD) p. 419 Binge-eating disorder p. 424 Bipolar disorder p. 410 Borderline personality

disorder p. 422 Bulimia nervosa p. 424 Concordance rate p. 411 Delusions p. 415 Diagnosis p. 400 Dissociative amnesia p. 407 Dissociative disorders p. 406

Dissociative identity disorder (DID) p. 407

Eating disorders p. 423 Etiology p. 400 Generalized anxiety

disorder p. 403 Hallucinations p. 415 Major depressive disorder p. 409 Medical model p. 399 Narcissistic personality

disorder p. 422 Neurotransmitters p. 405 Obsessive-compulsive disorder

(OCD) p. 404 Panic disorder p. 404 Personality disorders p. 421 Prognosis p. 400 Schizophrenia p. 414 Specific phobia p. 403

Nancy Andreasen p. 416 Susan Nolen-Hoeksema

pp. 410, 413

Martin Seligman pp. 406, 413 Thomas Szasz p. 400

Key People

Psychological Disorders 427

C H A P T E R 14 Practice Test 8. Which of the following would be a negative symptom of

schizophrenia? a. Auditory hallucinations b. Delusions of persecution c. Having virtually no friendships d. Delusions of grandeur

9. Research suggests that there is an association between schizophrenia and a. serotonin depletion. b. enlarged brain ventricles. c. degeneration in the medulla. d. abnormalities in the cerebellum.

10. About __________ of patients with anorexic and bulimic disorders are female. a. 40% b. 50% to 60% c. 75% d. 90% to 95%

1. Sergio has just entered treatment for bipolar disorder, and he is informed that most patients respond to drug treatment within a month. This information represents a. a prognosis. b. an etiology. c. a histology. d. a concordance.

2. Although Sue always feels high levels of dread, worry, and anxiety, she still meets her daily responsibilities. Sue’s behavior a. should not be considered abnormal because her adaptive

functioning is not impaired. b. should not be considered abnormal because everyone

sometimes experiences worry and anxiety. c. can still be considered abnormal because she feels great

personal distress. d. is both a and b.

3. People who repeatedly perform senseless rituals to overcome their anxiety are said to have a(n) a. generalized anxiety disorder. b. manic disorder. c. obsessive-compulsive disorder. d. specific phobia.

4. Which of the following has not been implicated in the etiology of anxiety-related disorders? a. Genetic vulnerability b. Hormonal dysfunctions c. Conditioning and learning d. Stress

5. Which of the following statements about dissociative identity disorder is true? a. The original personality is always aware of the alternate

personalities. b. Dissociative identity disorder is an alternate name for

schizophrenia. c. The multiple personalities are typically all quite similar to

one another. d. Starting in the 1970s, there was a dramatic increase in the

diagnosis of dissociative identity disorder.

6. After several months during which he was always gloomy and dejected, Mario has suddenly perked up. He feels elated and energetic and works around the clock on a writing project. He has also started to bet heavily on sporting events over the Internet, which he never did previously. Mario’s behavior is consistent with a. schizophrenia. b. obsessive-compulsive disorder. c. bipolar disorder. d. dissociative identity disorder.

7. A concordance rate indicates the a. percentage of twin pairs or other relatives who exhibit

the same disorder. b. percentage of people with a given disorder who are

currently receiving treatment. c. prevalence of a given disorder in the general population. d. rate of cure for a given disorder.

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 14.1 Self-Assessment: Maudsley Obsessional-Compulsive

Inventory

Exercise 14.2 Self-Reflection: What Are Your Attitudes on Mental

Illness?

Answers 1. a Page 400 2. c Pages 400–401 3. c Page 404 4. b Pages 405–406 5. d Page 407

6.cPage 410 7.aPage 411 8.cPage 416 9.bPage 418

10.dPage 424

C H A P T E R 15 Psychotherapy

15.1 Elements of the Treatment Process

Treatments: How Many Types Are There?

Clients: Who Seeks Therapy?

Therapists: Who Provides Professional

Treatment?

15.2 Insight Therapies

Psychoanalysis

Client-Centered Therapy

Group Therapy

Couples and Family Therapy

How Effective Are Insight Therapies?

How Do Insight Therapies Work?

15.3 Behavior Therapies

Systematic Desensitization

Social Skills Training

Cognitive-Behavioral Treatments

RECOMMENDED READING Crazy by Pete Earley

How Effective Are Behavior

Therapies?

15.4 Biomedical Therapies

Drug Therapy

Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT)

15.5 Current Trends and Issues in Treatment

Blending Approaches to Treatment

Increasing Multicultural Sensitivity

in Treatment

Using Technology to Expand the Delivery

of Clinical Services

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Testing the Efficacy of Internet Therapy

15.6 APPLICATION: Looking For a Therapist

Where Do You Find Therapeutic Services?

Is the Therapist’s Profession or Sex Important?

Is Therapy Always Expensive?

Is the Therapist’s Theoretical Approach

Important?

What Is Therapy Like?

Review

Practice Test

ULTRA F/Getty Images

15.1 Elements of the Treatment Process

In modern society people have a bewildering array of psychotherapy approaches to choose

from. In fact, the immense diversity of therapeutic treatments makes defining the con-

cept of psychotherapy difficult. But all psychotherapies have three key elements. They all

involve a helping relationship (the treatment) between a professional with special training

(the therapist) and another person in need of help (the client). Let’s look at each of these

elements.

Treatments: How Many Types Are There?

In their efforts to help people, mental health professionals use many methods of

treatment, including discussion, emotional support, persuasion, conditioning

procedures, relaxation training, role playing, drug therapy, biofeedback, and

group therapy. Some therapists also use a variety of less-conventional proce-

dures, such as rebirthing, poetry therapy, and primal therapy. No one knows

exactly how many approaches to treatment there are. One expert (Kazdin, 1994)

estimates that there may be more than 400 distinct types of psychotherapy! As

varied as therapists’ procedures are, approaches to treatment can be classified

into three major categories.

1. Insight therapies. Insight therapy is “talk therapy” in the tradition of

Freud’s psychoanalysis. This is probably the approach to treatment that comes

to mind when you think of psychotherapy. In insight therapies, clients engage

in complex verbal interactions with their therapist. The goal in these discus-

sions is to pursue increased insight regarding the nature of the client’s difficul-

ties and to sort through possible solutions.

2. Behavior therapies. Behavior therapies are based on the principles of

learning and conditioning, which were introduced in Chapter 2. Instead of

emphasizing personal insights, behavior therapists make direct efforts to alter

problematic responses (phobic behaviors, for instance) and maladaptive habits

(drug use, for instance).

3. Biomedical therapies. Biomedical approaches to therapy involve

interventions into a person’s physiological functioning. The most widely used

procedures are drug therapy and electroconvulsive therapy. In recent decades,

drug therapy has become the dominant mode of treatment for psychological

disorders. As Figure 15.1 shows, one large-scale study found that 57% of mental

health patients were treated with medication only, up from 44% just 9 years earlier

Learning Objectives

■ Identify the three major categories

of therapy and discuss patterns of

treatment seeking.

■ Distinguish among the various types of

mental health professionals involved in

the provision of therapy.

Psychotherapy 429

In this chapter, we take a down-to-earth look at the pro-

cess of psychotherapy, using the term in its broadest sense to

refer to all the diverse approaches to the treatment of psycho-

logical problems. We start by discussing some general ques-

tions about the provision of treatment. Who seeks therapy?

What kinds of professionals provide treatment? How many

types of therapy are there? After considering these general

issues, we examine some of the more widely used approaches

to treating psychological maladies, analyzing their goals,

techniques, and effectiveness. The Application at the end of

the chapter focuses on practical issues involved in finding

a therapist, in case you ever have to advise someone about

seeking help. ■

W hat do you picture when you hear the term psycho-

therapy? If you’re like most people, you probably

envision a troubled patient lying on a couch in a ther-

apist’s office, with the therapist asking penetrating questions

and providing sage advice. Typically, people believe that psy-

chotherapy is only for those who are “sick” and that therapists

have special powers that allow them to “see through” their

clients. It is also widely believed that therapy requires years of

deep probing into a client’s innermost secrets. Many people

further assume that therapists routinely tell their patients

how to lead their lives. Like most stereotypes, this picture of

psychotherapy is a mixture of fact and fiction, as you’ll see in

the upcoming pages.

Pe rc

en t o

f p at

ie nt

s tr

ea te

1998 2007

Year

Medication only

Psychotherapy (insight or behavioral)

only

Psychotherapy (insight or behavioral)

and medication

Figure 15.1 Escalating reliance on drug therapy. Using data from an ongoing national survey focusing on patterns of health

care, Olfson and Marcus (2010) found some interesting

trends in outpatient treatment for psychological disorders.

Comparing treatment procedures in 1998 and 2007,

they found that the percentage of patients treated with

medication exclusively increased from 44% to 57%. During

the same time period, the percentage of patients treated

with insight or behavioral therapy alone, or in combination

with drug therapy, declined.

430 C H A P T E R 1 5

(Olfson & Marcus, 2010). As the name biomedical therapies suggests, these treatments have

traditionally been provided only by physicians with a medical degree (usually psychiatrists).

This situation is changing, however, as psychologists have been campaigning for prescription

privileges and have obtained prescription authority in three states.

Clients: Who Seeks Therapy?

People seeking mental health treatment show up with the full range of human problems:

anxiety, depression, unsatisfactory interpersonal relations, troublesome habits, poor self-

control, low self-esteem, marital conflicts, self-doubt, a sense of emptiness, and feelings of

personal stagnation. Among adults, the two most common presenting problems are depres-

sion and anxiety disorders (Olfson & Marcus, 2010). A client in treatment does not neces-

sarily have an identifiable psychological disorder. Some people seek professional help for

everyday problems (career decisions, for instance) or vague feelings of discontent.

People vary considerably in their willingness to seek psychotherapy. Some people delay

for many years before finally seeking treatment for their psychological problems. As you can

see in Figure 15.2, women are more likely than men to receive treatment, and whites are more

likely than blacks or Hispanics to obtain therapy. Treatment is also more likely when people

have medical insurance and when they have more education (Olfson & Marcus, 2010).

Unfortunately, it appears that many people who need therapy don’t receive it (Kazdin &

Rabbitt, 2013). People who could benefit from therapy do not seek it for a variety of rea-

sons. Lack of health insurance and cost concerns appear to be major barriers to obtaining

needed care for many people. Perhaps the biggest

roadblock is the stigma surrounding the receipt

of mental health treatment (Corrigan, Druss,

& Perlick, 2014). Unfortunately, many people

equate seeking therapy with admitting personal

weakness (Clement et al., 2015).

Therapists: Who Provides Professional Treatment?

Psychotherapy refers to professional treatment by

someone with special training. Psychology and

psychiatry are the principal professions involved

in psychotherapy, providing the lion’s share of

mental health care. However, therapy is also

provided by social workers, psychiatric nurses,

counselors, and marriage and family therapists,

as outlined in Figure 15.3.

Psychologists

Clinical psychologists and counseling psycholo-

gists specialize in the diagnosis and treatment

of psychological disorders and everyday behav-

ioral problems. In theory, the training of clinical

psychologists emphasizes treatment of full-fledged

disorders, whereas the training of counseling psy-

chologists is slanted toward treatment of everyday

adjustment problems in normal people. In prac-

tice, however, there is great overlap between clin-

ical and counseling psychologists in training, in

skills, and in the clientele they serve (Morgan &

Cohen, 2008).

Male

Female

Under 12 years

12 years

13–16 years

17 years and over

Not married

Married

Divorced/separated

Percentage of individuals using outpatient psychotherapy

Sex

Education

Marital status

Public

Private

None

Health insurance

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

Demographic variable

White

Black

Hispanic

Race/ethnicity

Figure 15.2 Therapy utilization rates. Olfson and Marcus (2010) analyzed data on the use of outpatient mental health services in the United States in relation to various demographic variables. In

regard to marital status, utilization rates are particularly high among those who are divorced or

not married. The use of therapy is also greater among those who have more education. Females

are more likely to pursue therapy than males are, but utilization rates are relatively low among

ethnic minorities and those who lack health insurance.

Psychotherapy 431

Both types of psychologists must earn a doctoral degree (Ph.D., Psy.D., or Ed.D.). A

doctorate in psychology requires 5 to 7 years of training beyond a bachelor’s degree. The

process of gaining admission to a Ph.D. program in clinical psychology is highly com-

petitive (about as competitive as for medical school). Psychologists receive most of their

training on university campuses, although they also serve a 1- to 2-year internship in a

clinical setting, such as a hospital. In providing therapy, psychologists use either insight or

behavioral approaches. In comparison to psychiatrists, they are less likely to use psychoan-

alytic methods.

Psychiatrists

Psychiatrists are physicians who specialize in the treatment of psychological disorders.

Many psychiatrists also treat everyday behavioral problems. However, in comparison to

psychologists, psychiatrists devote more time to relatively severe disorders (schizophrenia,

mood disorders) and less time to everyday marital, family, job, and school problems. Psy-

chiatrists have an M.D. degree. Their graduate training requires 4 years of course work in

medical school and a 4-year apprenticeship in a residency at an approved hospital. Their

psychotherapy training occurs during their residency because the required course work in

medical school is essentially the same for all students, whether they are going into surgery,

pediatrics, or psychiatry. In comparison to psychologists, psychiatrists are more likely to

use psychoanalysis and less likely to use group therapies or behavior therapies. That said,

contemporary psychiatrists increasingly depend on medication as their principal mode of

treatment (Olfson et al., 2014).

Other Mental Health Professionals

In hospitals and other institutions, psychiatric social workers and psychiatric nurses often

work as part of a treatment team with a psychologist or psychiatrist. Psychiatric nurses,

who may have a bachelor’s or master’s degree in their field, play a large role in hospital

inpatient treatment. Psychiatric social workers generally have a master’s degree and typ-

ically work with patients and their families to ease the patient’s integration back into the

community.

Many kinds of counselors also provide therapeutic services. Counselors are usually

found working in schools, colleges, and human services agencies (youth centers, geriatric

Figure 15.3 The principal mental health professions. Psychotherapists come from a variety of professional backgrounds. This chart provides an overview of various types of therapists’ education and typical

professional activities.

Online Dictionary of

Mental Health

This thematically arranged “dictionary”

comprises diverse links involving many

forms of psychotherapy, the treatment

of psychological disorders, and general

issues of mental health. It is sponsored by

the Centre for Psychotherapeutic Studies

at the University of Sheffield’s Medical

School in the United Kingdom.

Learn More Online

TYPES OF THERAPISTS

Profession Degree

Education beyond

bachelor’s degree Typical roles and activities

Clinical psychologist PhD or PsyD 5–7 years Psychological testing, diagnosis, treatment with insight or behavior

therapy

Counseling psychologist PhD, PsyD

or EdD

5–7 years Similar to clinical psychologist, but more focus on work, career, and

adjustment problems

Psychiatrist MD 8 years Diagnosis and treatment, primarily with biomedical therapies, but

also insight therapies

Clinical social worker MSW, DSW 2–5 years Insight and behavior therapy, often help inpatients with their return

to the community

Psychiatric nurse RN, MA, or PhD 0–5 years Inpatient care, insight and behavior therapy

Counselor BA or MA 0–2 years Vocational counseling, drug counseling, rehabilitation counseling

Marriage and family therapist MA or PhD 2–5 years Marital/couples therapy, family therapy

432 C H A P T E R 1 5

centers, family planning centers, and so forth). Counselors typically have a master’s degree.

They often specialize in particular types of problems, such as vocational counseling, marital

counseling, rehabilitation counseling, and drug counseling.

Marriage and family therapists generally have a master’s degree that prepares them to

work with couples experiencing relationship problems or with dysfunctional families. Mar-

ital and family therapy has experienced enormous growth since the 1980s (Lebow, 2008).

Although clear differences exist among the helping professions in education and train-

ing, their roles in the treatment process overlap considerably. In this chapter, we refer to

psychologists or psychiatrists as needed, but otherwise we use the terms clinician, therapist,

and mental health professional to refer to psychotherapists of all kinds, regardless of their

professional degree. Now that we have discussed the basic elements in psychotherapy, we

can examine specific approaches to treatment in terms of their goals, procedures, and effec-

tiveness. We begin with a few representative insight therapies.

15.2 Insight Therapies

Many schools of thought exist as to how to conduct insight therapy. Therapists with dif-

ferent theoretical orientations use different methods to pursue different kinds of insights.

What these varied approaches have in common is that insight therapies involve verbal

interactions intended to enhance clients’ self-knowledge and thus promote healthful

changes in personality and behavior. Although there may be hundreds of insight thera-

pies, the leading eight or ten approaches appear to account for the lion’s share of treatment.

In this section, we delve into psychoanalysis, client-centered therapy, group therapy, and

couples and family therapy.

Psychoanalysis

Sigmund Freud worked as a psychotherapist for almost 50 years in Vienna. Through a

painstaking process of trial and error, he developed innovative techniques for the treatment

of psychological disorders and distress. His system of psychoanalysis dominated psychiatry

for more than half a century. Although this dominance has eroded in recent decades, a

diverse array of psychoanalytic approaches to therapy continue to evolve and remain influ-

ential today (Luborsky, O’Reilly-Landry, & Arlow, 2011; Ursano & Carr, 2014).

Psychoanalysis is an insight therapy that emphasizes the recovery of unconscious

conflicts, motives, and defenses through techniques such as free association, dream anal-

ysis, and transference. To appreciate the logic of psychoanalysis, we have to look at Freud’s

thinking about the roots of mental disorders. Freud treated mostly anxiety-dominated dis-

turbances, such as phobic, panic, obsessive-compulsive, and conversion disorders, which

were then called neuroses. He believed that neurotic problems are caused by unconscious

conflicts left over from early childhood. As explained in Chapter 2, he thought that these

inner conflicts involve battles among the id, ego, and superego, usually over sexual and

aggressive impulses. Freud theorized that people depend on defense mechanisms to avoid

confronting these conflicts, which remain hidden in the depths of the unconscious. How-

ever, he noted that defenses tend to be only partially successful in alleviating anxiety, guilt,

and other distressing emotions. With this model in mind, let’s take a look at the therapeutic

procedures used in psychoanalysis.

Probing the Unconscious

Given Freud’s assumptions, we can see that the logic of psychoanalysis is very simple. The

analyst attempts to probe the murky depths of the unconscious to discover the unresolved

conflicts causing the client’s neurotic behavior. In a sense, the analyst functions as a psy-

chological detective. In this effort to explore the unconscious, he or she relies on two tech-

niques: free association and dream analysis.

■ Understand the logic of psychoanalysis

and describe the techniques used to

probe the unconscious.

■ Describe the role of therapeutic climate

and process in client-centered therapy.

■ Explain how group therapy, couples

therapy, and family therapy are

generally conducted.

■ Assess the efficacy of insight therapies

and discuss the importance of common

factors.

Learning Objectives

Sigmund Freud’s pioneering work on

psychoanalysis paved the way for modern

psychotherapy.

Psychotherapy 433

In free association, clients spontaneously express their thoughts and feelings exactly

as they occur, with as little censorship as possible. Clients lie on a couch so they will be

better able to let their minds drift freely. In free associating, clients expound on anything

that comes to mind, regardless of how trivial, silly, or embarrassing it might be. Gradually,

most clients begin to let everything pour out without conscious censorship. The analyst

studies these free associations for clues about what is going on in the unconscious.

In dream analysis, the therapist interprets the symbolic meaning of the client’s

dreams. For Freud, dreams were the “royal road to the unconscious,” the most direct means

of access to patients’ innermost conflicts, wishes, and impulses. Clients are encouraged and

trained to remember their dreams, which they describe in therapy. The therapist then ana-

lyzes the symbolism in these dreams to interpret their meaning.

To better illustrate these matters, let’s look at an actual case treated through psycho-

analysis (adapted from Greenson, 1967, pp. 40–41). Mr. N was troubled by an unsatisfac-

tory marriage. He claimed to love his wife, but he preferred sexual relations with prostitutes.

Mr. N reported that his parents also endured lifelong marital difficulties. His childhood

conflicts about their relationship appeared to be related to his problems. Both dream anal-

ysis and free association can be seen in the following description of a session in Mr. N’s

treatment:

Mr. N reports a fragment of a dream. All that he can remember is that he is waiting for a

red traffic light to change when he feels that someone has bumped into him from behind. . . .

The associations led to Mr. N’s love of cars, especially sports cars. He loved the sensation, in

particular, of whizzing by those fat, old, expensive cars. . . . His father always hinted that he

had been a great athlete, but he never substantiated it. . . . Mr. N doubted whether his father

could really perform. His father would flirt with a waitress in a cafe or make sexual remarks

about women passing by, but he seemed to be showing off. If he were really sexual, he wouldn’t

resort to that.

As is characteristic of free association, Mr. N’s train of thought meanders about with lit-

tle direction. What did Mr. N’s therapist extract from this session? The therapist saw sexual

overtones in the dream fragment, where Mr. N was bumped from behind. The therapist also

inferred that Mr. N had a competitive orientation toward his father, based on the free associ-

ation about whizzing by fat, old, expensive cars. As you can see, analysts must interpret their

clients’ dreams and free associations. This is a critical process throughout psychoanalysis.

Interpretation

Interpretation involves the therapist’s attempts to explain the inner significance of the

client’s thoughts, feelings, memories, and behaviors. Contrary to popular belief, analysts

do not interpret everything, and they generally don’t try to dazzle clients with startling

revelations. Instead, analysts move forward inch by inch, offering interpretations that

should be just out of the client’s own reach (Samberg & Marcus, 2005).

Mr. N’s therapist eventually offered the following interpretations to

his client:

I said to Mr. N near the end of the hour that I felt he was struggling with

his feelings about his father’s sexual life. He seemed to be saying that his

father was sexually not a very potent man. . . . He also recalls that he

once found a packet of condoms under his father’s pillow when he was an

adolescent and he thought “My father must be going to prostitutes.” I then

intervened and pointed out that the condoms under his father’s pillow

seemed to indicate more obviously that his father used the condoms with

his mother, who slept in the same bed. However, Mr. N wanted to believe

his wish-fulfilling fantasy: mother doesn’t want sex with father and father

is not very potent. The patient was silent and the hour ended.

As you may already have guessed, the therapist had concluded that

Mr. N’s difficulties were rooted in an Oedipal complex (see Chapter 2).

Mr. N had unresolved sexual feelings toward his mother and hostile

In psychoanalysis, the therapist encourages the client to reveal

thoughts, feelings, dreams, and memories that can then be

interpreted in relation to the client’s current problems.

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434 C H A P T E R 1 5

feelings about his father. These unconscious conflicts, rooted in his childhood, were distort-

ing his intimate relations as an adult.

Resistance

How would you expect Mr. N to respond to his therapist’s suggestion that he was in compe-

tition with his father for the sexual attention of his mother? Obviously, most clients would

have great difficulty accepting such an interpretation. Freud fully expected clients to display

some resistance to therapeutic efforts. Resistance involves largely unconscious defensive

maneuvers intended to hinder the progress of therapy. Resistance is assumed to be an

inevitable part of the psychoanalytic process (Samberg & Marcus, 2005). Why do clients try

to resist the helping process? Because they don’t want to face up to the painful, disturbing

conflicts they have buried in their unconscious. Although they have sought help, they are

reluctant to confront their real problems.

Resistance may take many forms. Patients may show up late for their sessions, merely

pretend to engage in free association, or express hostility toward the therapist. For instance,

Mr. N’s therapist noted that after the session just described, “The next day he began by

telling me that he was furious with me.” Analysts use a variety of strategies to deal with

their clients’ resistance. Often, a key consideration is the handling of transference, which

we consider next.

Transference

Transference occurs when clients start relating to their therapist in ways that mimic

critical relationships in their lives. Thus, a client might start relating to a therapist as if the

therapist were an overprotective mother, rejecting brother, or passive spouse. In a sense,

the client transfers conflicting feelings about important people onto the therapist (Høglend

et al., 2011). For instance, in his treatment, Mr. N transferred some of the competitive hos-

tility he felt toward his father onto his analyst. Psychoanalysts often encourage transference

so that clients begin to reenact relations with crucial people in the context of therapy. These

reenactments can help bring repressed feelings and conflicts to the surface, allowing the

client to work through them.

Undergoing psychoanalysis is not easy. It can be a slow, painful process of self-

examination that routinely requires 3 to 5 years of hard work. It tends to be a lengthy pro-

cess because patients need time to gradually work through their problems and genuinely

accept unnerving revelations (Williams, 2005). Ultimately, if resistance and transference

can be handled effectively, the therapist’s interpretations should lead the client to profound

insights. For instance, Mr. N eventually admitted, “The old boy is probably right, it does

tickle me to imagine that my mother preferred me and I could beat out my father. Later,

I wondered whether this had something to do with my own screwed-up sex life with my

wife.” According to Freud, once clients recognize the unconscious sources of their conflicts,

they can resolve these conflicts and discard their neurotic defenses.

Modern Psychodynamic Therapies

Although still available, classical psychoanalysis as done by Freud is not widely practiced

anymore (Kay & Kay, 2008). Freud’s psychoanalytic method was geared to a particular kind

of clientele that he was seeing in Vienna a century ago. As his followers fanned out across

Europe and America, many found that it was necessary to adapt psychoanalysis to differ-

ent cultures, changing times, and new kinds of patients. Thus, many variations on Freud’s

original approach to psychoanalysis have developed over the years. These descendants of

psychoanalysis are collectively known as psychodynamic approaches to therapy.

Today, we have a rich variety of psychodynamic approaches to therapy (Magnavita,

2008). Reviews of these treatments suggest that interpretation, resistance, and transference

continue to play key roles in therapeutic efforts (Høglend et al., 2008). Other central fea-

tures of modern psychodynamic therapies include (1) a focus on emotional experience,

(2) exploration of efforts to avoid distressing thoughts and feelings, (3) identification of

The American

Psychoanalytic Association

The site for this professional organization

provides a great deal of useful

information about psychoanalytic

approaches to treatment. The resources

include news releases, background

information on psychoanalysis, an engine

for literature searches, and a bookstore.

Learn More Online

Psychotherapy 435

recurring patterns in patients’ life experiences,

(4) discussion of past experience, especially

events in early childhood, (5) analysis of inter-

personal relationships, (6) a focus on the thera-

peutic relationship itself, and (7) exploration of

dreams and other aspects of fantasy life (Shedler,

2010; see Figure 15.4). Recent research suggests

that psychodynamic approaches can be helpful

in the treatment of a diverse array of disorders,

including depression, anxiety disorders, person-

ality disorders, and substance abuse (Josephs &

Weinberger, 2013; Barber et al., 2013).

Client-Centered Therapy

You may have heard of people going into ther-

apy to “find themselves” or to “get in touch

with their real feelings.” These now-popular

phrases emerged out of the human potential

movement, which was stimulated in part by

the work of Carl Rogers (1951, 1986). Tak-

ing a humanistic perspective, Rogers de-

vised client-centered therapy (also known as

person-centered therapy) in the 1940s and

1950s. Client-centered therapy is an insight

therapy that emphasizes providing a sup-

portive emotional climate for clients, who

play a major role in determining the pace

and direction of their therapy.

Rogers’s theory about the principal causes

of neurotic anxieties is quite different from the

Freudian explanation. As discussed in Chapter 2, Rogers maintained that most personal

distress is due to inconsistency, or “incongruence,” between a person’s self-concept and

reality (see Figure 15.5). According to his theory, incongruence makes people prone to feel

threatened by realistic feedback about themselves from others. According to Rogers, anxi-

ety about such feedback often leads to reliance on defense mechanisms, distortions of real-

ity, and stifled personal growth. Excessive incongruence is thought to be rooted in clients’

overdependence on others for approval and acceptance.

Given Rogers’s theory, client-centered therapists seek insights that are quite different

from the repressed conflicts that psychoanalysts try to track down. Client-centered thera-

pists help clients realize that they do not have to worry constantly about pleasing others and

winning acceptance. They encourage clients to respect their own feelings and values. They

help people restructure their self-concept to correspond better to reality. Ultimately, these

therapists try to foster self-acceptance and personal growth.

Focus on emotional experience Psychodynamic therapies encourage exploration of patients’ emotional feelings.

Exploration of efforts to avoid distressing thoughts and feelings Psychodynamic therapies probe patients’ defense mechanisms and resistance.

Identification of recurring patterns in patients’ lives Psychodynamic therapies attempt to help patients recognize and under- stand recurring themes in their thoughts, feelings, and relationships.

Discussion of past experience Psychodynamic therapies have a developmental slant that empha- sizes exploration of early childhood experiences and attachments.

Analysis of interpersonal relationships Psychodynamic therapies focus heavily on patients’ social relation- ships, especially with attachment figures.

Focus on the therapeutic relationship Psychodynamic therapies pay careful attention to the relationship between the therapist and patient and the potential for transference.

Exploration of fantasy life Psychodynamic therapies encourage exploration of patients’ fantasies, dreams, and daydreams, which can offer useful clues about how they view their social worlds.

Distinctive features of

psychodynamic therapies

Figure 15.4 Core features of psychodynamic therapies. In an article on the efficacy of psychodynamic therapies, Jonathan Shedler (2010) outlined the distinctive aspects of modern

psychodynamic techniques and processes. The seven features described here represent the core

of contemporary psychodynamic treatment.

Carl Rogers invented client-centered

therapy, which emphasizes the importance

of therapeutic climate.

Believe affection

from others is

conditional

Need to distort

shortcomings to feel

worthy of affection

Relatively

incongruent

self-concept

Recurrent

anxiety

Defensive behavior

protects inaccurate

self-concept

Figure 15.5 Rogers’s view of the roots of disorders. Carl Rogers’s theory posits that anxiety and self-defeating behavior are rooted in an

incongruent self-concept that makes one prone to recurrent anxiety,

which triggers defensive behavior, which fuels more incongruence.

436 C H A P T E R 1 5

Therapeutic Climate

In client-centered therapy, the process of therapy is not as important as the emotional

climate in which the therapy takes place. According to Rogers, it is critical for the ther-

apist to provide a warm, supportive, accepting climate in which clients can confront

their shortcomings without feeling threatened. The lack of threat should reduce

clients’ defensive tendencies and thus help them to open up. To create this

atmosphere of emotional support, Rogers believed that client-centered

therapists must provide three conditions: (1) genuineness (honest commu-

nication), (2) unconditional positive regard (nonjudgmental acceptance of the

client), and (3) accurate empathy (understanding of the client’s point of view).

Consistent with Rogers’s view of the vital importance of therapeutic climate,

research has found that measures of therapists’ empathy and unconditional

positive regard correlate with positive patient outcomes (Elliott et al., 2011;

Farber & Doolin, 2011).

Therapeutic Process

In client-centered therapy, the client and therapist work together almost as equals. The ther-

apist provides relatively little guidance and keeps interpretation and advice to a minimum

(Raskin, Rogers, & Witty, 2011). So, just what does the client-centered therapist do, besides

creating a supportive climate? The therapist’s key task is clarification. Client-centered ther-

apists try to function like a human mirror, reflecting statements back to their clients, but

with enhanced clarity. They help clients become more aware of their true feelings by high-

lighting themes that may be obscure in the clients’ rambling discourse. By working with

clients to clarify their feelings, client-centered therapists hope to gradually build toward

more far-reaching insights. In particular, they try to help clients become more aware of and

comfortable with their genuine selves. Obviously, these are ambitious goals. Client-centered

therapy resembles psychoanalysis in that both seek to achieve a major reconstruction of a

client’s personality.

Group Therapy

Although it dates back to the early part of the 20th century, group therapy came of age

during World War II and its aftermath in the 1950s. During this period, the expanding

demand for therapeutic services forced clinicians to use group techniques (Burlingame &

Baldwin, 2011). Group therapy is the simultaneous treatment of several or more clients

in a group. Most major insight therapies have been adapted for use with groups. Because of

economic pressures in mental health care, the use of group therapy appears likely to grow

in future years. Although group therapy can be conducted in a variety of ways, we can pro-

vide a general overview of the process as it usually unfolds (see Piper &

Hernandez, 2013; Spitz, 2009; Stone, 2008).

A therapy group typically consists of four to twelve people, with six

to eight participants regarded as an ideal number (Cox, Vinogradov,

& Yalom, 2008). The therapist usually screens the participants, exclud-

ing anyone who seems likely to be disruptive. Some theorists main-

tain that judicious selection of participants is crucial to effective group

treatment (Schlapobersky & Pines, 2009). In group treatment the ther-

apist’s responsibilities include selecting participants, setting goals for

the group, initiating and maintaining the therapeutic process, and pro-

tecting clients from harm (Cox et al., 2008). The therapist often plays a

relatively subtle role, staying in the background and focusing mainly on

promoting group cohesiveness. The therapist always retains a special

status, but the therapist and clients are on much more equal footing

in group therapy than in individual therapy. The leader in group ther-

apy expresses emotions, shares feelings, and copes with challenges from

group members.

Client-centered therapists emphasize the importance of a

supportive emotional climate in therapy. They also work to clarify,

rather than interpret, the feelings expressed by their patients.

Group therapies have proven particularly helpful when members

share similar problems, such as alcoholism, drug abuse, overeating,

or depression.

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Psychotherapy 437

In group therapy, participants essentially function as therapists for one another

(Schachter, 2011). Group members describe their problems, trade viewpoints, share ex-

periences, and discuss coping strategies. Most important, they provide acceptance and

emotional support for one another. In this supportive atmosphere, group members work

at peeling away the social masks that cover their insecurities. Once their problems are

exposed, members work at correcting them. As members come to value one another’s

opinions, they work hard to display healthy changes to win the group’s approval.

Group therapies obviously save time and money, which can be critical in understaffed

mental hospitals and other institutional settings. However, group therapy is not just a less

costly substitute for individual therapy. For many types of patients and problems, group

therapy can be just as effective as individual treatment (Knauss, 2005; Stone, 2008). More-

over, group therapy has unique strengths of its own. For example, in group therapy partici-

pants often come to realize that their misery is not unique. They are reassured to learn that

many other people have similar or even worse problems. Another advantage is that group

therapy provides an opportunity for participants to work on their social skills in a safe

environment. Group treatments are being used successfully for an increasingly diverse col-

lection of problems and disorders in contemporary clinical practice (Burlingame, Strauss,

& Joyce, 2013).

Couples and Family Therapy

Like group therapy, marital and family therapy rose to prominence after World War II. As

their names suggest, these interventions are defined in terms of who is being treated. Cou-

ples or marital therapy involves the treatment of both partners in a committed, intimate

relationship, in which the main focus is on relationship issues. Couples therapy is not

limited to married couples. It is frequently provided to cohabiting couples, including gay

couples. Family therapy involves the treatment of a family unit as a whole, in which the

main focus is on family dynamics and communication. Family therapy often emerges

out of efforts to treat children or adolescents with individual therapy. A child’s therapist,

for instance, might come to the realization that treatment is likely to fail because the child

returns to a home environment that contributes to the child’s problems and thus propose a

broader family intervention.

As with other forms of insight therapy, there are different schools of thought about

how to conduct couples and family therapy (Goldenberg, Goldenberg, & Pelavin, 2011).

Some of these diverse systems are extensions of influential approaches to individual ther-

apy, including psychodynamic, humanistic, and behavioral treatments. Other approaches

are based on innovative models of families as complex systems and explicit rejection of

individual models of treatment. Although the various approaches to couples and family

therapy differ in terminology and their theoretical models of relationship

and family dysfunction, they tend to share common goals. First, they

seek to understand the entrenched patterns of interaction that produce

distress. In this endeavor they view individuals as parts of a family eco-

system, and they assume that people behave as they do because of their

role in the system (Lebow & Stroud, 2013). Second, they seek to help

couples and families improve their communication and move toward

healthier patterns of interaction.

What kinds of problems bring partners in for couples ther-

apy? The full range of relationship problems, such as constant ar-

guments without resolution, resentment about power imbalances,

perceptions of emotional withdrawal, the discovery or disclosure

of affairs, sexual difficulties, the threat of relationship dissolution,

and concern about how relationship issues are affecting the couple’s

children (Spitz & Spitz, 2009). What are some of the indications for

family therapy? It is likely to be helpful when a youngster’s psycho-

logical difficulties appear to be rooted in family pathology, when

families are buffeted by severe stress such as a serious illness or a

Marital therapists attempt to help partners to clarify their needs and

desires in the relationship, appreciate their mutual contribution to

problems, enhance their communication patterns, increase role flexibility

and tolerance of differences, work out their balance of power, and learn to

deal with conflict more constructively.

iStockphoto.com/101dalmatians

438 C H A P T E R 1 5

major transition, when blended families experience adjustment problems, when sibling

conflicts spin out of control, or when someone tries to sabotage another family member’s

individual therapy (Bloch & Harari, 2009; Spitz & Spitz, 2009).

How Effective Are Insight Therapies?

Evaluating the effectiveness of any approach to treatment is a complex challenge (Comer

& Kendall, 2013; Lilienfeld et al., 2014; Ogles, 2013). Evaluating treatment results is

especially complicated for insight therapies. If you were to undergo insight therapy, how

would you judge its effectiveness? By how you felt? By looking at your behavior? By ask-

ing your therapist? By consulting your friends and family? What would you be looking

for? Various schools of therapy pursue entirely different goals. And clients’ ratings of

their progress are likely to be slanted toward a favorable evaluation because they want

to justify their effort, their heartache, their expense, and their time. Even evaluations

by professional therapists can be highly subjective.

Moreover, people enter therapy with diverse prob-

lems of varied severity, creating huge confounds

in efforts to assess the effectiveness of therapeutic

interventions.

Despite these difficulties, thousands of out-

come studies have been conducted to evaluate the

effectiveness of insight therapy. These studies have

examined a broad range of clinical problems and

used diverse methods to assess therapeutic out-

comes, including scores on psychological tests and

ratings by family members, as well as therapists’ and

clients’ ratings. These studies consistently indicate

that insight therapy is superior to no treatment or

to placebo treatment and that the effects of ther-

apy are reasonably durable (Lambert, 2011; 2013).

And when insight therapies are compared head

to head against drug therapies, they usually show

roughly equal efficacy (Arkowitz & Lilienfeld, 2007;

Wampold, 2013). Studies generally find the greatest

improvement early in treatment (roughly the first

ten to twenty weekly sessions), with further gains

gradually diminishing over time (Lambert, 2013),

as the data from one study show in Figure 15.6. Of

course, these broad generalizations mask consider-

able variability in outcome, but the general trends

are encouraging.

Figure 15.6 Recovery as a function of number of therapy sessions. Based on a national sample of more than 6000 patients, Lambert, Hansen, and Finch (2001) mapped out the relationship

between recovery and the duration of treatment. These data show that about half of the

patients had experienced a clinically significant recovery after twenty weekly sessions of

therapy. After forty-five sessions of therapy, about 70% had recovered.

Source: Adapted from Lambert, M. J., Hansen, N. B. , & Finch, A. E. (2001). Patient-focused research: Using patient

outcome data to enhance treatment effects. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 69, 159–172.

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Psychotherapy 439

How Do Insight Therapies Work?

Although there is considerable evidence that insight therapy tends to produce positive

effects for a sizable majority of clients, vigorous debate continues about the mechanisms

of action underlying these positive effects (Duncan & Reese, 2013). The advocates of

various therapies tend to attribute the benefits of therapy to the particular methods

used by each specific approach. In essence, they argue that different therapies achieve

similar benefits through different processes. An alternative view espoused by many

theorists is that the diverse approaches to therapy share certain common factors that

account for much of the improvement experienced by clients (Wampold, 2001). Evi-

dence supporting the common factors view has mounted in recent years (Lambert &

Ogles, 2014).

What are the common denominators that lie at the core of diverse approaches to

therapy? The models proposed to answer to this question vary considerably, but the most

widely cited common factors include (1) the development of a therapeutic alliance with a

professional helper, (2) the provision of emotional support and empathy, (3) the cultiva-

tion of hope and positive expectations in the client, (4) the provision of a rationale for the

client’s problems and a plausible method for reducing them, and (5) the opportunity to

express feelings, confront problems, and gain new insights (Laska, Gurman, & Wampold,

2014; Weinberger, 1995). How important are these factors in therapy? Some theorists argue

that common factors account for virtually all of the progress that clients make in therapy

(Wampold, 2001). It seems more likely that the benefits of therapy represent the combined

effects of common factors and specific procedures. One recent study attempted to quantify

the influence of common factors in an analysis of thirty-one studies that focused on the

treatment of depression. When the variance in patient outcomes was partitioned among

various influences, the researchers estimated that 49% of this variance was attributable

to common factors (Cuijpers et al., 2012). Admittedly, this is just one estimate based on

one form of treatment for one specific disorder, so it does not provide a definitive answer

regarding the importance of common factors. But it certainly suggests that common factors

play a significant role in insight therapy.

15.3 Behavior Therapies

Behavior therapy is different from insight therapy in that behavior therapists make

no attempt to help clients achieve grand insights about themselves. Why not? Because

behavior therapists believe that such insights aren’t necessary in order to produce

constructive change. Consider a client troubled by compulsive gambling. The behav-

ior therapist doesn’t care whether this behavior is rooted in unconscious conflicts or

parental rejection. What the client needs is to get rid of the maladaptive behavior.

Consequently, the therapist simply designs a program to eliminate the compulsive

gambling. The crux of the difference between insight therapy and behavior therapy

lies in how each views symptoms. Insight therapists treat pathological symptoms as

signs of an underlying problem. In contrast, behavior therapists think that the symp-

toms are the problem.

Behavior therapies involve the application of the principles of learning to direct

efforts to change clients’ maladaptive behaviors. Behavior therapies are based on two

main assumptions (Stanley & Beidel, 2009). First, it is assumed that behavior is a prod-

uct of learning. No matter how self-defeating or pathological a client’s behavior might be,

the behaviorist believes that it is the result of past conditioning. Second, it is assumed that

what has been learned can be unlearned. The same learning principles that explain how

the maladaptive behavior was acquired can be used to get rid of it. Thus, behavior thera-

pists attempt to change clients’ behavior by applying the principles of classical conditioning,

operant conditioning, and observational learning.

Learning Objectives

■ Outline the goals and procedures

of systematic desensitization and

exposure therapies.

■ Describe social skills training and its

applications.

■ Understand the logic, goals, and

techniques of cognitive therapy.

■ Assess the evidence on the efficacy of

behavior therapies.

440 C H A P T E R 1 5

Systematic Desensitization

Devised by Joseph Wolpe (1958, 1987), systematic desensitization rev-

olutionized psychotherapy by giving therapists their first useful alter-

native to traditional “talk therapy” (Fishman, Rego, & Muller, 2011).

Systematic desensitization is a behavior therapy used to reduce cli-

ents’ anxiety responses through counterconditioning. The treatment

assumes that most anxiety responses are acquired through classical

conditioning (as we discussed in Chapter 14). According to this model,

a harmless stimulus (for instance, a bridge) may be paired with a fright-

ening event (lightning striking it), so that it becomes a conditioned

stimulus eliciting anxiety. The goal of systematic desensitization is to

weaken the association between the conditioned stimulus (the bridge)

and the conditioned response of anxiety (see Figure 15.7).

Systematic desensitization involves three steps. In the first step,

the therapist helps the client build an anxiety hierarchy. This is a list of

anxiety-arousing stimuli related to the specific source of anxiety, such as

flying, academic tests, or snakes. The client ranks the stimuli from the least anxiety arous-

ing to the most anxiety arousing. The second step involves training the client in deep muscle

relaxation. This second phase may begin during early sessions while the therapist and client

are still constructing the anxiety hierarchy. In the third step, the client tries to work through

the hierarchy, learning to remain relaxed while imagining each stimulus. Starting with the

least anxiety-arousing stimulus, the client imagines the situation as vividly as possible while

relaxing. If the client experiences strong anxiety, he or she drops the imaginary scene and

concentrates on relaxation. The client keeps repeating this process until he or she can imag-

ine a scene with little or no anxiety. Once a particular scene is conquered, the client moves

on to the next stimulus situation in the anxiety hierarchy. Gradually, over a number of ther-

apy sessions, the client progresses through the hierarchy, unlearning troublesome anxiety

responses.

The effectiveness of systematic desensitization in reducing phobic responses is well

documented (Spiegler, 2016). That said, interventions emphasizing direct exposures to

anxiety-arousing situations have become behavior therapists’ treatment of choice for phobic

and other anxiety disorders (Rachman, 2009). In exposure therapies clients are confronted

with situations that they fear so they learn that these situations are really harmless. The

exposures take place in a controlled setting and often involve a gradual progression from

less-feared to more-feared stimuli. These real-life exposures to anxiety-arousing situations

usually prove harmless, and individuals’ anxiety responses decline. In recent decades, some

therapists have resorted to highly realistic virtual-reality presentations of feared situations

via computer-generated imagery (Reger et al., 2011). Exposure therapies are versatile in

that they can be used with the full range of anxiety disorders, including obsessive compul-

sive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, and panic disorder.

Social Skills Training

Many psychological problems grow out of interpersonal difficulties. Behavior therapists

point out that humans are not born with social finesse. They acquire their social skills

through learning. Unfortunately, some people have not learned how to be friendly, how to

make conversation, how to express anger appropriately, and so forth. Social ineptitude can

contribute to anxiety, feelings of inferiority, and various kinds of disorders. In light of these

findings, therapists are increasingly using social skills training in efforts to improve clients’

social abilities. This approach to therapy has yielded promising results in the treatment of

social anxiety (Bögels & Voncken, 2008), depression (Thase, 2012), autism (Otero et al.,

2015), and schizophrenia (Mueser et al., 2013).

Social skills training is a behavior therapy designed to improve interpersonal skills

that emphasizes modeling, behavioral rehearsal, and shaping. This type of behavior ther-

apy can be conducted with individual clients or in groups. Social skills training depends

CS Bridge

US Lightning

strikes

CR Fear UR

Desensitization is intended to weaken and replace this association

Figure 15.7 The logic underlying systematic desensitization. Behaviorists argue that many phobic responses are acquired

through classical conditioning, as in the example diagrammed here.

Systematic desensitization targets the conditioned associations

between phobic stimuli and fear responses.

Association for Behavioral

and Cognitive Therapies

The site for this professional organization

offers a variety of resources relevant to

the general public. The most valuable

are fact sheets on cognitive-behavioral

treatments for more than forty common

problems and disorders. These fact

sheets explain how cognitive-behavioral

interventions can be used in the

treatment of alcohol abuse, autism,

chronic fatigue, eating disorders,

insomnia, phobias, schizophrenia,

shyness, and a host of other conditions.

Learn More Online

Psychotherapy 441

on the principles of operant conditioning and observational learning. The therapist makes

use of modeling by encouraging clients to watch socially skilled friends and colleagues, so

that the clients can acquire responses (eye contact, active listening, and so on) through

observation.

In behavioral rehearsal, the client tries to practice social techniques in structured

role-playing exercises. The therapist provides corrective feedback and uses approval to

reinforce progress. Eventually, clients try their newly acquired skills in real-world interac-

tions. Usually, they are given specific homework assignments. Shaping is used in that clients

are gradually asked to handle more complicated and delicate social situations. For example,

a nonassertive client may begin by working on making requests of friends. Only much later

will the client be asked to tackle standing up to his or her boss.

Cognitive-Behavioral Treatments

In Chapter 3 we saw that people’s cognitive interpretations of events make all the dif-

ference in the world in how well they handle stress. In Chapter 14 we learned that cog-

nitive factors play a key role in the development of depression and other disorders.

Citing the importance of findings such as these, behavior therapists started to focus

more attention on their clients’ cognitions in the 1970s (Hollon & Digiuseppe, 2011).

Cognitive-behavioral treatments use varied combinations of verbal interventions and

behavior modification techniques to help clients change maladaptive patterns of

thinking. Some of these treatments, such as Albert Ellis’s (1973) rational-emotive behav-

ior therapy and Aaron Beck’s (1976) cognitive therapy have proven extremely influential.

Since we covered the main ideas underlying Ellis’s approach in our discussion of coping

strategies in Chapter 4, we focus here on Beck’s system of cognitive therapy (Beck, 1987;

Newman & Beck, 2009).

Cognitive therapy uses specific strategies to correct habitual thinking errors that

underlie various types of disorders. Cognitive therapy was originally devised as a treat-

ment for depression, but in recent years it has been applied fruitfully to a wide range

of disorders (Hollon & Beck, 2013; Wright, Thase, & Beck, 2014). According to cogni-

tive therapists, depression is caused by “errors” in thinking (see Figure 15.8). They assert

that depression-prone people tend to (1) blame their setbacks on personal inadequacies

without considering circumstantial explanations, (2) focus selectively on negative events

while ignoring positive ones, (3) make unduly pessimistic projections about the future,

and (4) draw negative conclusions about their worth as a person based on insignificant

events. For instance, imagine that you got a low grade on a minor quiz in a class. If you

made the kinds of errors in thinking just described, you might blame the grade on your

woeful stupidity, dismiss comments from a classmate that it was an unfair test, gloom-

ily predict that you will surely flunk the course, and conclude that you are not genuine

college material.

The goal of cognitive therapy is to change clients’ negative thoughts and maladaptive

beliefs (Wright, Thase, & Beck, 2014). To begin, clients are taught to detect their automatic

negative thoughts, the sorts of self-defeating statements that people are prone to make

when analyzing problems. Examples might include “I’m just not smart enough,” “No one

really likes me,” or “It’s all my fault.” Clients are then trained to subject these automatic

thoughts to reality testing. The therapist helps them to see how unrealistically negative the

thoughts are.

Cognitive therapy uses a variety of behavioral techniques, including modeling,

systematic monitoring of one’s behavior, and behavioral rehearsal (Beck & Weishaar, 2011).

Clients are given “homework assignments” that focus on changing their overt behaviors.

They may be instructed to engage in responses on their own, outside of the clinician’s

office. For example, one shy, insecure young man in cognitive therapy was told to go to a bar

and engage three different women in conversations for up to 5 minutes each (Rush, 1984).

He was instructed to record his thoughts before and after each of the conversations. This

assignment revealed various maladaptive patterns of thought that gave the young man and

his therapist plenty to work on in subsequent sessions.

Increased vulnerability to depression

Negative thinking

Blame setbacks on personal inadequacies

Focus selectively on negative events

Make unduly pessimistic projections about future

Draw negative conclusions about personal worth

Figure 15.8 Beck’s cognitive theory of depression. Beck’s theory initially focused on the causes of depression, although it

was gradually broadened to explain other

disorders. According to Beck, depression is

caused by the types of negative thinking

shown here.

Aaron Beck devised cognitive therapy,

which focuses on changing clients’

automatic negative thoughts.

442 C H A P T E R 1 5

How Effective Are Behavior Therapies?

Behavior therapists have historically placed more emphasis than insight therapists on the

importance of measuring therapeutic outcomes. As a result, there is ample research on the

effectiveness of behavior therapy (Stanley & Beidel, 2009). Of course, behavior therapies are

not well suited to the treatment of some types of problems (vague feelings of discontent, for

instance). Furthermore, it’s misleading to make global statements about the effectiveness of

behavior therapies because they include a variety of procedures designed for different pur-

poses. For example, the value of systematic desensitization for phobias has no bearing on

the value of aversion therapy for sexual deviance. For our purposes, it is sufficient to note

that there is favorable evidence on the efficacy of most of the widely used behavioral inter-

ventions (Zinbarg & Griffith, 2008). Behavior therapies can make significant contributions

to the treatment of depression, anxiety problems, phobias, obsessive-compulsive disorders,

sexual dysfunction, schizophrenia, drug-related problems, eating disorders, hyperactivity,

autism, and mental retardation (Craighead et al., 2013; Emmelkamp, 2013).

The Beck Institute of

Cognitive Therapy and

Research

This site offers a diverse array of

materials relating to Aaron Beck’s

cognitive therapy. Resources found here

include newsletters, a referral system, a

bookstore, recommended readings for

clients, and questions and answers about

cognitive therapy.

Learn More Online

that their son could not be admitted because—as an adult—he had the right to refuse treatment, even though his judgment was obviously severely impaired.

This frustrating experience motivated Earley to conduct a wide-ranging investigation of mental health care in the United States today. His journey took him to mental hospitals, prisons, courts, alternative facilities for the mentally ill, meetings of mental health advocacy groups, and street corners where the homeless mentally ill congregated. He learned that “What was happening to Mike was not an oddity. It was a tiny piece in a bigger story. A major shift had occurred in our country. The mentally ill, who used to be treated in state mental hospitals, were now being arrested. Our nation’s jails and prisons were our new asylums” (p. 2).

This book tells two intertwined stories—Earley’s personal battle to obtain meaningful treatment for his son and his investigative analysis of modern mental health care. Both stories are compelling, heart-wrenching, and enlightening. And both stories demonstrate that American society is not providing adequate care for a sizable segment of the mentally ill population.

Crazy: A Father’s Search through America’s

Mental Health Madness

This book will make you feel outraged. This book will make you cry. Above all else, this book will educate you about how incredibly difficult it can be to get effective mental health care for people troubled by severe disturbances such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. You will learn that the American mental health system sometimes seems insane.

The author is a former Washington Post investigative reporter who was suddenly drawn into the quagmire of America’s mental health system when his son, Mike, developed bipolar disorder at the age of 23. Mike became seriously psychotic—at one point he wrapped aluminum foil around his head so people wouldn’t be able to read his thoughts. His behavior became erratic. He crashed his car while trying to drive with his eyes closed, informed strangers at a coffee shop that he had supernatural powers, and broke into a residence where he ignored a wailing burglar alarm and proceeded to pee on the carpet, turn on all the water faucets thereby flooding the home, and give himself a bubble bath—until the police arrived to detain him. In his disoriented state, Earley’s son was not willing to voluntarily cooperate with treatment. So the family repeatedly found themselves in hospital emergency rooms where they were told

Recommended Reading

by Pete Earley (Putnam, 2006)

15.4 Biomedical Therapies

In the 1950s, a French surgeon was looking for a drug that would reduce patients’ auto-

nomic response to surgical stress. The surgeon noticed that chlorpromazine produced a

mild sedation. Based on this observation, Delay and Deniker (1952) decided to give chlor-

promazine to hospitalized schizophrenic patients to see whether it would have a calm-

ing effect on them. Their experiment was a dramatic success. Chlorpromazine became the

first effective antipsychotic drug—and a revolution in psychiatry had begun. Hundreds of

thousands of severely disturbed patients—patients who had appeared doomed to lead the

■ Describe the principal drug therapies

used in the treatment of psychological

disorders and summarize evidence

regarding their efficacy.

■ Identify some of the problems associated

with drug therapies and drug research.

■ Describe ECT and assess its efficacy

and risks.

Learning Objectives

Psychotherapy 443

remainder of their lives in mental hospitals—were gradually sent home thanks to the ther-

apeutic effects of antipsychotic drugs. Today, biomedical therapies, such as drug treatment,

lie at the core of psychiatric practice.

Biomedical therapies are physiological interventions intended to reduce symptoms

associated with psychological disorders. These therapies assume that psychological disor-

ders are caused, at least in part, by biological malfunctions. As we discussed in Chapter 14,

this assumption clearly has merit for many disorders, especially the more severe ones. We

will discuss two biomedical approaches to psychotherapy: drug therapy and electrocon-

vulsive therapy (ECT).

Drug Therapy

Therapeutic drugs for mental disorders fall into four major groups: antianxiety drugs, anti-

psychotic drugs, antidepressant drugs, and mood stabilizers. As you can see in Figure 15.9,

the rate at which psychiatrists prescribe these drugs has increased since the mid-1990s

for all four of these drug classes (Olfson et al., 2014).

Antianxiety Drugs

Antianxiety drugs reduce tension, apprehension, and nervousness. The most popular of

these drugs are Valium and Xanax, which are the trade names (the proprietary names that

pharmaceutical companies use in marketing drugs) for diazepam and alprazolam, respec-

tively. The drugs in this category are often referred to informally as tranquilizers. Antianx-

iety drugs exert their effects almost immediately. They can be fairly effective in alleviating

feelings of anxiety (Dubovsky, 2009). However, their effects are measured in hours, so their

impact is relatively short-lived. Common side effects of antianxiety drugs include drows-

iness, depression, nausea, and confusion. These drugs also have some potential for abuse,

dependency, and overdose, although the prevalence of these problems has been exagger-

ated (Martinez, Marangell, & Martinez, 2008). Another drawback is that patients who have

been on antianxiety drugs for a while often experience withdrawal symptoms when their

drug treatment is stopped (Ferrando, Owen, & Levenson, 2014).

Antipsychotic Drugs

Antipsychotic drugs are used primarily in the treatment of schizophrenia. They are also

given to people with severe mood disorders who become delusional. The trade names (and

generic names) of some prominent, first-generation drugs in this category are Thorazine

(chlorpromazine), Mellaril (thioridazine), and Haldol (haloperidol). Antipsychotic drugs

are used to gradually reduce psychotic symptoms, including hyperactivity, mental con-

fusion, hallucinations, and delusions.

Studies suggest that antipsychotics reduce symptoms in about 70% of patients, albeit

in varied degrees (Kane, Stroup, & Marder, 2009). When antipsychotic drugs are effec-

tive, they work their magic gradually, as shown in Figure 15.10. Patients usually begin to

respond within 2 to 7 days. Further improvement may occur for several months. Many

schizophrenic patients are placed on antipsychotics indefinitely because these drugs can

reduce the likelihood of a relapse into an active schizophrenic episode.

Antipsychotic drugs undeniably make a major contribution to the treatment of severe

mental disorders, and psychiatrists’ reliance on antipsychotic medications has increased

dramatically in recent decades (Olfson et al., 2012). However, antipsychotic drugs pres-

ent their share of problems. They have many unpleasant side effects (Ferrando, Owen,

& Levenson, 2014). Drowsiness, constipation, and cotton mouth are common. Patients

may also experience tremors, muscular rigidity, and impaired coordination. After being

released from a hospital, many schizophrenic patients, supposedly placed on antipsychot-

ics indefinitely, discontinue their drug regimen because of the disagreeable side effects.

Unfortunately, after patients stop taking their medication, about 70% relapse within a year

(van Kammen et al., 2009). In addition to minor side effects, antipsychotics may cause a

severe and lasting problem called tardive dyskinesia, which is seen in about 15% to 25%

Time period

Pe rc

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f o ff

ic e

vi si

ts re

su lt

in g

in s

pe ci

fi c p

re sc

ri pt

io ns

Antidepressant drugs

Antianxiety drugs

Antipsychotic drugs

Mood-stabilizing drugs

1995– 1998

1999– 2002

2003– 2006

2007– 2010

Figure 15.9 Increasing prescription of psychiatric drugs. Olfson et al. (2014) tracked prescription trends for psychiatric drugs over

a period of 15 years. These data show the

percentage of office visits to psychiatrists

that resulted in the prescription of various

types of drugs. As you can see, reliance

on all four categories of psychiatric drugs

has increased over this time period. (Based

on data from Olfson, Kroenke, Wang, &

Blanco, 2014)

Psychopharmacology

Tips by Dr. Bob

University of Chicago physician and

pharmacology specialist Robert Hsiung

provides both broad and specific

references about the interface of

drugs and the human mind, including

a searchable archive of professional

information and tips about the field.

Learn More Online

444 C H A P T E R 1 5

of patients who receive long-term treatment with

traditional antipsychotics (Stewart, Russakoff, &

Stewart, 2014). Tardive dyskinesia is a neurologi-

cal disorder marked by chronic tremors and in-

voluntary spastic movements. Once this debilitat-

ing syndrome emerges, there is no cure, although

spontaneous remission sometimes occurs after the

discontinuation of antipsychotic medication.

Psychiatrists currently rely primarily on a

newer class of antipsychotic agents called second-

generation antipsychotic drugs, such as clozapine,

olanzapine, and quetiapine (Marder, Hurford, &

van Kammen, 2009). These drugs appear to be

roughly similar to the first-generation antipsychot-

ics in therapeutic effectiveness, but they offer some

advantages over the older drugs. For instance, they

can help some treatment-resistant patients who do

not respond to traditional antipsychotics. And the

second-generation antipsychotics produce fewer

unpleasant side effects and carry less risk for tar-

dive dyskinesia. Of course, like all powerful drugs,

they carry some risks. This drug class appears to

increase patients’ vulnerability to diabetes and

cardiovascular problems. In the hopes of reducing

drug discontinuation by patients and associated high relapse rates, psychiatrists are exper-

imenting with long-acting, injectable antipsychotic medications that need to be adminis-

tered on only a monthly basis. However, the early research results on this new approach to

treatment have not yielded the increases in efficacy that clinicians hoped to see (Goff, 2014;

McEvoy et al., 2014).

Antidepressant Drugs

As their name suggests, antidepressant drugs gradually elevate mood and help bring peo-

ple out of a depression. Reliance on antidepressants has increased dramatically in the last

15 to 20 years, as they have become the most frequently prescribed class of medication in

the United States (Olfson & Marcus, 2009). Today, the most widely prescribed antidepres-

sants are the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), which slow the reuptake pro-

cess at serotonin synapses. The drugs in this class, which include Prozac (fluoxetine), Paxil

(paroxetine), and Zoloft (sertraline), seem to yield rapid therapeutic gains in the treatment

of depression while producing fewer unpleasant or dangerous side effects than previous

generations of antidepressants (Sussman, 2009). SSRIs also have value in the treatment of

obsessive-compulsive disorders, panic disorders, and other anxiety disorders (Mathew,

Hoffman, & Charney, 2009; Ravindran & Stein, 2009). Although the SSRIs present far fewer

problems than earlier antidepressants, they are not without side effects. Adverse effects

include nausea, dry mouth, drowsiness, sexual difficulties, weight gain, feeling emotionally

numb, agitation, and increases in suicidal thinking (Read, Cartwright, & Gibson, 2014).

Like antipsychotic drugs, antidepressants exert their effects gradually over a period of

weeks, but about 60% of patients’ improvement tends to occur in the first 2 weeks (Gitlin,

2014). A research review that looked carefully at the severity of patients’ depression when

medication was initiated found that people with serious depression benefit the most from

antidepressants, whereas antidepressants appear to provide a relatively modest benefit for

patients with mild to moderate depression. (Fournier et al, 2010).

A major concern in recent years has been evidence from a number of studies that

SSRIs may increase the risk for suicide, primarily among adolescents and young adults

(Healy & Whitaker, 2003; Holden, 2004). The challenge of collecting definitive data on

this issue is much more daunting than one might guess, in part because suicide rates are

Severe illness

Marked illness

Moderate illness

Mild illness

Borderline

Normal

Thioridazine

Fluphenazine

Chlorpromazine

Placebo

M ea

n se

ve ri

ty o

f i lln

es s

sc or

Time (weeks)

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Figure 15.10 The time course of antipsychotic drug effects. Antipsychotic drugs reduce psychotic symptoms gradually, over a span of weeks, as graphed here. In contrast, patients given

placebo pills show little improvement.

Source: From Cole, J. O., Goldberg, S. C., & Davis, J. M. (1966). Drugs in the treatment of psychosis. In P. Solomon (Ed.),

Psychiatric drugs. New York: Grune & Stratton. From data in the NIMH-PSC Collaborative Study I. Reprinted by

permission of J. M. Davis.

Psychotherapy 445

already elevated among people who exhibit the disorders for which

SSRIs are prescribed. The research findings on this issue are compli-

cated and contradictory. One influential meta-analysis concluded that

antidepressants lead to a slight elevation in the risk of suicidal behav-

ior (Bridge et al., 2007). However, a more recent analysis of forty-one

antidepressant drug trials failed to find an increase in suicidal risk

(Gibbons et al., 2012).

Regulatory warnings from the U.S. Food and Drug Adminis-

tration (FDA) have led to a decline in the prescription of SSRIs for

adolescents. This trend has prompted concern that increases in

suicide may occur among untreated individuals (Dudley et al., 2008).

A recent study yielded disturbing evidence that bolsters this concern.

Lu and colleagues (2014) found that in the second year after the FDA

warnings antidepressant use declined by 31% among adolescents

and by 24% among young adults, while apparent suicide attempts via

drug overdose (a method of suicide that was relatively easy to track in

medical data bases) increased by 22% among adolescents and by 34%

among young adults. The association between reduced antidepressant

use and increased suicide may not reflect a causal relationship, but the findings are worri-

some. Clearly, the risks of putting young patients on antidepressants needs to be weighed

against the risks of not putting them on antidepressants. This is a complex issue, but the

one thing experts seem to agree on is that adolescents starting on SSRIs should be mon-

itored closely. Another recent, large-scale study found that the dose level administered

may be a critical consideration. In this study, adolescents and young adults who started

on a higher dose of an antidepressant than the modal (typical) dose were roughly twice

as likely to engage in self-injurious behavior as those on lower doses (Miller et al, 2014).

These data suggest that clinicians should take a conservative approach in prescribing

antidepressants to adolescents and young adults.

Mood Stabilizers

Mood stabilizers are drugs used to control mood swings in patients with bipolar mood

disorders. The principal drugs in this category are lithium and valproate. Both have proven

valuable in preventing future episodes of both mania and depression in patients with

bipolar illness (Miklowitz, 2014; Post & Altshuler, 2009). They can also be used in efforts

to bring patients with bipolar illness out of current manic or depressive episodes. On the

negative side of the ledger, lithium does have some dangerous side effects if its use isn’t

managed skillfully (Ferrando, Owen, & Levenson, 2014). Lithium levels in the patient’s

blood must be monitored carefully because high concentrations can be toxic and even

fatal. Kidney and thyroid gland complications are the other major problems associated

with lithium therapy.

Evaluating Drug Therapies

Drug therapies can produce clear therapeutic gains for many kinds of patients. What’s

especially impressive is that they can be effective in severe disorders that otherwise defy

therapeutic endeavors. Nonetheless, drug therapies are controversial. Critics of drug therapy

have raised a number of issues (Andrews et al., 2012; Bentall, 2009; Breggin, 2008; Kirsch,

2010; Spielmans & Kirsch, 2014). First, some critics argue that drug therapies often pro-

duce superficial curative effects. For example, Valium does not really solve problems with

anxiety—it merely provides temporary relief from an unpleasant symptom. Moreover, this

temporary relief may lull patients into complacency about their problem and prevent them

from working toward a more lasting solution.

Second, critics charge that many drugs are overprescribed and many patients over-

medicated. According to these critics, many physicians habitually hand out prescriptions

without giving adequate consideration to more complicated and difficult interventions.

Consistent with this line of criticism, a recent study of office visits to psychiatrists found

Psychiatric drugs can be helpful in the treatment of many types of

disorders. However, critics of drug therapy are concerned that these

drugs are overprescribed and that their negative side effects are

underappreciated.

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446 C H A P T E R 1 5

that they increasingly prescribe two and even three medications to patients, even though

relatively little is known about the interactive effects of psychiatric drugs (Mojtabai

& Olfson, 2010). Moreover, the growing reliance on medication has undermined the pro-

vision of insight and behavioral interventions. Although the empirical evidence on the

value of insight and behavioral therapies has never been greater, the medicalization of

psychological disorders has led to a decline in the utilization of psychosocial interven-

tions that often may be just as effective, and probably safer than, drug therapies (Gaudiano

& Miller, 2013).

Third, some critics charge that the side effects of therapeutic drugs are worse than

the illnesses the drugs are supposed to cure. Citing problems such as tardive dyskinesia,

lithium toxicity, and addiction to antianxiety agents, these critics argue that the risks of

therapeutic drugs aren’t worth the benefits. Some critics have also argued that psychiatric

drugs may be helpful in the short term but that they disrupt neurotransmitter systems in

ways that actually increase patients’ vulnerability to psychological disorders in the long

term (Andrews et al., 2011).

Critics maintain that the negative effects of psychiatric drugs are not fully appreci-

ated because the pharmaceutical industry has managed to gain undue influence over the

research enterprise as it relates to drug testing (Angell, 2004; Insel, 2010). Today, most

researchers who investigate the benefits and risks of medications and craft diagnostic crite-

ria and treatment guidelines have lucrative financial arrangements with the pharmaceutical

industry, which they often fail to disclose (Cosgrove & Krimsky, 2012). Their studies are

funded by drug companies and they often receive substantial consulting fees. Unfortunately,

these financial ties appear to undermine the objectivity required in scientific research, as

studies funded by pharmaceutical and other biomedical companies are far more likely to

report favorable results than nonprofit-funded studies (Bekelman, Li, & Gross, 2003; Perlis

et al., 2005).

Industry-financed drug trials also tend to be too brief to detect the long-term risks

associated with new drugs (Vandenbroucke & Psaty, 2008), and when unfavorable results

emerge, the data are often withheld from publication (Spielmans & Kirsch, 2014). Also,

research designs are often slanted in a multitude of ways so as to exaggerate the positive

effects and minimize the negative effects of the drugs under scrutiny (Carpenter, 2002;

Spielmans & Kirsch, 2014). The conflicts of interest that appear to be pervasive in contem-

porary drug research raise grave concerns that require attention from researchers, univer-

sities, and federal agencies.

Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT)

In the 1930s, a Hungarian psychiatrist named Ladislas Meduna speculated that epilepsy

and schizophrenia could not coexist in the same body. On the basis of this observation,

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Psychotherapy 447

which turned out to be inaccurate, Meduna theorized that it might be useful to induce

epileptic-like seizures in schizophrenic patients. Initially, a drug was used to trigger these

seizures. However, by 1938, a pair of Italian psychiatrists (Cerletti & Bini, 1938) demon-

strated that it was safer to elicit the seizures with electric shock. Thus, modern electrocon-

vulsive therapy was born.

Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) is a biomedical treatment in which electric shock

is used to produce a cortical seizure accompanied by convulsions. In ECT, electrodes

are attached to the skull over one or both temporal lobes of the brain. A light anesthesia

is induced, and an electric current is then applied either to the right side or to both sides

of the brain for about a second. Unilateral shock delivered to the right hemisphere is the

preferred method of treatment today (Sackeim et al., 2009). The current triggers a brief

(5–20 seconds) convulsive seizure, during which the patient usually loses consciousness.

Patients normally awaken in an hour or two. People typically receive three treatments a

week over a period of 2 to 7 weeks (Fink, 2009).

The clinical use of ECT peaked in the 1940s and 1950s, before effective drug therapies

were widely available. ECT is not a rare treatment today, but its use has been declining. A

recent study reported that the portion of hospitals with psychiatric units that offered ECT

declined from 55% in 1993 to 35% in 2009 (Case et al., 2013). During the same period

the number of patients treated with ECT decreased 43%. ECT advocates argue that ECT

is underutilized because the public harbors many misconceptions about its risks and side

effects (Fink, Kellner, & McCall, 2014; Kellner et al., 2012). Conversely, some critics of ECT

have argued that it is overused because it is a lucrative procedure that boosts psychiatrists’

income while consuming relatively little of their time in comparison to insight therapy

(Frank, 1990).

Effectiveness of ECT

The evidence on the therapeutic efficacy of ECT is open to varied interpretations. Pro-

ponents of ECT maintain that it is a remarkably effective treatment for major depres-

sion (Fink, 2014; Prudic, 2009). However, opponents of ECT argue that the available

studies are flawed and inconclusive and that ECT is probably no more effective than a

placebo (Rose et al., 2003). Overall, enough favorable evidence seems to exist to justify

conservative use of ECT in treating severe mood disorders in patients who have not

responded to medication (Kellner et al., 2012). ECT patients who recover from their

depression and do not relapse report great improvements in the quality of their lives

(McCall et al., 2013). Unfortunately, relapse rates after ECT are distressingly high. A

review of thirty-two studies found that the risk of relapse into depression was 38%

after 6 months and 51% after 1 year (Jelovac, Kolshus, & McLoughlin, 2013). However,

these high relapse rates may occur because ECT is largely reserved for patients who

have severe, chronic depression that has not responded to drug treatment (Fekadu

et al., 2009). In other words, if ECT is used only for the toughest cases, high relapse

rates are to be expected.

Risks Associated with ECT

Even ECT proponents acknowledge that memory loss, impaired attention, and other

cognitive deficits are common short-term side effects of electroconvulsive therapy

(Nobler & Sackeim, 2006; Rowny & Lisanby, 2008). However, ECT proponents assert

that these deficits are mild and usually disappear within a month or two (Fink, 2004). In

contrast, ECT critics maintain that ECT-induced cognitive deficits are often significant

and sometimes permanent (Breggin, 1991; Rose et al., 2003). A recent, thorough review

of the evidence concluded that retrograde amnesia for autobiographical information

is a common side effect of ECT and that these memory losses can be persistent and

sometimes permanent (Sackeim, 2014). Given the concerns about the risks of ECT and

the doubts about its efficacy, it appears that the use of ECT will remain controversial for

some time to come.

448 C H A P T E R 1 5

15.5 Current Trends and Issues in Treatment

The controversy about ECT is only one of many contentious issues and shifting trends

in the world of mental health care. In this section, we discuss the continuing trend

toward blending various approaches to therapy, efforts to respond more effectively to

increasing cultural diversity in Western societies, and innovations in how treatment

is delivered.

Blending Approaches to Treatment

In this chapter we have reviewed many approaches to treatment. However, there is no

rule that a client must be treated with just one approach. Often, a clinician will use

several techniques in working with a client. For example, a depressed person might

receive group therapy (an insight therapy), social skills training (a behavior therapy),

and antidepressant medication (a biomedical therapy). Studies suggest that combin-

ing approaches to treatment has merit (Szigethy & Friedman, 2009). In particular,

combining medication with insight or behavioral treatments tends to yield modest

improvements in outcomes, although not for all types of disorders (Forand, DeRubeis,

& Amsterdam, 2013).

The value of multiple approaches may explain why a significant trend seems to have

crept into the field of psychotherapy: a movement away from strong loyalty to individual

schools of thought and a corresponding move toward integrating various approaches to

therapy (Gold & Stricker, 2013). Most clinicians used to depend exclusively on one sys-

tem of therapy while rejecting the utility of all others. This era of fragmentation may be

drawing to a close. One survey of psychologists’ theoretical orientations, summarized in

Figure 15.11, found that 36% of the respondents described themselves as eclectic in ap-

proach (Norcross, Hedges, & Castle, 2002). Eclecticism involves drawing ideas from two

or more systems of therapy, instead of committing to just one system. Eclectic therapists

borrow ideas, insights, and techniques from a variety of sources while tailoring their

intervention strategy to the unique needs of each client. Advocates of eclecticism, such

as Arnold Lazarus (1995, 2008), maintain that therapists should ask themselves, “What is

the best approach for this specific client, problem, and situation?” and then adjust their

strategy accordingly.

Increasing Multicultural Sensitivity in Treatment

Research on how cultural factors influence the process

and outcome of psychotherapy has burgeoned in recent

years, motivated in part by the need to improve mental

health services for ethnic minority groups in American

society (Gunthert, 2014; Worthington, Soth-McNett, &

Moreno, 2007). Studies suggest that American minority

groups generally underutilize therapeutic services (Lopez

et al., 2012; Snowden, 2012; Sue et al., 2012). Why? A

variety of barriers appear to contribute to this problem

(Lu et al., 2014; Zane et al., 2004). One major consider-

ation is that many members of minority groups have a

history of frustrating interactions with American bureau-

cracies. Therefore, they are distrustful of large, intimidat-

ing institutions, such as hospitals and community mental

health centers (Henderson et al., 2014). Another issue is

that most hospitals and mental health agencies are not

■ Describe the merits of blending

approaches to therapy.

■ Understand why therapy is

underutilized by ethnic minorities and

identify possible solutions.

■ Explain how technology is being used

to increase access to clinical services.

Learning Objectives

Figure 15.11 The leading approaches to therapy among psychologists. These data, from a survey of 531 psychologists who belong to the American Psychological

Association’s Division of Psychotherapy, provide some indication of how common an

eclectic approach to therapy has become. The findings suggest that the most widely

used approaches to therapy are eclectic, psychodynamic, and cognitive-behavioral

treatments. (Based on data from Norcross, Hedges, & Castle, 2002)

Psychotherapy 449

adequately staffed with therapists who speak the languages used by minority groups

in their service areas.

Yet another problem is that the vast majority of therapists have been trained

almost exclusively in the treatment of white middle-class Americans. As a result,

they are not familiar with the cultural backgrounds and unique characteristics of

various ethnic groups. This culture gap often leads to misunderstandings, ill-advised

treatment strategies, and reduced rapport. Consistent with this assertion, one study

found that psychiatrists spent less time with African American patients than white

patients (Olfson, Cherry, & Lewis-Fernández, 2009). Another study of more than

15,000 people suffering from depression found that Mexican Americans and African

Americans were notably less likely to receive treatment than whites, as can be seen

in Figure 15.12 (González et al., 2010).

What can be done to improve mental health services for American minor-

ity groups? Researchers in this area have offered a variety of suggestions (Berger,

Zane, & Hwang, 2014; Hansen et al., 2013; Miranda et al., 2005). Discussions of

possible solutions usually begin with the need to recruit and train more ethnic

minority therapists. Studies show that ethnic minorities are more likely to go to

mental health facilities that are staffed by a higher proportion of people who share

their ethnic background (Sue, Zane, & Young, 1994). Research has also shown that

outcomes tend to be better and client satisfaction higher when clients see a thera-

pist of similar ethnicity (Meyer, Zane, & Cho, 2011). Therapists who are similar in

ethnicity are perceived as having more similar experiences and greater credibility.

White therapists working with non-white clients have been urged to work harder

at building a vigorous therapeutic alliance (a strong supportive bond) with their

ethnic clients. A strong therapeutic alliance is associated with better therapeutic

outcomes regardless of ethnicity (Crits-Christoph, Gibbons, & Mukherjee, 2013),

but some studies suggest that it is especially crucial for minority clients (Bender

et al., 2007). Finally, most authorities urge further investigation of how traditional

approaches to therapy can be modified and tailored to be more compatible with

specific cultural groups’ attitudes, values, norms, and traditions. A

recent review of research that has examined the effects of culturally

adapted interventions found evidence that this tailoring process often

seems to yield positive effects, although the evidence was mixed (Huey

et al., 2014).

The concerns just discussed about providing culturally sensi-

tive treatment for ethnic minorities also extend to sexual minorities.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender clients also need mental health

services that are sensitive to their unique experiences and challenges

(Strassberg & Mackaronis, 2014). One recent study of gay and lesbian

clients found that 21% reported that they had worked with a therapist

who they viewed as dismissive or unsupportive of their sexual identity

(Kelley, 2015). Many of these clients indicated that they would prefer to

work with a lesbian or gay therapist, or at least a gay-friendly therapist.

Research on culturally competent treatment for sexual minorities is in

its infancy, and much remains to be learned.

Using Technology to Expand the Delivery of Clinical Services

Although the problem is especially acute among ethnic minorities, inadequate availability

of mental health care is a broad problem that reaches into every corner of our society. In

an influential article, Alan Kazdin and Stacey Blase (2011) argue that there are just not

enough clinicians and treatment facilities available to meet America’s mental health needs.

This shortage is particularly serious in small towns and rural areas. Moreover, Kazdin and

Blase note that the traditional model of one-on-one therapy imposes constraints on the

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Figure 15.12 Ethnicity and treatment for depression. In a nationally representative sample of almost 16,000

subjects, Gonzáles and colleagues (2010), identified

participants suffering from depression and ascertained

what types of treatment they had received. When they

analyzed these data in relation to ethnicity, they found

that members of minority groups were less likely than

whites to get treatment. The data graphed here show the

percentage of patients receiving treatment of any kind.

Research indicates that ethnic minorities tend to feel more

comfortable with therapists who share their ethnicity. Unfortunately,

there is a shortage of minority therapists in the United States.

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450 C H A P T E R 1 5

availability of treatment. The substantial costs of traditional treatments also contribute to

the underutilization of psychotherapy services and the growing burden of mental illness.

To address these problems, clinicians are increasingly attempting to harness technology to

expand the delivery of mental health services and to reduce the costs of therapy.

Efforts to use technology to create new platforms for the delivery of therapeutic

services have taken many forms. One of the simpler approaches is to deliver both indi-

vidual and group therapy over the phone. This method has been used in the treatment of

elderly clients with anxiety problems (Brenes, Ingram, & Danhauer, 2012) and veterans

suffering from loneliness and depression (Davis, Guyker, & Persky, 2012). Another rela-

tively simple innovation has been to use videoconferencing technology to provide both

individual and group therapy. A recent review of research on this approach to treatment

concluded that clinical outcomes are about the same as for face-to-face therapy and that

clients tend to report high satisfaction (Backhaus et al., 2012).

Interventions delivered via the Internet hold even more promise for reaching large

swaths of people who might otherwise go untreated. For example, software programs have

been created for the treatment of substance abuse (Campbell et al., 2014), depression (Eells

et al., 2014), generalized anxiety disorder (Amir & Taylor, 2012), obsessive-compulsive dis-

order (Andersson et al., 2011), and phobic disorders (Opris et al., 2012). Most of these

treatments involve online, interactive, multimedia adaptations of cognitive-behavioral

therapies. The computerized treatments typically consist of a series of modules that edu-

cate individuals about the nature and causes of their disorder and offer cognitive strategies

for ameliorating their problems, along with practice exercises and homework assignments.

In most cases the interventions include limited access to an actual therapist through the

Internet, but some programs are fully automated with no therapist contact. Studies of com-

puterized therapies suggest that they can be effective for many types of disorders, but more

research and higher-quality research are needed before solid conclusions can be drawn on

their value (Kiluk et al., 2011). This observation brings us to our Spotlight on Research for

the chapter.

Testing the Efficacy of Internet Therapy

Source: Wagner, B., Horn, A. B., & Maercker, A. (2014). Internet-based versus

face-to-face cognitive behavioral intervention for depression: A randomized

controlled non-inferiority trial. Journal of Affective Disorders, 152–154,

113–121.

As just noted, the movement toward delivering therapeutic

services via the Internet creates a need for high-quality research

that can evaluate the effectiveness of online interventions.

A number of studies have used pretest-posttest designs to

assess whether participants in computerized treatment showed

improvements over time and reported promising results. However,

this method provides no insight about whether Internet treatments

are as effective as traditional in-person treatments. Thus, the

present study set out to make the first randomized, controlled

head-to-head comparison of Internet and traditional delivery

methods for a widely used treatment—cognitive-behavioral

therapy for depression.

Method The participants were sixty-two depressed individuals recruited

from the Zurich, Switzerland, area who were not currently in any

treatment. Their baseline symptoms were assessed with online

questionnaires prior to treatment, and then they were randomly

assigned to either face-to-face or online treatment. The two groups

were exposed to the same 8-week treatment regimen, with the

same homework assignments. Face-to-face clients attended weekly

therapy meetings, whereas the Internet clients were exposed to

the same psychoeducational information through online modules.

The Internet clients had online access to a therapist and received

feedback on their homework from this therapist. Symptom levels

for all participants were reassessed with self-report scales at the

end of the 8-week intervention and 3 months after the completion

of therapy.

Results At the end of the therapy trial, both groups showed significant

reductions in depression, anxiety, and feelings of hopelessness.

There were no significant differences between the groups in the

magnitude of these improvements. However, at the 3-month

follow-up, a significant difference was observed between

the groups in their level of depression, as the Internet group

showed a lower level of depression than the face-to-face group

(see Figure 15.13).

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

Psychotherapy 451

Discussion The findings at the end of treatment suggest that Internet versions

of cognitive-behavioral therapy can be just as effective as in-person

therapy in the treatment of depression. Given the way Internet

interventions can extend the availability of treatment, these results

were viewed as very encouraging. The finding that the Internet

group manifested greater improvement 3 months after the end

of treatment was a surprise. The investigators speculate that the

online group had less personal guidance from their therapists and

hence felt more responsibility for their improvement and more

confident about their ability to control their negative thoughts. This

was only a small study, but this unexpected result suggests that

Internet-based treatments may even have some advantages when

compared to traditional modes of treatment.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Although this was a well-crafted study, pragmatic

considerations (cost, time, etc.) often limit what researchers

can do. Can you think of some ways in which this study could

be made stronger?

2. This study was conducted because researchers worry that

Internet-based therapies may not be as effective as traditional

therapies. Although that was not the finding in this particular

study, outline some reasons why Internet treatment might be

inferior to face-to-face treatment.

Face-to-face

Online

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Figure 15.13 Internet versus face-to-face therapy for depression. Wagner, Horn, and Maercker (2014) measured participants’ depression with the

Beck Depression Inventory at three points in time: prior to treatment,

at the end of the 8-week treatment, and 3 months after treatment

was completed. As you can see, the two groups showed very similar

pretreatment and posttreatment depression scores. But at the 3-month

follow-up the online group showed further improvement, whereas the

face-to-face group did not fully maintain its previous improvement.

(Based on data from Wagner, Horn, & Maercker, 2014)

Answer the following “true” or “false.”

1. Psychotherapy is an art as well as a science.

2. The type of professional degree that a therapist holds is

relatively unimportant.

3. Psychotherapy can be harmful or damaging to a client.

4. Psychotherapy does not have to be expensive.

All of these statements are true. Do any of them surprise you? If

so, you’re in good company. Many people know relatively little

about the practicalities of selecting a therapist. The task of find-

ing an appropriate therapist is no less complex than shopping

for any other major service. Should you see a psychologist or a

psychiatrist? Should you opt for individual or group therapy?

Should you see a client-centered therapist or a behavior thera-

pist? The unfortunate part of this decision process is that peo-

ple seeking psychotherapy often feel overwhelmed by personal

problems. The last thing they need is to be confronted by yet

another complex problem.

Nonetheless, the importance of finding a good therapist

cannot be overestimated. Therapy can sometimes have harm-

ful rather than helpful effects. We have already discussed how

drug therapies and ECT can sometimes be damaging, but prob-

lems are not limited to these interventions. Talking about your

problems with a therapist may sound pretty harmless, but stud-

ies indicate that insight therapies can also backfire (Lambert,

2013; Lilienfeld, 2007). Although a great many talented thera-

pists are available, psychotherapy, like any other profession, has

15.6 Looking For a Therapist

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Discuss where to seek therapy and the importance of a therapist’s

gender and professional background.

■ Evaluate the importance of a therapist’s theoretical approach and

understand what one should expect from therapy.

Learning Objectives

452 C H A P T E R 1 5

incompetent practitioners as well. Therefore, you should shop

for a skilled therapist, just as you would for a good attorney or

a good mechanic.

In this Application, we present some information that

should be helpful if you ever have to look for a therapist for your-

self or for a friend or family member (based on Beutler, Bongar,

& Shurkin, 2001; Ehrenberg & Ehrenberg, 1994; Zimmerman &

Strouse, 2002).

Where Do You Find Therapeutic Services?

Psychotherapy can be found in a variety of settings. Contrary to

general belief, most therapists are not in private practice. Many

work in institutional settings such as community mental health

centers, hospitals, and human service agencies. The principal

sources of therapeutic services are described in Figure 15.14. The

exact configuration of therapeutic services available will vary

from one community to another. To find out what your com-

munity has to offer, it is a good idea to consult your friends,

your local phone book, or your local community mental health

center.

Is the Therapist’s Profession or Sex Important?

Psychotherapists may be trained in psychology, psychiatry, social

work, counseling, psychiatric nursing, or marriage and family

therapy. Researchers have not found any reliable associations

between therapists’ professional background and therapeutic

efficacy (Beutler et al., 2004), probably because many talented

therapists can be found in all of these professions. Thus, the

kind of degree that a therapist holds doesn’t need to be a crucial

consideration in your selection process. It is true that currently

only psychiatrists can prescribe drugs in most states. However,

critics argue that many psychiatrists are too quick to use drugs

to solve problems (Breggin, 2008; Whitaker, 2009). In any case,

other types of therapists can refer you to a psychiatrist if they

think that drug therapy would be helpful.

Whether a therapist’s sex is important depends on your atti-

tude (Nadelson, Notman, & McCarthy, 2005). If you feel that the

therapist’s sex is important, then for you it is. The therapeutic

relationship must be characterized by trust and rapport. Feeling

uncomfortable with a therapist of one sex or the other could

inhibit the therapeutic process. Hence, you should feel free to

look for a male or female therapist if you prefer to do so.

Psych Central

The work of John Grohol, Psych Central is a source for learning about all

aspects of mental health, including psychological disorders and treatment,

professional issues, and information for mental health-care consumers.

Almost 2000 annotated listings to information sources are offered here.

Learn More Online

Figure 15.14 Sources of therapeutic services. Therapists work in a variety of organizational settings. Foremost among them are the five described here.

Is Therapy Always Expensive?

Psychotherapy does not have to be prohibitively expensive.

Private practitioners tend to be the most expensive, charging

between $25 and $140 per (50-minute) hour. These fees may

seem high, but they are in line with those of similar profession-

als, such as dentists and attorneys. Community mental health

centers and social service agencies are usually supported by tax

dollars. Hence, they can charge lower fees than most therapists

in private practice. Many of these organizations use a sliding

scale, so that clients are charged according to how much they

can afford. Thus, most communities have inexpensive opportu-

nities for psychotherapy. Moreover, many health insurance plans

provide at least partial reimbursement for the cost of treatment.

Is the Therapist’s Theoretical Approach Important?

Logically, you might expect that the diverse approaches to

therapy vary in effectiveness. For the most part, that is not

what researchers find, however. After reviewing the evidence,

Jerome Frank (1961) and Lester Luborsky and his colleagues

PRINCIPAL SOURCES OF THERAPEUTIC SERVICES

Source Comments

Private

practitioners

Self-employed therapists are listed in the Yellow

Pages under their professional category, such as

psychologists or psychiatrists. Private practitioners

tend to be relatively expensive, but they also tend to

be highly experienced therapists.

Community

mental health

centers

Community mental health centers have salaried

psychologists, psychiatrists, and social workers on

deal with emergencies.

Hospitals Several kinds of hospitals provide therapeutic services.

There are both public and private mental hospitals

that specialize in the care of people with psychological

disorders. Many general hospitals have a psychiatric

ward, and those that do not will usually have

Although hospitals tend to concentrate on inpatient

treatment, many provide outpatient therapy as well.

Human services

agencies

Various social service agencies employ therapists to

provide short-term counseling. Depending on your

family problems, juvenile problems, drug problems,

and so forth.

Schools and

workplaces

Most high schools and colleges have counseling

centers where students can get help with personal

in-house counseling to their employees.

Psychotherapy 453

(1975) both quote the dodo bird who has just judged a race in

Alice in Wonderland: “Everybody has won, and all must have

prizes.” Improvement rates for various theoretical orientations

usually come out pretty close in most studies (Lambert, 2013;

Laska, Gurman, & Wampold, 2014). In their landmark review

of outcome studies, Smith and Glass (1977) estimated the effec-

tiveness of many major approaches to therapy. As Figure 15.15

shows, the estimates cluster together closely.

However, these findings are a little misleading, as they have

been averaged across many types of patients and many types

of problems. Most experts seem to think that for certain types

of problems, some approaches to therapy are more effective than

others (Beutler, 2002; Barlow et al., 2013; Hofmann & Barlow,

2014). It is also important to point out that the finding that var-

ious approaches to therapy are roughly equal in overall efficacy

does not mean that all therapists are created equal. Some ther-

apists unquestionably are more effective than others and the

differences can be sizable (Baldwin & Imel, 2013; Castonguay

et al., 2013). However, these variations in effectiveness appear

to depend on individual therapists’ personal skills rather than

on their theoretical orientation (Beutler et al., 2004). Good,

bad, and mediocre therapists are found within each school of

thought. Indeed, the tremendous variation among individual

therapists in skills may be one of the main reasons that it is

hard to find efficacy differences among theoretical

approaches to therapy (Staines, 2008).

The key point is that effective therapy requires

skill and creativity. Arnold Lazarus (1989), who de-

vised an approach to treatment called multimodal

therapy, emphasizes that therapists “straddle the

fence between science and art.” Therapy is scien-

tific in that interventions are based on extensive

theory and empirical research. Ultimately, though,

each client is a unique human being. The therapist

has to creatively fashion a treatment program that

will help that individual (Goodheart, 2006).

What Is Therapy Like?

It is important to have realistic expectations about

therapy, or you may be unnecessarily disappointed.

Some people expect miracles. They think they will

turn their life around quickly with little effort.

Others expect their therapist to run their lives for

them. These are unrealistic expectations.

Therapy is usually a slow process. Your prob-

lems are not likely to melt away quickly. More-

over, therapy is hard work, and your therapist is

only a facilitator. Ultimately, you have to confront

the challenge of changing your behavior, your feelings, or your

personality. This process may not be pleasant. You may have to

face up to some painful truths about yourself. As Ehrenberg and

Ehrenberg (1994) point out, psychotherapy takes time, effort,

and courage.

Psychodynamic

Type of therapy

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90

Percentile rank

Eclectic

Client-

centered

Rational-

emotive

Systematic

desensitization

Behavior

modification

(operant)

100

Figure 15.15 Efficacy of various approaches to therapy. Smith and Glass (1977) reviewed nearly 400 studies in which clients who were treated with a specific type of therapy were compared

with a control group made up of people with similar problems who went untreated. The bars

indicate the percentile rank (on outcome measures) attained by the average client treated

with each type of therapy when compared to control subjects. The higher the percentile, the

more effective the therapy was. As you can see, the different approaches were fairly close in

their apparent effectiveness.

Source: Adapted from Smith, M. L., & Glass, G. V. (1977). Meta-analysis of psychotherapy outcome series. American Psychologist,

Therapy is both a science and an art. It is scientific in that practitioners

are guided in their work by a huge body of empirical research. It is

an art in that therapists often have to be creative in adapting their

treatment procedures to individual patients and their idiosyncrasies.

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454 C H A P T E R 1 5

C H A P T E R 15 Review Key Ideas

15.1 Elements of the Treatment Process ● Psychotherapy involves three elements: treatments, clients, and

therapists. Approaches to treatment are diverse, but they can be grouped into three categories: insight therapies, behavior therapies, and biomedical therapies. People vary considerably in their willingness to seek psychotherapy, and many people who need therapy do not receive it.

● Therapists come from a variety of professional backgrounds. Clinical and counseling psychologists, psychiatrists, social workers, psychiatric nurses, counselors, and marriage and family therapists are the principal providers of therapeutic services.

15.2 Insight Therapies ● Insight therapies involve verbal interactions intended to enhance

self-knowledge. In psychoanalysis, free association and dream analysis are used to explore the unconscious. When an analyst’s probing hits sensitive areas, resistance can be expected. The transference relationship may be used to overcome this resistance. Classical psychoanalysis is not widely practiced anymore, but Freud’s legacy lives on in a rich diversity of modern psychodynamic therapies.

● Rogers pioneered client-centered therapy, which is intended to provide a supportive climate in which clients can restructure their self- concepts. This therapy emphasizes clarification of the client’s feelings and self-acceptance.

● Most theoretical approaches to insight therapy have been adapted for use with groups. Group therapy has its own unique strengths and is not merely a cheap substitute for individual therapy. Marital and family therapists seek to understand the entrenched patterns of interaction that produce distress for their clients, view individuals as parts of a family ecosystem, and attempt to help couples and families improve their communication.

● The weight of the evidence suggests that insight therapies can be effective. Studies generally find the greatest improvement early in treatment. Some theorists argue that the beneficial effects of diverse approaches to insight therapies are due to the operation of common factors that they share, such as provision of empathy, cultivation of hope, and the opportunity to express feelings. Research suggests that common factors play an important role in therapy.

15.3 Behavior Therapies ● Behavior therapies use the principles of learning in direct efforts to

change specific aspects of behavior. Wolpe’s systematic desensitization is a treatment for phobias. It involves the construction of an anxiety hierarchy, relaxation training, and step-by-step movement through the hierarchy. In exposure therapies clients are confronted with situations that they fear so they learn that these situations are really harmless.

● Social skills training can improve clients’ interpersonal skills through modeling, behavioral rehearsal, and shaping. Beck’s cognitive therapy concentrates on changing the way clients think about events in their lives. Ample evidence shows that behavior therapies are effective.

15.4 Biomedical Therapies ● Biomedical therapies involve physiological interventions for

psychological problems. The principal biomedical treatments are drug therapy and electroconvulsive therapy. A great variety of disorders are treated with drugs. The principal types of therapeutic drugs are antianxiety drugs, antipsychotic drugs, antidepressant drugs, and mood stabilizers.

● Drug therapies can be effective, but they have their pitfalls. Many drugs produce problematic side effects, and some are overprescribed.

Critics argue that the negative effects of psychiatric drugs are not fully appreciated because the pharmaceutical industry has gained undue influence over drug testing research.

● Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) is used to trigger a cortical seizure that is believed to have therapeutic value for depression. There is contradictory evidence and heated debate about the effectiveness of ECT and about possible risks associated with its use.

15.5 Current Trends and Issues in Treatment ● Combinations of insight, behavioral, and biomedical therapies are

often used fruitfully in the treatment of psychological disorders. Many modern therapists are eclectic, using ideas and techniques gleaned from a number of theoretical approaches.

● Because of cultural, language, and access barriers, therapeutic services are underutilized by ethnic minorities in America. The crux of the problem is the failure of institutions to provide culturally sensitive forms of treatment for ethnic minorities. This is also an issue for sexual minorities.

● Clinicians are increasingly attempting to harness technology to expand the delivery of mental health services and to reduce the costs of therapy. These efforts to employ technology have included interventions via videoconferencing, telephone, and the Internet. The Spotlight on Research comparing Internet and face-to-face delivery of cognitive behavioral therapy provided promising evidence on the efficacy of these innovative approaches.

15.6 Application: Looking for a Therapist ● Therapeutic services are available in many settings, and such services

do not have to be expensive. Excellent and mediocre therapists can be found in all of the mental health professions. Thus, therapists’ personal skills are more important than their professional degree. In selecting a therapist, it is reasonable to insist on a therapist of one gender or the other.

● The various theoretical approaches to treatment appear to be fairly similar in overall effectiveness. However, for certain types of problems, some approaches to therapy may be more effective than others. Therapy requires time, hard work, and the courage to confront your problems.

Aaron Beck p. 441 Sigmund Freud pp. 432–434

Carl Rogers pp. 435–436 Joseph Wolpe p. 440

Key People

Key Terms

Antianxiety drugs p. 443 Antidepressant drugs p. 444 Antipsychotic drugs p. 443 Behavior therapies p. 439 Biomedical therapies p. 443 Client-centered therapy p. 435 Clinical psychologists p. 430 Cognitive therapy p. 441 Cognitive-behavioral

treatments p. 441 Counseling psychologists p. 430 Couples therapy p. 437 Dream analysis p. 433 Electroconvulsive therapy

(ECT) p. 447

Exposure therapies p. 440 Family therapy p. 437 Free association p. 433 Group therapy p. 436 Insight therapies p. 432 Interpretation p. 433 Marital therapy p. 437 Mood stabilizers p. 445 Psychiatrists p. 431 Psychoanalysis p. 432 Resistance p. 434 Social skills training p. 440 Systematic desensitization p. 440 Tardive dyskinesia p. 444 Transference p. 434

Psychotherapy 455

C H A P T E R 15 Practice Test 8. Bryce’s psychiatrist has prescribed both an antidepressant and

lithium for him. Bryce’s diagnosis is probably a. schizophrenia. b. obsessive-compulsive disorder. c. bipolar disorder. d. dissociative disorder.

9. Drug therapies have been criticized on the grounds that a. they are ineffective in most patients. b. they temporarily relieve symptoms without addressing the

real problem. c. many drugs are overprescribed and many patients are

overmedicated. d. both b and c.

10. A therapist’s theoretical approach is not nearly as important as his or her a. age. b. appearance. c. personal characteristics and skills. d. type of professional training.

1. Which of the following approaches to psychotherapy is based on the theories of Sigmund Freud and his followers? a. Behavior therapies b. Client-centered therapy c. Biomedical therapies d. Psychoanalytic therapy

2. Miriam is seeing a therapist who encourages her to let her mind ramble and say whatever comes up, regardless of how trivial or irrelevant it may seem. The therapist explains that she is interested in probing the depths of Miriam’s unconscious

mind. This therapist appears to practice __________ and the

technique in use is __________. a. psychoanalysis; transference b. psychoanalysis; free association c. cognitive therapy; free association d. client-centered therapy; clarification

3. Because Suzanne has an unconscious sexual attraction to her father, she behaves seductively toward her therapist. Suzanne’s behavior is most likely a form of a. resistance. b. transference. c. misinterpretation. d. spontaneous remission.

4. In terms of process, client-centered therapy emphasizes a. interpretation. b. probing the unconscious. c. clarification. d. all of the above.

5. With regard to studies of the efficacy of various treatments, research suggests that a. insight therapy is superior to no treatment or placebo

treatment. b. individual insight therapy is effective, but group therapy

is not. c. group therapy is effective, but individual insight therapy

rarely works. d. insight therapy is effective, but only if patients remain in

therapy for at least 3 years.

6. According to behavior therapists, pathological behaviors a. are signs of an underlying emotional or cognitive problem. b. should be viewed as the expression of an unconscious sexual

or aggressive conflict. c. can be modified directly through the application of

established principles of conditioning. d. both a and b.

7. In __________ clients learn how to change their automatic negative thoughts and maladaptive beliefs. a. systematic desensitization b. cognitive therapy c. aversion therapy d. psychoanalysis

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 15.1 Self-Assessment: Attitudes toward Seeking

Professional Psychological Help

Exercise 15.2 Self-Reflection: Thinking about Therapy

Answers 1. d Page 432 2. b Pages 432–433 3. b Page 434 4. c Page 436 5. a Page 438

6. c Page 439 7. b Page 441 8. c Page 445 9. d Pages 445–446

10. c Pages 452–453

C H A P T E R 16 Positive Psychology

16.1 The Scope of Positive Psychology

Defining Positive Psychology and Its Brief History

Reconsidering Older Research in Light of the

New Positive Psychology

Introducing Positive Psychology’s

Three Lines of Inquiry

16.2 Positive Subjective Experiences

Positive Moods

Positive Emotions

Flow

RECOMMENDED READING Love 2.0 by Barbara L. Fredrickson

Mindfulness

SPOTLIGHT ON RESEARCH Experiencing Awe Promotes Prosocial Action

Savoring: Deliberately Making

Pleasures Last

16.3 Positive Individual Traits

Hope: Achieving Future Goals

Resilience: Reacting Well to Life’s Challenges

Grit: Harnessing Effort over the Long Term

Gratitude: The Power of Being Thankful

16.4 Positive Institutions

Positive Workplaces

Positive Schools

Virtuous Institutions?

16.5 Positive Psychology: Problems and Prospects

Problems

Prospects

16.6 APPLICATION: Boosting Your Own Happiness

Writing and Delivering a Gratitude Letter

Sharing a Story Illustrating the Best in You

Sharing Good News and Capitalizing

with Others

Prosocial Spending to Make You Happy

Review

Practice Test

oliveromg/Shutterstock.com

16.1 The Scope of Positive Psychology

You may have seen the popular bumper sticker suggesting that people “commit random

acts of kindness and senseless acts of beauty.” Seeing a car sporting this sentiment, you

might conclude that the driver or owner is some sort of idealist or wide-eyed optimist. Per-

haps the individual is someone who sees the proverbial glass as half-full rather than half-

empty. But what if some serious psychological substance underlies the bumper sticker’s

message? Let’s explore how a focus on what’s good in life can be good for people.

Defining Positive Psychology and Its Brief History

Positive psychology is a social and intellectual movement within the discipline of psy-

chology that focuses on human strengths and how people can flourish and be successful

(Csikszentmihalyi & Nakamura, 2011). In part, the emergence of positive psychology was

a reaction to the predominantly negative focus found in most other areas of the discipline.

Think about your own perceptions of psychology. If you are like most students, you prob-

ably view psychology as a helping profession more than anything else. But consider how

much of that “help” is based primarily on the study of weaknesses and problems—social,

emotional, cognitive, and behavioral—that people exhibit (Seligman, 2002). Psychology’s

language is rooted in the negative, with words like depression, anxiety, and disorder.

Until 15 or so years ago, the study of positive qualities and their impact on people’s

health and well-being occurred entirely outside of the discipline’s mainstream. Advocates

Learning Objectives

■ Define positive psychology and explain

why it is a counterweight to the historic

and dominant negative focus in the

discipline.

■ Explain why positive psychology

provides a framework for new as well as

older research on well-being.

■ Identify positive psychology’s three

lines of inquiry.

Positive Psychology 457

and a strong and sure sense of connection to other people.

We will review a Spotlight on Research regarding awe later in

this chapter, when we discuss emotions.

This chapter is devoted to exploring the impact of such

upbeat phenomena by presenting one of psychology’s new-

est areas of inquiry: positive psychology. We define this new

field and the three areas of research that compose it. We then

discuss representative topics within each area in some detail.

Our study of positive psychology concludes by considering

the prospects and problems of studying how and why people

thrive. This chapter’s Application offers some simple exer-

cises you can use to boost your own level of happiness. ■

O n January 15, 2009, an unprecedented event galvanized

the American public’s attention and imbued people

with feelings of joy. A passenger plane made a mirac-

ulous landing on the Hudson River in New York City. After

the plane took off from LaGuardia Airport, the pilot, Chesley

“Sully” Sullenberger, reported that a flock of birds had flown

into the plane’s engines, causing it to quickly lose power and

altitude. Such bird strikes are perilous because they usually

shut down one of the engines on an aircraft. This incident

was much worse because the pilot believed that both engines

were affected. Disaster was imminent, but moments later the

pilot executed a near-perfect water landing, and all 155 on

board were rescued from the icy waters. Images of the plane

and the rescue of its passengers and crew by air and by boat

flashed throughout the news media.

In addition to relief, elation was a common reaction to

the plane’s miraculous maneuver, which was quickly dubbed

the “miracle on the Hudson” (Prochnau & Parker, 2010). The

event elevated the spirits of those who witnessed it, heard

about it, or watched it on television or via the Internet. The

pilot, a modest man who claimed that his training served

him well, became an instant hero, one whose actions gener-

ated a sense of appreciative wonder in observers. What peo-

ple shared in the aftermath of this event might be called a

sense of awe, a state some psychologists refer to as a moral,

spiritual, or even an aesthetic emotion (Schurtz et al., 2012).

People who feel elation or a sense of awe report experiencing

a warm feeling in their chests, an expansion of their hearts,

The miraculous safe landing by US Air 1549 evoked feelings of awe that

elevated the spirits of observers around the world.

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458 C H A P T E R 1 6

of positive psychology argue that it provides a needed balance in the discipline. Note that

research in positive psychology does not deny the importance of negative states, experi-

ences, feelings, and emotions. Failing to recognize the complex range of human experience

would make the approach incomplete (Brown & Holt, 2011). Though not always pleas-

ant, for example, experiencing negative emotions can promote self-understanding and

direct personal growth (Algoe, Fredrickson, & Chow, 2011; Shmotkin, 2005). We learn to

appreciate life’s richness by recognizing its tragic elements (Woolfolk, 2002). So, let’s be very

clear: Positive psychology is not “happiology” (Seligman, 2011); rather, it represents a new

direction of inquiry for the field, one with an empirical literature that is growing by leaps

and bounds (Donaldson, Dollwet, & Rao, 2015).

Such a shift in perspective requires more than just donning the equivalent of rose-

colored glasses or acting like a “Pollyanna,” someone who is encumbered by foolish or even

blind optimism. Advocates of positive psychology (including some who actually call them-

selves “positive psychologists”) want to discover how to harness people’s strengths, virtues,

and other good qualities to help them enhance their lives (Hone, Jarden, & Schofield, 2015).

One of positive psychology’s primary aims is to create tools and techniques for promoting

and regulating well-being, emotions, and psychological health, which have an impact on

individuals, their connections with others, and physical health (Quoidbach, Mikolajczak,

& Gross, 2015). A good way to think of positive psychology is as an arm of psychology with

potentially beneficial side effects, including the opportunity to prevent mental illness and

reduce discontent by cultivating human strengths, such as courage, hope, and resilience,

and helping people flourish in their lives (Seligman, 2011).

What led psychologists to consider developing this new subfield? As a researchable

and teachable topic, positive psychology was not identified until 1998. During his year

as president of the American Psychological Association (APA), Martin Seligman devel-

oped positive psychology as a counterweight to the discipline’s negatively oriented history

(Seligman, 1999). He was well known for his research on learned helplessness, depression,

and the acquisition of phobias—downbeat topics that fit comfortably within psychology’s

traditional emphasis on the negative. So what prompted his sudden interest in the potential

power of people’s positive natures? Seligman (2002) reported that an exchange with his

5-year-old daughter Nikki triggered a chain of events that led to the founding of positive

psychology. Quite simply, Nikki told her father that he was being a grump while the two of

them were gardening. Seligman recalled:

Nikki . . .was throwing weeds into the air and dancing around. I yelled at her. She walked

away, came back, and said . . . “Daddy, do you remember before my fifth birthday? From the

time I was three to the time I was five, I was a whiner. I whined every day. When I turned five,

I decided not to whine anymore. That was the hardest thing I’ve ever done. And if I can stop

whining, you can stop being such a grouch.” (2002, pp. 3–4)

By speaking some “truth to power,” Nikki led her dad to experience something of an

epiphany, a sudden flash of insight into an event. Raising children, for example, is not about

telling them what to do (let alone yelling at them); rather, it is really about identifying and

nurturing their good qualities and strengths. By extension, Seligman began to think about

how the psychology of the past generations could have—should have—been about much

more than negative, pathological states and human suffering (Seligman, 2003).

But this is recent history—what about other events in psychology’s past that led

to present-day positive psychology? Since World War II, psychology has focused on

treating an increasing variety of psychological disorders (see Chapter 15). Indeed, clin-

ical psychology was born out of the need to deal with the rise of pathology and psy-

chological maladies linked to life in the modern world. Progress creates all kinds of

stress, strain, and conflict. Consider the stressors found in daily life—work, money,

love (or the lack thereof ), family, purpose, and the need to find some meaning in all of

them. Since the mid-20th century, the psychological community has responded to these

changes and pressures by adhering to a disease model, where emphasis is on repairing

damage rather than preventing it or inoculating people in advance against psychologi-

cal distress (Maddux, 2009).

Martin E. P. Seligman championed positive

psychology during his year as president of

the American Psychological Association.

The World Database of

Happiness

Are people living in one country

happier than those in another? How do

we know? To explore these and other

questions, delve into the World Database

of Happiness, which is maintained at

Erasmus University Rotterdam, The

Netherlands.

Learn More Online

Positive Psychology 459

Low High

Low

High

Well-being

Mental illness

Emotional well-being

Psychological well-being

Social well-being

Floundering

Struggling

Languishing

Flourishing

Figure 16.1 A proposed model of complete mental health based on positive psychological concepts. Keyes and Lopez (2002) proposed a model of complete mental health where psychological assessments of flourishing,

struggling, languishing, and floundering are considered across each of three levels

of well-being (emotional, psychological, social), which leads to twelve classifications

of mental health. The ideal state of complete mental health, flourishing, is marked

by a low level of mental illness and high levels of emotional, psychological, and

social well-being.

Source: Adapted from Compton, W. C., & Hoffman, E. (2013). Positive psychology: The science of happiness

and flourishing. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Cengage.

Figure 16.2 The Flourishing Scale. This brief scale assesses an individual’s self- perceptions of success in various important areas of daily life, including

relationships, optimism, purpose, and self-esteem. By completing the

scale, you will receive a summary representing your current level of

well-being.

Source: Adapted from Diener, E., Wirtz, D., Tov, W., Kim-Prieto, C., Choi, D., Oishi, S., &

Biswas-Diener, R. (2009). New measures of well-being: Flourishing and positive and

negative feelings. Social Indicators Research, 39, 247–266.

Seligman and like-minded researchers felt that the time was right to mount a campaign

for change so that psychologists and the people they study, treat, and teach would learn

to see their lives as fulfilling rather than as stress-ridden and dysfunc-

tional (Keyes & Haidt, 2003). Gatherings were held, plans were laid,

and then conferences and workshops were conducted where junior and

senior psychologists met to develop a philosophy and identify goals

for what became known as positive psychology. Soon after, scholarly

articles, books, and journals dealing with positive psychology appeared

(Linley, 2009). As Seligman and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (2000),

another founder of the movement, claimed, “The aim of positive psy-

chology is to begin to catalyze a change in the focus of psychology from

preoccupation with only repairing the worst things in life to also build-

ing positive qualities” (p. 5).

If nothing else, positive psychology wants to change the traditional

conception of mental health by helping people flourish—that is, to

have high levels of well-being and low levels of mental illness (Keyes,

2009). Individuals who are struggling have high levels of both well-being

and mental illness. Those who are floundering tend to have low levels

of well-being but high levels of mental illness. Finally, a person who

has low well-being and low mental health is said to be languishing.

Figure 16.1 presents this combination in an alternative model of com-

plete mental health. Note that when individuals truly flourish (possess

high well-being and low mental illness), they also display a combination

of high emotional well-being, high psychological well-being, and high

social well-being (Keyes & Lopez, 2002).

What about you? Are you flourishing in your daily life? To flourish

is to be successful in important areas of your life, including enjoying

good relationships with others, having a favorable level of self-esteem,

and experiencing feelings of purpose and optimism. Figure 16.2 shows a

scale that measures flourishing in daily life that was developed by posi-

tive psychologist Ed Diener and his colleagues (Diener, Oishi, & Lucas,

2009). Complete this brief self-assessment to assess your current level

of flourishing.

Reconsidering Older Research in Light of the New Positive Psychology

Positive psychology represents a turning point, even a change in the

zeitgeist, for the discipline of psychology. The term zeitgeist refers to a

THE FLOURISHING SCALE

Below are eight statements with which you may agree or disagree.

Using the 1–7 scale below, indicate your agreement with each item

by indicating that response for each statement.

7 = Strongly agree

6 = Agree

5 = Slightly agree

4 = Neither agree nor disagree

3 = Slightly disagree

2 = Disagree

1 = Strongly disagree

_____ 1. I lead a purposeful and meaningful life.

_____ 2. My social relationships are supportive and rewarding.

_____ 3. I am engaged and interested in my daily activities.

_____ 4. I actively contribute to the happiness and well-being

of others.

_____ 5. I am competent and capable in the activities that are

important to me.

_____ 6. I am a good person and live a good life.

_____ 7. I am optimistic about my future.

_____ 8. People respect me.

Scoring: Add the responses, varying from 1 to 7, for all eight items.

The possible range of scores is from 8 (lowest possible) to 56

(highest possible). A high score represents a person with many

psychological resources and strengths.

460 C H A P T E R 1 6

timely intellectual state of mind that many people contribute to and share. Positive psychol-

ogy’s emergence seems to fit this description, but can we really conclude that this subdisci-

pline just “appeared” once Seligman and others began to communicate, organize, conceive,

and publish relevant research?

The answer is probably not, and here’s why: Good ideas are often “in the air” before

someone studies them or before a topical area is formally named. Thus, as an organized

effort, the positive psychology movement is new, but many of the questions being studied

are not; in fact, quite a few have been examined by psychologists for decades outside of

the discipline’s mainstream (Downey & Chang, 2014). Various theories, hypotheses, and

research results pertaining to beneficial qualities and psychological themes in human expe-

rience have been around since the 1950s and 1960s (e.g., Rogers, 1961). Indeed, humanistic

psychology, another subdiscipline, has long pursued questions that seem similar to those

now asked by positive psychologists (Linley, 2009). In fact, some humanistic psychologists

have identified a tension between the two fields (Medlock, 2012), while others argue that

positive psychology is overlooking, even neglecting, established scholarly work in human-

istic psychology (Friedman & Robbins, 2012). And as advocates of positive psychology

are quick to acknowledge, questions regarding what constitutes “the good life” have been

pursued by philosophers since Plato and Aristotle (Huta, 2013).

As you read this chapter, you will notice that older research and references are rou-

tinely mixed in with newer ones (those appearing after positive psychology’s “birth” in

1998). Juxtaposing old with new research should not seem odd, as the questions asked

and answers obtained earlier can now be examined fruitfully in light of new data linked to

positive psychology’s three areas of inquiry.

Introducing Positive Psychology’s Three Lines of Inquiry

Positive psychology pursues three lines of inquiry, which make up the “three legs” on which

positive psychology stands (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). First, positive psychology

is interested in positive subjective experiences. Such experiences include good moods, posi-

tive emotions, happiness, love, and other psychological processes that promote or maintain

feelings of well-being in individuals. The second area is positive individual traits that enable

people to thrive. The traits falling under this heading are character strengths and virtues,

including such qualities as hope, resilience, and gratitude. The third line of inquiry focuses

on positive institutions, the settings and organizations that promote civil discourse and

enhance people’s positive subjective experiences and positive personal traits collectively.

Positive institutions include close-knit families, quality schools, good work environments,

and safe, supportive neighborhoods and communities.

Each area of inquiry seeks to understand the ways people can flourish daily. The

next three sections in the chapter review concepts and illustrative research representing

these areas. We begin with people’s private feelings of well-being: positive subjective

experiences.

16.2 Positive Subjective Experiences

Some positive psychologists focus on the study of positive subjective experiences, or the

positive but private feelings and thoughts people have about themselves and the events

in their lives. The frequency of positive subjective experiences is linked to people’s success

in marriage, friendship, income, and health, among other areas of daily life; such personal

accomplishments lead to good feelings and make people more successful (Lyubomirsky,

King, & Diener, 2005).

Subjective experiences are present focused. In fact, considerable research has examined

the most common positive subjective state, happiness, as discussed in Chapter 1 (see also

David, Boniwell, & Conley Ayers, 2013; Lyubomirsky, 2013). Sensual pleasures—pleasant

■ Distinguish between moods and

emotions, and discuss how thought

speed and the broaden-and-build

model are linked to positive states.

■ Explain the flow experience and typical

activities that trigger it.

■ Outline the advantages of mindfulness

over mindlessness, describe the Spotlight

on Research regarding awe and prosocial

behavior, and define savoring.

Learning Objectives

Positive Psychology 461

tastes (chocolate) and smells (fresh-baked bread), for example, as well as touch (a friendly

caress)—can trigger positive subjective states in people.

But subjective states are not just in the present. People can recall past experiences that

conjure up feelings of contentment or satisfaction. Reviewing childhood memories, such

as holidays, birthdays, or vacations, can be especially gratifying. Events need not be based

in the distant past, either. An office worker can call up feelings of satisfaction by recalling

a successful performance review she received from her boss a month before or by remem-

bering the goal her soccer-playing daughter made the previous week. Whether you reflect

on a distant, recent, or current moment that was favorable, you can experience a change in

mood from a neutral state to a more positive one.

Positive Moods

When someone reports being in a “good mood,” the person is not usually referring

to emotion per se. Emotions are stronger subjective experiences, much more distinct

than moods. Moods are global responses to experience and tend to be more diffuse and

pervasive, lasting much longer than emotions (Morris, 1999). Think about someone

you know who is always cheerful and upbeat—that is, she is usually in a good mood.

Imagine this friend returning to her parked car only to discover a parking ticket on

her windshield. How does she react? She may become angry at herself for forgetting

to put change in the meter, but later, she has forgotten the costly ticket, returning to

her usual smiling and placid self. In other words, she is again experiencing a relatively

good mood.

When people are in good moods, they anticipate that good things will happen to

them; as a consequence, they often make good things happen. Being in a positive mood

has several beneficial effects, including making people more agreeable, more helpful, less

aggressive, and even better at decision making (Isen, 2002).

Positive Moods Can Promote Creative Solutions

We know that being in a positive mood can enhance people’s creativity (Hoffman,

2013; Kaufman, 2015). For example, Isen and her colleagues hypothesized that posi-

tive mood would promote creative problem solving (Isen, Daubman, & Nowicki, 1987).

For 5 minutes, groups of men and women watched either a funny “blooper” reel or an

emotionally neutral film. Afterward, each participant was introduced to the “candle task,”

a measure of creative problem solving (Duncker, 1945).

An experimenter read these instructions aloud:

On the table [in front of you] are a book of matches, a box

of tacks, and a candle. Above the table on the wall is a

corkboard. Your task is to affix the candle to the corkboard

in such a way that it will burn without dripping wax on the

table or the floor beneath. You will be given 10 minutes to

work on the problem.

Do you see the quick and correct solution? By pour-

ing out the contents of the box and then tacking it to the

corkboard, it becomes a candleholder (see Figure 16.3).

The lit candle can then be placed upright on the box while

being connected to the wall. This solution prevents wax

from dripping onto the floor. Once you recognize the

solution, it seems obvious, yet many participants fail to

identify the correct solution before the 10 minutes is up.

What was the impact of the mood manipulation

(viewing one of the two films) on creativity and solving

the candle task? As Isen and colleagues (1987) antici-

pated, participants viewing the funny film were more

Figure 16.3 The Duncker candle task for demonstrating creativity: problem and solution. Problem solvers are given a candle, a book of matches, and a box of tacks (left). They are then told to attach the candle to the wall in such a way that wax will not

drip onto the table top. The correct solution—tacking the box to the wall so it can serve

as a base to hold the lit candle (with no dripping onto the table) is shown on the right.

Ed w

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462 C H A P T E R 1 6

likely to solve the problem correctly in the allotted time than those who watched the neutral

film. Related studies support the finding that good moods as well as positive emotions help

people to be more creative in their thinking (e.g., To et al., 2012). One way to think about

positive affect (feelings)—whether in the guise of milder moods or stronger emotions—is

that it helps people see things in new, unconventional ways.

We have considered how positive mood can lead to particular outcomes, such as

creative thinking. What if we reverse the process: Are there qualities associated with think-

ing that can lead to particular moods, especially positive ones? To answer that, let’s take a

look at some fascinating new research.

Positive Moods Are Linked with Quick Thoughts

When was the last time you felt your thoughts racing—that is, moving at a faster-than-usual

rate? Thought speed turns out to have an impact on both feeling and behavior (Pronin,

2013). Chances are that if your thoughts were racing along at a brisk pace, you were prob-

ably in a good mood.

Pronin and Jacobs (2008) argue that faster thinking generally leads to a more positive

mood (see also Pronin, Jacobs, & Wegner, 2008). However, when thoughts are too fast, they

can be associated with feelings of mania, an abnormally elevated mood. What about slower

thoughts? As you may have already surmised, they are often linked with negative moods.

And very slow or sluggish thoughts can lead to depressive feelings. Thought speed is one

property of a more general concept that Pronin and Jacobs call mental motion.

Besides thought speed, mental motion also involves thought variability (Pronin &

Jacobs, 2008). When one’s thought is varied—thinking about many different things, not

just one or two—one’s mood is usually positive. Repetitive thoughts on the

same topic, or what is sometimes referred to as rumination, are associated

with negative affect. At the positive extreme of thought variation, people

can experience mania or even a reverie or dreamlike state. Approaching

the negative extreme, however, thoughts can become depressive or anx-

iety ridden. When quick thoughts and varied thinking meet, people feel

elated; when thoughts are plodding and repetitive, however, people expe-

rience dejection. Naturally, thought speed and variability can oppose each

other—when one is fast (or slow), the other can be varied (or repetitive).

The consequences for various possible combinations of mental motion’s

properties for mood are shown in Figure 16.4 (note where normal mood

lies compared to the predictable deviations surrounding it as thought

speed and variability change).

Finally, Pronin and Jacobs (2008) argue that thought speed and vari-

ability operate independently of the content of thought. In other words,

you might assume that slow thoughts are necessarily negative thoughts,

but that is not always so. Although emotional problems such as depression

and anxiety have been linked to nonrational or dysfunctional thinking

(Beck, 2008), the arguments for mental motion’s impact on mood do not

require that thoughts have any particular content.

Let’s review a simple experiment that illustrates the relationship

between basic speed of thought and mood, as well as some of its psycho-

logical consequences. Pronin, Jacobs, and Wegner (2008) had a group of

college students spend 10 minutes writing down solutions to a hypothet-

ical problem (how to earn 1 year’s private college tuition in a summer).

Participants in the fast-thought group were told to produce “every idea you

possibly can,” whereas those in the slow-thought condition were asked to

develop “as many good ideas as you can.” The findings are summarized in

Figure 16.5. People in the fast-thought group generated more ideas and felt

themselves to be thinking at a faster rate compared to those in the other

group (see the left side of Figure 16.5). Further, the fast-thought group ex-

perienced more positive mood levels and reported higher levels of energy

Va ri

ab il

it y

of t

ho ug

Speed of thought

Mania

NORMAL

Dreamy Elated

Excited

Anxious

Depression Anxiety

POSITIVE AFFECT

NEGATIVE AFFECT

Blue

Spacey

Figure 16.4 Mental motion and mood: The consequences of thought speed and variability for how people may feel. This diagram illustrates the theorized relationships between the speed

and variability of thought and moods. Varied but fast thinking

leads to feelings of elation, while slow repetitive thinking causes

feelings of dejection. When thought variability and speed oppose

each other (one is low while the other is high), people’s moods

may depend upon which of the two factors is more extreme. The

mood states created by these combinations vary apart from their

positive or negative valence. For example, repetitive thinking can

create feelings of anxiety rather than depression if the thinking

is rapid; indeed, anxious states of being are generally linked with

more rapid thought than depressive states.

Source: Adapted from Pronin, E., & Jacobs, E. (2008). Thought speed, mood, and the

experience of mental motion. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3, 461–485.

Positive Psychology 463

than the slow-thought group (see the right side of Figure 16.5). Though preliminary, these

findings suggested beneficial implications for developing thought-speed-based interven-

tions for treating mood disorders (Pronin & Wegner, 2006).

Positive mood and speed of thoughts are usually quite low and slow for people who

are experiencing depression. Recent research by Yang, Friedman-Wheeler, and Pronin

(2014) found that the mood of people with mild to moderate depressive symptoms could

be enhanced when the speed of their thoughts was accelerated. To create this “mood boost,”

participants read a streaming text that was shown at a controlled rate (paced either fast or at

a neutral speed). In two experiments, people with mild to moderate depressive symptoms

who were led to think faster reported more positive moods than those whose thoughts

proceeded at a more neutral pace. The positive mood group also reported higher levels of

positive mood at the study’s end compared to a pretest assessment, a result that points to

the efficacy of the mood boost following the thought acceleration manipulation. People

with minimal or no depressive symptoms displayed similar mood reports in both condi-

tions, however, individuals with more severe depressive symptoms were not influenced by

the mood manipulation. Future efforts should determine whether there are long-lasting

benefits associated with inducing fast thinking and, if so, more therapeutic interventions

could be designed.

Positive Emotions

Whereas moods are low-level feelings that last for lengthy periods of time (“I was grumpy all

week”), emotions are stronger but shorter-lived feelings, acute responses to some particular

event (“I was overjoyed when I won the dance contest”). As noted in Chapter 3, emotions are powerful, largely uncontrollable feelings, accompanied by physiological changes. When

psychologists speak of emotions, they usually divide them into two categories: positive and

negative. Positive emotions consist of pleasant responses to events that promote connec-

tions with others, including subjective states such as happiness, joy, euphoria, gratitude,

and contentment. When individuals experience positive emotions, they feel good about

themselves, about other people, and often about whatever they are doing or thinking. In-

terestingly, some people are more prone to experiencing positive emotions than others are

(Cohn & Fredrickson, 2009; Tugade, Shiota, & Kirby, 2014). In contrast, negative emotions

Figure 16.5 Results of the self-generated ideas, speed of thought, and mood experiment. Participants in the fast-thinking condition of the experiment generated more ideas in the allotted time than did their

peers (see the graph on the far left). The crucial results are shown in the two graphs on the right. As you

can see, those in the fast-thinking group reported having a more positive mood and higher levels of

energy than those in the slow-thinking group.

Source: Adapted from Pronin, E., & Jacobs, E. (2008). Thought speed, mood, and the experience of mental motion. Perspectives on

Psychological Science, 3, 461–485.

N um

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1 0 m

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0 Slow Fast

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ei ve

d th

ou gh

t sp

ee d

0 Slow Fast

Po si

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0 Slow Fast

H ig

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Measures of thought speed Measures of psychological experience

Postive Psychology

News Daily

Want a daily dose of positive psychology?

Visit the Positive Psychology News Daily

website, which contains up-to-date

information on trends in parenting,

education, health, exercise, and

relationships. New books examining

positive psychology are also reviewed here.

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464 C H A P T E R 1 6

consist of unpleasant responses to potential threats or dangers, including subjective

states like sadness, disgust, anger, guilt, and fear. Negative emotions are unpleasant dis-

ruptions that, while increasing vigilance, often cause people to turn inward or lead them to

be snippy or disagreeable with others. And, as is true for positive emotions, some individ-

uals experience negative emotions more routinely than others (Watson & Clark, 1984). In

general, negative emotions draw more attention than positive ones, and this predisposition

is likely an evolved process (Froh, 2009). The division of positive and negative emotions is

basic, a structural fact of people’s normal emotional lives (Watson, 2002).

Historically, negative emotions have been studied more extensively than positive ones,

perhaps because negative emotions have evolutionary significance (experiencing negative

emotions alerts people to threats). These emotions make people wary, narrowing their

focus of attention (Derryberry & Tucker, 1994). Second, negative emotions are implicated

in the “flight or fight response,” which occurs when an organism feels threatened. Negative

emotions compel people to act through emotionally linked specific action tendencies, or

behavioral reactions with survival value. The automatic response is often to flee from a

perceived threat (a mugger, a bully) or to fight off an attacker. Another reason that negative

emotions receive so much attention is their sheer quantity; they outnumber positive emo-

tions by about three to one (Ellsworth & Smith, 1988), which may have contributed to the

bias among psychologists to study them.

But what about positive emotions—what value do they have? Some intriguing answers

to this question have come from Barbara Fredrickson, a social and positive psychologist

who asserts that positive emotions play particular roles in people’s mental and physical

lives (Sekerka, Vacharkulksemsuk, & Fredrickson, 2012). Fredrickson (Conway et al., 2013;

Tugade, Devlin, & Fredrickson, 2014) developed the broaden-and-build model of positive

emotions to explain how they benefit human beings. In contrast to negative emotions, pos-

itive ones spawn nonspecific action tendencies that nonetheless lead to adaptive responses.

For example, when adults experience positive emotions, they are more likely to aid people

in need, engage others in social interaction, perform some creative activity, or try out some

new experience (e.g., Isen, 2004). Positive emotions also serve as beneficial counterweights

to the dysphoric or fearful feelings associated with emotional dysfunction and psychopa-

thology (Garland et al., 2010). Put simply, positive emotions open people up to a variety of

new behavioral options that promote and maintain psychosocial well-being.

Positive emotions also broaden people’s cognitive responses by promoting new and

beneficial thought-action tendencies, where established ways of positive thinking are asso-

ciated with particular acts or behaviors. For example, when children are feeling joy, they

become more playful and imaginative, often investigating their environments (Fredrickson,

1998). This joyful exploration allows them to learn new things about the world and about

themselves.

In one study, Fredrickson and Branigan (2005) demonstrated that the experience of

joy did indeed broaden people’s thought-action tendencies. After watching one of five emo-

tion-eliciting film clips (joy, contentment, anger, fear, or a neutral condition), research par-

ticipants wrote down lists of everything they would like to have done at that moment. As

shown in Figure 16.6, the participants who felt either joy or contentment listed significantly

Barbara Fredrickson developed the

broaden-and-build theory of positive

emotions.

Joy

Content

Neutral

Fear

Anger

0 161412108642 Number of items listed

Figure 16.6 The broadening effects of positive emotions compared to neutral or negative emotions. Experiencing an emotional state of joy or contentment led

research participants to list a greater number

of activities they might like to engage

in at that moment than did individuals

experiencing a neutral or negative

emotional state.

Source: Adapted from Fredrickson, B. L. (2002). Positive

emotions. In C. R. Snyder & S. J. Lopez (Eds.), Handbook

of positive psychology (pp. 120–134). New York: Oxford

University Press.

Positive Psychology 465

more desired possible actions than the individuals in the negative or neu-

tral emotion groups. Being joyful or contented apparently leads people to

think of future possible activities they might engage in, whereas a negative

or even neutral emotional state narrows people’s thoughts and reduces the

range of possible subsequent actions.

Thus, the broaden-and-build model proposes that positive emotions

broaden people’s outlooks, and then they build on subsequent learning to

develop future emotional and intellectual resources. Positive emotions cre-

ate “bankable” social, cognitive, and affective resources that can be drawn

on with emotional interest in the future. Figure 16.7 illustrates the broaden-

and-build model. Fredrickson postulates that broader thought-action rep-

ertoires lead to increased well-being, which in turn triggers more positive

emotions leading to happiness and what Fredrickson (2002) refers to as

upward spirals of health. These spirals promote both mental and physical

health (Kok et al., 2013).

Recently, Fredrickson and her colleagues argued that physical activity,

such as routine exercise, not only enhances emotional experiences but also

appears to develop the aforementioned psychosocial resources (Hogan

et al., 2015). In a series of studies, these researchers looked at the benefits

of physical activity as well as the downside of sedentary behavior (being a

“couch potato”). They suggest that sedentary behavior, such as watching

television rather than performing physical activities, not only negatively

impacts emotional experiences but also erodes available psychosocial

resources. People often view exercise as an obligation rather than a plea-

sure; perhaps one way to get them to think and act differently is to focus on

the good feelings routine physical activities generate, as well as the mental

and physical health resources they develop.

What else do positive emotions accomplish besides broadening

thought-action repertoires? Fredrickson advanced the undoing hypothe-

sis, which posits that positive emotions aid the mind and the body by

recovering a sense of balance and flexibility following an episode expe-

riencing negative emotion (Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002). When people are

stressed, such as when a group of students take an unexpectedly difficult exam, the presence

of positive emotions triggered by the shared experience (e.g., the students meet after the

test, discuss it, and share their anxieties) undo the stressor’s aftereffects more quickly. The

students are likely to feel better once they realize they all felt the same way about the exam.

They will smile at one another, roll their eyes, possibly even laugh at how absurdly difficult

the questions were, leading to positive emotions that effectively wipe out the physiological

and biochemical effects caused by the stressful test-taking experience. Additionally, the

resulting positive emotions reestablish flexible and open thinking after the narrowed per-

spective caused by the negative (stressful) emotions felt during the tough test.

Many times positive emotions are responses to events—that is, they are caused by good

things that happen. We also need to consider the consequences of positive emotions that

people intentionally create by pursuing particular activities or by learning to self-generate

them (Fredrickson, 2013).

Flow

Do you ever find yourself so happily engaged in a challenging or interesting activity that

you “lose yourself ” in it? If you are an athlete, for example, you may describe the expe-

rience as “being in the zone” when you are playing basketball or tennis. Of course, the

activity does not have to be particularly physical; video gamers routinely report losing all

sense of time while engaged in a game. Likewise, surgeons report that the physical and

intellectual challenges of doing an operation can place them into a zone for optimal per-

formance. Musicians say the same thing about playing an instrument and performing for

others. Psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi named this psychological phenomenon

Experiences of positive emotions

Broaden momentary thought-action

repertoires

Build enduring personal resources

Transform people and produce

upward spirals

Figure 16.7 The broaden-and-build theory of positive emotions. According to Fredrickson (2002), the personal resources people gain during positive emotional states last

for some time. This figure illustrates the three hypothesized

sequential effects of positive emotions. First, positive emotions

broaden people’s range of thought-action sequences, which in

turn builds personal resources, and culminates by producing

upward spirals of positive emotions. The cycle then repeats itself.

466 C H A P T E R 1 6

“flow.” Flow is the state of being in which a person becomes fully involved and engaged in

the present time by some interesting, challenging, and intrinsically rewarding activity.

Csikszentmihalyi recognized the pull of flow experiences in his own life when he

played chess or went rock or mountain climbing (Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2008). He refers

to flow as an optimal state (Csikszentmihalyi, 2014a). To Csikszentmihalyi (1975):

Flow denotes the holistic sensation present when we act with total involvement . . . It is the

state in which action follows upon action according to an internal logic which seems to need

no conscious intervention on our part. We experience it as a unified flowing from one moment

to the next, in which we feel in control of our actions, and in which there is little distinction

between self and environment; between stimulus and response; or between past, present, and

future. (p. 43)

When entering this “optimal experience,” people become less self-aware, lose all track

of time, and focus their energies and attention on doing some engaging activity where skill

and challenge are in balance. The flow experience is multifaceted (Delle Fave, 2009). Indi-

viduals who experience flow rarely worry about losing control over what they are doing,

which, paradoxically, provides them with a sense of control. They often concentrate so

deeply on what they are doing that they become oblivious to their surroundings and the

people in them (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2009). In Csikszentmihalyi’s (1990) view,

people’s quality of life is partially determined by how well they are able to control their con-

sciousness; more control promotes order and well-being, while less leads to psychological

disorder and dissatisfaction (Csikszentmihalyi, 2014b).

Finding Flow

Virtually anyone can find flow. According to Csikszentmihalyi, flow was originally con-

ceived as a phenomenon falling between the opposite experiences of boredom and anxiety,

and he believes that people experience flow when they find a balanced, meaningful place

between these poles of experience. He also suggested that flow can be characterized as a

balance between a person’s current skill level and a situation’s challenges (Abuhamdeh &

Csikszentmihalyi, 2012). Indeed, flow occurs where challenges are just manageable. This

argument makes sense: When the level of challenge in a task is right, people rise to the

occasion to meet it. But if the challenge level is too high, people often begin to feel anx-

ious about what they are doing—worrying about their performance, questioning their own

competence—and, consequently, do not experience flow because they are distracted.

Similarly, if a task is monotonous or repetitive, people quickly become bored; it is not

possible to achieve the flow state if one is not engaged in what one is doing. Think about a

mundane task, such as stuffing envelopes. If you had to do it all day, every day, you would

become fidgety, annoyed, and frustrated, as well as undeniably bored, because the task

perfect strangers who cross our paths but once. She suggests that love occurs anytime two or more people share a positive emotion, whether the feelings are intense or rather gentle. Such moments occur when we see a key play in a baseball game or marvel at the way the wind weaves patterns in a waving field of wheat.

Fredrickson’s goal is to show readers how to experience love and compassion in daily life through formal and informal methods they can try. If nothing else, this book provides a broad perspective on love as the supreme positive emotion in the human repertoire.

Love 2.0: How Our Supreme Emotion Affects Everything We Feel,

Think, Do, and Become

We all know that love is one of the most important things in life, just as it is also an emotion that colors our feelings and actions. Psychologist Barbara Fredrickson argues that love is not just another mental state; rather, it is an emotion that can improve our mental as well as physical health and can even extend our lifespan. In this book, Fredrickson invites us to do away with our usual or clichéd views of love—it’s not just about the one special person or the close relationships we have with family and friends. Instead, love deals with the micro-moments of connection existing between all the people we meet, even the

Recommended Reading

by Barbara L. Fredrickson (Hudson Street Press, 2013)

Positive Psychology 467

would be too easy (and tiresome) for you. Once mastered, there would be no change in it

and nothing new to learn in order to perform it.

Thus, to find flow and develop your creative potential, you must find a challenging

activity that matches your skill level. Once an activity is chosen and the requisite challenge

and skill levels are met, you can have a flow experience virtually whenever you wish.

A key element of a flow experience is that even if it is initially undertaken for other

reasons, it becomes intrinsically rewarding. Thus, a child may be enrolled in a dance class

by her parents, who tell her that the exercise will keep her weight down, give her poise,

and keep her healthy. But once she begins to enjoy the challenge of learning new steps and

routines, dancing becomes an activity worth doing for its own sake—her parents’ reasons,

though still true in one sense, have nothing to do with her reason for dancing. As William

Butler Yeats put it in his 1928 poem “Among School Children”:

O body swayed to music, O brightening glance,

How can we know the dancer from the dance?

When experiencing flow, people have the pleasure of stretching themselves and their

talents in new directions. For this reason, flow often occurs when people pursue creative or

stimulating work, including aesthetic efforts (art, dance, music, drama, writing), hobbies,

or sports, among other possibilities (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2009). Further, anyone

in almost any situation can experience flow. Factors such as social class, gender, culture,

and age have no influence on its occurrence.

Aside from the obvious fact that people find it to be a reinforcing state, why seek flow?

For one thing, flow feels good and becomes motivational. Besides enhancing certain skills,

flow provides positive emotions, staves off negative affect, and promotes goal commitment

and achievement (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2009).

If flow feels good and is reinforcing, shouldn’t it be most likely to occur when people

are having fun? Perhaps, but that all depends on how one defines fun. For many, their work

Flow occurs when people are engaged

in challenging activities that match

their skill levels, such as creating a work

of art or playing a musical instrument.

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468 C H A P T E R 1 6

is their play. Thus, there may be a somewhat paradoxical side to flow—namely, that people

are most likely to experience this absorbing state when they are at work rather than play.

Individuals who enjoy their work report being in flow quite often, and, not surprisingly,

flow may be linked to job satisfaction (Csikszentmihalyi & LeFevre, 1989). Why does this

happen? Presumably because work often presents a good balance between challenge and

skill. Of course, work is also something nearly everyone does and does quite often, as com-

pared to hobbies or recreational sports, for example.

Flow is found in all sorts of situations besides work and the workplace. We already

mentioned sports. Participating in a psychotherapy session (Grafanaki et al., 2007) or a

religious ritual can lead to flow (Han, 1998), as can teaching (Beard, Stansbury, & Wayne,

2010), taking part in online learning (Shin, 2006), driving a car (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997),

reading for pleasure (McQuillan & Conde, 1996), engaging with one’s family (Rathunde,

1988), and—surprisingly—cramming for a test (Brinthaupt & Shin, 2001). Even using a

computer can lead to a flow state (Ghani & Deshpande, 1994). Oddly, perhaps, military

combat can lead to flow as well (Harari, 2008). Boring tasks, such as housework, appear to

prevent flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997) unless the situation is changed (listening to music

while waxing the floor or scrubbing the tub can often do the trick).

Does Everyone Find Flow?

Csikszentmihalyi found that about 20% of respondents in American and European samples

said they experienced flow quite frequently, usually several times a day. Very intense flow

experiences were felt by a smaller percentage of respondents, however. Around 15% of a

given sample will report that they have never had such an experience.

Are there any personality characteristics linked with the likelihood to experience flow?

Ullén et al. (2012) explored whether the tendency to experience flow was associated with

the Big Five personality traits (recall our discussion in Chapter 2). The investigators pre-

dicted and found that flow was negatively correlated with neuroticism, presumably because

the anxiety and negative affect linked to this trait interferes with flow’s emotional qualities.

Flow was also positively associated with conscientiousness.

Mindfulness

Active engagement with a challenging and interesting activity—the flow experience—is

one way to promote well-being. Surprisingly, there is another, simpler way to do so: by

actively and mindfully noticing new things and drawing distinctions among them. Social

psychologist Ellen Langer created the term mindfulness to refer to a cultivated perspective

in which people are sensitive to context and focused on the present. People in a state

of mindfulness notice novel features and readily attend to them, just as they draw novel

distinctions in what they see. According to Langer (Ie, Ngnoumen, & Langer, 2014), to

become more mindful people need to (1) resist the impulse to reduce or control the uncer-

tainty found in daily living; (2) become less prone to evaluate themselves, others, and the

situations they encounter; and (3) try to override their propensity to perform automatic

(“stereotyped” or “scripted”) behavior. To Langer, mindfulness “is a flexible state of mind—

an openness to novelty, a process of actively drawing novel distinctions” (p. 214).

Mindfulness has been found to promote or enhance well-being in a variety of situ-

ations. Children prefer to interact with mindful adults (Langer, Cohen, & Djikic, 2012)

and, in classroom settings, mindfulness can improve student learning (Ritchart & Perkins,

2002), including helping young girls overcome gender differences when learning math

(Anglin, Pirson, & Langer, 2008). People who are more mindful are also less judgmental

of others (Adair & Fredrickson, 2015). Mindfulness can reduce the negative feelings asso-

ciated with experiencing discrimination as well as the depressive symptoms that accom-

pany being the target of prejudice (Brown-Iannuzzi et al., 2014). People in mindfully based

marriages are more satisfied (Burpee & Langer, 2005), and a mindful perspective can even

reduce the tendency to use aging stereotypes (Djikie, Langer, & Stapleton, 2008) and can

promote well-being in older adults (Hsu & Langer, 2013).

Ellen J. Langer studies the benefits of

mindfulness on health and well-being.

Positive Psychology 469

Mindfulness is also found to have decided implications for physical health. Langer

and her colleagues recruited 197 participants with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), an

infrequent, progressive, and fatal neurodegenerative disease (Pagnini et al., 2015). Partici-

pants completed online assessments twice, 4 months apart. The assessments included mea-

sures of mindfulness as a trait, physical impairment, quality of life, anxiety, and depression.

Participants who displayed mindfulness positively affected changes in their physical symp-

toms. Those higher in mindfulness showed a slower progression of ALS after 4 months, and

the first assessment of mindfulness predicted higher quality of life and well-being at the

second assessment. Langer and colleagues argue that mindfulness is a powerful psycholog-

ical construct, one that may be able to slow the progress of a fatal disease that is viewed as

exclusively biological in nature.

One way to understand mindfulness’s benefits is to compare and contrast it with its

problematic counterpart, mindlessness. Langer (1998) argues that people slip into a state

of mindlessness by engaging in rote behavior—performing familiar, scripted actions

without much cognition, as if on autopilot. When individuals are mindless, they are not

doing much active thinking. Sometimes, mindlessness can be adaptive; it frees up conscious

attention and awareness when a task is familiar. Think back to when you learned to drive

a car and how you had to pay rapt attention to what you were doing; by comparison, driv-

ing is likely to be a veritable breeze now. There

is a down side to such mindless adaptation,

however; you miss a great deal of information

when you behave mindlessly. Sudden changes

and novelties that appear in the environment

are overlooked, for example, as are fine details.

When driving mindlessly, you might miss a

stop sign and drive right through it (or you

might hit the car that stopped suddenly in front

of you because you never saw it slow down).

So, there are potential costs when attention

and awareness are too free or loose. It’s almost

as if one is not really “there” to mentally follow

what’s happening. People are much better off

when they take note of new information what-

ever the context happens to be.

Practically speaking, how can you become

more mindful? You can do so by treating the

facts you learn as conditional—that is, as linked

to one and not necessarily other situations (cul-

tivating fresh perspectives on experiences).

Mindfulness researchers suggest another way:

becoming aware of novelty and creating new

distinctions by using meditation, or the disci-

plined, continuous, and focused contemplation

of some subject or object (see Chapter 4). With

regular meditation, people learn to train and

direct their attention in nonanalytical and un-

emotional ways, subsequently becoming more

mindful as a result (Marchand, 2012). Shapiro,

Schwartz, and Santerre (2002) suggest that

when people experience moments of mindful-

ness when engaging in mindfulness meditation,

some related qualities of this psychological

state enter their consciousness. Some of these

mindfulness qualities are shown in Figure 16.8.

Note how well many match up with the overall

focus and goals of positive psychology. If you

Figure 16.8 Some qualities associated with mindfulness meditation. People who learn mindfulness meditation can expect to derive some benefits from the activity. As you can see, the qualities listed

here fit well with established themes in positive psychology.

Source: Adapted from Shapiro, S. J., Schwartz, G.E.R., & Santerre, C. (2002). Meditation and positive psychology. In C. R. Snyder

& S. J. Lopez (Eds.), The handbook of positive psychology (pp. 632–645). New York: Oxford University Press.

SOME QUALITIES ASSOCIATED WITH MINDFULNESS MEDITATION

Quality Description

Nonjudging Impartial witnessing, observing the present moment by moment without

explanation and categorization

Acceptance Open to seeing things as they really are in the present moment with a clear

understanding

Loving kindness Being benevolent, compassionate, and forgiving, and demonstrating

unconditional love

Patience Allowing things to unfold in their time, bringing patience to oneself, to

others, and to the present moment

Openness attention

to all feedback in the present moment

Nonstriving Non-goal oriented, remaining unattached to outcome or achievement, not

forcing things

Trust Trusting the self, as well as one’s body, intuitions, and emotions, and that life

is unfolding as it is supposed to

Gentleness Having a soft, tender, and considerate quality, but neither passive nor

undisciplined

Gratitude The quality of reverence, appreciating and being thankful for the present

moment

Empathy The quality of both feeling and understanding the situation of another

person in the present time; communicating knowledge of the person’s state

to the person

Generosity Giving in the present moment within a context of love and compassion,

without attachment to gain or thought of return

Letting go Demonstrating nonattachment or holding on to feelings, thoughts, or

experiences; letting go does not refer to suppressing these states

470 C H A P T E R 1 6

were to take up mindfulness meditation, which qualities would you

hope to achieve or experience as a result?

If mindfulness meditation does not seem to be a likely course of

action for you anytime soon, there is a simpler way for you to increase

your attention, reduce your stress, and improve your subjective

well-being: Go outside and experience nature. Research suggests that

spending even a modest amount of time in natural surroundings—the

forest or woods, a park, perhaps a garden—has restorative effects that

make people more cognitively attentive and function better emotion-

ally (Berman et al., 2012). In one study, for example, nineteen under-

graduates spent half an hour walking around an arboretum near the

University of Michigan’s campus, while an equal number of students

ambled around downtown Ann Arbor (Berman, Jonides, & Kaplan,

2008). When everyone returned to the lab to complete a battery of

stress and short-term memory measures, the researchers found that

the individuals who strolled in the arboretum had lower stress levels

and heightened attention compared to the control group who ven-

tured downtown. The explanation? Natural environments are much

less mentally taxing than urban settings. Intuitively, individuals know

that green and leafy settings are peaceful places that encourage them

to relax and renew themselves. In contrast, even medium-sized cities

are full of noise and busy distractions made by traffic, crowds, and the

like. Clearly, city dwellers can restore their peace of mind by seeking

out green spaces (Reynolds, 2015).

If experiencing nature can have a restorative influence by enhancing

mindfulness and emotional well-being, can there be any accompanying

behavioral consequences? This question is at the heart of our Spotlight

on Research, which explores awe and the potential for promoting

prosocial or helping behavior. Encountering nature provides restorative benefits, including enhanced

attention, lowered stress, and improved emotional function.

Experiencing Awe Promotes Prosocial Action

Source: Piff, P. K., Dietze, P., Feinberg, M., Stancato, D. M., & Keltner, D. (2015).

Awe, the small self, and prosocial behavior. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychology, 108, 883–889.

Awe is an emotional response people feel when encountering

something larger than themselves, such as a beautiful moment,

art, the natural world, transcendent music, or something spiritual.

Moments of awe are said to be marked by two qualities: the feeling

of being diminished in the presence of the awesome event or

thing and the accompanying desire to be good or kind to others.

Piff et al. conducted five studies examining awe. We will focus on

the fifth and final study, which examined whether a naturalistic

induction of awe—looking upward at a grove of tall trees for

1 minute—increased prosocial behavior compared to a control

condition where participants gazed up at a tall, if unremarkable,

college building for a similar amount of time. The researchers

predicted that compared to the control condition, the awe-inspired

participants would be more helpful toward an experimenter in a

staged pratfall.

Method Participants. Ninety undergraduate students participated as part of a psychology course requirement (28% European American;

40% Asian American; 29% African American; Latino/a, Native

American or other; and 3% declined to report their ethnicity). They

were told that the study dealt with visual perception.

Materials and procedure. At the lab, participants completed demographic measures and were then directed to another part

of the campus, where an experimenter randomly assigned half

to the experimental (awe) group and the remainder to a control

condition. Participants in the awe condition were directed to look

upward at a grove of Tasmanian eucalyptus trees, most of which are

200 feet tall or taller, for 1 minute. Control participants looked at a

tall campus building adjacent to but visually away from the grove

for 1 minute. A separate sample of participants had previously

gazed upward at the trees or building and then completed scales

assessing various emotions, including awe, thereby demonstrating

that the trees were more awe inducing than the building. The main

Spotlight on R E S E A R C H

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Positive Psychology 471

dependent measure was then delivered when the experimenter

approached each participant with a questionnaire and a box of

eleven pens. The experimenter deliberately staged an accident by

dropping the pens in front of the participant. The number of pens a

participant gathered up was the measure of helpfulness.

Results Did gazing at a grove of tall trees induce awe and greater helping

compared to looking at a typical tall building? As expected,

participants in the awe condition picked up more pens compared

to the control group. The difference between the two groups was

statistically reliable.

Discussion Two important findings were obtained in this elegantly simple

study. First, awe can be induced quickly. Here, gazing at very tall

trees elicited the emotion after only 1 minute. Second, even a

brief, modest induction of awe is sufficient to encourage people

to be more helpful than individuals who are not experiencing this

elevating emotion. Future research should explore the processes

linked to awe that promote prosocial behavior.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. When have you experienced awe? Can you recall whether

this emotion influenced your actions, whether prosocial or

otherwise?

2. Why did the investigators use a separate group of participants

to test whether the awe induction (looking at the trees or the

building) was successful? Why didn’t they simply have the

experimental and control groups who took part in the fifth

study complete the emotion assessments?

3. Can you think of some other features in the world that could

elicit awe the ways the trees did? Do you think an awe-

inspiring stimulus must be natural or are their some human

creations that might also elicit this emotion?

Savoring: Deliberately Making Pleasures Last

How often do people slow down enough to really reflect on what they are doing and expe-

riencing at that moment in time? Why don’t people savor more of their daily experiences?

Savoring is a new concept in positive psychology but, as you will see, it has an excellent

conceptual fit with the field and its goals. Savoring refers to the power to focus on, value,

and even boost the enjoyment of almost any experience, whether great or small (Bryant

& Veroff, 2007). To savor is to enjoy subjective states related to some current experience,

one rooted in process and not outcome; the journey, if you will, is more important than

arriving at the destination. You can savor a good, strong cup of coffee, a well-performed

piece of music, or even the scarlet, orange, and yellow foliage of autumn in New England.

Researchers who study savoring claim it is an active process, more than mere pleasure or

the enjoyment of something or some activity. When you savor reading a book or watching

a play or film, for example, a reflective quality is involved: Whether reader or viewer, you

must attend to and consciously appreciate what is engaging your attention.

What factors affect the intensity of savoring? Bryant and Veroff (2007) suggest several,

including:

1. Duration. The more time available for the experience, the greater the chance to

savor it. Dedicated time like that reserved for exercise or socializing should be set aside for

enjoying particular pleasures.

2. Stress reduction. When distracting stress departs (you stop dwelling on all the

homework you have to do over the weekend), savoring becomes possible (you can enjoy

spending Friday evening with friends).

3. Complexity. More complex experiences produce greater quality and intensity

of savoring. Examining a detailed work of art—an intricate painting—can lead to more

sustained delight than perusing a simple drawing. Experts—individuals with deep knowl-

edge in a subject—can experience more complex savoring when encountering a stimulus

than can neophytes. Expert coffee, wine, or tea tasters, for instance, are likely to savor

particular examples of these beverages more than the rest of us.

4. Balanced self-monitoring. If you think too much about what you are doing or

become too self-focused, you can distort your ability to savor an experience.

5. Social connection. You might believe that savoring is a solitary pursuit. However,

research reveals that savoring is that much more pleasurable if you have other people with

whom to share the experience. Concerts, for example, are more enjoyable if you attend

with a friend. Literally taking time to "smell the roses" is an

opportunity to savor nature's beauty.

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472 C H A P T E R 1 6

In sum, it pays to make time to savor the pleasures encountered in daily life. Research

suggests that savoring may reduce depressive symptoms and negative emotions (Hurley &

Kwon, 2012), as well as to help people to be happier and more relaxed (Jose, Lim, & Bryant,

2012). What about you? Are you prone to savor the moment? Answer the questions found

in the Savoring Scale shown in Figure 16.9 to find out.

Figure 16.9 A Savoring Scale. People who savor things—special experiences, tastes, smells,

views, and so on—have the ability to focus,

value, and boost their enjoyment in the

moment. To determine whether you tend to

savor such moments, take the scale shown here.

Source: Adapted from page 782 in Bryant, F. (1989) A

four-factor model of perceived control: Avoiding, coping,

obtaining, and savoring. Journal of Personality, 57, 773–797.

16.3 Positive Individual Traits

Whereas subjective states account for people’s positive feelings, positive individual traits

are dispositional qualities that account for why some people are happier and psycho-

logically healthier than others. Traits sway the interpretations people use to find meaning

in events, influence their choices, help them select goals, and ultimately drive what they

do behaviorally. Think about someone you know who gets along well with other people.

The fact that you see this person as being highly agreeable or cooperative represents what

psychologists call a trait, an individual difference that makes your friend stand out from

your other acquaintances (see Chapter 2). Another friend of yours might come across as

reliable—that is, very organized and high in self-control, someone who takes few risks and

works rather deliberately to achieve particular ends. An important quality of positive traits

like these is the assumption that they can be taught (Peterson & Seligman, 2004). Positive

traits can also emerge as a response or reaction to life situations people experience. Here

we discuss four examples of positive individual traits: hope, resilience, grit, and gratitude.

Hope: Achieving Future Goals

Positive psychology is keenly interested in positive individual traits that encourage peo-

ple to anticipate good rather than bad outcomes. Consider hope, which refers to people’s

expectations that their goals can be achieved in the future (Cheavens & Ritschel, 2014).

People become more excited by goals they can actually achieve than those that seem too

■ Explain the concept of positive individual

traits.

■ Define hope, resilience, posttraumatic

growth, and grit as beneficial qualities.

■ Clarify why gratitude is a character

strength.

Learning Objectives

THE SAVORING SCALE

Assess each question by selecting the number that best describes your response. To what degree do you savor

the present moment?

1. When good things have happened in your life, how much do you feel you have typically been able to appreciate or enjoy them?

1 = Not at all 2 = A little bit 3 = Some 4 = A lot 5 = A great deal

2. Compared to most other people you know, how much pleasure have you typically gotten from good things that have happened to you?

1 = Not at all 2 = A little bit 3 = Some 4 = A lot 5 = A great deal

3. When something good happens to you, compared to most other people you know, how long does it

time): _______

4. When good things have happened to you, have there ever been times when you felt like everything was really going your way; that is, when you felt on top of the world, or felt a great deal of joy in life,

or found it hard to contain your positive feelings? How often would you say you felt like that?

1 = Many times 2 = Sometimes 3 = Once in a while 4 = Never

5. How often would you say that you feel like jumping for joy? 1 = Never 2= Rarely 3 = Sometimes 4 = Often

Scoring: Reverse the number you gave to question 4 (i.e., 1 = 4, 2 = 3, 3 = 2, 4 =1) and then total your

positive outcomes. Undergraduates in an introductory psychology course scored a mean of 18.76.

Positive Psychology 473

much of a challenge. Given its future directedness, hope is related to

optimism, which is discussed in Chapters 3 and 5.

The late C. R. Snyder (2002), a social and clinical psychologist,

argued that these goal-directed expectations have two components:

agency and pathways. Agency involves a person’s judgment that his or

her goals can be achieved (Feldman, Rand, & Kahle-Wrobleski, 2009).

For example, a college student might determine whether obtaining a

high grade in a required course is possible. In other words, does Hannah

expect that she can obtain the desired grade because she possesses the

necessary drive or organizational skills? Agency, then, represents one’s

motivation to seek desired goals, and it appears to be linked with life sat-

isfaction (Bailey et al., 2007). The second component in Snyder’s theory,

pathways, refers to Hannah’s beliefs that successful plans can be crafted

to reach the goal of a high grade. Pathways represent the realistic road

map to achieving the goal. A hopeful outlook would identify several

paths to the goal (more hours of study, completing assigned readings

in advance, faithfully attending class, doing homework, and so on), not

merely one (Rand & Cheavens, 2009). A person’s pathways complement

his or her agency by serving as what Snyder (1994) called “waypower.”

Snyder and colleagues (1991) developed the Trait Hope Scale to as-

sess both agency and pathways (see Figure 16.10). Respondents rate how

true each statement on the scale appears to be for them. A summary

score of the agency and pathway items indicates a person’s degree of

hope (scores can range between 8 and 64; see Figure 16.10). Separate

scales also measure state hope (how a person feels at a single moment in

time) (Snyder et al., 1996) and children’s hope (Edwards & McClintock,

2013), as well.

Why should anyone try to be a hopeful person? For several rea-

sons, actually (Snyder, Rand, & Sigmon, 2002). Not surprisingly, hope-

ful people experience more positive emotions than those who have a

more despairing outlook, and, as we have discussed, such emotions can

be beneficial for a variety of reasons. Individuals who have hope expect

to be better off in the future, just as they believe they will be better pre-

pared than others to deal with any stressful circumstances that arise.

Why might this be the case? Hopeful people are likely to be flexible

thinkers, always on the lookout for alternative pathways to attain their

goals or to get around obstacles. They are also likely to be buoyed up

by the positive social support they receive from those who are drawn

to their encouraging, upbeat natures (Snyder, Rand & Sigmon, 2002).

For example, hope has been shown to help individuals with spinal cord

injuries pursue goals, which were in turn linked to participation in daily

life and life satisfaction (Smedema, Chan, & Phillips, 2014).

Resilience: Reacting Well to Life’s Challenges

Another important positive trait is resilience, a person’s ability to recover and often

prosper following some consequential life event. Such events are often traumatic—an

accident, loss, or catastrophe causes an individual to cope with a situation that can leave

psychological scars. Resilient people cope with threats, maintaining, recovering, or even

improving mental and physical health in the process of doing so (Ryff & Singer, 2003).

Resilience research examines various tumultuous events, including how people deal

with threats such as aging, natural disasters, war, divorce, traumatic brain injury, alcohol-

ism and mental illness in parents, family violence, the demands of single parenting, and, of

course, the loss of a loved one (Bonanno, 2009; Godwin, Lukow, & Lichiello, 2015; Masten

& Reed, 2002; Moore et al., 2015; Ryff & Singer, 2003). These threats range from extreme

but rare events (war) to those that are tragically commonplace (family problems). Whatever

Figure 16.10 Snyder’s Trait Hope Scale. According to C. R. Snyder, as a trait, hope has two characteristics: agency and pathways. To determine

your Agency subscale score, add items 2, 9, 10, and 12; your Pathways

subscale score is derived by adding items 1, 4, 6, and 8. The total

Hope Scale Score is the total of the four Agency and the four Pathway

items. A higher total score reflects a greater degree of hope for

the future. Scores can range from 8 to 64. In six samples of college

students studied by Snyder et al. (1991), the average score was 25.

Source: From Snyder, C. R., Harris, C., Anderson, J. R., Holeran, S. A., Irving, L. M., Sigmon,

S. T., Yoshinobu, L., Gibb, J., Langelle, C., & Harney, P. (1991). The will and the ways:

Development and validation of an individual-differences measure of hope. Journal of

Personality and Social Psychology, 60, 570–585.

A MEASURE OF HOPE AS A TRAIT

Read each item carefully. Using the scale shown below, please

select the number that best describes YOU and put that number in

the blank provided.

1 =

2 = Mostly false

3 = Somewhat false

4 = Slightly false

_____ 1. I can think of many ways to get out of a jam.

_____ 2. I energetically pursue my goals.

_____ 3. I feel tired most of the time.

_____ 4. There are lots of ways around any problem.

_____ 5. I am easily downed in an argument.

_____ 6. I can think of many ways to get the things in life that are

important to me.

_____ 7. I worry about my health.

_____ 8.

way to solve the problem.

_____ 9. My past experiences have prepared me well for my

future.

_____ 10. I’ve been pretty successful in life.

_____ 11.

_____ 12. I meet the goals I set for myself.

5 = Slightly true

6 = Somewhat true

7 = Mostly true

8 =

474 C H A P T E R 1 6

its qualities, the threat is usually so severe and potentially damaging, if

not life threatening, that most observers would expect negative rather

than positive outcomes. Yet in spite of these traumatic “perfect storms,”

some people persevere and emerge psychologically resilient.

For example, imagine the future lives of children who are raised in

abusive or neglectful households or in communities wracked by pov-

erty, illness, and disease. Individuals born into such environments are

said to be at higher risk than others for various mental, physical, social,

and economic problems (Masten & Reed, 2002). Would anyone predict

that children reared in such settings would eventually thrive and lead

productive and happy lives? The surprising reality is that the resilient

ones do.

The good news is that a resilient outlook can be cultivated by any-

one because it is not a trait but a way of coping with adverse situations.

Indeed, each person can be resilient in a different way. Figure 16.11 lists

ten factors that are believed to be important when cultivating resilience.

How many of them do you already incorporate into your life? Which of

the others can you learn?

In addition to resilience, some people display growth following

a trauma such as an accident, a serious illness, or the onset of a dis-

ability. Posttraumatic growth refers to enhanced personal strength,

realization of what is truly important in life, and increased appre-

ciation for life, friends, and family following trauma. Posttraumatic

growth provides empirical evidence that sometimes personal suffer-

ing can lead to positive insights (Davis & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2009;

Groleau et al., 2012). Whereas resilience can help people rebound to

their pretrauma levels, posttraumatic growth implies that people can

also psychologically exceed those original levels by displaying enhanced functioning and

positive changes, sometimes with the aid of some intervention (Roepke, 2015). In fact,

a surprising number of people actually claim that trauma “was the best thing that ever

happened” to them (Park, 1998).

Figure 16.12 lists a variety of positive changes that are attributed to posttraumatic

growth (Ryff & Singer, 2003). These changes can be categorized as being perceptual,

relationship based, or a life priority. Advocates of positive psychology have helped reduce

the skepticism associated with claims of posttraumatic growth and related coping strat-

egies. Although verifying documented positive growth can be difficult, psychologists are

now less likely to assume such change is a convenient rationalization, factual distortion, or

unfounded self-report (Lechner, Tennen, & Affleck, 2009).

Grit: Harnessing Effort over the Long Term

What makes some people try harder to succeed at challenges than others? Casual observa-

tion reveals that some people are apt to accomplish more than others, even when both have

equal levels of intelligence. Positive psychologist Angela Duckworth and her colleagues

(2007; Duckworth, 2013) propose that some people have higher levels of a noncognitive

trait they call grit. Grit is defined as possessing perseverance and passion for achiev-

ing long-term goals. People who have higher levels of grit are apt to demonstrate serious

effort and attention to accomplishing a goal despite setbacks, adversity, and slowdowns

that impede their progress. According to Duckworth and colleagues, “The gritty individual

approaches achievement as a marathon; his or her advantage is stamina” (p. 1088). Although

both constructs can lead to an individual’s success, grit has been shown to be independent

of self-control (Duckworth & Gross, 2014).

How does grit affect people’s behavioral success? In one study, Duckworth and col-

leagues (2007) examined whether grit predicted the grade point averages (GPAs) of stu-

dents attending an elite university. A group of 139 men and women completed the Grit

Scale and reported their GPAs. As expected, gritty students had significantly higher GPAs

Figure 16.11 Ten ways to cultivate resilience. There are concrete things you can do in your life to develop resilience. The key is to select those that

are likely to work well for you.

Source: Adapted from American Psychological Association. (2012). The Road to

Resilience: 10 Ways to Build Resilience. Retrieved from www.apa.org/helpcenter/

road-resilience.aspx

VIA Institute on Character

To learn about your own signature

character strengths, you may want to

complete the Values in Action (VIA)

survey, available at this site. The survey

is a psychometrically sound instrument

that is based on twenty-four personality

elements linked to positive behavior and

well-being.

Learn More Online

TEN WAYS TO CULTIVATE RESILIENCE

1. Foster connections with family members, friends, and people in

the community

2. Try not to catastrophize when a crisis happens; don’t see an

event as insurmountable

3. Realize and accept that change is a part of life

4. Move forward towards your goals

5. Whenever possible be decisive but rely on problem-and-task-

focused coping strategies

6. Keep on the lookout for opportunities for self-discovery

7. Develop and maintain a positive view of yourself

8. Keep events, especially troubling ones, in perspective

9. Maintain a hopeful outlook

10. Take good care of yourself, paying special attention to your

needs and feelings

Positive Psychology 475

than their less gritty counterparts. Another study explored grit’s impact

on the performance of child finalists in the 2005 Scripps National

Spelling Bee. Duckworth and colleagues had the finalists complete

the Grit Scale and other measures before the spelling competition

began. They found that grittiness predicted who advanced to higher

rounds in the competition. Why did those high on grit do so well in

concrete terms? Gritty contestants were apt to stay in the competition

longer because they studied longer, a factor attesting to their drive and

stamina. The grittiest spellers were not necessarily the smartest or best

spellers—they just stuck with and worked harder at preparing for the

spelling bee.

More recent research found that novice teachers with grit have

greater career success than their peers (Robertson-Kraft & Duckworth,

2014). They were found to be more effective in their classrooms and

were much less likely to quit their teaching positions prior to the end of

their first year. Grit has also been linked with higher retention rates in

samples of people in the military, workers in job settings, and married

couples (Eskreis-Winkler et al., 2014). Why do people vary in their level

of grit or whether they possess the trait at all? Some evidence suggests

that individual differences in grit may be at least partially due to the dif-

ferences in what activities make people happy (Von Culin, Tsukayama,

& Duckworth, 2014).

Gratitude: The Power of Being Thankful

One of the most promising positive individual traits receiving consid-

erable research attention is gratitude, or being grateful for what you

have or others have done for you (Ahrens & Forbes, 2014). As a human

strength, gratitude entails recognizing and concentrating on the good

things in one’s life and being thankful for them. Gratitude, which is

assumed to be part of the good life (Watkins, 2014), is often considered

within a moral context, related to but distinct from other moral emo-

tions, like elevation (Siegel, Thomson, & Navarro, 2014). In fact, being ungrateful—that

is, expressing ingratitude—is considered a vice (Bono, Emmons, & McCullough, 2004).

Expressing gratitude toward others in response to their helpful actions is a social norm

(Eibach, Wilmot, & Libby, 2015). Experiencing gratitude (being thankful) and expressing

it (thanking someone for being gracious to you) are among the most common ways to

experience this beneficial, positive emotion (Emmons, 2005). Other research indicates that

gratitude can be personality related, so that some people are more likely to express and

experience it than others (Bhullar, Surman, & Schutte, 2015).

What are the psychosocial consequences of expressing gratitude? As might be expected,

doing so enhances social connections with others (Algoe, Fredrickson, & Gable, 2013),

including fostering new relationships and promoting interpersonal warmth (Williams &

Bartlett, 2015). More than that, however, expressing gratitude appears to extend the time

people feel positive emotions linked to being thankful. Where negative affect lingers,

positive moods tend to be shorter (Larsen & Prizmic, 2008). Besides benefiting others,

conveying gratitude benefits the self, too. Feelings of gratitude make one feel happy, at times

joyful, and can be a source of contentment (Wood, Froh, & Geraghty, 2010). As author

G. K. Chesterton (Chesterton & Schall, 2001) suggested, “Thanks are the highest form of

thought, and that gratitude is happiness doubled by wonder (p. 463).”

Perhaps the best part of gratitude is that it is so easy to express, and, as a virtue, it can

be performed almost anytime or anywhere. So, the next time someone does something

nice for you, whether great or small, be sure to acknowledge the help or kindness by saying

“thank-you” and expressing your appreciation in greater detail. Both you and your recip-

ient will benefit psychologically from your simple act (see the Application section of this

chapter for a gratitude-related exercise).

Figure 16.12 Positive changes attributed to posttraumatic growth. After experiencing a trauma, some people respond by exhibiting positive

changes that generally fall into three areas: perceptual changes,

relationship changes, and life priority changes. This figure illustrates

examples of growth within each area.

Source: Adapted from Baumgardner, S. R., & Crothers, M. K. (2009). Positive psychology.

Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

ASPECTS OF POSTTRAUMATIC GROWTH

Perceptual changes

Self is perceived as a survivor and not a victim

Increased feelings of personal strength, self-reliance, and

Enhanced appreciation for life’s fragile nature, including

one’s own

Relationship changes

Increased compassion for and willingness to give to others

Closer bonds with family

Feelings of closeness with others and greater willingness to

disclose emotions

Life priority changes

Reduced concern with possessions, money, and social status

Greater willingness to take life easier

Enhanced clarity regarding what really matters in life

A deeper and more spiritual sense of the meaning of life

476 C H A P T E R 1 6

16.4 Positive Institutions

Positive subjective experiences and positive individual traits both benefit the individual.

What does positive psychology have to offer the community? Broader than the other two

areas of inquiry, the third defining area of positive psychology encompasses the group

level of analysis by examining positive institutions. Positive institutions are those orga-

nizations that cultivate civic virtues, encouraging people to behave like good citizens

while promoting the collective good. Positive institutions, including workplaces, schools,

families, and organizations, help build and maintain a beneficial society in which to live

(Rich, 2014). What qualities are fostered by positive institutions? When positive psycho-

logical socialization occurs, people who pass through and learn from positive institutions

are focused on being nurturing, altruistic, tolerant, and responsible. Individuals who

“graduate” from positive institutions tend to have a good work ethic.

Positive Workplaces

Some positive psychologists are interested in developing and maintaining organizations

that provide a pleasant workplace and allow workers to thrive (Gilbert & Kelloway, 2014;

Luthans & Youssef, 2009). In fact, a new movement known as positive organizational

behavior (POB) is dedicated to studying beneficial human strengths and competencies and

how they can be advanced, evaluated, and managed as a means to improve worker perfor-

mance in businesses and organizations (Nelson & Cooper, 2007). Within POB, there is a

related emphasis on supporting organizational accomplishments and development of in-

dividuals by improving the quality of the relationships between co-workers (Harter, 2008),

thereby creating happier organizations (Caza & Cameron, 2013).

As noted in Chapter 13, a good way to think about the sorts of careers that positive

organizations or workplaces spawn is by thinking about the distinction between a job and

a calling. While studying people who worked in jobs ranging from clerical to professional,

Wrzesniewski et al. (1997) found that workers viewed their chosen occupations in one of

three ways.

● Just a “job.” Money is necessary for survival, so work is done for pay. Individuals with

this view often think of themselves as primary providers for their families. ● A career. Work satisfies this second group’s desire and need to achieve, compete, and

acquire status or prestige. Personal pride is clearly at stake here. ● A “calling.” The third group view their work as a means for personal fulfillment and

social purpose. Work is a service for themselves as well as to other people. Thus, work

provides community service and personal fulfillment.

Try putting these distinctions in more personal terms for yourself: Will you seek work

that simply satisfies financial necessity (paying bills, providing security), or do you aspire to

work that is personally fulfilling or even that “gives back” to your community?

■ Characterize the nature of positive

institutions.

■ Describe the characteristics of positive

workplaces and positive schools, and

identify some virtues associated with

positive institutions.

Learning Objectives

European Network for

Positive Psychology

Happily, positive psychology is not

limited to the United States. Visit

the European Network for Positive

Psychology (ENPP) to learn about

research, events, activities, and various

topics concerning positive psychology in

Europe. The aim of the ENPP is to attract

researchers and practitioners interested

in this new area of psychology.

Learn More Online

Positive workplaces can help to make work

engaging, interesting, and even a pleasure.

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Positive Psychology 477

Positive Schools

Most research on students’ experiences within schools has focused on the negative,

emphasizing problems with educational efforts (Alford & White, 2015). Recently, how-

ever, some psychologists focused on what they call school satisfaction, or students’

judgments about their holistic school experiences (Huebner et al., 2009). Representing

individual differences, school satisfaction is composed of both cognition (what students

believe regarding educational experiences) and affect (students’ reported frequency of

positive and negative emotions in educational settings).

Thus far, a few findings regarding school satisfaction have emerged. First, school

satisfaction is a good predictor of student engagement and academic progress as early

as kindergarten (Ladd, Buhs, & Seid, 2000). Students who are high in school satisfac-

tion tend to have higher GPAs than other students, as well as fewer reported psycho-

logical symptoms and a heightened sense of agency (Huebner &

Gillman, 2006). It’s no surprise that students who are more en-

gaged and performing well academically are also less likely to

display adolescent problem behaviors (DeSantis et al., 2006).

Thus, school satisfaction appears to be a promising, positive vari-

able for the study of positive academic achievement in schools.

The very good news for educators, parents, and students is

that, with planning, positive schools can be designed (White &

Murray, 2015).

Virtuous Institutions?

Can positive institutions be like people? That is, can institutions

both possess and promote positive virtues? Peterson (2006) notes

that qualities that are intrinsically good can be found in everyday

institutions like those we discussed in this section, as well as clubs,

sports teams, government agencies, and organizations found

throughout society. Figure 16.13 lists the virtues that Peterson sug-

gests make institutions positive contributors to people’s lives. As

you examine the figure, think about the institutions you come into

contact with regularly: How many of them display or enact these

virtues?

Positive schools promote student satisfaction,

which is linked with student engagement and

academic progress.

Figure 16.13 Virtues found in positive institutions. Positive institutions are thought to offer a variety of benefits to the individuals who work within them, as well

as to the communities in which they reside. This figure lists some of the basic

virtues such institutions provide. Can you think of any others?

Source: Adapted from Peterson, C. (2006). A primer in positive psychology. New York: Oxford

University Press.

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THE VIRTUES OF POSITIVE INSTITUTIONS

Virtue Description

Purpose The institution provides a shared vision of the moral goals

promoted by the institution; these goals are routinely

remembered and celebrated.

Fairness Rules exist and are known; rewards and punishments are

administered consistently.

Humanity

Safety The institution protects its members from threats, dangers,

and exploitation.

Dignity No matter what their status, all members of the institution

are treated with respect.

478 C H A P T E R 1 6

Positive Psychology Center

This site, maintained at the University of

Pennsylvania, includes a variety of links

pertaining to positive psychology. It

provides a great deal of information on

conferences and educational programs.

Learn More Online

16.5 Positive Psychology: Problems and Prospects

Positive psychology has come a long way in a fairly short time, but is it here for the long

run? Will this new subfield continue to attract interested students and researchers? Is it

more of a fad or psychological fashion than a genuinely new area of empirical inquiry? To

paraphrase two of its midwives, Christopher Peterson and Martin Seligman (2003), will it

have the evergreen popularity of the Beatles—or suffer the “has-been” fate of Duran Duran?

Problems

Positive psychology has not been without critics and skeptics (Richardson & Guignon,

2008). For example, the late Richard Lazarus (2003), a renowned psychologist and stress

researcher, wondered whether its message is not only not very new but destined to be a

fad that will pass, later return, and pass again. Why? Because many important conceptual

and empirical issues will likely be left unresolved while new disciplinary fads will appear.

Lazarus also questioned whether parsing the discipline of psychology into positive and

negative spheres is not only an oversimplification but a way to introduce theoretical as

well as practical problems into psychological research. As Lazarus (2003a) humorously but

effectively posed it:

God needs Satan, and vice versa. One would not exist without the other. We need the bad

which is part of life, to fully appreciate the good. (p. 94)

More recently, there have been some intellectual skirmishes between humanistic psy-

chology and positive psychology (Friedman, 2014; Schneider, 2011; Waterman, 2014).

Waterman (2013), for example, suggested that the two subfields are divided from and

ambivalent toward each other due to distinct perspectives on the nature of humanity and

well-being, methods and approaches to research, and philosophical differences regarding

therapies and interventions. Others believe reconciliation is possible (Friedman, 2013).

As you read this chapter, you might have wondered whether this new area is really

all that new. For example, perhaps positive psychology is little more than the repackaging

of “old wine in new bottles.” Or, more charitably, perhaps the framework of positive psy-

chology is useful for reorganizing how we think about positive events, thoughts, feelings,

and even behaviors, but it might not be the paradigm shift its creators hoped it would be.

As partisans on either side of the positive psychology debate will agree, only time will tell

whether it has both staying power and ongoing influence in the wider discipline. That being

the case, what should we look for, and forward to, if positive psychology is to flourish?

Prospects

The late Christopher Peterson (2006) offers what may be the most telling indicator of

success: Will there be needed balance between the positive and negative aspects of psy-

chology? Perhaps survival of the label “positive psychology” will matter less if this desired

and needed balance occurs. A close second criterion is whether research can address why

people don’t seek out those qualities of life that make them truly happy. In other words,

if research identifies which activities enable people to lead a good life (Music, 2014), will

they apply these findings to their own lives? As research evidence and intervention studies

appear, it will be exciting to see whether people do indeed change the ways they live (the

exercises in this next section may provide you with an opportunity to see how easy it is to

introduce new, positive routines into you own life).

■ Identify some criticisms concerning

positive psychology.

■ Outline some opportunities for positive

psychology’s future.

Learning Objectives

Positive Psychology 479

email if you absolutely must—but no texting, please!), then later

speak to the person by phone.

What will happen once your letter is read? You will move

the recipient (possibly to tears), but your expression of grati-

tude will also gratify him or her. Although both of you are likely

to feel happy (Seligman et al., 2005), your life satisfaction will

likely rise and any depressive symptoms will dissipate (Toepfer,

Cichy, & Peters, 2012). Such letters are more life affirming in

the moment than they are life changing in the long run (that is,

unless you decide to write a gratitude letter every so often for the

foreseeable future!). Still, being grateful is a good thing because

those who feel gratitude turn out to be much happier than those

who don’t (Park, Peterson, & Seligman, 2004).

What about people who are no longer with us, such as

loved ones who have died? Is it possible to express gratitude for

The expression of sincere gratitude benefits the person being thanked

as well as the person doing the thanking.

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Answer the following “true” or “false.”

1. Writing a sincere thank-you note can enhance well-being

in you as well as the recipient.

2. Sharing good things that happen to you with an inter-

ested other person (and vice versa) can generate beneficial pos-

itive emotions.

3. Sometimes spending money can make you happy.

If you answered “false” to any or all of these questions because

you concluded that the described activities were too simple,

there is still more you can learn about the nature of happiness.

Enhancing your own well-being may be easier than you believe.

You spent this chapter reading and thinking about how posi-

tive psychological insights affect and benefit the lives of others.

Now it’s your turn: How can positive psychology be used to

improve your own life? This Application contains four simple

exercises, each of which can pay some serious psychosocial divi-

dends (Mongrain & Anselmo-Matthews, 2012). Give them a try.

Good luck.

Writing and Delivering a Gratitude Letter

Most of us are good at saying thank-you to folks who have done

something nice for us, but expressing gratitude is tougher. Take

a few minutes and think of all the people who have gone out of

their way to help you so far in your life. Your parents, siblings, and

grandparents are likely candidates, as are some of your teachers

or coaches, roommates, close friends, perhaps some neighbors,

and select others. Pick one of these people, the one you believe

did you the greatest kindness to date. If you have never properly

expressed gratitude to that individual, here’s your chance.

Write a personal letter to your chosen individual—an email

won’t do because such messages are usually brief and can seem

impersonal—and explain in clear terms how he or she helped

you and why you are so very grateful. Better yet, make your

letter more spontaneous by writing it by hand instead of typ-

ing it. Make the letter as rich and detailed as possible. In the

ideal case, visit the person, hand-deliver your letter, and have

the individual read it while you are there (Peterson, 2006). If this

face-to-face encounter is not possible, you can mail the letter (or

16.6 Boosting Your Own Happiness

A P P L I C AT I O N

■ Explain how expressions of gratitude can promote happiness.

■ Recognize the psychological benefits of sharing a positive story about

oneself, sharing good news, and engaging in prosocial spending.

Learning Objectives

480 C H A P T E R 1 6

the kindness they gave when they were alive? Yes. If you wish,

you can use these directions as a model for writing a gratitude

letter to a departed friend or loved one. You may not be able

to directly share the letter with the person, but you are apt to

bring up pleasant memories to reflect on as you express your

gratitude in words on paper. These memories may allow you to

once again have a “conversation” with a person to whom you

owe a great deal.

As an alternative to writing a letter, you could keep a grat-

itude journal wherein you record those things you are thankful

for on a regular basis. Where the gratitude letter strengthens

your relationship with another person, the act of journaling

turns out to cultivate positive, appreciative feelings for what

one has (Kaczmarek et al., 2015).

Sharing a Story Illustrating the Best in You

Most of people avoid blowing their own horns, but they can all

remember times when they did things that brought out the best

in them. Because people really don’t like to brag, they often keep

these stories to themselves. Although such modesty is admirable,

there may be times when telling others about one’s exemplary

acts can serve as an example or even a source of inspiration. As

you consider this activity, let this be one of these rare times when

you disclose an act of private goodness to others.

What are the ground rules? Well, you should be honest and

err on the side of modesty (again, no bragging) unless what you

did was truly selfless and self-defining. Once you recall your

example, be prepared to share it with others, probably members

of the class in which you are using this book. You might ask

the course instructor whether a class could be devoted to having

people share their stories with one another. Alternatively, you

could write a brief, one-page essay telling your tale. Your essay

could then be posted on an online site where only other mem-

bers of your class could access and read it. Or copies could be

made of everyone’s stories and assigned as reading for a future

class meeting. This last option lacks the passion and punch of

hearing people tell their “personal best” stories, but this is one

assignment that is likely to be read by all. If this exercise is not

done in the context of your class, you could agree to swap sto-

ries with a classmate or two, which is a great way to make new

friends as you explore the course material.

One last thing: Remember the golden rule of doing unto

others what you’d have them do unto you. When people listen

politely and with interest to your story, be sure to do the same

for them (see the next exercise).

Sharing Good News and Capitalizing with Others

The humorist Fran Lebowitz (1982) once wrote that “the oppo-

site of talking isn’t listening. The opposite of talking is waiting”

(p. 17). Is that how you often treat those who are close to you

when they vie for your attention? Do you really listen closely

to what they say and respond accordingly, especially when the

news they are imparting is good? Do you focus more on want-

ing to tell the other person what good thing happened to you

rather than celebrating his or her achievement? You, of course,

want friends and loved ones to revel in your good fortune, but

unless you do the same for them, you may not get the response

you seek—or as we will see—any positive psychosocial benefits.

Positive psychologist Shelly Gable and her colleagues dis-

covered that how people give and respond to good news from

others has profound consequences for both the self and others

(Gable et al., 2004). Specifically, sharing good news with those

close to us can lead to “capitalization” when they respond with

sincere interest and enthusiasm to what we say. Capitalization

refers to telling other people about whatever good things are

happening in our own lives. The term is admittedly unusual in

this context, but one of the word’s meanings is to “turn some-

thing into an advantage,” which is what people do when they

share good things with others. How so? Well, others’ positive

responses to sharing creates positive emotions in the sharer,

which capitalizes or builds on his or her already good feelings.

These feelings of mutual respect, delight, and acknowledgment

appear to enhance the qualities of the shared relationship. In

short, both parties benefit socially and emotionally when good

news is received and responded to in favorable ways (Conoley

et al., 2015).

What happens when people don’t respond favorably to the

good news of others? (Note that we are not talking about sit-

uations that trigger envy for a friend’s career success, say, or

jealousy at her new romance—we are considering those times

when people ignore sharing in some modest, if still happy,

event.) Nothing happens: No positive emotions result, so

Capitalization occurs when people share news about the good things

happening in their lives with others.

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Positive Psychology 481

neither self-reported well-being nor relationship quality im-

proves. Keep this in mind the next time you are tired at the

end of the day and a friend or significant other wants to share

some modest successes since you last talked. Rustling up some

smiles and congratulations really won’t take much effort on

your part, and you are more likely to have the attention repaid

to you sometime soon. Better still, you will focus less on your

fatigue (always a good thing) and potentially improve your

bonds with your pal or partner. Isn’t that worth celebrating?

This simple form of “paying it forward” can benefit everyone.

Prosocial Spending to Make You Happy

Let’s close this Application with an interesting, if somewhat

ironic, activity. Based on the research cited in Chapter 1, we

know that money and material goods don’t buy happiness, right

(Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2008)? Although many people believe

that spending money on themselves will lead to happiness, there

is ample evidence that such self-indulgence rarely leads to posi-

tive feelings. Can spending money ever make us happy? Well, it

appears that under certain circumstances it can make us happier

people. According to Dunn and Norton (2013), there are ways

consumers can actually get more happiness when they choose to

spend money. These include:

● Buying more experiences (plays, movies, concerts) rather

than material goods (clothes, gadgets). ● Making something a treat by buying it (a triple mocha

latte) once in a while rather than daily. ● Buying more small pleasures (a chocolate sundae) and

fewer large ones (a new car). ● Buying more free or leisure time by working less or by

hiring others to perform less desirable tasks (cleaning, doing

laundry, or yard maintenance).

● Paying in advance (buying an all-expenses included

vacation) and then enjoying later (anticipation makes the event

more enjoyable, as does not having to lay out further funds for it). ● Using money to benefit others rather than oneself.

This last possibility is intriguing: Can we spend money on

behalf of others and make ourselves happy in the process?

Dunn, Aknin, and Norton (2008) gave research partici-

pants either $5 or $20 to spend on themselves or on another

person. Those who spent the money on others were happier

than those who spent it on themselves. Dunn and colleagues

also found that people who spend a greater portion of their in-

comes on others or on charitable donations are much happier

than those who simply spend their earnings on themselves. A

related study by Aknin et al. (2010) found that when Ugandan

and Canadian students reflected back on times they had been

generous to others, they reported higher levels of happiness

than students who thought back to times they had spent money

on themselves (see also, Aknin et al., 2013; Dunn, Aknin, &

Norton, 2014).

Why does spending on others—what researchers refer to

as prosocial spending—heighten happiness? Giving to others

makes us feel we are responsible, giving, and caring individuals.

The act of giving makes us feel good about ourselves. When we

spend our funds on others, we are also strengthening our social

ties with them, and people with stronger social relationships are

generally happier. Engaging in prosocial spending on others

allows us to feel good about ourselves (Anik et al., 2011a).

So, the next time you and a friend meet for coffee, go to a

movie, or grab a quick bite, why not offer to pay? Or, if you see

some small gift that you know will brighten a friend or loved

one’s day—a book, some chocolate, a flower, a charitable contri-

bution, whatever—consider making the modest purchase in the

interest of prosocial relations. You and your pal will be both very

happy that you did (Aknin, Dunn, & Norton, 2012).

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482 C H A P T E R 1 6

C H A P T E R 16 Review Key Ideas

16.1 The Scope of Positive Psychology ● Positive psychology is a new area of psychology dedicated to the

study of human strengths and how people can flourish in daily life. This subfield emerged as a reaction to the larger discipline’s predominant focus on psychological problems. By providing needed balance, positive psychology can encourage people to focus on the positive aspects of daily living.

● Although it is a new area, many of the issues positive psychology explores have been studied outside the mainstream areas of the discipline for some time. Positive psychology provides an organizing framework for older and newer concepts related to well-being and the good life.

● Positive psychology explores three related lines of behavioral research: positive subjective experiences (such as good mood and positive emotions), positive individual traits (including hope, resilience, and gratitude), and positive institutions (such as beneficial work environments, good schools, and solid families).

16.2 Positive Subjective Experiences ● Positive subjective experiences entail the positive but usually private

thoughts and feelings people have about their lives. Positive moods are global, longlasting reactions to events, whereas positive emotions are accute, distinct responses that last for shorter periods of time. Positive moods and emotions promote particular thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.

● Fredrickson’s broaden-and-build model explains why positive emotions lead to new and beneficial ways of thinking and acting. Whereas negative emotions narrow people’s thoughts, positive ones widen people’s perspectives, creating future emotional and intellectual resources in the process.

● Flow is a psychological state marked by complete involvement and engagement with interesting, challenging, and intrinsically rewarding activities. Flow occurs when a person’s skills are balanced by challenges that are just manageable.

● Mindful behavior is marked by attention and response to novel features of daily experience, whereas mindlessness occurs when individuals engage in familiar or rote actions that require little active thought.

16.3 Positive Individual Traits ● Positive individual traits are qualities of character, some of which are

learned while others are inherited. These positive dispositions explain why some people are happier and psychologically healthier than others.

● People who display hope anticipate that their desired goals can be met in the future. According to Snyder, hope consists of agency and pathways. The trait of hope is associated with the experience of positive emotions.

● Resilient people recover their psychological well-being following traumatic experiences better and faster than less-resilient people do. As evidence for such resilience, posttraumatic growth is marked by people’s recogntion of what things truly matter, including enhanced appreciation for friends, loved ones, and life in general.

● Grit is a trait linked to perseverance and passion for successfully completing a long-term goal. People who have high levels of grit display stamina and a drive to achieve in spite of impediments.

● Gratitude occurs when people are thankful for the good things in their lives, particularly expressing appreciation for what others have done for them.

16.4 Positive Institutions ● Positive institutions are organizations promoting civic virtues that

help people act like good citizens who care about the general welfare. Schools can fall under this heading as well. Positive institutions promote purpose, fairness, humility, safety, and dignity.

16.5 Positive Psychology: Problems and Prospects ● Some critics argue that positive psychology is nothing more than old

or exisiting ideas repackaged in a new, if positive, framework. Positive psychology’s defenders counter that this subfield will achieve its goals if the larger discipline becomes more balanced where positive and negative psychological processes are concerned.

16.6 Application: Boosting Your Own Happiness ● Feelings of happiness can be achieved if people express sincere

gratitude to someone who helped them in the past, and share stories illustrating their own good actions that benefitted other people.

● There are psychologically beneficial qualities to sharing one’s good news with others, enthusiastically listening to positive information other people share, and spending money on others rather than oneself.

Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi pp. 465–468

Barbara Fredrickson pp. 464–466

Ellen J. Langer p. 468 Martin Seligman p. 458 C. R. Snyder p. 473

Key People

Key Terms

Capitalization p. 480 Emotions p. 463 Flow p. 466 Gratitude p. 475 Grit p. 474 Hope p. 472 Mindlessness p. 469 Mindfulness p. 468 Negative emotions p. 463 Positive emotions p. 463

Positive individual traits p. 472

Positive institutions p. 476 Positive psychology p. 457 Positive subjective experiences

p. 460 Posttraumatic growth p. 474 Resilience p. 473 Savoring, p. 471 Undoing hypothesis p. 465

Positive Psychology 483

C H A P T E R 16 Practice Test 8. Critics and skeptics of positive psychology sometimes

argue that a. positive psychological research is unscientific. b. positive psychological processes are difficulty to

demonstrate empirically. c. positive psychology’s message is not new and may be

nothing but a fad. d. positive psychology is misguided and that mainstream

psychology should focus exclusively on the negative aspects of daily life.

9. Which of the following was not among the suggestions for prosocial spending to enhance happiness? a. Buying more free or leisure time b. Spending money to benefit others rather than oneself. c. Buying more large pleasures and fewer small ones d. Buying more experiences and fewer material goods

10. Sharing good news about our lives with those we are close to is known as a. capitalization. b. savoring. c. resilience. d. mindfulness.

1. As a social and intellectual movement within the larger discipline of psychology, positive psychology is concerned with a. human strengths. b. how people can flourish. c. creating a balance between the challenges and pleasures

of daily life. d. all of the above.

2. Of positive psychology’s three lines of inquiry, which one deals with psychological processes that promote favorable moods and emotions? a. Positive subjective experiences b. Positive individual traits c. Positive resilience d. Positive institutions

3. Being placed in a positive mood has been shown to make people a. less alert. b. more creative. c. more wary. d. think slowly.

4. Flow is a state of being in which a person a. perceives a sense of balance and well-being following

a negative emotion. b. has positive thoughts linked with a broad range of

subsequent actions. c. is fully engaged in an interesting, challenging, and

rewarding activity. d. behaves in ways that have survival value.

5. A beneficial change in personal relations following some stressful event, such as developing closer bonds with one’s family, is an example of a. postraumatic growth. b. capitalization. c. hope. d. mindfulness.

6. The human expectation that goals can be met in the future is primarily associated with a. hope. b. mindfulness. c. postraumatic growth. d. resilience.

7. Which of the following is not a virtue found within positive institutions? a. Dignity b. Thrift c. Fairness d. Humanity

Personal Explorations Workbook

Go to the Personal Explorations Workbook in the back of your textbook

for exercises that can enhance your self-understanding in relation to

issues raised in this chapter.

Exercise 16.1 Self-Assessment: What Is Your Happiness Profile?

Exercise 16.2 Self-Reflection: Thinking about How You Construe

Happiness

Answers 1. d Pages 457–459 2. a Pages 460–461 3. b Pages 461–462 4. c Pages 465–466 5. a Page 474

6. a Pages 472–473 7. b Page 477 8. c Pages 477–478 9. c Pages 480–481

10. a Page 480

acculturation Changing to adapt to a new culture.

acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) A disorder in which the immune system is grad- ually weakened and eventually disabled by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV).

acute stressors Threatening events that have a rel- atively short duration and a clear endpoint.

adjustment The psychological processes through which people manage or cope with the demands and challenges of everyday life.

affective forecasting Efforts to predict one’s emotional reactions to future events.

aggression Any behavior intended to hurt someone, either physically or verbally.

agoraphobia A fear of going out to public places.

alcohol dependence (alcoholism) A chronic, progressive disorder marked by a growing compulsion to drink and impaired control over drinking that eventually interferes with health and social behavior.

alcoholism See alcohol dependence.

ambient stress Chronic environmental conditions that, although not urgent, are negatively valued and place adaptive demands on people.

anal intercourse The insertion of the penis into a partner’s anus and rectum.

androcentrism The belief that the male is the norm.

androgens The principal class of male sex hormones.

androgyny The coexistence of both masculine and feminine personality traits in a single person.

anhedonia A diminished ability to experience pleasure.

anorexia nervosa An eating disorder character- ized by intense fear of gaining weight, disturbed body image, refusal to maintain normal weight, and use of dangerous measures to lose weight.

antecedents Events that typically precede a target response.

antianxiety drugs Drugs that relieve tension, apprehension, and nervousness.

anticipatory stressors Upcoming or future events that are perceived to be threatening.

antidepressant drugs Drugs that gradually elevate mood and help to bring people out of a depression.

antipsychotic drugs Drugs used to gradually reduce psychotic symptoms, including hyperactivity, mental confusion, hallucinations, and delusions.

antisocial personality disorder A disorder marked by impulsive, callous, manipulative, aggressive, and irresponsible behavior.

anxiety disorders A class of disorders marked by feelings of excessive apprehension and anxiety.

approach-approach conflict A conflict in which a choice must be made between two attractive goals.

approach-avoidance conflict A conflict in which a choice must be made about whether to pursue a single goal that has both attractive and unattractive aspects.

archetypes Emotionally charged images and thought forms that have universal meaning.

asexuals People who feel little need for emotional- sexual relationships with either gender.

assertiveness Acting in one’s own best interests by expressing one’s thoughts and feelings directly and honestly.

atherosclerosis A disease characterized by gradual narrowing of the coronary arteries.

attachment styles Typical ways of interacting in close relationships.

attitudes Beliefs and feelings about people, objects, and ideas.

attributions Inferences that people draw about the causes of their own behavior, others’ behavior, and events.

autism/autism spectrum disorder (ASD) A psychological disorder characterized by profound impairment of social interaction and communication and severely restricted interests and activities.

autonomic nervous system (ANS) That portion of the peripheral nervous system made up of the nerves that connect to the heart, blood vessels, smooth muscles, and glands.

avoidance-avoidance conflict A conflict in which a choice must be made between two unattractive goals.

basking in reflected glory The tendency to enhance one’s image by publicly announcing one’s association with those who are successful.

behavior modification A systematic approach to changing behavior through the application of the principles of conditioning.

behavior therapies The application of the princi- ples of learning to direct efforts to change clients’ maladaptive behaviors.

behavior Any overt (observable) response or activity by an organism.

behavioral contract A written agreement outlin- ing a promise to adhere to the contingencies of a behavior modification program.

behaviorism A theoretical orientation based on the premise that scientific psychology should study observable behavior.

binge-eating disorder An eating disorder that involves distress-inducing eating binges that are not accompanied by the purging, fasting, and excessive exercise seen in bulimia.

biomedical therapies Physiological interventions intended to reduce symptoms associated with psychological disorders.

biopsychosocial model The idea that physical illness is caused by a complex interaction of bio- logical, psychological, and sociocultural factors.

bipolar disorder Disorder typically marked by the experience of both depressed and manic periods.

bisexuals People who seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of both genders.

body image One’s attitudes, beliefs, and feelings about one’s body.

body mass index (BMI) Weight (in kilograms) divided by height (in meters) squared (kg/m2).

borderline personality disorder A disorder marked by instability in social relationships, self-image, and emotional functioning.

brainstorming Generating as many ideas as pos- sible while withholding criticism and evaluation.

bulimia nervosa An eating disorder characterized by habitually engaging in out-of-control overeat- ing followed by unhealthy compensatory efforts, such as self-induced vomiting, fasting, abuse of laxatives and diuretics, and excessive exercise.

burnout Syndrome of physical and emotional exhaustion, cynicism, and a lowered sense of self- efficacy that is attributable to work-related stress.

bystander effect The tendency for individuals to be less likely to provide help when others are present than when they are alone.

cancer Malignant cell growth, which may occur in many organ systems in the body.

cannabis The hemp plant from which marijuana, hashish, and THC are derived.

capitalization Telling other people about what- ever good things are happening in our own lives.

case study An in-depth investigation of an indi- vidual subject.

catastrophic thinking Unrealistic appraisals of stress that exaggerate the magnitude of one’s problems.

catharsis The release of emotional tension.

cerebral hemispheres The right and left halves of the cerebrum, which is the convoluted outer layer of the brain.

channel The medium through which a message is sent.

chronic stressors Threatening events that have a relatively long duration and no readily apparent time limit.

classical conditioning A type of learning in which a neutral stimulus acquires the capacity to evoke a response that was originally evoked by another stimulus.

client-centered therapy An insight therapy that emphasizes providing a supportive emotional climate for clients, who play a major role in deter- mining the pace and direction of their therapy.

clinical psychologists Psychologists who specialize in the diagnosis and treatment of psychological disorders and everyday behavioral problems.

clinical psychology The branch of psychology concerned with the diagnosis and treatment of psychological problems and disorders.

Glossary

G l o s s a r y G-1

downward social comparison A defensive tendency to compare oneself with someone whose troubles are more serious than one’s own.

dream analysis A psychotherapeutic technique in which the therapist interprets the symbolic meaning of the client’s dreams.

dual-earner households Households in which both partners are employed.

eating disorders Severe disturbances in eating behavior characterized by preoccupation with weight and unhealthy efforts to control weight.

ecstasy See MDMA.

ego According to Freud, the decision-making component of personality that operates according to the reality principle.

elaboration likelihood model The idea that an individual’s thoughts about a persuasive message (rather than the message itself ) determine whether attitude change will occur.

electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) A biomedical treatment in which electric shock is used to produce a cortical seizure accompanied by convulsions.

electronically mediated communication Interpersonal communication that takes place via technology.

emotional intelligence Ability to perceive and express emotion, use emotions to facilitate thought, understand and reason with emotion, and regulate emotion.

emotions Powerful, largely uncontrollable feelings, accompanied by physiological changes.

empiricism The premise that knowledge should be acquired through observation.

endocrine system Glands that secrete chemicals called hormones into the bloodstream.

endogamy The tendency of people to marry within their own social group.

environmental psychologists Psychologists who study how individuals are affected by, and interact with, their physical environments.

erectile difficulties The male sexual dysfunction characterized by the persistent inability to achieve or maintain an erection adequate for intercourse.

erogenous zones Areas of the body that are sexually sensitive or responsive.

estrogens The principal class of female sex hormones.

etiology The apparent causation and developmen- tal history of an illness.

evolutionary psychology A field of psychology that examines behavioral processes in terms of their adaptive value for members of a species over the course of many generations.

experiment A research method in which the investigator manipulates an one (independent) variable under carefully controlled conditions and observes whether there are changes in a second (dependent) variable as a result.

experimental group The subjects in an experiment who receive some special treatment in regard to the independent variable.

explanatory style The tendency to use similar causal attributions for a wide variety of events in one’s life.

coping Efforts to master, reduce, or tolerate the demands created by stress.

coronary heart disease A chronic disease that results from a reduction in blood flow from the cor- onary arteries, which supply the heart with blood.

corpus callosum The band of fibers connecting the two hemispheres of the brain.

correlation coefficient A numerical index of the degree of relationship that exists between two variables.

correlation The extent to which two variables are related to each other.

counseling psychologists Psychologists who specialize in the diagnosis and treatment of psy- chological disorders and everyday behavioral problems.

couples therapy The treatment of both partners in a committed, intimate relationship, in which the main focus is on relationship issues.

cunnilingus The oral stimulation of the female genitals.

date rape Forced and unwanted intercourse in the context of dating.

defense mechanisms Largely unconscious reac- tions that protect a person from unpleasant emo- tions such as anxiety and guilt.

defensive attribution The tendency to blame victims for their misfortune, so that one feels less likely to be victimized in a similar way.

defensiveness An excessive concern with protect- ing oneself from being hurt.

delusions False beliefs that are maintained even though they clearly are out of touch with reality.

dependent variable In an experiment, the variable that is thought to be affected by manipulations of the independent variable.

diagnosis Distinguishing one illness from another.

discrimination Behaving differently, usually unfairly, toward members of a group.

displaced workers Individuals who are unem- ployed because their jobs have disappeared.

displacement Diverting emotional feelings (usually anger) from their original source to a substitute target.

display rules Norms that govern the appropriate display of emotions in a culture.

dissociative amnesia A sudden loss of memory for important personal information that is too extensive to be due to normal forgetting.

dissociative disorders A class of disorders in which people lose contact with portions of their consciousness or memory, resulting in disrup- tions in their sense of identity.

dissociative identity disorder (DID) Dissociative disorder that involves the coexistence in one per- son of two or more largely complete, and usually very different, personalities.

divorce The legal dissolution of a marriage.

door-in-the-face (DITF) technique Making a large request that is likely to be turned down in order to increase the chances that people will agree to a smaller request later.

close relationships Those relationships that are important, interdependent, and long lasting.

cognitive therapy An insight therapy that uses specific strategies to correct habitual thinking errors that underlie various types of disorders.

cognitive-behavioral treatments Therapy approach that uses varied combinations of verbal interven- tions and behavior modification techniques to help clients change maladaptive patterns of thinking.

cohabitation Living together in a sexually intimate relationship without the legal bonds of marriage.

coitus The insertion of the penis into the vagina and (typically) pelvic thrusting.

collective unconscious According to Jung, a storehouse of latent memory traces inherited from people’s ancestral past that is shared with the entire human race.

collectivism Putting group goals ahead of personal goals and defining one’s identity in terms of the groups to which one belongs.

commitment The decision and intent to maintain a relationship in spite of the difficulties and costs that may arise.

communication apprehension The anxiety caused by having to talk with others.

comparison level for alternatives One’s estima- tion of the available outcomes from alternative relationships.

comparison level One’s personal standard of what constitutes an acceptable balance of rewards and costs in a relationship.

compensation A defense mechanism character- ized by efforts to overcome imagined or real infe- riorities by developing one’s abilities.

compliance When people yield to social pressure in their public behavior, even though their private beliefs have not changed.

concordance rate A statistic that indicates the percentage of twin pairs or other pairs of relatives who exhibit the same disorder.

conditioned response (CR) A learned reaction to a conditioned stimulus that occurs because of previous conditioning.

conditioned stimulus (CS) A previously neutral stimulus that has acquired the capacity to evoke a conditioned response through conditioning.

confirmation bias The tendency to seek informa- tion that supports one’s beliefs while not pursuing disconfirming information.

conformity When people yield to real or imag- ined social pressure.

conscious According to Freud, whatever one is aware of at a particular point in time.

conservation psychology The study of the in- teractive relationships between humans and the rest of nature, with a particular focus on how to enhance conservation of natural resources.

constructive coping Efforts to deal with stressful events that are judged to be relatively healthful.

context The environment in which communica- tion takes place.

control group Subjects in an experiment who do not receive the special treatment given to the experimental group.

G-2 G l o s s a r y

humanism A theoretical orientation that empha- sizes the unique qualities of humans, especially their free will and their potential for personal growth.

hypoactive sexual desire Lack of interest in sexual activity.

id In Freud’s theory, the primitive, instinctive component of personality that operates according to the pleasure principle.

identification Bolstering self-esteem by forming an imaginary or real alliance with some person or group.

immune response The body’s defensive reaction to invasion by bacteria, viral agents, or other foreign substances.

impression management Usually conscious efforts by people to influence how others think of them.

incongruence The disparity between one’s self-concept and one’s actual experience.

independent variable In an experiment, a condi- tion or event that an experimenter varies in order to see its impact on another variable.

individualism Putting personal goals ahead of group goals and defining one’s identity in terms of personal attributes rather than group memberships.

industrial/organizational (I/O) psychology The study of human behavior in the workplace.

informational influence When people look to others for how to behave in ambiguous situations.

ingratiation Behaving in ways to make oneself likable to others.

insight therapies A group of psychotherapies in which verbal interactions are intended to enhance clients’ self-knowledge and thus promote healthful changes in personality and behavior.

instrumentality An orientation toward action and accomplishment.

interdependence theory The idea that interper- sonal relationships are governed by perceptions of the rewards and costs exchanged in interactions.

internal attributions Ascribing the causes of behavior to personal dispositions, traits, abilities, and feelings.

internal conflict The struggle that occurs when two or more incompatible motivations or behav- ioral impulses compete for expression.

Internet addiction Spending an inordinate amount of time on the Internet and an inability to control online use.

interpersonal communication An interactional process in which one person sends a message to another.

interpersonal conflict When two or more people disagree.

interpretation A therapist’s attempts to explain the inner significance of the client’s thoughts, feel- ings, memories, and behaviors.

intimacy Warmth, closeness, and sharing in a relationship.

intimate partner violence Aggression toward those who are in close relationships to the aggressor.

general adaptation syndrome A model of the body’s stress response, consisting of three stages: alarm, resistance, and exhaustion.

generalized anxiety disorder A disorder marked by a chronic high level of anxiety that is not tied to any specific threat.

glass ceiling An invisible barrier that prevents most women and ethnic minorities from advancing to the highest levels of occupations.

gonads The sex glands.

gratitude Recognizing and concentrating on the good things in one’s life and being thankful for them.

grit Possessing perseverance and passion for achieving long-term goals.

group therapy The simultaneous treatment of several or more clients in a group.

hallucinations Sensory perceptions that occur in the absence of a real external stimulus or that rep- resent gross distortions of perceptual input.

hallucinogens A diverse group of drugs that have powerful effects on mental and emotional func- tioning, marked most prominently by distortions in sensory and perceptual experience.

hardiness A disposition marked by commitment, challenge, and control that is purportedly associ- ated with strong stress resistance.

health psychology The subfield of psychology concerned with how psychosocial factors relate to the promotion and maintenance of health, and with the causation, prevention, and treatment of illness.

hedonic adaptation The phenomenon that occurs when the mental scale that people use to judge pleasantness-unpleasantness of their experi- ences shifts so that their neutral point, or baseline for comparison, is changed.

heritability ratio An estimate of the proportion of trait variability in a population that is determined by variations in genetic inheritance.

heterosexism The assumption that all individuals and relationships are heterosexual.

heterosexuals People who seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of the other gender.

hierarchy of needs A systematic arrangement of needs, according to priority, in which basic needs must be met before less basic needs are aroused.

hindsight bias The common tendency to mold one’s interpretation of the past to fit how events actually turned out.

homogamy The tendency of people to marry others who have similar personal characteristics.

homophobia The intense fear and intolerance of homosexuals.

homosexuals People who seek emotional-sexual relationships with members of the same gender.

hope People’s expectations that their goals can be achieved in the future.

hormones Chemical substances released into the bloodstream by the endocrine glands.

hostility A persistent negative attitude marked by cynical, mistrusting thoughts, feelings of anger, and overtly aggressive actions.

exposure therapies An approach to behavior therapy in which clients are confronted with situations that they fear so they learn that these situations are really harmless.

expressiveness An orientation toward emotion and relationships.

external attributions Ascribing the causes of be- havior to situational demands and environmental constraints.

extinction The gradual weakening and disappear- ance of a conditioned response tendency.

factor analysis Technique of analyzing correla- tions among many variables to identify closely related clusters of variables.

family life cycle An orderly sequence of develop- mental stages that families tend to progress through.

family therapy The treatment of a family unit as a whole, in which the main focus is on family dynamics and communication.

fellatio The oral stimulation of the penis.

fight-or-flight response A physiological reaction to threat that mobilizes an organism for attacking (fight) or fleeing (flight) an enemy.

fixation In Freud’s theory, a failure to move forward from one stage to another as expected.

flow The state of being in which a person becomes fully involved and engaged in the pres- ent time by some interesting, challenging, and intrinsically rewarding activity.

foot-in-the-door (FITD) technique Getting people to agree to a small request to increase the chances that they will agree to a larger request later.

forgiveness Counteracting the natural tendencies to seek vengeance or avoid an offender, thereby releasing this person from further liability for his or her transgression.

free association A psychotherapeutic technique in which clients spontaneously express their thoughts and feelings exactly as they occur, with as little censorship as possible.

frustration The feelings that occur in any situation in which the pursuit of some goal is thwarted.

fundamental attribution error The tendency to explain other people’s behavior as the result of personal, rather than situational, factors.

gender roles Cultural expectations about what is appropriate behavior for each gender.

gender schemas Cognitive structures that guide the processing of gender-relevant information.

gender stereotypes Widely shared beliefs about males’ and females’ abilities, personality traits, and social behavior.

gender The state of being male or female.

gender-role identity A person’s identification with the qualities regarded as masculine or feminine.

gender-role transcendence perspective The idea that to be fully human, people need to move beyond gender roles as a way of organizing their perceptions of themselves and others.

G l o s s a r y G-3

observational learning Learning that occurs when an organism’s responding is influenced by the observation of others, who are called models.

obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) A dis- order marked by persistent, uncontrollable in- trusions of unwanted thoughts (obsessions) and urges to engage in senseless rituals (compulsions).

occupational interest inventories Tests that mea- sure one’s interests as they relate to various jobs or careers.

Oedipal complex According to Freud, children erotically manifest tinged desires for the other- sex parent, accompanied by feelings of hostility toward the same-sex parent.

operant conditioning A form of learning in which voluntary responses come to be controlled by their consequences.

optimism A general tendency to expect good outcomes.

orgasm The release that occurs when sexual arousal reaches its peak intensity and is discharged in a series of muscular contractions that pulsate through the pelvic area.

orgasmic difficulties Sexual disorders character- ized by the ability to experience sexual arousal but persistent problems in achieving orgasm.

overdose An excessive dose of a drug that can seriously threaten one’s life.

overlearning Continued rehearsal of material after one has first appeared to have mastered it.

panic disorder Recurrent attacks of overwhelm- ing anxiety that usually occur suddenly and unexpectedly.

paralanguage All vocal cues other than the content of the verbal message itself.

parental investment theory The idea that a species’ mating patterns depend on what each sex has to invest—in the way of time, energy, and survival risk—to produce and nurture offspring.

passion The intense feelings (both positive and negative) experienced in love relationships, including sexual desire.

person perception The process of forming im- pressions of others.

personal space A zone of space surrounding a person that is felt to “belong” to that person.

personality An individual’s unique constellation of consistent behavioral traits.

personality disorders A class of disorders marked by extreme, inflexible personality traits that cause subjective distress or impaired social and occupational functioning.

personality trait A durable disposition to behave in a particular way in a variety of situations.

persuasion The communication of arguments and information intended to change another person’s attitudes.

physical dependence The need to continue to take a drug to avoid withdrawal illness (which occurs when drug use is terminated).

polygamy Having more than one spouse at one time.

mindlessness Engaging in rote behavior, performing familiar, scripted actions without much cognition, as if on autopilot.

mnemonic devices Strategies for enhancing memory.

monogamy The practice of having only one spouse at a time.

mood stabilizers Drugs used to control mood swings in patients with bipolar mood disorders.

multiple-personality disorder See dissociative identity disorder (DID).

narcissism A personality trait marked by an inflated sense of importance, a need for attention and admiration, a sense of entitlement, and a tendency to exploit others.

narcissistic personality disorder A disorder marked by a grandiose sense of self-importance, a sense of entitlement, and an excessive need for attention and admiration.

narcotics Drugs derived from opium that are capable of relieving pain.

naturalistic observation An approach to research in which the researcher engages in careful obser- vation of behavior without intervening directly with the subjects.

need for cognition The tendency to seek out and enjoy effortful thought, problem-solving activi- ties, and in-depth analysis.

need for self-actualization The need to fulfill one’s potential; the highest need in Maslow’s mo- tivational hierarchy.

negative emotions Unpleasant responses to po- tential threats or dangers, including subjective states like sadness, disgust, anger, guilt, and fear.

negative reinforcement The strengthening of a response (increases in frequency) because it is followed by the removal of a (presumably) unpleasant stimulus.

neuroticism A broad personality trait associated with chronic anxiety, insecurity, and self-consciousness.

neurotransmitters Chemicals that carry signals from one neuron to another.

noise Any stimulus that interferes with accurately expressing or understanding a message.

nonverbal communication The transmission of meaning from one person to another through means or symbols other than words.

nonverbal sensitivity The ability to accurately encode (express) and decode (understand) nonverbal cues.

normative influence When people conform to social norms for fear of negative social conse- quences.

nutrition A collection of processes (mainly food consumption) through which an organism utilizes the materials (nutrients) required for survival and growth.

obedience A form of compliance that occurs when people follow direct commands, usually from someone in a position of authority.

investments Things that people contribute to a relationship that they can’t get back if the relationship ends.

kinesics The study of communication through body movements.

labor force All people who are employed, as well as those who are currently unemployed but are looking for work.

learned helplessness Passive behavior produced by exposure to unavoidable aversive events.

leisure Unpaid activities people choose to engage in because the activities are personally meaningful.

life changes Any noticeable alterations in one’s living circumstances that require readjustment.

listening A mindful activity and complex process requiring one to select and organize information, interpret and respond to communications, and recall what one has heard.

loneliness The emotional state that occurs when a person has fewer interpersonal relationships than desired or when these relationships are not as satisfying as desired.

lowball technique Getting someone to commit to an attractive proposition before its hidden costs are revealed.

major depressive disorder Disorder characterized by persistent feelings of sadness and despair and a loss of interest in previous sources of pleasure.

manic-depressive disorder See bipolar disorder.

marital therapy The treatment of both partners in a committed, intimate relationship, in which the main focus is on relationship issues.

marriage The legally and socially sanctioned union of sexually intimate adults.

masturbation The stimulation of one’s own genitals.

matching hypothesis The idea that people of similar levels of physical attractiveness gravitate toward each other.

MDMA A compound related to both amphet- amines and hallucinogens, especially mescaline; it produces a high that typically lasts a few hours or more.

medical model The idea that it is useful to think of abnormal behavior as a disease.

meditation A family of mental exercises in which a conscious attempt is made to focus attention in a nonanalytical way.

menarche The first occurrence of menstruation.

mere exposure effect An increase in positive feel- ings toward a novel stimulus (such as a person) based on frequent exposure to it.

message The information transmitted by the sender or source of persuasion.

meta-analysis Combines the statistical results of many studies on the same question, yielding an estimate of the size and consistency of a variable’s effects.

mindfulness A cultivated perspective in which people are sensitive to context and focused on the present.

G-4 G l o s s a r y

schizophrenia A disorder marked by delusions, hallucinations, disorganized thinking and speech, and deterioration of adaptive behavior.

secondary appraisal An evaluation of one’s coping resources and options for dealing with stress.

sedatives Sleep-inducing drugs that tend to decrease central nervous system and behavioral activity.

self-actualization See need for self-actualization.

self-attributions Inferences that people draw about the causes of their own behavior.

self-concept A collection of beliefs about one’s own basic nature, unique qualities, and typical behavior.

self-defeating behaviors Seemingly intentional acts that thwart a person’s self-interest.

self-disclosure The voluntary act of sharing personal information about yourself with another person.

self-discrepancy A mismatch between the self-perceptions that make up the actual self, ideal self, and ought self.

self-efficacy One’s belief about one’s ability to perform behaviors that should lead to expected outcomes.

self-enhancement The tendency to seek positive (and reject negative) information about oneself.

self-esteem One’s overall assessment of one’s worth as a person.

self-fulfilling prophecy The process whereby expectations about a person cause him or her to behave in ways that confirm the expectations.

self-handicapping The tendency to sabotage one’s performance to provide an excuse for possible failure.

self-monitoring The degree to which people attend to and control the impressions they make on others.

self-regulation The process of directing and con- trolling one’s behavior to achieve desired goals.

self-report inventories Personality scales that ask individuals to answer a series of questions about their characteristic behavior.

self-serving bias The tendency to attribute one’s successes to personal factors and one’s failures to situational factors.

sender The person who initiates a message.

sensate focus A sex-therapy exercise in which partners take turns pleasuring each other with guided verbal feedback and in which certain kinds of stimulation are temporarily forbidden.

set-point theory Theory that proposes that the body monitors fat-cell levels to keep them (and weight) fairly stable.

settling-point theory Theory that proposes that weight tends to drift around the level at which the constellation of factors that determine food consumption and energy expenditure achieve an equilibrium.

sex therapy The professional treatment of sexual dysfunctions.

sexism Discrimination against people on the basis of their gender.

psychoanalysis An insight therapy that emphasizes the recovery of unconscious conflicts, motives, and defenses through techniques such as free association, dream analysis, and transference.

psychodynamic theories All the diverse theories descended from the work of Sigmund Freud that focus on unconscious mental forces.

psychological dependence When a person must continue to take a drug to satisfy intense mental and emotional craving for it.

psychological test A standardized measure of a sample of a person’s behavior.

psychology The science that studies behavior and the physiological and mental processes that underlie it and the profession that applies the accumulated knowledge of this science to practical problems.

psychosexual stages In Freud’s theory, develop- mental periods with a characteristic sexual focus that leave their mark on adult personality.

psychosomatic diseases Genuine physical ailments thought to be caused in part by stress and other psychological factors.

public self An image presented to others in social interactions.

punishment The weakening (decrease in frequency) of a response because it is followed by the arrival of a (presumably) unpleasant stimulus.

rational-emotive behavior therapy An approach to therapy that focuses on altering clients’ pat- terns of irrational thinking to reduce maladaptive emotions and behavior.

rationalization Creating false but plausible excuses to justify unacceptable behavior.

reaction formation Behaving in a way that is exactly the opposite of one’s true feelings.

receiver The person to whom a message is sent.

reciprocal liking Liking those who show that they like you.

reciprocity principle The rule that one should pay back in kind what one receives from others.

reference group A set of people who are used as a gauge in making social comparisons.

refractory period A time following orgasm during which males are largely unresponsive to further stimulation.

regression A reversion to immature patterns of behavior.

relationship maintenance The actions and activities used to sustain the desired quality of a relationship.

reliability The measurement consistency of a test.

repression Keeping distressing thoughts and feel- ings buried in the unconscious.

resilience A person’s ability to recover and often prosper following some consequential life event.

resistance Largely unconscious defensive maneu- vers intended to hinder the progress of therapy.

savoring The power to focus on, value, and even boost the enjoyment of almost any experience, whether great or small.

polygraph A device that records fluctuations in physiological arousal as a person answers questions.

positive emotions Pleasant responses to events that promote connections with others, including subjective states such as happiness, joy, euphoria, gratitude, and contentment.

positive individual traits Dispositional qualities that account for why some people are happier and psychologically healthier than others.

positive institutions Those organizations that cultivate civic virtues, encouraging people to behave like good citizens while promoting the collective good.

positive psychology A social and intellectual movement within the discipline of psychology that focuses on human strengths and how people can flourish and be successful.

positive reinforcement The strengthening of a response (increases in frequency) because it is followed by the arrival of a (presumably) pleasant stimulus.

positive subjective experiences The positive but private feelings and thoughts people have about themselves and the events in their lives.

possible selves One’s conceptions about the kind of person one might become in the future.

posttraumatic growth Enhanced personal strength, realization of what is truly important in life, and increased appreciation for life, friends, and family following trauma.

posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) Enduring psychological disturbance attributed to the experience of a major traumatic event.

preconscious According to Freud, material just beneath the surface of awareness that can be easily retrieved.

prejudice A negative attitude toward members of a group.

premature ejaculation Impaired sexual relations because a man consistently reaches orgasm too quickly.

pressure Expectations or demands that one behave in a certain way.

primacy effect The fact that initial information carries more weight than subsequent information.

primary appraisal An initial evaluation of whether an event is (1) irrelevant to one, (2) relevant, but not threatening, or (3) stressful.

procrastination The tendency to delay tackling tasks until the last minute.

prognosis A forecast about the probable course of an illness.

projection Attributing one’s own thoughts, feelings, or motives to another person.

projective tests Personality tests that ask subjects to respond to vague, ambiguous stimuli in ways that may reveal the respondents’ needs, feelings, and personality traits.

proxemics The study of people’s use of interpersonal space.

proximity Geographic, residential, and other forms of spatial closeness.

psychiatrists Physicians who specialize in the treatment of psychological disorders.

G l o s s a r y G-5

twin studies A research method in which researchers assess hereditary influence by comparing the resemblance of identical twins and fraternal twins on a trait.

Type A personality A personality style marked by a strong competitive orientation, impatience and urgency, and anger and hostility.

Type B personality A personality style marked by relatively relaxed, patient, easygoing, amicable behavior.

unconditioned response (UCR) An unlearned reaction to an unconditioned stimulus that occurs without previous conditioning.

unconditioned stimulus (UCS) A stimulus that evokes an unconditioned response without previ- ous conditioning.

unconscious According to Freud, thoughts, memories, and desires that are well below the sur- face of conscious awareness but that nonetheless exert great influence on one’s behavior.

underemployment Settling for a job that does not fully utilize one’s skills, abilities, and training.

undoing hypothesis The idea that positive emo- tions aid the mind and the body by recovering a sense of balance and flexibility following an epi- sode experiencing negative emotion.

unrealistic optimism Awareness that certain health-related behaviors are dangerous but erroneously viewing those dangers as risks for others rather than oneself.

validity The ability of a test to measure what it was designed to measure.

variables See dependent variable; independent variable.

vasocongestion Engorgement of blood vessels.

work An activity that produces something of value for others.

work-family conflict The feeling of being pulled in multiple directions by competing demands from job and family.

workforce See labor force.

standardization The uniform procedures used to administer and score a test.

stereotypes Widely held beliefs that people have certain characteristics simply because of their membership in a particular group.

stimulants Drugs that tend to increase central nervous system and behavioral activity.

stress Any circumstances that threaten or are perceived to threaten one’s well-being and thereby tax one’s coping abilities.

subjective well-being Individuals’ personal assessments of their overall happiness or life satisfaction.

superego According to Freud, the moral component of personality that incorporates social standards about what represents right and wrong.

surveys Structured questionnaires or interviews designed to solicit information about specific aspects of participants’ behavior, attitudes, and beliefs.

sustainable world A world in which human activities and needs are balanced with those of other species and future generations, taking into account ecological as well as social and economic factors.

systematic desensitization A behavior therapy used to reduce clients’ anxiety responses through counterconditioning.

tardive dyskinesia A neurological disorder marked by chronic tremors and involuntary spastic movements.

test norms Statistics that provide information about where a score on a psychological test ranks in relation to other scores on that test.

token economy A system for doling out symbolic reinforcers that are exchanged later for a variety of genuine reinforcers.

token A symbol of all the members of that group.

tolerance A progressive decrease in responsive- ness to a drug with continued use.

transference A phenomenon that occurs when clients start relating to their therapist in ways that mimic critical relationships in their lives.

sexual dysfunction Impairments in sexual functioning that cause subjective distress.

sexual harassment Unwelcome conduct on the basis of gender.

sexual identity The complex set of personal qualities, self-perceptions, attitudes, values, and preferences that guide one’s sexual behavior.

sexual orientation A person’s preference for emotional and sexual relationships with individuals of the same gender, the other gender, or either gender.

sexually transmitted disease (STD) A disease or infection transmitted primarily through sexual contact.

shaping Modifying behavior by reinforcing closer and closer approximations of the desired response.

shyness Discomfort, inhibition, and excessive caution in interpersonal relations.

social comparison theory The idea that individuals compare themselves with others in order to assess their abilities and opinions.

social constructionism The assertion that individuals construct their own reality based on societal expectations, conditioning, and self-socialization.

social exchange theory The idea that interper- sonal relationships are governed by perceptions of the rewards and costs exchanged in interactions.

social role theory The assertion that minor gen- der differences are exaggerated by the different social roles that males and females occupy.

social skills training A behavior therapy designed to improve interpersonal skills that emphasizes modeling, behavioral rehearsal, and shaping.

social support Aid and succor provided by members of one’s social networks.

socialization The acquisition of the norms and roles expected of people in a particular society.

source The person who sends a persuasive communication.

specific phobia A phobia marked by a persistent and irrational fear of an object or situation that presents no realistic danger.

spermarche An adolescent male’s first ejaculation.

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Armour, S., 389

Aron, A., 268

Aronson, E., 205

Aronson, J. M., 163, 203, 204

Arpino, B., 290

Arriaga, P., 98

Arroyo, A., 299

Artham, S. M., 128

Arthur, R. H., 68

Asbury, K., 50

Asch, D. A., 133

Asch, S. E., 209, 210, 211, 212, 218

Asencio, M., 336

Ashcraft, K. A., 129

Asmundson, G. G., 404

Assawasuwannakit, P., 149

Asuncion, A. G., 206

Atkin, D. J., 224

Atreja, A., 225

Attridge, M., 30

Aubin, S., 363

Aubrey, J. S., 321

Audrain-McGovern, J., 133

August, K. J., 85

Auster, C. J., 381

Autin, K. L., 382

Avogo, W., 311

Awasthi, A., 228, 229

Axelsson, J., 80

Ayna, D., 132

Ayoola, A. B., 354

Ayotte, B. J., 43

Ayres, D. M., 241

Ayres, J., 241

Aziz, S, 388

Azizli, N., 43

B Babiak, P., 422

Bachman, J. G., 172

Back, M. D., 51, 252

Backhaus, A., 450

Badgett, M. V. L., 383

Bae, Y., 226

Baek, Y. M., 226

Baer, R. A., 173

Bailey, J. M., 342

Bailey, T. C., 473

Baillargeon, R. H., 311

Baker, F., 132

Baker, J., 299

Bakker, A. B., 44, 79, 384, 388

Balcetis, E., 55

Balducci, C., 388

Baldwin, D., 81

Baldwin, S. A., 436, 453

Baldwin, T. T., 240

Ball, J. S., 423

Ballenger, J. C., 80

Balliet, D., 259

Balsam, K. F., 260, 344

Baltazar, M., 163

Banaji, M. R., 188, 204

Bancroft, T., 420

Bandura, A., 28, 38, 42, 43, 44, 60, 180,

186, 318

Banks, S., 1

Banning, K., 68

Bänziger, T., 236

Barbee, A. P., 253

Barber, B. K., 289

Barber, J. P., 435

Barber, N., 149

Barden, J., 198

Bargh, J. A., 173, 195, 198, 226

Barker, M. J., 328

Barlett, D. L., 404

Barlow, D. H., 453

Barnes, V. A., 113

Barnett, H. L., 313

Barnett, O. W., 302

Barnett, R. C., 292

Barnett, S. M., 310

Barney, C. E., 385

Barnhill, L. J., 420

Barondes, S., 28, 50

Barreto, M., 329, 331, 381

Barrett, A. E., 270

Barrett, L. F., 72, 238

Barrett, S., 6

Barron, L. G., 380

Barry, B., 244

Barry, D., 43

Barsky, A. J., 147

Bartholomew, K., 272, 302

Bartholow, B. D., 98

Bartlett, M. Y., 475

Bartone, P., 86

Baruch, Y., 388

Barutçu Yıldırım, F., 267

Bassuk, S. S., 143

Batalha, L., 328

Baucom, D. H., 352, 354

Bauer, I., 177

Bauermeister, J. A., 262

Bauman, S., 351

Baumeister, R. F., 78, 79, 102, 117, 159,

167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 179, 181, 182,

184, 186, 190, 212, 234, 395

Baumgardner, S. R., 475

Baumrind, D., 171

Baur, K., 358

Bavelas, J. B., 231

Bay-Hinitz, A. K., 205

Beall, A. T., 254

Beaman, R., 320

Beard, K., 468

Bebbington, P. E., 409, 419

Beck, A. T., 406, 413, 441, 442, 454, 462

Beck, C. A., 295, 296

Beck, L. A., 265

Becker, A. T., 424

Bedrosian, R. C., 274

Beevers, C. G., 413

Bègue, L., 98

Behar, R., 4

Behrens, E. L., 370

Beidel, D. C., 439, 442

Beilock, S., 79

Bekelman, J. E., 446

Belar, C. D., 123

Bell, A. P., 342

Bell, B. G., 235

Bell, B. S., 368

Belmore, S. M., 197

Belsky, J., 288

Bem, S. L., 215, 318, 327, 328, 332

Bendall, S., 419

Ben-David, S., 197

Bender, D. S., 423, 449

Ben-Ezra, M., 71

Benka, J., 43

Bennett, K. M., 253

Benshoff, J. M., 282

Benson, H., 113, 114, 120

Benson, L. S., 349

Bentall, R. P., 419, 445

Berdahl, J. L., 330, 331

Berg, J. M., 372

Berg, V., 50

Bergen, M. R., 268

Berger, L. K., 449

Berger, R., 299

Berger, S. S., 80, 99

Bergsma, A., 6, 8

Berkel, C., 290, 291

Berkowitz, L., 97

Berman, M. G., 470

Bernieri, F. J., 190

Berry, C. M., 201

Berry, D., 87

Berryman-Fink, C., 222

Berscheid, E., 194, 195, 252, 283

Bersted, K., 310

Berthoud, H., 137

Berton, O., 412

Bertrams, A., 73

Berzon, B., 360

Best, D. L., 307

Betensky, J. D., 126

Bettelheim, B., 420

Name Index

N a m e I n d e x I-1

Betz, N. E., 180, 330, 376, 382

Beusterien, K. M., 145

Beutler, L. E., 452, 453

Bhagwagar, Z., 412

Bharadwag, A. K., 237

Bhargava, S., 17

Bhasin, T., 420

Bhatnagar, S., 76

Bhullar, N., 475

Bianchi, S., 291

Biernat, M., 175

Bifulco, A., 414

Billedo, C. J., 258, 271

Billings, A. G., 103

Billings, L. S., 175

Bini, L., 447

Birch, L. L., 425

Birnbaum, M. H., 190, 198

Birtel, M. D., 204

Biswabharati, S., 112

Biswas-Diener, R., 459, 466, 481

Bjork, R. A., 21, 24

Blackwood, D., 411

Blaine, B., 167

Blair, C., 65

Blair, S. L., 291, 324

Blair, S. N., 142

Blair-Loy, M., 376

Blakemore, J. E. O., 320

Blakeslee, S., 296

Blanch-Hartigan, D., 149

Blanco, C., 443

Blank, T. O., 237

Blankenship, K. L., 208

Blanton, H., 164

Blase, S. L., 449

Blashfield, R. K., 401

Blass, T., 213, 214

Bleakley, A., 339

Bless, H., 207

Bleuler, E., 414

Bloch, S., 438

Block, J., 102

Blume, B. D., 240

Blustein, D. L., 369

Boase, J., 226

Bobek, B. L., 386

Böckenholt, U., 2

Bockting, W. O., 328, 341

Bodenhausen, G. V., 194

Bodenmann, G., 293

Bodner, T., 389

Boelter, J. M., 283, 299

Boeree, C. G., 44

Bogaert, A. F., 342

Bögels, S. M., 440

Bohner, G., 207, 385

Boldrini, M., 413

Boles, D. B., 316

Bolger, N., 102

Bolino, M. C., 182, 383

Bolkan, C., 161

Bolles, R. N., 366, 392, 394

Bonanno, G. A., 95, 96, 103, 473

Bond, J. T., 377

Bond, M., 35

Bonebright, C. A., 388

Bonetti, L., 274

Bongar, B., 452

Boniwell, I., 460

Bonneau, R. H., 129

Bono, G., 475

Bookwala, J., 290

Booth, A., 295

Boots, D. P., 302

Bordone, V., 290

Bore, M., 51

Boren, J. P., 84

Borland, E., 291

Bornstein, R. F., 38

Borsook, D., 99

Borys, S., 272

Bose, S., 295

Bosson, J. K., 322, 323

Bott, E. M., 382

Bouchard, C., 137

Bouchard, G., 290

Boucher, H., 160

Bougeard-Delfosse, C., 211

Bourg, C., 308

Bourhis, R. Y., 203

Bovornusvakool, W., 387

Bower, G. H., 25, 245, 246, 247

Bower, S. A., 245, 246, 247

Bowes-Sperry, L., 385, 386

Bowie, C. R., 415

Bowlby, J., 263

Boyce, C. J., 20

Boyczuk, A. M., 289

Boyd, J. N., 109

Boyer, S. L., 377

Boyle, M., 400

Boysen, G. A., 407

Brabender, V. M., 59

Bradbury, T., 257

Bradbury, T. N., 327

Bradfield, J., 137

Bradford, A., 362

Braff, D. L., 416

BrajŠa-Žganec, A., 390

Brambilla, M., 195

Bramlett, M. D., 284

Brandsma, L. L., 3

Brandt, M. J., 329

Brandts, J., 382

Branigan, C., 464

Brannon, L., 124, 381

Brannon, L. A., 208

Brannon, R., 322

Brannon, T. N., 159

Branscombe, N. R., 381

Brassard, A., 265

Bratko, D., 49

Braunstein-Bercovitz, H., 368

Braver, S. L., 295

Bray, J. H., 297

Bredt, B. M., 154

Breggin, P. R., 445, 447, 452

Brehm, J. W., 68, 207

Brehm, S. S., 170, 258, 265

Brenes, G. A., 450

Brennan, K. A., 263, 265

Brennan, T. A., 133

Brenner, L., 183

Breslin, F. C., 386

Brewer, J., 354

Brewer, M. B., 194, 205

Brickman, P., 19

Bridge, J. A., 445

Bridges, K. R., 117

Bridgett, D. J., 179

Brigham, J. C., 194

Brink, S., 139

Briñol, P., 208

Brinthaupt, T. M., 240, 468

Briton, N. J., 231

Britton, B. K., 117

Brodsky, J. B., 380

Brody, L. R., 312

Brody, S., 349

Brondolo, E., 66

Brookes, R., 337

Brooks, G., 323

Brooks, J., 135

Brooks, J. E., 311

Brooks, M. L., 227

Brotherridge, C. M., 384

Brotto, L. A., 336, 362

Brown, A. S., 418

Brown, B., 5

Brown, C. G., 44, 165

Brown, G. A., 20

Brown, J. D., 102, 121, 165

Brown, J. M., 128

Brown, K., 4, 458

Brown, R. J., 194, 205

Brown, R. P., 51

Brown, S. L., 299

Brown, T. T., 154

Browne, A., 302

Brownell, K. D., 137, 138

Brown-Iannuzzi, J. L., 468

Bruce, C., 287

Bruce, K. R., 425

Brunet, P. M., 273

Bryant, F., 471, 472

Bubany, S., 58

Buchanan, C. M., 193

Buchholz, K. A., 386

Buchner, D. M., 143

Buchtel, E. E., 54

Buchwald, H., 139

Buck, A. A., 285

Buck, R., 227

Buckingham, J. T., 176

Budney, A. J., 154

Buechel, C., 308

Buehlman, K. T., 293

Buhi, E. R., 340

Buhs, E. S., 477

Buikema, A, 420

Bulik, C. M., 423, 425

Bullock-Yowell, E., 373

Bumpass, L., 19

Bunde, J., 126

Bunker, S. J., 129

Burger, J. M., 48, 213, 214, 215, 216

Burgess, M. C. R., 339

Burgoon, J. K., 234

Burhans, K. K., 165

Burke, B. L., 53

Burke, P. J., 159

Burke, R. J., 388

Burke, W. W., 377

Burkley, E., 159

Burkley, M., 339

Burlingame, G. M., 436, 437

Burns, S. T., 370

Burpee, L., 468

Burpo, S., 339

Burris, E., 242

Burroughs, T., 197

Burrows, L., 198

Burton, C., 14

Burton, C. L., 95, 96, 103

Busby, D. M., 351

Bush, K. R., 281, 292

Bushman, B. J., 98, 170, 171, 181,

184, 395

Buss, A. H., 168

Buss, D. M., 49, 50, 252, 253, 255, 266,

276, 283, 303

Bussey, K., 316, 318, 320

Butcher, J. N., 58

Butler, A. C., 22, 23, 25

Butler, E. A., 111

Buunk, A. P., 163, 353

Buxton, O. M., 389

Bybee, D., 160

Byers, E., 335, 349, 350

Byrd-Craven, J., 314

Byrm, R. J., 270

Byrne, B., 110

Byrne, R., 5

Byrne, S., 43

C Cabral, G. A., 154

Cacchio, M., 310

Cacioppo, J. T., 83, 208, 218, 272,

273, 274

Cacioppo, S., 83, 272, 273, 274

Cadinu, M., 322, 330

Caffee, L., 116

Cahn, D. D., 242, 260

Cai, D. A., 243

Calabrese, S. K., 335

Calhoun, L. G., 82

Caligor, E., 421, 422

Caltabiano, N. J., 106

Calvo, M. G., 230

Cameron, D., 306, 312, 313

Cameron, H. A., 77

Cameron, K. A., 208

Cameron, K. S., 476

Cameron, L., 129, 147

Campbell, A. C., 450

Campbell, I. C., 99

Campbell, J. D., 167, 177

Campbell, K., 281, 295

Campbell, L., 265

Campbell, M., 274

Campbell, S. M., 327

Campbell, W. K., 6, 51, 170, 177, 287

Campos, B., 257

Canary, D. J., 257, 258

Cannon, W. B., 74, 76, 92

Cantor, J. R., 207

Capitanio, J., 343

Caputo, D., 143

Cardeña, E., 407

Cardoso, C., 75

Carducci, B. J., 237

Carey, K. B., 302, 303

Carey, M. P., 144

Carli, L. L., 312

Carlson, D. N., 148–149

Carlson, E. N., 165

Carlson, R., 5

Carlston, D. E., 190, 201

Carmody, J., 173

Carothers, B. J., 308

Carpenter, C. J., 51

Carpenter, R. W., 422

Carpenter, S. K., 24

Carpenter, W. T., 415, 446

Carr, C. P., 419

Carr, D., 18

Carr, R. B., 432

Carrère, S., 288

Carrico, A. W., 144

Carroll, J. L., 358

Carroll, J. S., 293, 351

Carroll, L. J., 67

Carroll, M. D., 136

Carson, S. H., 173, 311

Carstersen, L. L., 290

Carter, B., 285, 286

Carter, C. S., 415

I-2 N a m e I n d e x

Carter, T. J., 175

Carter-Sowell, A. R., 217

Cartwright, C., 444

Caruso, D. R., 110

Carvalho, J., 362

Carver, C. S., 86, 95, 96, 97, 99

Case, B. G., 447

Casey, C., 337

Cashdan, E., 232

Caspi, A., 30

Cassells, R. C., 65

Castano, E., 202

Castle, P. H., 448

Castonguay, L., 453

Caswell, T. A., 322

Catanese, K. R., 181

Cate, R., 284, 338, 351

Cattell, R. B., 57, 58

Cavanagh, J., 411

Caza, A., 476

Ceci, S. J., 310, 325

Cepeda, N. J., 23, 24

Cerletti, U., 447

Chadee, D., 227

Chaiken, S., 205, 206

Chan, D. K., 265

Chan, J. Y., 473

Chan, M. Y., 18

Chandra, A., 348

Chang, C. H., 382

Chang, E. C., 460

Chang, J., 109

Chang, K. D., 411

Chang, R. Y., 107

Chaplin, T. M., 320

Charles, S. T., 64, 147

Charney, D. S., 444

Chavez, J. M., 302

Cheater, F., 147

Cheavens, J. S., 472, 473

Chen, C., 106, 160

Chen, G., 106

Chen, J., 350

Chen, M., 198

Chen, S., 100

Chen, Z., 217

Cheng, C., 95, 100

Cheng, H., 171

Cheng, K., 112

Cherlin, A. J., 296

Chernev, A., 2

Cherney, I. D., 310

Cherry, C., 144

Cherry, D. K., 449

Chesterton, G. K., 475

Chew, B., 167

Chew, S. L., 22

Chia, R. C., 318

Chida, Y, 126

Chin, H. B., 338

Chiu, C.-Y., 53

Chivers, M. L., 335, 345

Chivukula, U., 80

Chizmar, L., 143

Cho, Y. I., 449

Choi, B. F., 226

Choi, C., 459

Choi, O., 235

Chopra, D., 5

Chou, F., 145

Chow, G. M., 44

Chow, H. H., 117

Chow, J. T., 179

Chow, S., 458

Christakis, N., 226

Christopher, F. S., 338

Chu, A. T., 101

Chu, C., 375

Chua, B., 375

Chudzikowski, K., 372

Chung, W.-J., 38

Church, A. T., 53

Church, T. S., 142

Cialdini, R. B., 178, 211, 215, 216,

217, 218

Ciarocco, N, J., 234

Ciccocioppo, M., 291, 324

Cichy, K., 479

Cillessen, A. N., 320

Ciraulo, D. A., 152

Claar, R. L., 148

Clark, C. L., 263, 265

Clark, D., 117

Clark, D. A., 405, 406

Clark, E. M., 260

Clark, J. K., 206

Clark, L. A., 464

Clark, M. S., 195, 259

Clarkberg, M., 376

Clarke, R. L., 370

Clarke, V. A., 86

Clasen, P., 413

Classen, T. J., 386

Clay, D. L., 388

Clay, R. R., 382

Clement, S., 430

Clements, A. M., 315

Clements, M. L., 285

Clementz, B. A., 177

Cleveland, J. N., 384

Clifford, S., 149

Clore, G. L., 208

Coates, D., 19, 231

Coates, L., 231

Coats, E., 236

Cobb, R. J., 302

Cochran, S. D., 344

Coehlo, D., 161

Cohan, C. L., 299

Cohen, C. E., 192

Cohen, D., 401

Cohen, F., 53

Cohen, G., 163

Cohen, J. A., 300

Cohen, L. M., 430

Cohen, M., 468

Cohen, S., 72, 85, 129, 132

Cohn, M. A., 463

Cohn, V., 300

Colder, M., 111

Cole, J. O., 444

Cole, M., 190

Cole, P. M., 320

Cole, S. H., 422

Coles, M. E., 405

Collaer, M. L., 316

Colligan, T. W., 384

Collins, W., 265

Coltrane, S., 291

Colvin, C. R., 102

Comas-Diaz, L., 318

Combs, D. R., 415

Combs-Orme, T., 287

Comer, J. S., 438

Compton, M. T., 154

Compton, W. C., 113, 459

Conde, G., 468

Condon, P., 113

Confer, J. C., 253

Conley Ayers. A., 460

Connelly, C. D., 43

Conner, M., 99

Connor, A., 220, 222

Connor-Smith, J., 95, 96

Connor Snibe, A., 166

Conoley, C. W., 480

Conoscenti, L. M., 313

Conrad, C. C., 144

Conrad, K., 339

Contrada, R. J., 126

Converse, P. D., 372

Conway, A. M., 464

Cook, A. L., 378

Cook, T., 374

Cooper, C., 17

Cooper, C. L., 110, 476

Cooper, M., 162

Cooper, Z., 424

Cope, M. B., 137

Copen, C. E., 295, 348

Corcoran, K., 197

Cordova, J. V., 266, 281

Cornblatt, B. A., 417

Cornelius, T., 216

Cornell, D. G., 50

Correia, I., 197

Correll, J., 199

Corrigan, P. W., 400, 430

Cortina, L. M., 385

Corty, P. W., 361

Cosgrove, L., 446

Cossette, A., 347

Costa, P. T., 29, 30, 57, 61

Costa, R. M., 349

Courchesne, E., 420

Cowan, C. P., 287

Cowan, N., 173

Cowan, P. A., 287

Cox, P. D., 436

Crabb, P. B., 319

Crafford, A., 376

Craighead, L. W., 442

Craighead, W. E., 442

Crain, T. L., 389

Cramer, P., 35, 102

Cramer, R. J., 201

Crandall, C. S., 201

Crano, W. D., 205

Crary, J., 1

Crawford, M. T., 199

Crawford, S. A., 106

Crede, M., 21

Creed, P., 175, 180, 375

Crego, C., 401

Crews, F., 38

Crisp, R. J., 193, 195, 204

Critelli, J. W., 168

Crits-Christoph, P., 449

Crocetti, D., 316

Crocker, J., 167, 172, 184, 194, 203

Croft, A., 203

Crooks, R., 358

Cross, P., 176

Cross, S., 159, 166

Crothers, M. K., 475

Crouter, A. C., 289, 292

Crowell, J. A., 284

Crowl, A., 299

Crowley, A. E., 207

Cruess, D. G., 129

Crum, A., 65

Cruza-Guet, M. C., 371

Csikszentmihalyi, M., 457, 459, 460, 465,

466, 467, 468, 482

Cuddy, A. C., 308

Cuellar, A. K., 409

Cuijpers, P., 410, 439

Cullen, L. T., 393

Cuming, S., 273

Cunningham, C. O., 144

Cunningham, K. A., 153

Cunningham, M. R., 253, 276, 282

Curci, A., 110

Curioni, C. C., 139

Curran, M., 299

Curtin, J. J., 67

Cushing-Daniels, B., 380

Cyders, M. A., 351

Czaja, S. J., 423

D D’Achiardi, C., 369

Dahl, R. E., 337

Dahlen, E. R., 373

Dallman, M. F., 76, 99

Dalton, O., 129

Damasio, A. R., 413

Danaher, K., 381

Danhauer, S. C., 450

Daniels, D., 182

Darke, S., 153

Daubman, K. A., 461

David, A., 417

David, D., 139

David, D. H., 75

David, S. A., 460

Davidov, M., 318

Davidson, K., 123, 128

Davidson, M., 385

Davis, C. G., 107, 474

Davis, D. E., 112

Davis, H., 113

Davis, J. M., 444

Davis, K., 191

Davis, M., 232, 236, 450

Davis, M. C., 129

Davis, S. F., 369

Deacon, B. J., 400

Dean, L. R., 293

DeAndrea, D. C., 270

DeAngelis, T., 136, 191

Deaton, A., 16

Debatin, B., 226

Debey, E., 236

de Bloom, J., 384

DeBruine, L. M., 252

de Calvo, M. P. C., 192

DeCant, R., 99

Deccenta, C. U., 336

DeClaire, J., 294

De Cuyper, N., 383

De Dreu, C. W., 183, 244

Deemer, H. N., 148

Deer, B., 420

de França, D. X., 200

de Gelder, B., 231

de Graaf, J., 2, 3

DeHart, G., 376

De Hoog, N., 207

Dekovic, M., 175

Delaune, K. A., 132, 133

Delay, J., 442

Delle Fave, A., 466

DeMaris, A., 302

Demir, A., 267

Demir, M., 18, 259

Demo, D. H., 287, 296

Demoulin, S., 194

Denckla, C. A., 38

N a m e I n d e x I-3

Deniker, P., 442

Deniz, O., 129

Denmark, F. L., 380

DePaulo, B. M., 234, 235, 248, 272,

300, 324

de Perczel, M., 411

DePrince, A. P., 101

Derkits, E. J., 418

Derks, B., 330

Derks, D., 44

Derlega, V. J., 189, 237, 239

Derry, H. M., 130

Derryberry, D., 464

DeRubeis, R. J., 448

DeSantis King, A., 477

Desbordes, G., 113

Deshpande, S. P., 468

Desmarais, S., 318

DeSteno, D., 113

Destin, M., 160

Deters, F., 51

Detzer, M. J., 348

Deutsch, G., 315

Deutsch, M., 242

Deutschländer, S., 353

Devine, P. G., 204

Devlin, H. C., 72, 464

Devlin, M. J., 313, 424

De Vries Robbé, M., 201

de Weerth, C., 79

de Wit, H., 154

De Wit, J. B. F., 207

De Witte, H., 383

Dey, J. G., 376

DeYoung, C. G., 30

Dhont, K., 201

Diamond, L. M., 260, 298, 341, 343, 364

Diaz, I., 378

Dickey, J., 1, 390

Dickinson, B. D., 140

DiClemente, C. C., 180

DiDonato, T. E., 194

Diefendorff, J. M., 230

Diehl, C., 385

Diekman, A. B., 319

Diener, C., 17

Diener, E., 16, 17, 18, 19, 65, 169, 459,

460, 466, 481

Diener, M., 169

Dietze, P., 470

DiGennaro Reed, F. D., 87

DiGiacomo, M., 110

Digiuseppe, R., 441

DiGrande, L., 81

Dijkstra, P., 163, 165, 353

Dikel, M. F., 392

Dillard, J. P., 217

DiMatteo, M. R., 148, 149

Din, J. N., 140

Dindia, K., 238, 312

Dinges, D. F., 1

Dion, K., 194, 195, 200

DiPrete, T., 296

Dir, A. L., 351

Disner, S. G., 413

Dittmar, H., 3

Dittner, A. J., 70, 116

Diwadkar, V. A., 80

Dixon, T., 339

Djamba, Y. K., 283

Djikic, M., 468

D’Mello, S. D., 329

Dobs, A. S., 154

Dodge, B., 357

Doerr, C. E., 179

Dohm, A., 378

Dohrenwend, B. P., 81

Dolby, S. K., 3

Dollard, J., 97

Dollard, M. F., 383

Dollwet, M., 458

Don, B. P., 313

Donahey, K. M., 363

Donaldson, S. I., 458

Donnellan, M. B., 167, 168

Doolin, E. M., 436

Dorahy, M. J., 408

Dorociak, K. E., 384

Dost, M., 298

Dougherty, D. D., 405

Douglas, J. H., 380

Dovidio, J. F., 200, 201, 202, 231

Downey, C. A., 460

Downey, L. A., 155

Doyle, M., 300

Doyle, W. J., 85

Drago, R. W., 388

Dreher, G. F., 240

Dreu, C. d., 202

Drigotas, S. M., 165

Driver, R., 164

Drouin, M., 351

Druen, P. B., 253

Drury, J., 228

Druss, B. G., 400, 430

Dubovsky, S. L., 443

Duck, S., 223, 227, 267, 277

Duck, T., 369

Duckitt, J., 201

Duckworth, A., 474, 475

Dudley, M., 445

Duffy, R. D., 382

Duflou, J., 153

Duhigg, C., 5

Dumon, K. R., 139

Dunbar, R. I., 238, 348

Dunbar-Jacob, J., 149

Duncan, B. L., 439

Duncan, C. P., 207

Duncker, K., 461

Dunlosky, J., 21, 22, 23

Dunn, A. L., 143

Dunn, E., 17, 84, 176, 288, 337, 481

Dunn, R. A., 386

Dunning, D., 55, 175, 176, 195

Duntley, J. D., 303

Durso, L. E., 66, 344

Dutton, D. G., 302

Dutton, J. E., 372

Duval, T. S., 163

Duval-Tsioles, D., 297

Dweck, C. S., 165, 201, 310

Dybdahl, R., 107

Dykstra, P. A., 272

E Eagly, A. H., 205, 256, 307, 314, 317,

329, 332

Earley, P., 428, 442

Earleywine, M., 153

Easterbrook, G., 2

Eastwick, P. W., 252, 257, 281

Eaton, L., 144

Ebbinghaus, H., 23

Eber, H. W., 57

Eccles, J. S., 325

Eckert, P., 312

Eckhardt, C. I., 301

Eddington, K. M., 162

Edwards, A. G. K., 129

Edwards, K., 208

Edwards, L. M., 473

Ee, J. S., 168

Eells, T. D., 450

Egloff, B., 51, 252

Ehrenberg, M., 452, 453

Ehrenberg, O., 452, 453

Eibach, R. P., 475

Eid, M., 51

Einarsdóttir, S., 371

Einarsen, S. S., 331

Einstein, G. O., 24

Eisele, H., 311

Eisenberger, N. I., 267

Eisenbruch, A. B., 254

Ekman, P., 228, 229, 230, 234, 248

Elfenbein, H. A., 229

Elias, S. M., 385

Ellemers, N., 202, 203, 329, 331

Ellington, L., 148

Elliot, A. J., 253, 254

Elliott, R., 436

Ellis, A., 101, 104, 105, 112, 117, 120,

121, 441

Ellis, H., 51

Ellis, J., 223

Ellis, R., 280, 295

Ellis, T. E., 411

Ellison, N. B., 270

Ellmers, N., 329

Ellsworth, P. C., 464

Elman, I., 99

Elmore, K., 159

Else-Quest, N. M., 310, 324

Elst, T. V., 67

Emanuel, H. M., 116

Emery, C. F., 129

Emery, G., 274

Emmelkamp, P. M., 442

Emmons, M. L., 247

Emmons, R. A., 3, 68, 475

Endendijk, J. J., 319

Engels, R., 98, 135

English, T., 288

Ent, M. R., 212

Epley, N., 55

Epstein, D. H., 152

Epstein, R., 5, 270

Erber, R., 106

Erickson, K. I., 81

Erikson, C. K., 153, 160

Ernst, E., 376

Escolas, S. M., 86

Eshbaugh, E. M., 350

Eskreis-Winkler, L., 475

Esterson, A., 38

Ethier, K. A., 145

Evans, A. T., 206

Evans, G. W., 65, 228, 382

Everett, M. D., 143

Evers, C., 312, 323

Everson, S. A., 127

Eyal, K., 339

Eysenck, H. J., 28, 48, 60

Eysenck, M. W., 406

F Fabes, R. A., 320

Fagundes, C. P., 77, 83, 129

Fairbrother, K., 382

Fairburn, C. G., 424

Fairhurst, S. L., 180

Falconier, M.K., 80

Fallis, E., 350

Falomir-Pichastor, J. M., 202

Falsetti, S. A., 80

Falvo, R., 195

Fanning, P., 184, 232, 236

Faraday, M. M., 132

Faravelli, C., 406

Farber, B. A., 436

Farberow, N. L., 411

Farkus, T., 318

Farrington, D. P., 423

Faucher, E. H., 53

Fay, K., 424

Fearer, S., 154

Feeny, N. C., 81

Fehr, B., 238, 252, 260, 261, 268

Fehr, E., 65

Fehring, R. J., 338

Fein, D., 420

Fein, S., 170, 183, 191, 196, 203,

208, 234

Feinberg, M., 470

Feingold, A., 195, 255

Feinstein, R. E., 411

Feist, J., 124

Fekadu, A., 447

Feldman, D. B., 473

Feldman, D. C., 370, 387

Feldman, E., 369

Feldman, N. S., 197

Felmlee, D. H., 261

Feltman, R., 254

Feltz, D. L., 44

Feng, B., 207

Feng, J., 310

Fenn, K. M., 23

Ferenczi, N., 51

Ferguson, J., 132

Fernandes, M., 35

Fernández, J. R., 137

Fernandez, S., 123

Ferrando, S. J., 443, 445

Ferrari, J. R., 116, 117

Ferraro, K. J., 301

Ferrell, J. D., 111

Ferreri, F., 406

Ferris, A. L., 238

Fervaha, G., 416

Festinger, L., 163

Fetterrolf, J. C., 326

Fichter, M., 135

Field, A. E., 425

Field, T., 232

Fielden, S., 385

Figueredo, A. J., 49

Finch, A. E., 438

Fincham, F. D., 327, 350

Fincher, K., 191

Finder, A., 226

Fine, C., 315, 316

Fine, M. A., 266, 296

Finer, L. B., 354

Fingerhut, A. W., 251, 260, 261, 266, 298,

343, 352

Fink, E. L., 243

Fink, M., 447

Finkel, E. J., 252, 257, 269, 270, 293,

294, 301

Finkenauer, C., 165, 258, 271

Finnerty, K., 339

Fischer, A., 312, 323

Fischer, P., 212, 339

Fischer, R., 166

Fischer, U., 135

Fishbein, M., 339

I-4 N a m e I n d e x

Fishman, D. B., 440

Fiske, S. T., 164, 173, 190, 193, 197, 204,

218

Fitness, J., 238

Flannelly, K. J., 112

Flapan, A. D., 140

Flegal, K. M., 136

Fletcher, G. J. O., 283

Fletcher, P. C., 289

Flett, G. L., 117, 284

Fleuriet, C., 190

Flores, C. G., 281, 295

Flores, L. Y., 380

Flowers, C., 388

Floyd, K., 348

Foa, E. B., 81

Fointiat, V., 217

Fokkema, T., 272

Folkman, S., 64, 65, 72, 92

Forand, N. R., 448

Forbes, C. N., 475

Forest, A. L., 238

Forgas, J. P., 159, 198

Forsyth, D. R., 169, 212

Fortenberry, J. D., 355

Fortune, J. L., 182

Foster, C. A., 287

Foster, G. D., 136

Foster, M. D., 331

Fostick, L., 405

Fouad, N. A., 370

Fournier, J. C, 444

Fowers, B. J., 284

Fox, G. L., 287

Fox-Kales, E., 425

Fragale, A. R., 183

Fraley, R., 265

Frame, L. E., 284

Frances, A., 398, 401, 402

Frances, R. J., 136

Francis, L. A., 425

Francoeur, R. T., 338

Franić, S., 410

Frank, J. D., 452

Frank, L. R., 447

Frank, M. G., 234

Frankenhuis, W. E, 79

Franklin, J. E., 136

Franko, D. L., 253, 424

Franzoi, S. L., 252

Fraser, S. C., 215

Frauendorfer, D., 395

Frazier, P. A., 302

Frederic, N. S., 202

Frederick, S., 20

Fredrickson, B. L., 72, 456, 458, 463, 464,

465, 466, 468, 475, 482

Freedman, J. L., 215

Freeman, J., 232

Fremouw, W. J., 411

French, B., 133

French, S. A., 138

Frese, M., 383

Freud, S., 28, 30–38, 44, 45, 46, 51, 52,

60, 68, 71, 97, 98, 101, 102, 120, 341,

367, 429, 432, 433, 434, 435, 454, 455

Freund, A. M., 117

Fridhandler, B., 34

Fried, I., 368

Friedan, B., 324

Friedman, E. S., 448

Friedman, H., 234, 460, 478

Friedman, H. S., 30, 122, 125, 139

Friedman, M., 125, 126, 156

Friedman, R., 162, 244

Friedman-Wheeler, D. G., 463

Friesen, W. V., 229, 230, 248

Frieze, I., 174, 291, 311, 324

Frisby, B. N., 296

Froh, J. J., 464, 475

Frost, J. J., 354

Fruhauf, C. A., 289

Fry, R., 289, 300

Fuertes, J. N., 149

Fuglestad, P. T., 183

Fujita, F., 17

Fujita, M., 273

Fukushima, Y., 125

Funder, D. C., 102

Furberg, A., 143

Furnham, A., 171

Furr, R. M., 165

Fyer, A. J., 405

G Gabbard, G. O., 38

Gable, S. L., 238, 285, 475, 480

Gabriel, M. T., 168

Gabriel, S., 99

Gaertner, S., 368

Gaertner, S. L., 200

Gailliot, M. T., 179

Gaines, J. F., 30

Gaines, S. O., 283

Gajendran, R. S., 376

Galatzer-Levy, I., 95

Galdas, P. M., 147

Galdi, S., 322, 330

Gale, C. R, 19

Galinsky, E., 389

Gallagher, D. T., 155

Gallagher, K. I., 143

Gallagher, M. W., 86

Gallagher, S., 165

Gallo, K. P., 405

Gallo, L. C., 126, 130, 147

Gamer, M., 235

Gananca, L., 17, 410

Gangestad, S. W., 183

Gannon, J., 228

Gannon, T. A., 385

Gant, L. M., 274

Ganzach, Y., 368

Gao, G., 343

Gao, J. H., 47

Garb, H. N., 59

Garber, J., 148

Garcia, J. R., 350

Garland, E. L., 113, 464

Garnefski, N., 101

Garnets, L. D., 298

Garo, N., 363

Gaudiano, B. A., 446

Gaunt, R., 197

Gavazzi, S., 288

Gawronski, B., 200

Geary, D. C., 310, 314, 320

Gecas, V., 289

Geisinger, K. F., 56

Gelernter, J., 417

Gellad, W. F., 149

Gentile, B., 6, 51, 172

Georgiades, K., 414

Geraerts, E., 35

Geraghty, A. A., 475

Gerding, A., 321

German, S. T., 380

Gerrard, M., 177

Geurts, T., 290

Ghani, J. A., 468

Ghavami, N., 298

Ghosh, T. S., 153

Giant, C. L., 253

Giarrusso, R., 290

Gibb, J., 473

Gibbons, A. M., 384

Gibbons, F. X., 163, 177

Gibbons, M. B., 449

Gibbons, R., 384

Gibbons, R. D., 445

Gibbs, J. L., 270

Gibson, K., 444

Gibson, L. A., 385

Gick, M. L., 125

Giedd, J. N., 418

Gilbert, D. T., 2, 20, 176, 196, 337

Gilbert, S., 476

Gill, M. J., 189

Gillham, J., 86

Gillis, J. M., 87

Gilman, R., 477

Gilmore, L., 274

Gilovich, T., 173, 176, 182

Gilson, T. A., 44

Giordano, P. C., 288

Gironde, S., 422

Gitlin, M. J., 444

Glascock, J., 321

Glaser, T., 385

Glass, D. C., 126

Glass, G. V., 453

Glassman, A., 128

Gleason, M., 270

Gleason, M. E. J., 84

Gleaves, D. H., 407

Gloria, C. T., 72

Glover, L. R., 77

Gluck, M. E., 424

Gluszek, A., 202

Gmel, G., 135

Godlee, F., 420

Godwin, E. E., 473

Goetz, T., 310

Goff, D. C., 444

Goff, S., 281

Goffman, E., 182

Goforth, H. W., 152

Gogtay, N., 418

Gold, J., 448

Gold, J. M., 417, 448

Gold, M. S., 153

Gold, R. B., 354

Goldberg, A. E., 292, 325

Goldberg, C., 385

Goldberg, I., 410

Goldberg, S. C., 417, 444

Goldberg, T. E., 417

Goldenberg, H., 437

Goldenberg, I., 437

Goldin-Meadow, S., 232

Goldman, B. M., 168

Goldzweig, C. L., 385

Goleman, D., 94, 111

Gomez, A., 203

Gomory, T., 401

Gonida, E. N., 160

Gonzaga, G. C., 257, 283, 285

Gonzales, M. H., 112

González, H. M., 449

Good, G. E., 260

Goodall, K., 87

Goode-Cross, D. T., 260

Gooden, A. M., 319

Gooden, M. A., 319

Goodfriend, W., 252

Goodheart, C. D., 453

Goodman, J., 2

Goodrick, G. K., 180

Goodwin, C. L., 129

Goodwin, F. K., 410

Goossens, L., 272

Gorchoff, S. M., 290

Gordillo, R., 177

Gordon, A., 312

Gordon, G. H., 246, 247

Gordon, R. A., 174

Gordon, R. M., 296

Gore, J. S., 166

Gortner, E. M., 112

Gosselin, J. T., 180

Gottdiener, J. S., 127

Gottesman, I. I., 417

Gottfried, A. E., 292

Gottfried, A. W., 292

Gottman, J. M., 274, 288, 290, 293, 294,

304

Gottman, J. S., 293, 294

Gould, E., 412

Goulding, S. M., 154

Gourevitch, M. N., 152

Grafanaki, S., 468

Grandey, A. A., 384

Granhag, P. A., 234

Granic, I., 98

Grant, A. M., 183

Gray, A. W., 238

Gray, K., 302

Graziano, W. G., 30

Grearson, J., 282

Greden, J. F., 410

Green, A., 270

Green, J. D., 176

Green, L., 381

Green, L. R., 272

Green, M., 112

Green, R., 112

Green, T., 232

Greenaway, K. H., 202

Greenberg, A., 195

Greenberg, J. L., 52, 53

Greenberg, J. S., 143

Greene, G. J., 342

Greene, K., 189, 237, 238

Greenhaus, J. H., 376

Greenson, R. R., 433

Greenwald, A. G., 188, 198, 204

Greenwood, D. N., 322

Gregg, A. P., 51, 176

Greguras, G. J., 230

Greitemeyer, T., 212

Grekin, E. R., 132

Griffeth, R. W., 368

Griffin, E., 256

Griffith, J. W., 380, 442

Griffith, K. H., 380

Griffiths, M., 388

Grijalva, E., 52

Griskevicius, V., 261, 283

Groenert, V., 382

Grohol, J. M., 452

Groleau, J. M., 474

Gronbaek, M., 14, 15

Gross, A. L., 25

Gross, C. P., 446

Gross, J. J., 106, 111, 458, 474

Grothues, C. A., 302

Gruber, A. J., 154

Grubin, D., 235

Grunberg, N. E., 80, 99, 132

N a m e I n d e x I-5

Hansen, P. E., 128

Happonen, P., 140

Harari, E., 438

Harari, Y. N., 468

Harasymchuk, C., 268

Harber, K. D., 109

Hardy, T., 179

Hare, R. D., 422

Hargie, O., 221

Harhay, M. O., 133

Hariharan, M., 80

Haring, M., 284

Harnack, L., 138

Harney, P., 473

Harold, G. T., 297

Harp, A. G., 266, 281

Harper, R., 131

Harrigan, J. A., 232

Harrington, T., 370

Harris, C., 4, 473

Harris, J. B., 131

Harris, T., 5

Harrison, D. A., 376, 382

Harrison, J. A., 212

Harrison, K., 321, 425

Hart, C. M., 51

Harter, J. K., 476

Harter, S., 159, 165, 171

Hartl, A. C., 320

Hartley, S., 240

Hartmann, E., 59

Hartmann, T., 59

Hartung, P. J., 372

Harvey, J., 350

Harvey, J. H., 285

Harvey, M., 116

Harvey, P. D., 415

Harvey-Berino, J., 136

Hasan, Y., 98

Haselton, M., 283, 287

Haskell, W. L., 143

Haslam, S., 202, 203

Hass, N., 226

Hasselbach, P., 128

Hasstedt, K., 354

Hatch, A., 280

Hatcher, R. A., 358

Hatfield, E., 255, 281

Hatzenbuehler, M. L., 313

Haugh, J. A., 160

Haushofer, J., 65

Havas, S., 140

Hawkins, D. N., 295

Hayati, A. M., 22

Hayes, S., 34

Haynes, G. A., 197

Haynes, K., 381

Hays, P. A., 245

Hazan, C., 262, 263, 264, 276

Hazlett, H. C., 420

He, Q., 183

Healy, D., 444

Heap, S., 202

Heath, C., 175

Heatherton, T. F., 168, 169

Hebl, M., 380

Hedges, M., 448

Hegarty, P., 308

Heider, F., 173, 191

Heilman, M. E., 329

Heiman, J. R., 363

Heimpel, S. A., 167

Hein, M. M., 321

Heine, S. J., 54

Heino, R. D., 270

Heinrichs, R. W., 415

Helgeson, V. S., 129

Helms, H. M., 279

Helson, R., 290

Helwig, A., 375

Henderson, K. E., 138

Henderson, M., 259

Henderson, R. C., 448

Hendriks, H. F. J., 136

Heng, C. S., 226

Heninger, G. R., 412

Henley, N. M., 229, 231, 232

Henly, A. S., 236

Hennessy, M., 339

Henry, R. G., 290

Henson, D. F., 107, 267

Heppner, E. G., 51

Heppner, P. P., 107

Herbenick, D., 335, 346, 347, 348, 349,

351, 352, 361, 363

Herbert, J. D., 3

Herek, G. M., 298, 343

Herman, C. P., 313

Hermann, D., 25

Hernandez, C. A., 436

Hernandez, I., 193

Hernandez, K. M., 338

Hernandez, R., 86

Herrmann, S. D., 53

Hertenstein, M. J., 232, 284

Hetherington, E. M., 295, 296, 304

Hetherington, M. M., 253

Hettich, P. L., 369

Hewitt, P. L., 117, 284

Hewstone, M., 193, 195, 205

Heyder, A., 320

Heyman, R. E., 13

Hicks, T. V., 347

Hicks-Patrick, J., 43

Hidalgo, M. A., 328

Higgins, C. A., 183

Higgins, E. M., 384

Higgins, E. T., 162, 163

Higgs, S., 131

Highhouse, S., 367

Hill, A. J., 138, 318

Hill, C., 376

Hill, C. T., 261, 266

Hill, E. M., 125

Hill, J. O., 143

Hill, K. P., 153

Hill, S., 339

Hilt, L. M., 410

Hilton, K., 261

Hines, M., 315, 316

Hinic, D., 100

Hiroto, D. S., 96

Hirsch, J., 138

Hirt, E. R., 168

Ho, A. K., 201

Ho, R. C., 100

Hochschild, A. R., 369

Hodge, C. N., 194

Hodson, G., 200

Hoffman, E., 459

Hoffman, E. J., 444

Hoffman, J. D., 461

Hoffrage, U., 2

Hofmann, S. G., 113, 453

Hofstede, G., 54

Hogan, B. F., 128

Hogan, C. L., 465

Høgh-Olesen, H., 228

Høglend, P., 434

Holahan, C. J., 102

Holden, C., 444

Holen, A., 81

Holeran, S. A., 473

Hollan, S. D., 274

Holland, J. L., 366, 372, 373, 374,

396, 397

Holland, R. W., 228, 229

Hollenbaugh, E. E., 238

Hollon, S. D., 441

Holmes, E., 195

Holmes, J. G., 44, 238

Holmes, T. H., 68, 69, 86, 92

Holt, C. S., 238

Holt, M., 458

Holt-Lunstad, J., 83, 126, 273

Hom, P. W., 368

Hone, L. C., 458

Hong, R. Y., 29, 57

Honts, C. R., 235

Hoobler, J. M., 330

Hood, K. E., 315

Hood, M., 180

Hooker, K., 161

Hooley, J. M., 418, 422

Hopf, T., 241

Hopwood, C. J., 245

Horgan, T. G., 227

Horn, A. B., 450, 451

Horn, R., 149

Horton, R. S., 255, 256

Horvath, S., 170

Horvath, T. L., 138

Houlcroft, L., 51

Hovland, C. I., 206

Howell, C. J., 17

Howell, R. T., 17, 19

Howes, O. D., 417

Hoyer, W. D., 207

Hsing, C., 170

Hsu, L. M., 468

Hu, F. B., 140

Huan, V. S., 273

Huang, C., 238

Huang, N. E., 386

Hubner, J. J., 168

Hudman, K. S., 132

Hudson, J. I., 425

Huebner, E. S., 477

Huesmann, L., 98

Huey, S. J., 449

Huff, M. E., 81

Hughes, E., 390

Hughes, H., 404

Hughes, J. L., 193

Huh, J., 217

Hulbert, C. A., 419

Hultin, M., 330

Human, R., 74

Hunt, D. S., 224

Hunter, J. A., 202, 374

Hunter, J. E., 194, 370

Hunter, M. S., 323

Hunter, R. F., 370

Huntjens, R. C., 407

Huq, F., 152

Hurford, I. M., 444

Hurlemann, R., 353

Hurley, D. B., 472

Hurrell, J. J., 384

Hurst, C., 30

Huston, T. L., 294

Huta, V., 460

Hwang, H. C., 228

Hwang, W., 449

Hyde, A. L., 143

Gruneberg, M., 25

Grusec, J. E., 318

Guadagno, J., 170

Guadagno, R. E., 215

Guarda, A. S., 424

Guéguen, N., 211, 215, 216, 217, 229,

231, 232

Guerrero, L. K., 190

Gugula, S., 318

Guignon, C. B., 478

Gull, M., 112

Günaydin, G., 190

Gunthert, K., 448

Güntürkün, O., 353

Gupta, S., 296

Gupta, U., 282

Gurman, A. S., 439, 453

Gustafsson Sendén, M., 321

Gute, G., 350

Gutman, D. A., 80

Guyker, W., 450

H Haas, L., 292

Hadjikhani, N., 231

Hafer, C. L., 197

Hagan, C. R., 414

Haglund, K. A., 338

Hahn, C., 412

Hahn-Holbrook, J., 287

Haidt, J., 459

Hairi, A. R., 413

Hale, S. L., 217

Hale, W. J., 131

Halim, M. L., 318

Hall, C. S., 51

Hall, D. T., 369

Hall, E. T., 228, 229, 248

Hall, H. I., 357

Hall, J., 417

Hall, J. A., 149, 227, 231, 232, 236, 260,

312

Hall, P., 339

Hall, S. S., 281

Hall, W., 203

Hallford, D. J., 351

Hallowell, E. M., 3

Halmi, K. A., 424

Halpern, D. F., 280, 310, 313

Halpern, S. D., 133

Ham, J., 182

Hamamura, T., 54

Hambaugh, J., 312

Hambrick, D. Z., 23

Hamel, J, 301

Hames, J. L., 414

Hamill, S., 413

Hamilton, A., 270

Hamilton, B. E., 354

Hamilton, J. C., 148

Hamilton, K. R., 80, 99

Hammen, C., 410, 414

Hammer, L. B., 389

Hammersmith, K. S., 342

Han, S., 468

Hanayama, A., 211

Hancock, J. T., 270

Hand, M. M., 271

Hanish, L. D., 320

Hanna, S. L., 239

Hansen, H., 449

Hansen, J. C., 128, 371

Hansen, L., 411, 438

Hansen, N. B., 438

I-6 N a m e I n d e x

Hyde, J., 292, 309, 310, 311, 312, 314,

316, 325, 326, 332, 338, 340

Hynes, K. H., 376

I Iaccino, J. F., 25

Iacono, W. G., 235

Ickovics, J. R., 145

Idring, S., 420

Ie, A., 468

Ignatius, E., 237

Ihle-Helledy, K., 370

Ikovics, J. R., 145

Ilies, R., 385

Iliescu, D., 110

Imada, T., 166

Imel, Z. E., 453

Impett, E. A., 347

Infante, J. R., 113

Infante-Castañeda, C. B., 147

Ingram, C. W., 450

Ingram, R. E., 413

Insel, T. R., 446

Insko, C. A., 211

Inzlicht, M., 113

Iqbal, R., 139

Irving, L. M., 473

Isen, A. M., 461, 464

Ishikawa, S., 129

Isley, M. M., 338

Israël, M., 425

Ito, T. A., 190, 195

Ivan, L., 236

Ivancevich, J. M., 384

Izard, C., 236

J Jacks, J. Z., 190, 208

Jackson, H. J., 419

Jackson, L. A., 194

Jackson, L. M., 202

Jackson, T., 273

Jacob, C., 211, 217, 229

Jacobs, E., 462, 463

Jacobson, J. A., 114

Jacoby, R. J., 403, 404

Jain, A., 420

Jakicic, J. M., 143

Jakupcak, M., 323

James, J. E., 140

Jamieson, J. P., 65

Jamison, K. R., 410

Janata, J. W., 148

Janicki-Deverts, D., 85

Janiszewski, P. M., 362

Janoff-Bulman, R., 19, 160

Janssen, E., 353

Janssen, I., 362

Jansz, J., 322

Jarden, A., 458

Jaremka, L. M., 83, 129, 274

Jauhar, S., 411

Jeffery, R. W., 138, 139

Jeffries, W. L., 357

Jehn, K. A., 242

Jelovac, A., 447

Jenike, M. A., 405

Jenks, R. A., 131

Jetten, J., 329

Ji, L., 114

Jiang, Z., 226

Jilek, L., 267

Johansen, C., 128, 129

Johar, O., 52

John, L. A., 44

John, O. P., 290

Johnson, A., 149

Johnson, A. J., 258

Johnson, B. A., 135

Johnson, J. L., 117

Johnson, K. L., 66, 344

Johnson, L. B., 232

Johnson, M. D., 284, 350

Johnson, M. P., 301

Johnson, S., 113

Johnson, S. B., 148, 149

Johnson, S. L., 409, 414

Johnson, S. P., 310

Johnson, T., 231

Johnson, V. E., 344, 345, 346, 362, 363,

364

Johnson, W., 17, 49

Johnston, L. D., 134, 154

Joiner, T., 414, 465

Jokela, M., 50

Jones, B. C., 252

Jones, E. E., 174, 182, 191

Jones, R. A., 207

Jong, A., 380

Jonides, J., 470

Jorgensen, R. S., 128

Jose, P. E., 472

Josephs, L., 435

Joyal, C. C., 347

Joyce, A. S., 437

Judge, T. A., 19, 30, 183

Julien, R. M., 152

Jun, S., 217

Jung, C. G., 28, 31, 37, 60

Justman, S., 6

Juven-Wetzler, E., 405

K Kaczmarek, L. D., 480

Kagan, J., 405

Kahlenberg, S. G., 321

Kahle-Wrobleski, K., 473

Kahn, A. S., 303, 313

Kahn, D. A., 17, 410

Kahneman, D., 16, 20, 190

Kaiser, A., 315

Kalant, H., 154

Kalat, J. W., 310

Kalchik, J., 228

Kalichman, S. C., 129, 144, 145, 146

Kamada, A., 198

Kamarck, T. W., 68

Kana, R. K., 232

Kane, E. W., 308

Kane, H. S., 83

Kane, J. M., 443

Kanner, L., 419

Kanno, T., 129

Kant, A. K., 139

Kantamneni, N., 370

Kanuouse, D. E., 174

Kaplan, R., 123

Kaplan, S., 470

Karam, E., 134

Karasek, R. A., 383, 396

Karlsen, E., 107

Karpicke, J. D., 24

Karremans, J. C., 257

Kartheiser, P. H., 420

Kashdan, T. B., 72

Kassam, K. S., 17

Kasser, T., 3, 316

Kassin, S. M., 170, 183, 191, 196, 203,

208, 234, 258

Kath, L., 385

Kato, T., 95

Katz, L. F., 293

Katz-Wise, S., 325–326, 338, 340

Kaufman, G., 461

Kaufman, J., 226

Kawachi, L., 127

Kay, J., 434

Kay, R. L., 434

Kayaba, K., 129

Kaye, S., 153

Kayser, D. M., 254

Kazdin, A. E., 87, 429, 430, 449

Keck, P. E., 415

Kecklund, G., 80

Keel, P. K., 313, 425

Keenan-Miller, D., 410

Keesey, R. E., 138

Kegan, R., 3

Keinan, G., 79

Keller, M. B., 410

Kelley, F. A., 449

Kelley, H. H., 173, 197, 258, 276

Kellner, C. H., 447

Kelloway, E. K., 476

Kelly, C. M., 260

Kelly, H. H., 174

Kelly, J. P., 420

Kelly, P. K., 107

Kelsoe, J. R., 411

Keltner, D., 470

Kemp, C., 320

Kendall, N., 338

Kendall, P. C., 438

Kendler, K. S., 313, 417

Kendrick, K. M., 353

Kenfield, S. A., 132

Kennedy, G. J., 363

Kennedy, S., 83

Kenrick, D. T., 217, 255, 283

Kensinger, E. A., 204

Kerkhof, P., 258, 271

Kern, K., 252

Kern, M. L., 30, 125

Kernis, M. H., 168, 170

Kerr, B., 329

Kesebir, P., 17, 18

Kessler, R. C., 263

Kessles, U., 320

Ketter, T. A., 411

Keyes, C. M., 459

Keysar, B., 173, 236

Khroyan, T. V., 132

Kiecolt-Glaser, J. K., 129, 156

Kiernan, K., 299

Kiernan, M., 143

Killian, K. D., 283

Kilmartin, C. T., 239, 323

Kiluk, B. D., 450

Kim, A., 201

Kim, E., 226

Kim, G., 279

Kim, H. S., 109

Kim, J., 302

Kim, K. R., 117

Kim, N., 14, 369

Kim, P., 65

Kim, S., 64

Kim, Y. -H, 53

Kimmel, D. C., 298

Kim-Prieto, C., 459

Kimuna, S. R., 283

King, A. C., 143

King, E. B., 381

King, L., 460

King, L. A., 68, 84, 86

Kinser, A. M., 143

Kinsey, A. C., 341, 342, 348, 364

Kirby, D., 420

Kirby, L. D., 463

Kircher, J. C., 235

Kirk, S. A., 401

Kirkbride, A., 253

Kirkpatrick, M. G., 154

Kirsch, I., 445, 446

Kissane, D. W., 128

Kistler, M. E., 322, 339

Kitayama, S., 166, 167, 195

Kite, M. E., 308, 381

Kitner, R., 116

Klassen, M., 119

Klatsky, A. L., 136

Klatzky, R. L., 232

Klein, D. N., 410

Klein, K. L., 180

Klein, M., 334, 336

Klein, O., 183

Klein, S. B., 159

Kleinke, C. L., 103, 231

Kleinman, B. M., 237, 238

Kleinmuntz, B., 410

Kleinplatz, P. J., 341

Klettke, B., 351

Klevens, R. M., 145

Kline, G. H., 242

Klinesmith, J., 316

Kling, K. C., 311

Klinger, R., 19

Kloth, N., 231

Klotz, A. C., 182

Kluft, R. P., 407

Kluger, R., 131

Knapp, C., 152

Knapp, M. L., 227

Knardahl, S., 101

Knaus, W., 116

Knauss, W., 437

Knee, C., 178

Knox, D., 272, 350, 352

Kobasa, S. C., 86, 92

Koch, A. J., 329

Kochanek, K. D., 150

Koenig, H. G., 114

Koestner, R., 116, 164

Kok, B. E., 465

Kokkonen, M., 237

Kolodny, A., 152

Kolodziej, M. E., 128

Kolshus, E., 447

Konrath, S. H., 170

Konyu-Fogel, G., 381

Koopmann-Holm, B., 230

Koopmans, G. T., 147

Koordeman, R., 135

Koriat, A., 24

Kornell, N., 21, 24

Korotkov, D., 126

Kosic, A., 202

Koslowsky, M., 182

Kossek, B. A., 376

Kossek, E. E., 389

Kostić, A., 227

Kouabenan, D. R., 202

Kowalski, G. S., 178

Kowalski, R. M., 324

Kozlowski, S. W. J., 368

Kozorovitskiy, Y., 412

Kraaij, V., 101

N a m e I n d e x I-7

Kraft, S., 4

Kramer, P. D., 38

Krause, K., 117

Kreider, R. M., 280, 295, 297

Krendl, A. C., 204

Kret, M. E., 231

Krimsky, S., 446

Kring, A. M., 312

Kristof, A. L., 183

Krizan, Z., 52, 309

Kroenke, K., 443

Krosnick, J. A., 14

Krueger, A. B., 147

Krueger, J. I., 169, 194

Krueger, R. F., 17

Krueger, W. C. F., 23

Kruger, J., 138, 182

Kruger, M. L., 72, 73

Kruglanski, A. W., 198

Krumrei, E., 296

Krusemark, E. A., 177

Kteily, N., 201

Kubota, K., 388

Kuepper, R., 417

Kuhl, E. A., 401

Kuipers, E., 419

Kukla, I., 174

Kulick, A. R., 415

Kulik, C. T., 381

Kulik, L., 386

Kuncel, N. R., 21

Kung, H. C., 123

Kunkel, D., 339

Kuper, L., 342

Kupfer, D. J., 401

Kurdek, L. A., 260, 298, 327, 388

Kuroki, T., 129

Kushlev, K., 287, 288

Kuyper, H., 165

Kwan, V. S., 53

Kwon, P., 472

Kypri, K., 134

L Ladd, G. W., 477

la Fleur, S. E., 99

LaFrance, M., 385

La Greca, A. M., 81

Lakein, A., 115, 117

Lakey, B., 18

Lalumiere, M. L., 345

Lamb, M. E., 295

Lambert, A. J., 197

Lambert, M. J., 438, 439, 451, 453

Lamers, L. M., 147

Lamkin, J., 52

Lammers, J., 353

Lamont, R. A., 204

Lampert, R, 126

Lancaster, L. C., 190

Landau, M. J., 52, 159

Landers, D. M., 143

Landfield, K., 192

Landrum, R. E., 369

Lane, S. D., 154

Langelle, C., 473

Langer, E. J., 173, 204, 468, 469, 482

Langlois, J. H., 195, 253

Lansford, J. E., 296, 297

LaPiere, R. T., 198

Lapierre, V., 347

Lapp, L. K., 406

LaRose, R., 226

Larsen, R. J., 475

Larson, K. A., 260

Laska, K. M., 439, 453

Laskoff, M. B., 387

Lassiter, G. D., 234, 235

Lau, J. Y., 411

Lau, S., 179

Lauer, J., 267

Lauer, R., 267

Laugero, K. D., 99

Laughlin, H., 403

Laurenceau, J., 237, 238, 283

Laursen, B., 320

Lautsch, B. A., 376

Lavallee, L. F., 167

Lavee, Y., 285

Lavie, C. J., 128

LaViolette, A. D., 302

Lavoie, K., 116

Lavrakas, P. J., 14

Lawrence, E., 288

Lawrie, S. M., 418

Lawson, T. J., 173

Lay, C. H., 117

Layton, J. B., 83

Lazarus, A. A., 448, 453

Lazarus, R. S., 64, 65, 71, 92, 478

Le, B., 266

Leal, S., 234

Leaper, C., 312, 318, 321

Leary, M. R., 170

LeBel, E. P., 58

Le Blanc, P. M., 43

Le Boeuf, M., 116

Lebow, J. L., 432, 437

Lechner, S. C., 107, 474

Ledbetter, A. M., 256

Lederman, S. J., 232

Ledermann, T., 285

Ledgerwood, A., 165

LeDoux, J. E., 413

Lee, A., 114

Lee, D., 107

Lee, I.-M., 142, 143

Lee, J. D., 152

Lee, K., 331, 385

Lee, M. J., 322, 339

Lee, S., 160

Lee, S. Y., 51

Leeds, E. M., 241

Lefcourt, H. M., 106

LeFevre, J., 468

Lefringhausen, L., 51

Legate, N., 343

Lehman, K., 180

Leibel, R. L., 138

Leitenberg, H., 347, 348

Leiter, M. P., 79, 80, 384

LeMay, E. J., 195

Lengua, L. J., 65

Lenhart, A., 269, 270

Lenmon, G., 330

Lenton, R. L., 270

Leonard, N. H., 116

Leondari, A., 160

Leonhardt, D., 370

Leslie, L. A., 283

Letiecq, B. L., 283

Lett, H. S., 128

Leutner, F., 30

Levant, R. F., 322, 323

Levenson, J. L., 443, 445

Levenson, R. W., 290, 293

Leventhal, E. A., 123, 147

Leventhal, H., 123, 147

Levin, A. R., 384

Levin, T., 128

Levin, Z., 421

Levine, J. M., 209

Levine, M. P., 425

Levine, T. R., 234

Levinthal, C. F., 151

Levy, D., 139

Levy, I., 197

Levy, P. E., 382

Levy, S. R., 201

Lewin, K., 68, 214

Lewis, J. M., 296, 297

Lewis, K., 226

Lewis-Fernández, R., 449

Lewis-Smith, J., 283

Li, M., 311

Li, N. P., 255, 261

Li, S., 228

Li, T., 265

Li, W., 200

Li, Y., 446

Li, Yee-lam, 100

Li, Y-M, 228

Liao, H., 44

Liao, Y., 95

Li-Barber, K. T., 238

Libby, L. K., 475

Lichiello, S., 473

Lick, D. J., 66, 344

Lieberman, J. A., 416

Lieberman, M. D., 196

Liewer, L., 125

Lilienfeld, S. O., 5, 7, 59, 192, 407,

438, 451

Lilienthal, R., 389

Lim, B. T., 472

Lima, L., 217

Lin, C. A., 224

Lin, H., 406

Lin, Y., 238

Lindberg, L. D., 354

Lindberg, S. M., 309, 310

Linden, W., 128

Lindgren, H. C., 23

Lindholm, T., 321

Links, P. S., 423

Linley, P. A., 459, 460

Linn, M. C., 310

Linz, D., 339

Lippa, R. A., 253, 283, 314, 315,

321, 322

Lippman, J. R., 322

Lips, H. M., 378

Liptak, A., 279

Lisanby, S. H., 447

Litman, R. E., 411

Little, A. C., 252

Littlefield, M. B., 318

Liu, H., 273

Livingston, B. A., 30

Livingston, G., 280, 281, 287, 290, 297

Livingston, R. W., 183

Llera, S. J., 403

Llorca, P., 149

Llorens, S., 180

Lloyd, M., 369, 370

Lloyd, S. A., 284, 301

Lobel, A., 98

Lock, R. D., 377, 387, 393, 394

Lockwood, P., 164

Lodewijkx, H. F. M., 203

Loewenstein, G., 17, 20, 133

Loewenstein, R. J., 407

Loflin, M., 153

Lofquist, D., 300

Lohmer, M., 384

Long, J., 370

Longmore, M. A., 288

Looney, L., 320

Lopes, P. N., 110

Lopez, S. J., 86, 459, 464, 469

Lopez, S. R., 448

Loth, K., 80

Lourenco, P. M., 139

Love, S., 210, 211

Lovejoy, M., 389

Loving, T. J., 83, 267

Lozano, B. E., 180

Lu, F. G., 445, 448

Lu, S., 82

Luborsky, E. B., 432

Luborsky, L., 452

Lucas, A. R., 425

Lucas, L. E., 16, 19

Lucas, R. E., 20, 65, 459

Lucas, S., 343

Lucassen, P. J., 76

Lüdtke, O., 168

Lueders, A., 236

Luhtanen, R., 203

Lukow, H. I., 473

Lulofs, R. S., 242, 243

Lundberg-Love, P. K., 302

Luthans, F., 476

Lutjen, L. J., 112

Lutz, C. J., 181

Luyerink, M., 232

Lyddy, C., 65

Lydick, S. E., 112

Lydon, J. E., 267

Lyness, K. S., 329

Lynn, D. J., 38

Lynn, S. J., 407

Lyons, H., 337

Lyons-Ruth, K., 75

Lytton, H., 318

Lyubomirsky, S., 19, 287, 288, 413, 460

M Maass, A., 322, 330, 331

Maccoby, M. M., 318, 320

MacGeorge, E. L., 207

MacGregor, J. D., 238

Mack, A. H., 136

Mackaronis, J. E., 449

Mackenzie, R. A., 115, 117

Mackie, D. M., 193, 206

MacLeod, A. K., 411

Macritchie, K., 411

Madathil, J., 282

Madden, M., 269, 270

Maddi, S. R., 86

Maddox, W., 79

Maddux, J. E., 180, 458

Madey, S. F., 262, 267

Madon, S., 193

Madsen, O. J., 6

Maercker, A., 450, 451

Magallares, A., 177

Magnavita, J. J., 129, 434

Magner, N. R., 242, 243

Mahar, I., 413

Maher, B. A., 415

Maher, I., 77

Mahoney, A., 338

Mahoney, M. J., 107

Mahood, C., 339

Maier, S. F., 175

Maier, W., 353

I-8 N a m e I n d e x

Maisel, N. C., 238

Maj, M., 128

Major, B., 232, 311

Major, D. A., 387

Makel, M. C., 310

Maldonado, J. R., 407, 408

Malle, B. F., 173, 190, 191

Malone, P. S., 196

Malone, W., 177

Malouff, J. M., 113

Mandal, M. K., 228, 229

Maner, J. K., 354

Mania, E. W., 112

Mann, S., 231

Mannetti, L., 202

Manning, J., 343

Manning, W. D., 288, 296, 299, 300

Manson, J. E., 139, 143

Manstead, A. R., 183

Mantarkov, M. Y., 418

Mantell, J. E., 147

Manthos, M., 350

Manzella, L. M., 192

Mao, C., 180

Mappes, T., 202

Marangell, L. B., 443

March, M., 272

Marchand, W. R., 469

Marciano, D. L., 319

Marcovitch, H., 420

Marcus, E. R., 433, 434

Marcus, S. C., 429, 430, 444

Marder, S. R., 443, 444

Margrett, J. A., 43

Maricchiolo, F., 232

Mark, K. P., 353

Mark, M. M., 208

Markman, A. B., 79

Markman, H. J., 285

Markus, H., 159, 160, 166, 167, 183, 186,

191, 196, 203, 208, 220, 222, 234

Marmion, S. L., 302

Marsh, J. M., 22, 23, 25

Marsh, P., 233

Marsh, R., 384

Marshall, J., 420

Marshall, P., 147

Marshall, T. C., 51

Marshevsky, S., 116

Marshman, J., 310

Martens, A., 53

Martin, A. J., 147

Martin, B. S., 232

Martin, C. L., 318, 320

Martin, L. R., 122, 125, 139, 149

Martin, R. A., 106

Martin, T. R., 117

Martinez, E., 4

Martinez, G., 348

Martinez, G. M., 287, 337

Martinez, J. M., 443

Martinez, M., 443

Martinez, M. M., 363

Martins, A., 110

Martins, C. S., 419

Martins, S. L., 349

Martins, Y., 253

Martin-Uzzi, M., 297

Masicampo, E. J., 159

Maslach, C., 79, 80, 384, 388

Maslow, A. H., 28, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 60

Mason, S. N., 58

Mast, M. S., 395

Masten, A. S., 473, 474

Master, S. L., 75

Masters, W. H., 344, 345, 346, 362, 363,

364, 365

Masumi, I., 84

Matheson, K., 331

Mathew, S. J., 444

Mathews, A., 237

Matlin, M. W., 328

Matsumoto, D., 228, 229, 230, 312

Matthews, G., 110

Matthews, K. A., 147

Mattson, R. E., 284

Maurer, D., 230

Maurer, R. A., 241

Mayberry, L. S., 290, 291

Mayer, J. D., 109–110, 111

Mayeux, L., 201

Mayordomo-Rodríguez, T., 107

Mays, V. M., 344

Mazzeo, S. E., 425

McAbee, S. T., 30

McAndrew, F. T., 316

McCabe, J., 319

McCabe, R. E., 403, 406

McCall, W. V., 447

McCann, U. D., 155

McCarthy, M. K., 452

McClintock, J. B., 473

McConnell-Ginet, S., 312

McCormack, S. A., 234

McCown, W. G., 117

McCrae, A. R., 30

McCrae, R. R., 29, 30, 53–54, 57

McCree, M., 240

McCroskey, J. C., 240

McCullough, M. E., 112, 475

McDaniel, E. R., 227

McDaniel, M. A., 24

McDermott, K. B., 24

McDonald, M. M., 204

McDougle, L. G., 115

McElwee, R. O., 160

McEvoy, J. P., 444

McGee, M., 3, 6

McGoldrick, M., 285, 286

McGrath, J. J., 418

McGraw, A. P., 106

McGraw, K. M., 194

McGuire, W. J., 159

McHale, S. M., 289

McHugh, J. E., 232, 312

McInnis, M. G., 410

McKay, M., 184, 232, 236

McKeever, V. M., 81

McKenna, K. Y. A., 226, 269, 270

McKenna, M. C., 128

McKnight, P. E., 72

McLaughlin, K. J., 112

McLoughlin, D. M., 447

McManus, P. A., 296

McNeely, J., 152

McNulty, J. K., 51

McQuillan, J., 287, 468

McWhinnie, C., 204

McWhirter, B. T., 273

McWhorter, K. T., 23

McWilliams, S., 270

Medina, S. L., 400

Medlock, G., 460

Meduna, L., 446–447

Medvec, V. H., 173, 182

Meece, J. L., 320

Mehl, M. R., 51, 296

Mehta, N., 225

Meijer, A. M., 172, 287

Meijer, E. H., 235

Meineri, S., 217

Meisler, G., 368

Meissner, C. A., 194

Melanson, K. J., 140

Mellers, B. A., 198

Mellor, D. J., 351

Mendes, W. B., 65

Menkin, J. A., 270

Merali, N., 281

MerkaŠ, M., 390

Merton, R., 193

Mesch, G. S., 269

Messina, C. M., 237

Messina, J. J., 237

Messineo, M. J., 322

Metcalfe, B., 58

Metcalfe, J., 24

Metzger, J. A., 102

Meyer, D. D., 265

Meyer, G. J., 59

Meyer, O., 449

Meyer-Griffith, K., 240

Mickelson, K. D., 263

Miech, R. A., 154

Mihura, J. L., 59

Miklowitz, D. J., 445

Mik-Meyer, N., 148

Mikolajczak, M., 458

Mikulincer, M., 236, 242, 265

Milani, R. V., 128

Milgram, N., 116

Milgram, S., 209, 212, 213, 214, 218, 219

Milhausen, R. R., 353

Milkie, M. A., 287, 388

Miller, A. J., 299

Miller, A. O., 384

Miller, C. B., 178

Miller, G. E., 97, 130

Miller, G. P., 107

Miller, I. W., 446

Miller, J. D., 51, 418

Miller, K. S., 337

Miller, M., 227, 445

Miller, N. E., 68, 92

Miller, R. B., 290

Miller, R. L., 55

Miller, R. S., 265, 266

Miller, S. L., 354

Miller, W., 329

Miller, W. B., 113

Miller-Anderson, L., 416

Miller Burke, J., 30

Millett, K., 325

Mills, J., 259

Mineka, S., 40, 406

Minzenberg, M. J., 415

Miranda, J., 449

Mirecki, R. M., 297

Mischel, W., 44, 158, 178, 179

Mitchell, A. E., 239

Mitchell, J. E., 424

Mitchell, V. F., 115

Mitte, K., 111

Mitura, K., 256

Miyamoto, Y., 195

Modestin, J., 407

Moeller, S. J., 184

Moen, P., 389

Moffitt, T., 30

Mohren, D. C. L., 129

Mojtabai, R., 446

Mokdad, A. H., 130

Moldovan, A. R., 139

Mongrain, M., 479

Monninkhof, E. M., 143

Monroe, S. M., 414

Monteiro, M. B., 200

Montoya, R. M., 255, 256

Moore, C., 331

Moore, D. S., 310

Moore, D. W., 367, 390

Moore, M. R., 291

Moore, R. C., 473

Moore, R. L., 282

Moore, S. C., 20

Moos, R. H., 103

Morahan-Martin, J., 274

Moran, C. M., 230

Moreno, M. V., 112, 448

Moretti, M. M., 162

Morey, L. C., 423

Morf, C. C., 170

Morgado, P., 406

Morgan, H. J., 160

Morgan, M. J., 155

Morgan, R. D., 430

Morganson, V. J., 387

Morgenstern, J., 117

Mori, K., 211

Morin, E., 110

Morris, C. E., 266

Morris, S. B., 381

Morris, W. L., 300

Morris, W. N., 461

Morrison, C., 137

Morrissey, S., 175

Morrow, G. D., 259

Moser, K., 386

Mosher, W. D., 284

Moskowitz, D. S., 165

Moskowitz, G. B., 189

Moskowitz, J. T., 72, 145

Moss-Racusin, C. A., 330

Mostofsky, E., 128

Motel, S., 298

Mowrer, O. H., 405

Moyer, A. M., 292

Moynihan, J. A., 129

Muehlenhard, C. L., 303, 346

Mueller, P. A., 23

Mueser, K. T., 415, 440

Mügge, D. O., 212

Mukherjee, D., 449

Mulhall, J., 361

Muller, K. L., 440

Muller, K. W., 100

Mund, M., 111

Munro, D., 51

Murnen, S. K., 313, 319

Murphy, R., 424

Murray, A. S., 477

Murray, R. M., 418

Murrell, A. J., 200

Murry, V. M., 290, 291

Murtaugh, M. A., 140

Music, G., 478

Musick, K., 19

Mussweiler, T., 164

Mustanski, B., 342

Mustard, C., 386

Musto, D. F., 150

Musumeci, T., 123

Myers, D. G., 16, 18, 165

Myers, J., 313

Myrick, J. G., 405

N Nadal, K. L., 381

Nadelson, C. C., 452

N a m e I n d e x I-9

Nail, P. R., 163

Nakamura, J., 457, 466, 467

Naumann, L. P., 189

Nauta, M. M., 370

Navarro, M. A., 475

Navarro, R. L., 380

Naylor, T. H., 2, 3

Neal, J. J., 145

Near, C. E., 322

Neff, K. D., 171

Neff, L. A., 285

Negy, C., 66

Nelson, D. L., 476

Nelson, J. E., 207

Nelson, S. K., 287, 288

Nemeroff, C. B., 80

Neria, Y., 81

Nesdale, D., 201

Ness, L., 408

Nestle, M., 138

Nettelhorst, S. C., 208

Nettle, D., 49

Nettleman, M., 354

Neuberg, S. L., 178, 255

Neumann, C. S., 422

Neumann, D. L., 310

Newby, D. E., 140

Newby-Clark, I. R., 182

Newcombe, N. S., 310, 315

Newmahr, S., 344

Newman, C. F., 441

Newman, D. B., 18

Newman, M. G., 403

Newschaffer, C. J., 420

Nezu, A. M., 107, 128, 129

Nezu, C. M., 107

Nezu, U., 129

Ng, T. W., 370, 387, 388

Ngnoumen, C. T., 468

Nguyen, T., 197

Nicholson, C., 166, 223

Nicholson, I., 214

Nickerson, R. S., 192

Niedenthal, P. M., 160

Niederhoffer, K. G., 111

Niehuis, S., 294

Nielsen, M. B., 101, 331

Nielsen, R. E., 414

Niesta, D., 253

Nijenhuis, E. R. S., 408

Niles, S. G., 372

Nillni, Y. I., 129

Nisbett, R. E., 174

Nkomo, S. M., 381

Nobler, M. S., 447

Nobre, P., 335, 362

Nock, M. K., 65, 411

Noguchi, K., 198

Nolen-Hoeksema, S., 107, 313, 410, 413,

426, 474

Nomaguchi, K., 287, 293, 388

Norcross, J. C., 7, 448

Norenzayan, A., 54

North, M. S., 193

Northrup, C., 261

Norton, M. I., 17, 481

Norton, P. G. W, 140

Norwood, K., 267

Nosek, B. A., 195

Notar, C. E., 392

Notman, M. T., 452

Novakova, B., 129

Novelli, D., 228

Novin, S., 160

Nowicki, G. P., 461

Nurnberger, J. I., 90

Nye, C. D., 370

O Oakes, P., 194

Oaten, M., 112

Obling, A. R., 148

O’Brien, E. H., 170

O’Connor, D. B., 99, 132

Ogden, C. L., 136

Ogedegbe, G., 123

Ogle, C. M., 81

Ogles, B. M., 438, 439

O’Hanlon, J. F., 154

O’Hara, M. W., 287, 339

Ohm, S. C., 381

Öhman, A., 406

Oishi, S., 65, 459

O’Keefe, D., 208, 217, 241

Okimoto, T. G., 329

Olds, J., 272

O’Leary-Kelly, A. M., 385

Olfson, M., 429, 430, 431, 443, 444, 446,

449

Olivola, C. Y., 189

Olson, D. A., 383

Olson, J. M., 197

O’Mara, E. M., 177

Omarzu, J., 285

O’Neal, H. A., 143

Oppenheimer, D. M., 23

Oppliger, P. A., 322

Opris, D., 450

Oquendo, M. A., 17, 410

O’Reilly, J., 171

O’Reilly-Landry, M., 432

Orenstein, P., 172

Orne, E. C., 113

Orne, M. T., 113

Orth, U., 167, 168

Orthel, H., 18

Ortigo, K. M., 38

Orzechowicz, D., 261

Osborn, D., 393

Ostafin, B., 135

Osteen, J., 5

Ostrom, T. M., 194

O’Sullivan, L. F., 337

O’Sullivan, M., 234

Oswald, D. L., 260

Oswald, F. L., 30, 260

Otero, T. L., 440

Ouellette, S. C., 86, 92

Ouweneel, E., 43

Ouwerkerk, J. W., 223

Overall, N. C., 265

Overton, S. L., 400

Owen, J., 350

Owen, J. A., 443, 445

Owens, E. W., 340

Oyserman, D., 159, 160

Özdemir, M., 259

Ozer, E. J., 81

P Pachankis, J. E., 344

Paczynski, R. P., 153

Padawer-Singer, A., 159

Page-Gould, E., 205

Pagnini, F., 469

Pallanti, S., 406

Palomares, N. A., 312

Panagiotidis, P., 134–135

Pandey, A., 116

Pandey, J., 65

Pang, M., 375

Pansu, P., 217

Pantelis, C., 418

Papaharitou, S., 352

Papas, R. K., 123

Papernow, P. L., 297

Pargament, K. I., 114

Paris, J., 423

Park, C. L., 107, 237, 474

Park, K., 287

Park, N., 47, 479

Park, S. H., 51

Parker, K., 280, 289

Parker, L., 457

Parker, R., 149

Parkes, K., 390

Parkinson, B., 238

Parrott, D. J., 324

Parrott, L., 5

Parsons, S., 369

Parwani, R., 129

Parwani, S. R., 129

Pascoe, E. A., 331

Pascual, A., 216

Pashang, B., 110

Pasley, B. K., 297, 298

Passino, R. M., 253

Pasupathi, M., 282

Patrick, B. C., 238

Patrick, W., 272

Patten, E., 289

Patterson, C. J., 290, 299

Patterson, M. L., 231

Patton, W., 375

Paul, E. L., 350

Paul, K. I., 386, 420

Paulhus, D. L., 34

Paulsen, N., 386

Paunonen, S. V., 29, 57, 58

Pavelko, R. L., 405

Pavlov, I. P., 28, 38, 39, 40, 43, 44, 60

Pavot, W., 16

Paxton, S. J., 253

Payne, B. K., 195

Payne, K. K., 299

Payne, S. C., 378

Pchelin, P., 17

Peake, P. K., 179

Pechnick, R. N., 153

Peckham, A. D., 409

Pecoraro, N. C., 99

Pedersen, S., 272

Pedregon, C. A., 165

Pelavin, E. G., 437

Pelham, W. E., 87

Pellowski, J. A., 357

Peng, Y., 180

Penke, L., 50

Pennebaker, J. W., 111, 112, 120, 121

Penner, L. A., 200

Peper, J. S., 337

Peplau, L. A., 251, 260, 261, 266, 274,

298, 347, 352

Pereira, M. A., 140

Perelman, M. A., 361, 362

Perera, H. N., 110

Peretti, C., 406

Peretti, P. O., 283

Perez, G. K., 129

Perilloux, C., 253, 303

Perkins, A. B., 351

Perkins, A. M., 43, 230

Perkins, D. N., 468

Perkins, D. O., 416

Perlick, D. A., 400, 430

Perlis, R. H., 446

Perlman, D., 251, 265, 272, 274

Perloff, R. M., 207

Perreault, S., 203

Perrin, J. M., 129

Perry, J. C., 35

Perry-Jenkins, M., 292, 325

Persky, I., 450

Pervin, L. A., 44

Peters, M. N., 64

Peters, P., 479

Petersen, J. L., 312, 316, 340

Peterson, C., 47, 171, 174, 175, 472, 477,

478, 479

Peterson, E. N., 289

Peterson, G. W., 281, 292

Peterson, R. F., 205

Peterson, S. H., 339

Petrak, J., 101

Petrill, S. A., 49

Petry, N. M., 43

Pettigrew, T. F., 201

Pettit, D. A. D., 154

Pettit, J. W., 64

Petty, K. N., 190

Petty, R. E., 198, 206, 207, 208, 209, 218

Petty, S. C., 414

Pfeiffer, B. E., 183

Phalet, K., 202

Phelan, J. E., 330

Phelan, S., 136

Phillips, A. G., 162

Phillips, B. N., 473

Phillips, K. A, 152

Phillips, W. T., 143

Pichenot, M., 144

Pierce, J. P., 131

Pietrantoni, L., 84

Pietrefesa, A. S., 405

Pietromonaco, P. R., 265

Piff, P. K., 51, 470

Pike, C. L., 253

Piketty, T., 3

Pillard, R. C., 342

Pilote, L., 125

Pina, A., 385

Pindek, S., 182

Pineda, A. S., 101

Pinel, J. P. J., 138

Pines, M., 436

Pinto-Gouveia, J., 335

Piotrowski, N. A., 180

Piper, W. E., 436

Pirson, M., 468

Pitt, R. N., 291

Planalp, S., 238

Plante, T. G., 143

Platje, E., 316

Platow, M. J., 202

Pleck, J. H., 322, 323, 327, 332

Pleis, J. R., 142

Plomin, R., 50

Plötner, M., 212

Podsiadlowski, A., 381

Polivy, J., 168, 313

Pollack, L., 372

Pollozek, F., 212

Popat, A., 323

Pope, H. G., 154, 415

Pope, J., 111

Popkin, B. M., 13

Pornpitakpan, C., 206

Porter, R. E., 227, 231

I-10 N a m e I n d e x

Post, R. M., 445

Potter, D., 420

Powell, D. E., 266

Powell, G. N., 386

Pragament, K. I., 338

Prati, G., 84

Pratkanis, A. R., 205

Prat-Sala, M., 43, 180

Pratto, F., 329

Prause, J., 292

Prescott, C. A., 313

Pressman, S., 4

Pressman, S. D., 72, 86

Preston, J. L., 193

Preston, K. L., 152

Preuper, H. R. S., 129

Previti, D., 295

Prichard, I., 255

Prideaux, L., 375

Priess, H. A., 309

Priester, J. R., 209

Primack, B. A., 339

Prislin, R., 205

Pritchard, C., 411

Prizant, B. M., 419

Prizmic, Z., 475

Prochnau, W., 457

Pronin, E., 210, 462, 463

Pronk, T. M., 257

Prudic, J., 447

Pryor, F. L., 379

Przybylinski, E., 192

Psaty, B. M., 446

Pseekos, A., 373

Puentes, J., 350

Putallaz, M., 310

Puurtinen, M., 202

Pyc, M. A., 24

Pyszczynski, T., 52, 53

Q Quadflieg, N., 135

Quick, B. L., 217

Quilitch, H. R., 205

Quinn, J. M., 208

Quinn, S. K., 267

Quoidbach, J., 458

R Rabbitt, S. M., 430

Rabelo, V. C., 385

Rachman, S. J., 87, 440

Raczynski, J. M., 136

Radel, J., 241

Radtke, D., 239

Rae, K., 241

Rahe, R. H., 68, 69, 86, 92

Rahim, M. A., 242, 243

Rahman, M. A., 132

Raikes, H. A., 272

Rakel, D., 123

Ramaekers, J. G., 154

Ramalho, N., 110

Ramanathan, S., 101

Ramirez, A., 270

Ramsey, M. W., 143

Rana, S. A., 112

Rand, K. L., 473

Rao, M. A., 458

Rapee, R. M., 273

Rapoport, J. L., 418

Rapson, R. L., 281

Raskin, D. C., 235

Raskin, N. J., 436

Raskin, R., 51

Rasmussen, A., 195

Rassin, E., 192

Rathunde, K., 468

Raub, S., 44

Ravenna, M., 195

Ravindran, L. N., 444

Ravizza, S. M., 23

Ray, G. E., 272

Ray, J., 4

Raybeck, D., 25

Read, J., 444

Reardon, R. C., 240, 372, 373

Redford, P., 43, 180

Reece, M., 348, 351

Reed, L., 174

Reed, M. J., 473, 474

Rees, C. J., 58

Reese, R. J., 439

Regan, P. C., 252, 283

Reger, G. M., 440

Regier, D. A., 401

Regnerus, M. D., 338

Rego, S. A., 440

Rehm, J., 135

Rehman, U. S., 349, 350

Reiber, C., 266

Reich, D. A., 192

Reich, S., 202

Reicher, S., 202, 228

Reid, M., 329

Reidy, D. E., 324

Reig-Ferrer, A., 66

Reilly, D., 310

Reis, H. T., 44, 177, 238, 239, 308

Reis, T. J., 177

Reissman, C., 268

Reivich, K., 86

Rellini, A. H., 350

Renner, B., 99

Rennison, C. M., 301

Repetti, R. L., 292

Rethorst, C. D., 143

Revelle, W., 30, 48

Reynolds, G., 143, 470

Reynolds, K. J., 328

Reysen, R. R., 388

Reznik, L., 192

Rhoades, G. K., 284

Rhodes, K., 217

Riba, M., 410

Riccardi, N., 4

Rice, J. K., 324

Rice, K. G., 116, 117

Rich, G. J., 476

Richard, N. T., 381

Richards, C., 328

Richards, V., 198

Richardson, C. E., 117

Richardson, C. R., 142

Richardson, D. S., 97, 311

Richardson, F. C., 478

Richardson, H. B., 292

Richeson, J. A., 194

Richman, J. A., 385

Richman, L., 331

Richmond, K., 323

Richmond, V. P., 240

Richter, L., 198

Rick, S. I., 293

Ridgeway, C. L., 308

Rieger, S., 167

Riek, B. M., 112

Rifon, N. A., 226

Righetti, F., 165

Riis, J., 18

Riley, B., 417

Riley, K., 107

Rimes, K., 70, 116

Rindfleisch, A., 100

Ringström, G., 147

Risch, N., 420

Riskey, D. R., 190

Ritchart, R., 468

Ritschel, L. A., 472

Robbe, H. W. J., 154

Robbins, B., 460

Robbins, S. B., 386

Roberson, L., 381

Roberts, B. W., 30

Roberts, C. J., 99

Roberts, M. E., 425

Robertson, B. R., 416

Robertson-Kraft, C., 475

Robins, R. W., 167, 168, 191

Robinson, B. E., 388

Robitaille, C., 299

Robles, T. F., 83, 300

Robnett, R. D., 312

Rodgers, L., 262

Rodin, J., 136

Roediger, H. L., 24

Roehrig, J. P., 253

Roepke, A. M., 474

Roffman, R. A., 180

Rogers, C. R., 28, 44, 45, 46, 60, 61, 435,

436, 454, 460

Rogers, S. J., 293

Rohde, P., 410

Rohner, J., 195

Rohner, R. P., 324

Rohrer, D., 23

Roig, M., 117

Rollie, S. S., 267

Roman, E., 266

Romney, D. M., 318

Roney, J. R., 254

Rook, K. S., 85, 273

Rose, D., 447

Rose, D. P., 140

Rose, H., 220, 222

Rose-Greenland, F., 279–280

Rosen, C. C., 382

Rosen, G. M., 6

Rosen, R. D., 6

Rosenbaum, J. E., 338

Rosenbaum, M., 138

Rosenbaum, R. M., 174

Rosenberg, M., 169

Rosenman, R. F., 125, 126, 156

Rosenthal, H., 411

Rosenthal, R., 193

Rosenthal, R. J., 139

Rospenda, K. M., 385

Rosqvist, J., 174

Ross, C. A., 408

Ross, J., 351

Ross, L. D., 195

Ross, M., 163

Ross, R., 362

Ross, S. R., 181

Roter, D. L., 149

Roth, M. E., 87

Roth, P. L., 370

Rothberg, B., 411

Rothblum, E. D., 260

Rothe, J. P., 67

Rott, C., 382

Rotter, M., 384

Roughton, B., 390

Rounding, K., 114

Rounds, J., 371

Rovine, M. J., 238

Rowa, K., 405

Rowatt, W. C., 201

Rowny, S., 447

Roy-Matton, N., 129

Rozensky, R. H., 123

Rubenstein, C. M., 275

Rubie-Davies, C. M., 193

Rubin, Z., 261

Ruble, D., 318

Rucker, D., 198

Rude, S. S., 112

Rudman, L. A., 326, 330

Ruis, C., 155

Ruiz, P., 151, 405, 414

Rupert, P. A., 384

Rupp, H. A., 336

Rusbult, C., 165

Rüsch, N., 400

Rush, A. J., 441

Russakoff, M., 444

Russell, N. C., 213

Rutkowski, E. M., 43

Rütter, K., 164

Rutter, M., 50

Ruvio, A., 100

Ruz, M., 242

Ryan, K. C., 240

Ryan, K. M., 143, 381

Ryan, W. S., 343

Rye, M. S., 296

Ryff, C. D., 473, 474

S Saad, L., 279, 352, 370

Sachdev, P. S., 401

Sachs-Ericsson, N., 414

Sackeim, H. A., 447

Sackett, P. R., 329

Saddleson, M. L., 132

Sadeh, C., 116

Sadler, M. S., 199

Sadock, B. J., 405, 414

Sadock, V. A., 405, 414

Sagarin, B. J., 215

Saint-Jacques, M., 299

Salamoun, M., 134

Salanova, M., 180

Salas-Wright, C. P., 66

Salerno, S., 4

Salonen, J. T., 140

Salovey, P., 65, 109–110, 111

Salvatore, J. E., 265

Samberg, E., 433, 434

Samios, C., 107, 267

Samovar, L. A., 227, 231, 232, 242

Samson, A. C., 106

Sana, F., 23

Sanchez, D. T., 326

Sande, M. A., 144–145

Sandfort, T. G. M., 357

Sands, J., 241

Sandstrom, G. M., 84, 176

Sanger-Katz, M., 136

Sanjuán, P., 177

Sansone, L. A., 97

Sansone, R. A., 97

Santerre, C., 469

Saphire-Bernstein, S., 18

Sapolsky, R. M., 62, 67, 78, 79, 92, 112,

113

N a m e I n d e x I-11

Saribay, S. A., 189

Sartorius, N., 128

Sarwer, D. B., 136, 138

Saslow, L. R., 72

Sassler, S., 299

Satterwhite, R. C., 307

Saucier, G., 30, 53

Saulsgiver, K., 133

Saunders, J., 35

Sauter, S. L., 384

Savin-Williams, R. C., 343

Savitsky, K., 173

Sawdon, A. M., 162

Saygi, Ö., 202

Sbarra, D. A., 83, 267, 295, 296

Scantlebury, K., 320

Schachner, D. A., 236

Schachter, R., 437

Schachter, S., 10, 11

Schaffer, D., 379

Schall, J. V., 475

Schaller, M., 178

Schank, D., 136

Scharrer, E. L., 321

Schaufeli, W. B., 43

Scheele, D., 353

Scheiber, C., 309

Scheier, M. F., 86, 97

Schendel, D., 420

Schick, V., 335, 361

Schietroma, M., 129

Schilit, W. K., 119

Schkade, D., 19

Schlapobersky, J., 436

Schlenger, W. E., 80

Schlenk, E., 149

Schlenker, B. R., 181

Schlessinger, L., 4, 5

Schlösser, T., 175

Schmaal, L., 412

Schmader, T., 203

Schmaling, K. B., 129

Schmidlin, A. M., 232

Schmidt, L. A., 273

Schmitt, J. P., 327

Schmitt, M. T., 381

Schmitt, N. W., 367

Schmitz, J. M., 132, 133

Schmukle, S. C., 51, 252

Schneid, E. D., 201

Schneider, K., 478

Schneier, F. R., 403, 404

Schnittker, J., 400

Schoenthaler, A., 123

Schofield, C. A., 405

Schofield, G. M., 458

Schoon, I., 369

Schor, J., 390

Schramm, D. G., 286, 293

Schramm, S. H., 129

Schramm, W., 221

Schraw, G., 117

Schuckit, M. A., 135

Schulman, P., 175

Schultz, D. S., 59

Schumacher, P., 274

Schupp, H. T., 99

Schurtz, D. R., 457

Schutte, N. S., 110, 113, 475

Schwartz, B., 1, 2, 20, 27, 176

Schwartz, G. E. R., 469

Schwartz, L., 362

Schwartz, L. M., 132

Schwartz, N., 207

Schwartz, P., 15, 261

Schwartz, R. S., 272

Schwartz, S., 66

Schwartz, S. M., 131

Schweinberger, S. R., 231

Schwind, C., 192

Schwinger, M., 178

Scott, W. D., 413

Scratchley, L. S., 167

Scully, J. A., 68

Sczesny, S., 329

Seabrook, R., 162

Seccombe, K., 293

Sedikides, C., 51, 176, 194

Seery, M. D., 82, 83

Seff, M. A., 289

Segal, Z. V., 113

Segall, A., 148

Segerstrom, S. C., 30, 130

Seid, M., 477

Seiter, J. S., 182

Sekerka, L. E., 464

Selfhout, M., 257

Seligman, M. E. K., 8, 16, 18, 82, 96, 97,

120, 174–175, 406, 413, 426, 457, 458,

459, 460, 472, 478, 479, 482

Seltman, H., 129

Selwyn, P. A., 144

Selye, H., 75, 76, 92, 93

Semans, J. H., 363

Sendén, M., 321

Senders, A., 129

Senecal, C., 116

Seo, E. H., 117

Sestir, M. A., 98

Setterlund, M. B., 160

Settles, I. H., 330

Shaffer, D. R., 264

Shah, J., 162

Shannon, C. A., 385

Shapiro, A. F., 288

Shapiro, D. L., 242

Shapiro, S. L., 469

Shariatifar, S., 22

Sharp, L. K., 111

Shavelson, R. J., 168

Shaver, P., 236, 239, 242, 262, 263, 264,

265, 274, 275, 276

Shaw, L. H., 274

Shaw, R., 280

Shedler, J., 435

Sheehan, S., 414–415

Sheldon, K. M., 19

Sheldon, S., 52

Shelton, K. H., 297

Shelton, R. L., 309

Shen, L., 125, 217

Shepard, L. D., 282

Shepperd, J., 86, 130, 177

Sherif, M., 202, 218

Sherman, A. M., 319

Sherman, D. A., 195

Shi, X., 240

Shibusawa, T., 285

Shiffman, S., 132

Shifron, R., 388

Shih, J., 414

Shih, K. Y., 291

Shimazu, A., 388

Shin, C. M., 468

Shin, N., 468

Shiota, M. N., 106, 463

Shippee, S. K., 346

Shmotkin, D., 458

Shneidman, E. S., 411

Shoda, Y., 179

Showers, C. J., 159

Shrira, I., 198

Shultz, K. S., 383

Shupe, E. I., 386

Shurkin, J. N., 452

Sibley, C. G., 201

Sidani, J. E., 132

Sidanius, J., 201

Siddiqui, R. N., 65

Siegel, J. T., 475

Siegel, K., 357

Sifferlin, A., 152

Sigmon, D. R., 473

Sigmon, S. T., 473

Signorielli, N., 321

Sikström, S., 321

Silton, N. R., 112

Silver, N., 294

Silver, R. C., 81

Silvia, P. J., 162, 163

Simeon, D., 407

Simmons, Z. L., 254

Simpson, H. J., 107, 267

Simpson, J. A., 265

Simpson, J. R., 236

Sinclair, R. C., 208

Singer, B., 473, 474

Singh, M., 110

Singh, P., 282

Sinha, R., 112

Sinke, C. A., 231

Sireci, S. G., 57

Sirois, F. M., 109, 116, 117

Sivkov, S. T., 418

Skerrett, P. J., 142

Skinner, B. F., 28, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44,

60, 95, 258

Skinner, E. A., 95

Skinner, P. H., 309

Skodol, A. E., 423

Skogrand, L., 293

Skorska, M., 342

Skowronski, J. J., 190

Slatcher, R. B., 267

Slavich, G. M., 414

Slavin, J. L., 140

Slonim-Nevo, V., 283

Slopen, N., 99

Slowinski, J., 80

Small, D. A., 293

Small, D. S., 133

Smedema, S. M., 473

Smetana, J. G., 288, 289

Smetter, J., 310

Smith, A. K., 377

Smith, B. W., 83

Smith, C., 383

Smith, C. A., 464

Smith, E. E., 208

Smith, E. R., 193, 194

Smith, G., 159, 160

Smith, H. L., 296

Smith, J., 328, 420

Smith, J. L., 179

Smith, K. B., 336

Smith, L., 282

Smith, M. L., 453

Smith, S., 382

Smith, S. E., 294

Smith, S. W., 221

Smith, T., 83

Smith, T. W., 30, 126, 130

Smith, W. P., 113

Smith-LeBeau, L., 236

Smits, J. J., 404

Smock, P. J., 279, 280, 296

Smyth, J. M., 111

Snell, J. C., 272

Snowden, L. R., 448

Snyder, C. R., 464, 469, 473, 482

Snyder, D. K., 352

Snyder, H. R., 406

Snyder, M., 183

Snyder, P., 129

Solberg, L. B., 289

Solberg, L. M., 289

Solomon, S., 52, 53

Solomon, S. E., 260

Solowij, N., 154

Somer, E., 100

Sommer, K. L., 169

Sommers, R., 20, 176

Sonfiled, A., 354

Son Hing, L. S., 200

Sonnentag, S., 383

Sorenson, K. L., 387

Sorkin, D. H., 85

Sorokowski, P., 51

Soth-McNett, A. M., 112, 448

South, S. C., 48, 49, 423

South, S. J., 295

Souza, R., 71

Spalding, L. R., 261

Sparks, E. A., 190

Sparks, G. G., 256

Spears, R., 194, 202, 203

Special, W. P., 238

Spence, I., 310

Spence, J. T., 328

Sperry, R. W., 315

Spiegel, D., 407, 408

Spiegler, M. D., 440

Spielmans, G. I., 445, 446

Spitz, H. I., 436, 437, 438

Spitz, S., 437, 438

Spokane, A. R., 371

Sprecher, S., 106, 251, 255, 256, 257, 266,

270, 311, 338, 351, 354

Springer, S. P., 315

Sproesser, G., 99

Sprunger, J. G., 301

Srebnik, D., 348

Srivastava, S., 30, 53

Stafford, L., 257, 258

Staines, G. L., 453

Stake, J. E., 311

Stamler, J., 139, 140

Stampfer, W. J., 140

Stancato, D. M., 470

Stangor, C., 201

Stanko, K. E., 107

Stanley, M. A., 439, 442

Stanley, S. M., 285, 300

Stansbury, H., 468

Stanton, G. C., 168

Stanton, S. C. E., 265

Stapel, D. A., 163

Stapleton, S. F., 468

Starcevic, V., 100

Stassberg, D. S., 361

Stead, L. F., 133

Stecker, R., 65

Steel, P., 117, 331, 385

Steele, C. M., 203, 218

Steele, J. B., 404

Steen, T. A., 174

Steiger, H., 425

Steil, J. M., 292

Stein, M. B, 444

Stein, Z. A., 147

I-12 N a m e I n d e x

Steinberger, M., 380

Steinglass, J. E., 313, 424

Steinhardt, M. A., 72

Steinhilber, A., 79

Stephens, N. M., 166

Stephens, R., 14, 15

Stephens, R. S., 180

Steptoe, A., 83, 126

Stermer, P. S., 339

Sternberg, R. J., 262, 265, 266, 276

Sterner, W. R., 376

Stets, J. E., 159

Stevens, C. K., 183

Stewart, G. L., 394

Stewart, J. A., 444

Stewart, J. W., 444

Stewart-Knox, B. J., 131

Stice, E., 425

Stier, H., 380

Stiglitz, J. E., 3

Stines, L. R., 81

Stith, S. M., 302

Stoet, G., 310, 320

Stoll, B. M., 297

Stone, A. A., 147

Stone, J., 204, 234, 235

Stone, P., 389

Stone, W. N., 436, 437

Stoner, R., 420

Stoney, C. M., 125

Stowell, J. R., 83

Strachman, A., 238, 285

Strahan, E. J., 424

Strain, E. C., 151

Strassberg, D. S., 361, 449

Strauss, B., 437

Stricker, G., 448

Striegel-Moore, R. H., 136, 423

Striepens, N., 353

Stroebe, K., 203, 331

Stroebe, M., 101

Stroebe, W., 101, 194, 207

Stroessner, S. J., 201

Stroud, C. B., 437

Stroup, T. S., 416, 417, 443

Strouse, D., 452

Stults-Kolehmainen, M. A., 112

Stunkard, A. J., 137

Stürmer, T., 128

Suchotzki, K., 236

Sudak, H. S., 411

Sue, S., 448, 449

Suggett, R., 239

Sukin, T., 57

Sullivan, D., 52, 53

Suls, J., 123, 126, 163, 175

Sulsky, L., 383

Summers, G., 197

Summers, L. H., 307

Super, D. E., 374, 375, 376, 396

Surman, G., 475

Surra, C. A., 283, 299

Surtees, P. G., 127

Suschinsky, K. D., 345

Susser, E., 418

Susser, I., 147

Sussman, N., 444

Sutfin, E. L., 131

Sutin, A. R., 30, 136

Sutker, P. B., 423

Šverko, I., 390

Swain, S., 80

Swan, G. E., 132

Swann, W., 227

Swanson, J. L., 369

Swanson, S. A., 425

Swartz, J. R., 413

Sweeny, K., 177

Sweeting, H., 320

Swencionis, J. K., 164

Swendsen, J., 150

Swift, H. J., 204

Swithers, S. E., 138

Szasz, T. S., 400, 426

Szigethy, E. M., 448

Szkrybalo, J., 318

Szomstein, S., 139

T Tajfel, H., 202, 203

Talmud, I., 269

Tam, C. S., 138

Tamborski, M., 51

Tan, R. Y., 381

Tanaka, K., 273

Tang, C., 299

Tang, J., 100

Taormina, R. J., 47

Tapias, M. P., 160

Tardy, C. H., 238

Tata, J., 385, 386

Tatsuoka, M. M., 57

Tavris, C., 98

Tay, L., 18

Taylor, C. T., 450

Taylor, D. A., 237, 238

Taylor, D. M., 200, 201

Taylor, M. C., 1, 382

Taylor, P., 280

Taylor, S., 404

Taylor, S. E., 18, 75, 85, 92, 102, 109, 120,

121, 165, 173

Taylor, V. J., 159

Tazelaar, M. A., 223

Tchanturia, K., 425

Teachman, J., 279, 297

Teasdale, J. D., 413

Tedeschi, R. G., 82

Tedrow, L., 279

Teeter, S. R., 309

Temoshok, L. R., 128

ten Brinke, L., 232

Tennen, H., 107, 474

Teper, R., 113

Terracciano, A., 54

Terry, K., 160

Tesser, A., 117, 163

Tetlock, P. E., 191

Tharp, R. G., 87, 89

Thase, M. E., 412, 440, 441

Thayaparan, B., 145

Thibaut, J. W., 258, 276

Thomaes, S., 170

Thompson, A. E., 337

Thompson, B., 131

Thompson, J. K., 425

Thompson, J. L., 381

Thompson, R. A., 272

Thomson, A. L., 475

Thornton, L. M., 425

Thorogood, A., 139

Thorpe, S., 70, 116

Thune, I., 143

Tice, D. M., 117, 179

Tidwell, N. D., 257

Tiggemann, M., 253

Tillotson, K., 393

Timm, D. A., 140

Timmons, K. A., 414

Timonen, V., 300

Tims, M., 44

Tindale, R. S., 209

To, M. L., 462

Tobin, E., 351

Tobin, R. M., 30

Todorov, A., 189

Toepfer, S. M., 479

Tolstrup, J. S., 14, 15

Toma, C. L., 270

Tomko, R. L., 422

Tong, S., 270

Toossi, M., 380

Torgersen, S., 422

Tortolero, S. R., 338

Tosi, H., 68

Tov, W., 16, 17, 18, 459

Townsend, S. M., 166

Trace, S. E., 425

Tracey, T. G., 373

Trachtenberg, J. D., 144–145

Tracy, E., 21

Tracy, J. L., 254

Tran, S., 265

Traut-Mattausch, E., 192

Trautwein, U., 168

Travers, B. G., 232

Travers, K. M., 175

Travis, L. A., 265

Treadway, M. T., 412

Treasure, J. L., 425

Treboux, D., 284

Treger, S., 106, 256, 354

Treiber, F., 113

Trent, K., 295

Trevithick, P., 241

Triandis, H. C., 166, 282

Trivedi, M. H., 143

Trochim, B., 12

Trogdon, J., 136

Troisi, J. D., 99

Troop, N., 99

Trope, Y., 197

Tropp, L. R., 205

Trotter, P. B., 295, 296

Troy, A. B., 283

Trull, T. J., 422

Trumbo, C. W., 131

Tryon, M. S., 99, 175

Trzesniewski, K. H., 168

Tsai, S-J., 386

Tschibelu, E., 99

Tsukayama, E., 475

Tsutsumi, A., 129

Tsz-Ying, Y., 380

Tucker, C. E., 5

Tucker, D. M., 464

Tucker, O. N., 139

Tucker-Ladd, C. E., 5

Tudela, P., 242

Tugade, M. M., 72, 463, 464

Turkle, S., 3, 250, 269

Turner, J. C., 202, 203

Turner, R. B., 85

Turner, R. N., 195

Turner-Frey, W., 343

Turnley, W. H., 383

Twenge, J. M., 2, 3, 6, 51, 159, 170, 172,

181, 182, 287, 410

U Uleman, J. S., 189, 195

Ullén, F., 468

Ullman, S. E., 101

Ulrich, M., 287

Unger-Saldaña, K., 147

Updegraff, J. A., 124

Ursano, A. M., 420

Ursano, R. J., 432

Usera, D. A., 227

Utz, S., 238

Uysal, A., 178

V Vacharkulksemsuk, T., 464

Vaidya, R. S., 175

Vaillant, G. E., 38

Vail-Smith, K., 272, 352

Vala, J., 197

Valentine, K. A., 253

Valins, S., 174

Vanable, P. A., 144

van Anders, S. M., 316

VanBergen, A., 407

Van Blerkom, D. L., 22

van Bommel, M., 212

Vandello, J. A., 322

Vandenberg, S. G., 309

Vandenbroucke, J. P., 446

van den Wittenboer, G. L. H., 287

VanderDrift, L. E., 257, 266

Vander Elst, T., 383

van der Hart, O., 408

van der Meer, P. H., 19

van der Pol, L. D., 319

van der Wal, R. C., 257

Vandey, R. L., 154

van Eeden-Moorefield, B., 297, 298

van Erp, T. G. M., 418

van Gelderen, L., 299

Vangelisti, A. L., 226, 293

Van Hiel, A., 201

van Ittersum, K., 13

van Kammen, D. P., 443, 444

Van Kleef, G. A., 183

Van Lange, P. A. M., 223, 259

Van Oudenhoven, J., 201

van Winkel, R., 417

Varnum, M. W., 166

Vartanian, L. R., 253

Veenhoven, R., 17

Veneziano, R. A., 324

Ventura, M., 180

Venus, P., 207

Verderber, K. S., 222, 223, 226, 239, 243,

244

Verderber, R. F., 222, 223, 226, 239,

243, 244

Veroff, J., 471

Verona, E., 67

Verschuere, B., 234, 235, 236

Vetter, M. L., 139

Viau, V., 76

Vida, M. D., 230

Vidal, M. E., 101

Viglione, D. J., 59

Vignoles, V. L., 160

Vinogradov, S., 436

Vita, R., 129

Vittengl, J. R., 238

Vitterso, J., 107

Vivancos, R., 337

Vohs, K., 79, 169, 179, 234

Volkmar, F. R., 419, 420

Volpp, K. G., 133

Vonasch, A. J., 179

Voncken, M., 440

Von Culin, K. R., 475

N a m e I n d e x I-13

Vonk, R., 182, 190

Vorauer, J. D., 273

Voutilainen, S., 140

Voyer, D., 310

Voyer, S. D., 310

Vrij, A., 227, 234

Vrugt, A., 232

Vukasović, T., 49

W Wadden, T. A., 136, 137

Wagner, B., 450, 451

Wagner, D., 4

Wagner, J., 168

Wagstaff, G., 234

Wai, J., 310

Waite, L. J., 300

Walker, A., 329

Walker, E. S., 154

Walker, L. S., 148

Wallace, H. M., 79

Wallace, L. S., 152

Wallen, K., 336

Wallerstein, J. S., 296, 297, 304

Walsh, L., 21

Walsh, R., 113, 114

Walster, E., 194

Walther, J. B., 270

Wampold, B. E., 438, 439, 453

Wan, W. W. N., 53

Wanberg, C. R., 386

Wang, H., 273, 296

Wang, M., 18, 383

Wang, Q., 243

Wang, S., 292, 443

Wang, W., 280

Wann, D., 2, 3

Wansink, B., 13

Warburton, D. E. R., 143

Ward, A., 183

Ward, L. M., 340

Wardle, M. C., 154

Ware, A., 178

Wareham, J., 302

Warn, J., 382

Warner, E., 381

Warren, C., 106

Wäschle, K., 43

Waterman, A. S., 478

Waters, E., 265, 284

Waters, E. A., 131

Watkins, P. C., 475

Watson, D., 256, 464

Watson, D. L., 87, 89

Watson, J. B., 38

Watter, D. N., 361

Watts, A., 260

Way, B., 77

Wayment, H. A., 177

Wayne, K., 468

Wayne, S. J., 330

Weatherall, A., 287

Weaver, A. D., 335

Weber, S. R., 114

Webster, D. M., 196, 198

Webster, G. D., 314

Wechsler, H., 134

Weems, C. F., 81

Wegener, D. T., 206, 207, 208, 209

Wegner, D. M., 462, 463

Wei, L., 282

Weinberg, M. S., 342

Weinberger, J., 435, 439

Weiner, B., 173, 174, 191

Weiner, I. B., 59, 367

Weinstein, N., 343

Weinstein, N. D., 130

Weinsten, A., 100, 112

Weisbuch, M., 228

Weishaar, M. E., 441

Weiss, R., 271

Weiss, R. D., 153

Weiss, R. S., 279

Weiss, W., 206

Welch, H. G., 132

Welchans, S., 301

Wellington, M. A., 30

Wellman, B., 226

Wells, J. C. K., 137

Wells, R. B., 212

Wener, R. E., 65, 228

Wengraf, T., 241

Wentland, D., 370

Wentzel, K. R., 320

Wenzel, A., 350

West, D. S., 136

West, J. H., 339

West, K., 195

West, W. B., 113

Westefeld, J. S., 272

Westen, D., 38

Westman, M., 378

Weston, T., 23

Wetherby, A. M., 419

Wethington, E., 68

Whang, W., 125

Wheatcroft, J. M., 234

Wheeler, L., 163, 164, 275

Whelan, C. B., 4

Whelan, C. W., 234

Wheldall, K., 320

Wherry, M. B., 160

Whitaker, A. K., 349

Whitaker, C., 444

Whitaker, J. L., 98

Whitaker, R., 452

White, A. E., 255

White, C. M., 2

White, L. K., 293

White, M. A., 477

White, M. P., 2, 65

Whitehouse, W. G., 113

Whiteman, S. D., 289

Whitley, B. E., 381

Whitton, S. W., 284

Whitty, M. T., 269

Whybrow, P. C., 2

Whyte, W., 228

Wickrama, K. A. S., 295

Widaman, K. F., 167

Widiger, G., 30

Widiger, T. A., 401, 422

Widman, L., 51

Widom, C. S., 423

Wiebe, D. J., 148

Wilfong, J. D., 180

Wilhelm, S., 405

Wilkerson, D. K., 302

Wilkins, K. G., 373

Willett, W. C., 140, 141

Williams, C. G., 132

Williams, E. F., 176

Williams, J. E., 126, 307

Williams, K. B., 217

Williams, K. D., 159, 217

Williams, L., 232

Williams, L. A., 475

Williams, L. E., 106

Williams, N. N., 139

Williams, P., 101, 434

Williams, P. G., 30

Williams, S. L., 180

Williams, W. M., 310

Williamson, D. E., 413

Williamson, I., 112

Willness, C. R., 331, 385

Willoughby, B. J., 281, 351

Wilmot, M. O., 475

Wilson, A. E., 163, 173

Wilson, M., 140

Wilson, S. R., 221

Wilson, T. D., 163, 176, 337

Wilt, J., 30

Winefield, A. H., 379

Wing, J. F., 110

Wing, L., 420

Wing, R. R., 136

Winstead, B. A., 189

Winton-Brown, T. T., 417

Wipfli, B. M., 143

Wirtz, D., 459

Wise, T., 3, 174

Wish, E. D., 150

Wissink, I. B., 172

Witte, J., 261

Wittenbrink, B., 199

Witty, M. C., 436

Witvliet, C. V., 112

Wlodarski, R., 348

Wohl, M. J. A., 112

Wolitzky, D. L., 38

Wollman, S. C., 152

Woloshin, S., 132

Wolpe, J., 440, 454

Wolsic, B., 17

Wonderlich, S. A., 424, 425

Wondra, J. D., 256

Wong, C. M., 81

Wong, L., 21, 23

Wong, M. C. S., 18

Wood, A. M., 59, 475

Wood, E., 318

Wood, J. M., 59

Wood, J. T., 221, 222, 241, 242

Wood, J. V., 163, 173, 177, 238

Wood, N., 173

Wood, Q., 208

Wood, W., 256, 314, 323

Woodcock, E. A., 152

Woodzicka, J. A., 385

Woolfolk, R. L., 458

Worth, L. T., 206

Worth, R., 35

Worthington, R. L., 112, 380, 448

Worthy, D. A., 79

Wright, A. C., 245

Wright, C. E., 127

Wright, D. W., 281, 295

Wright, J. H., 441

Wright, M. J., 153

Wright, P. H., 238

Wright, S. C., 200, 201, 381

Wrosch, C., 97, 177

Wrzesniewski, A., 372, 476

Wrzus, C., 64

Wurm, S., 193

Wyatt, H. R., 143

Wyatt, I., 378

Wynder, E. L., 140

X Xie, J., 110

Y Yaish, M., 380

Yalom, I. D., 436

Yang, A. C., 386

Yang, C., 293

Yang, K., 463

Yao, M. Z., 275, 339

Yate, M., 394

Yehuda, R., 81

Yeomans, F., 421

Yi, H., 135

Yoder, J. D., 313

Yoon, J. H., 415

Yoshinobu, L., 473

Young, J. E., 272, 273, 274

Young, K., 449

Young, K. S., 100

Young, L., 15

Young, L. R., 138

Young, R., 320

Young, S. G., 194, 254

Yousaf, O., 323

Youssef, C. M., 476

Yu, X., 140

Yurgelun-Todd, D., 154

Yzerbyt, V., 194

Z Zaccaria, J., 374

Zahn-Waxler, C., 320

Zahorodny, W., 420

Zajonc, R. B., 252

Zane, N., 448, 449

Zanna, M. P., 200

Zárate, M. A., 204

Zeigler-Hill, V., 159

Zell, E., 177, 309

Zentner, M., 256

Zhang, J. W., 17, 19

Zhang, L., 385

Zhang, Y., 339

Zhong, Z., 275

Zhu, S., 165

Zickar, M. J., 388

Ziersch, A. M., 386

Zimbardo, P. G., 109, 184, 214, 273, 276

Zimmerman, J., 90

Zimmerman, M., 452

Zinbarg, R. E., 442

Zinbarg, S., 40

Zivin, K., 149

Zohar, J., 405

Zolna, M. R., 354

Zolnierek, K. B., 148

Zuckerman, M., 49

Zurbriggen, E. L., 319

Zusman, M., 272, 350, 352

Zwan, J. E., 113

Zweig, J. S., 17

Zytowski, D. G., 370

I-14

A abdominoplasty (tummy tuck), 254

ability-achievement gap, 325

abnormal behavior

criteria of, 400–401

cultural differences in, 400

medical model of, 399–400