Psy 5130 Week 3 Journal & Assignment

Learning Objectives

After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

Understand the meaning of concordance rates and how they are used to understand various in�luences in the study of development.

Describe various interpretations of intelligence and how each has been used historically and in contemporary education.

De�ine levels of intelligence and connect them to educational and occupational capabilities.

9Intelligence

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Provide practical examples of skills and behaviors that are consistent with Gardner’s multiple intelligences.

Explain how the triarchic model of intelligence can be applied.

Appraise how creativity and emotional intelligence factor into broader conceptualizations of intelligence.

Understand the relationship between cognition and aging across the lifespan.

Prologue

Kim Peek became distinguished as the inspiration for the lead character in the �ilm Rain Man. Peek had savant syndrome, a rare condition characterized by extreme intellectual disabilities combined with exceptional skills in one speci�ic area of cognition like art, memory, or music. Peek had dif�iculty with everyday chores, like dressing himself, but had an extraordinary talent for memorization. He could memorize entire books within hours. However, though he could recite long passages from thousands of books, he could not interpret information or really synthesize what he had read. He lacked the capability of abstract thought.

So although Peek’s brain literally contained encyclopedic knowledge, would he be considered “smart?” If you could recite pages from a psychology text, but could not explain how the mind works, are you still intelligent? How do you decide? The problem with the word intelligence is that it means different things to different people. Not even psychologists agree on a de�inition. A person might seem to be smart at some things, but not smart at others. Some researchers say intelligence is a single general ability and others say it is a constellation of speci�ic aptitudes, talents, and skills. In this chapter, we will look at the various ways to de�ine and understand intelligence, as well as how it changes over the lifespan.

Critical Thinking

9.1 Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence

We know that intelligence is determined partly by genes that are present at birth. Then, during childhood, environmental in�luences build on that foundation to determine a wide range of intellectual pathways. Differences can develop over both the short term and extended periods, since many circumstances affect the way inheritance unfolds (Schwartz & Elonen, 1975; Weinberg, Scarr, & Waldman, 1992). A simple example occurs when children who eat breakfast learn more at school than those who do not (Adolphus, Lawton, & Dye, 2013). In this way, genetics provides the foundation onto which environmental variables build.

Therefore, the multiple effects of heredity and the environment on intelligence offer an excellent example of how we study the con�luence of nature and nurture. For many years, there was a focus among psychologists to assign percentages to the effects of nature and nurture; most researchers now agree that the range of each of these in�luences generally falls between 40% and 60% (Comer & Gould, 2012). Although we now give more thought to how nature and nurture interrelate rather than trying to determine which is the stronger factor, we still need to understand them both separately in order to understand how they interact.

Activity

Review section 2.5 (the discussion about the experimental method), and then construct an operational de�inition for “intelligence.” As with other operational de�initions, you must identify speci�ic variables that can be measured.

Genetic In�luences on Intelligence

In order to study the relative in�luence of nature and nurture, psychologists typically calculate a concordance rate—a statistical probability that traits will be shared. For instance, if you measured the left shoe size of a group of 100 people, the concordance rate for the right shoe is likely to be 1.0 (100%), since people buy pairs of shoes that are the same size. However, because left and right feet are not always the exact same length, the concordance rate for foot size will be something less than 1.0 (though very close). Further, a concordance rate of 0.0 would mean that there is no shared characteristic whatsoever between two variables. For intelligence, the more genetically alike two individuals are, the higher the concordance rates. Similarity, being raised in the same environment also predicts higher concordance rates, as we will see next.

Researchers commonly use studies of pairs of twins, siblings, and other pairs of individuals to explore the relative in�luences of nature and nurture on individuals. One study at the University of Minnesota continues to follow over 8,000 pairs of twins. These studies report that there are many similarities between twins raised in the same household and twins who were separated at birth (usually through adoption) on psychological and physiological evaluations (Bouchard, Lykken, McGue, Segal, & Tellegen, 1990).

In the case of intelligence, Bouchard and McGue (1981) reviewed research from 111 studies worldwide and found that the

Patterns of performance on intelligence tests differ by gender and race or ethnicity. In what ways is this knowledge useful?

concordance rate between monozygotic (identical) twins reared together (in relatively the same environment) was about 0.85; for monozygotic twins reared separately (different environments), it was about 0.67. The higher concordance rate among monozygotic twins when compared to dizygotic (fraternal) twins indicates a genetic contribution of intelligence; however, all sets of twins who are reared together have a higher concordance rate than corresponding groups who are reared apart, demonstrating the contribution of nurture!

Bouchard and McGue (1981) also looked at group differences between monozygotic twins reared together and dizygotic twins reared together. These two sets of siblings are raised in relatively the same environment but differ genetically. Any group differences would thus point to a genetic effect. In this case, differences are again robust, as shown in Figure 9.1. This time differences suggest a strong biological component to intelligence. Moreover, the intelligence of adopted children is more similar to their biological parents than to their adoptive parents, further signifying a genetic link to intelligence (Petrill et al., 1998).

Figure 9.1: Concordance of intelligence scores

The difference between “a” and “b” indicates an environmental effect on intelligence, given that genetics are the same in identical twins. The difference between “a” and “c” indicates genetic effects on intelligence, since the environment, on average, is the same. The differences among “c,” “d,” and “e” indicate a genetic effect, since fraternal twins and siblings share some genetics, whereas unrelated individuals do not.

Source: T. J. Bouchard, Jr. and M. McGue. “Familial studies of intelligence: A review,” Science, 212, 1055–1059. Copyright . 1982. Reprinted by permission of The American Association for the Advancement of Science.

The In�luence of Culture and Environment on Intelligence

Critical Thinking

Why is it dif�icult to develop an intelligence test without introducing cultural bias? What is the difference between a culture-free test and a culture-fair test?

Although nature clearly plays a large role in the development of intelligence, the data on twins have shown that a more advantaged environment (nurture) can have a signi�icant positive effect on intelligence (e.g., Duyme, Dumaret, & Tomkiewicz, 1999; Munsinger, 1975; Scarr & Weinberg, 1976; Schiff et al., 1978; van IJzendoorn, Juffer, & Poelhuis, 2005). Duyme et al. (1999) studied the �iles of 5,003 adopted children who had been abused or neglected during infancy and then adopted when they were between 4 and 6 years of age. Less than 10 years later, the children who had been adopted by families of high-SES families had signi�icantly higher intelligence than those children who were adopted by low-SES families.

Furthermore, a study of adolescent criminal offenders found that young males who were born to single mothers had a higher risk of intellectual impairment than those who were born into two-parent families (Walsh, 1990). And in a well-known transracial study in Minnesota, the researchers concluded that “there is no question that adoption constitutes a massive [environmental] intervention” (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976). Their study found that black children who were adopted into higher-income white families scored signi�icantly better on tests of intellectual ability, compared to children who were adopted by lower- income black parents (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976; Weinberg, Scarr, & Waldman, 1992). In this instance, the economic advantages of the white families were clearly the overriding factor; the “social variables [not race] accounted for a substantial portion” of the variance (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976).

Culture impacts intelligence also. Some theorists say that intelligence cannot be understood outside of its cultural context because behavior considered intelligent in one context may be considered less worthwhile in another (Sternberg, 2004). For example, researchers asked two groups of parents what it meant to have intelligent children. Anglo-American and Mexican-American parents said that intelligent children were independent thinkers, while immigrant parents from Cambodia, the Philippines, and Viet Nam said that intelligent children knew how to conform (Okagaki & Sternberg, 1993). In U.S. colleges, students are encouraged to ask questions if they do not understand something said by the instructor. Asking questions is considered an intelligent thing to do. In some other cultures, speaking up to ask a question may be considered foolish rather than intelligent.

It is important to note that what researchers de�ine as intelligence may be quite different from de�initions by students, parents, and employers. Although those who study traditional measures of intelligence are more or less split on the relative in�luences of nature and nurture, alternative models suggest that learning may have a stronger role in cognitive development than previously thought. We will therefore begin the next section with a discussion of how psychologists have traditionally de�ined intelligence, and then explore more recent, alternative models.

Section Review

Explain how twin and adoption studies inform us about the relative in�luences of biological and environmental in�luences.

9.2 Traditional Models of Intelligence

Traditional models of intelligence depend on comparing people with one another to determine levels of intelligence. For better or worse, the history of intelligence is linked with intelligence testing (Comer & Gould, 2012). In some ways, we can even de�ine intelligence as that which an intelligence test measures. Here we look at how psychometrics, the �ield of study that designs and uses standardized quantitative tests to measure psychological traits, has been used in the study of individual intelligence.

Alfred Binet and Mental Age

At the beginning of the 1900s, psychologist Alfred Binet (1857–1911) was commissioned by the French Ministry of Education to identify students who would be predicted to need special help in school. As a result, Binet developed the �irst usable intelligence test and laid the foundation for intelligence testing that is still done today. He used the term mental age (MA), to denote the average cognitive abilities of a child at any particular age. Regardless of chronological age, if a child could answer questions that were typical of a 6-year-old, but could not answer most questions that were typical of older children, that child was assigned a mental age of 6. Although Binet stressed the limitations of the test, interest in it quickly spread.

Soon thereafter, William Stern (1914) built on Binet’s idea and devised the intelligence quotient (IQ). To calculate an IQ, mental age is divided by chronological age (CA) and then multiplied by 100. So if MA and CA are the same, then IQ is 100, the expected average (see Table 9.1). If MA is greater than CA, then IQ is greater than 100; if the reverse is true, then IQ is less than 100. For example, if a 10-year-old has the MA of a 12-year-old, IQ would be 12/10 × 100 = 120.

Table 9.1: Example of IQ calculations

(a) (b) (c)

Mental age (MA) 29 12 15

Chronological age (CA) 29 10 17

Formula (29/29) × 100 = 100 (12/10) × 100 = 120 (15/17) × 100 = 88

The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test

With the groundwork in place, the use of IQ soon became widespread. Stanford University professor Lewis Terman adopted Binet’s work and standardized the test for use with children in the United States. Published in the early 1900s, this became the well-known Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test (Terman & Merrill, 1960). Still widely used, the Stanford-Binet is currently in its 5th edition and provides norms for ages 2 to 85 (Roid, 2003). When it was originally developed, the Stanford-Binet provided a global measure of intelligence using IQ as a standard.

The idea of a single variable to describe intelligence was also consistent with the work of Charles Spearman (1863–1945). A psychologist who specialized in statistics, Spearman theorized that intelligence could be quanti�ied as g (general intelligence) and derived from statistical operations (Spearman, 1923). Spearman agreed that intelligence included many different kinds of mental activities; he simply felt that they could be synthesized mathematically into one general factor. At the time, the Stanford-Binet was the standard that allowed comparisons between individuals on this one theoretical factor.

The Wechsler Intelligence Scales

David Wechsler, who was trained to use the Stanford-Binet test, recognized the limitations of a test developed for children when he evaluated older, U.S. Army recruits during the late 1930s (Kaufman & Lichtenberger, 2006). His work eventually led to the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, now in its fourth edition (WAIS-IV). The Wechsler Scales now include the WAIS-IV, the widely used Wecshler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-IV), as well as the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence (WPPSI- III).

Rather than one IQ number, newer versions of both the Stanford-Binet and the Wechsler Scales have subscales, which address strengths and weaknesses in several areas (scales) like abstract reasoning, attention, processing speed, and factual knowledge. This change in focus from a mathematical quotient that singularly describes intellect has been an important advancement in the assessment as well as the de�inition of intelligence. Today, depending on strengths and weaknesses on different scales, clusters of scores can be used to analyze and diagnose speci�ic kinds of learning patterns. Certain pro�iles on the scales may indicate giftedness, a learning disability, or speci�ic attention problems that may impact learning. They also can sometimes correlate with mental problems, which we will discuss more in section 9.3.

Another important advancement in psychometrics has been the development of the deviation IQ. Instead of mental age, the deviation IQ is based on standard deviation, a statistical measure that tells us how much a particular score deviates from the average. A signi�icantly high or low deviation from 100 suggests someone who is signi�icantly more or less intelligent than average. Scores are placed around a normal distribution (bell curve), where 100 is the average. By de�inition, the middle 68% of scores lie between an IQ of 85 and 115 (84 and 116 on the Stanford-Binet). (Because one standard deviation on the WISC-IV is 15 and one standard deviation on the SB5 is 16, a score of 115 on the WISC-IV is the equivalent of 116 on the SB5; 130 on the WISC-IV is the equivalent of 132 on the SB5, and so forth.) As Figure 9.2 indicates, an IQ of 130 represents a score higher than 97.7% of the population, and an IQ of 70 represents a score that is lower than 97.7% of the population; both scores deviate from the average by the same amount.

Figure 9.2: Normal curve for intelligence

Human traits are assumed to follow the pattern of the normal curve. The distribution of IQ scores is a common example of this pattern. In a normal distribution, it is assumed that there are similar percentages (14%) of scores between 115 and 130 and between 85 and 70. Additionally, an IQ of 130 is just as rare as an IQ of 70; both are two standard deviations away from the mean of 100.

Even though intelligence tests remain in wide use, reliance on such quantitative measures has been criticized for potential cultural bias and for an overemphasis on equating intelligence with testing. It is thought that relying on IQ to de�ine intelligence supports a narrow view, and we should instead be expanding the conversation (Schlinger, 2012; Wicherts & Dolan, 2010). In addition, researchers have noticed that the IQ scores of the world population seem to be increasing over time. This is called the Flynn effect, named after the �irst researcher who noticed this puzzling phenomenon (Flynn, 1987, 2012; Flynn & Weiss, 2007). No one is sure why this is happening, but explanations include that changes in education, nutrition, and physical demands have resulted in people actually being smarter now, compared to people in past generations (Flynn, 2009; Zelinski & Kennison, 2007). The Flynn effect complicates the use of psychometrics in intelligence. Despite the criticism, what continues to make the idea of IQ popular is that scores seem to predict real-world capabilities like academic and job success. As measured by traditional tests, IQ remains signi�icantly correlated to dozens of academic subjects and remains relatively stable across the lifespan (Deary, Strand, Smith, & Fernandes, 2007; Deary, Whiteman, Starr, Whalley, & Fox, 2004).

Section Review

Explain the origins of our current methods of measuring intelligence.

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Down syndrome is one of the most common genetic factors related to intellectual disability.

9.3 Extremes of Intelligence

By de�inition, extremes of intelligence are those scores that occupy the two tails of the normal distribution in Figure 9.2. At the lower end are individuals with intellectual disability (formerly referred to as mental retardation), who test at 70 or less, or two standard deviations below the mean on an IQ test. On the other end of the spectrum are people who are considered gifted, with an IQ of 130 or above. Sometimes, however, de�initions at both intellectual extremes vary, as we see in this section.

Intellectual Disability

An intellectual disability is no longer thought of as simply having a low IQ. The contemporary perspective takes into account functional impairments in adaptive living, including areas of communication, social skills, and daily hygiene (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Schalock et al., 2007). The most common genetic or inherited factors in intellectual disability are Down syndrome (Trisomy 21) and Fragile X syndrome (see Chapter 3), though many other genetic or chromosomal abnormalities can have a profound negative effect on intellectual functioning. Prenatal causes include fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, the mother’s substance abuse, poor healthcare and maternal nutrition, and exposure to viruses and other teratogens (see Chapter 3). Perinatal (birth) causes include complications of low birth weight (e.g., reduced lung capacity and oxygen �low) and trauma that results in brain damage. Intellectual disabilities due to postnatal causes are more common in poorer countries, where malnutrition can signi�icantly affect brain development and catastrophic infections can destroy established brain tissue. Still, up to half of cases are of unknown origin (Daily, Ardinger, & Holmes, 2000; McDowell & Craven, 2011).

About 85% of cases are classi�ied as mild intellectual disability (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). People in this category may not have been identi�ied until after they began formal education. De�icits in adaptive behavior may or may not be evident to nonprofessionals, though there is likely to be some impairment of independent activities. As an adult, someone with an IQ of 65 may be quite able to socialize appropriately, live independently, do many kinds of work, get married, read enough to use basic computer processes, and order from a menu. In the less developed world, where children may begin working at an early age and formal education is limited, mild cognitive impairment may not be nearly as restrictive as it is in high-income countries.

Moderate Intellectual Disability Most individuals with Down syndrome fall into the category of moderate intellectual disability, with an IQ of 40 to 55. Typically there is a high incidence of physical health problems as well, like heart defects and thyroid diseases, and increased prevalence of mental health disorders that impact lifestyle. Together, these effects substantially shorten lifespans (Crocker, Prokić, Morin, & Reyes, 2014; Van Schrojenstein Lantman-de Valk & Walsh, 2008). Speech delays among this group are particularly noticeable in early childhood, and individuals need considerable help with self-care and community activities. Educational potential is quite limited for those with moderate intellectual disability. Schooling usually focuses on health and safety issues and daily skills, including navigating the neighborhood. With practice, many of these

individuals can learn to travel independently to controlled work or volunteer facilities, but still need moderate supervision throughout their lifetimes.

Severe and Profound Intellectual Disability People with an IQ of 26 to 40 have a severe intellectual disability. Many develop speech and can feed themselves, but they do not ordinarily prepare their own meals and need help with everyday necessities and routines. Those with this condition need nearly constant supervision their entire lives. Individuals with an IQ of 25 or below have a profound intellectual disability. Nearly always there is great dif�iculty with mobility and communication. A less-restrictive community model that makes use of neighborhood group homes for those with severe and profound intellectual disabilities is gradually replacing the old model of institutionalization.

Educating Children With Special Needs

Regardless of the extent of their disabilities, all children are entitled to be educated in the least restrictive environment, a placement that is as similar as possible to a classroom of children who do not have disabilities. The expectation is for children with special needs to become as “typical” as possible. The requirement of a placement in the least restrictive environment has led to an increase in inclusion, which means students are placed in a standard classroom for all or most of the school day. Advocates of full inclusion maintain that all children, regardless of special physical, emotional, or cognitive needs, are best served when they can regularly interact with typical peer models. The push toward a more inclusive environment may be one reason that the number of children served in special education has been dropping steadily since 2004 (see Figure 9.3). It is also possible that schools (in an effort to save money), or parents of children with special needs (in the hopeful expectation to optimize learning), are electing to keep children in regular classrooms. An alternative to inclusion is mainstreaming, in which children with special needs are placed in a regular classroom for only part of a day, such as the period reserved for math.

In each of the various learning environments, the expectation is for children with special needs to be given more individual instruction geared toward their developmental needs. By being assigned work that is consistent with ability rather than age or grade level, children are more likely to make progress. For example, most special education teachers use a phonics approach to reading; intensive repetition and �lash cards are helpful for those with speci�ic math disabilities; and special paper is used for children who have dif�iculty staying within lines when writing.

Figure 9.3: Percentage of time spent in regular classrooms among students with disabilities

Schools have been trending toward a more mainstream environment for all children who receive special education services.

Critical Thinking

Source: U.S. Department of Education.

Sometimes students struggle in one intellectual area, like reading, even though they have average or above intelligence. Traditionally, this dichotomy de�ines a learning disability. State and local agencies no longer use only this de�inition, but speci�ic learning disabilities make up a signi�icant proportion of children who receive special education services. Efforts focusing on strengthening working memory, organization and planning, pursuing active coping strategies, and other regulatory skills have all shown success (De Weerdt, Desoete, & Roeyers, 2013; Firth, Greaves, & Frydenberg, 2010). A longitudinal study that followed 571 children with speci�ic learning disabilities and a matched control found that both groups had similar years of college attendance and enjoyed similar employment success and incomes. Research indicates that being proactive in school (like having a parental advocate in elementary school or taking advantage of tutoring labs in college), setting goals, and having a supportive social network are instrumental to success in special education (Goldberg, Higgins, Raskind, & Herman, 2003; Seo, Abbott, & Hawkins, 2008).

Gifted and Talented

At the high end of the bell curve of intelligence is giftedness. Individuals with an IQ between 130 and 144 are classi�ied as gifted; those at 145 and above are highly gifted. In addition, some children demonstrate exceptional achievement without necessarily having an IQ in the gifted range. Recognizing the special nature of these children, many school districts designate programs for the gifted or talented. Government funding for these services usually falls under the umbrella of special education, so children who are gifted and talented often compete for funding with those who have learning disabilities or are intellectually disabled.

The stereotype of the intellectually gifted as poorly adjusted, socially awkward, and prone to mental illness is misguided. Research has

In which subject areas should schools provide special education services (programs for gifted and talented) if students show exceptional aptitude?

found the opposite to be true. Gifted people are at least as well adjusted as their non-gifted peers (Olszewski-Kubilius, 2002; Reis & Renzulli, 2004). The most serious problem affecting many highly gifted schoolchildren is keeping them stimulated. Not all educational environments provide the academic or emotional support that will optimize learning. What Lewis Terman said nearly 100 years ago in some ways still rings true: Unless gifted children “are given the grade of work which calls forth their best efforts, they run the risk of falling into lifelong habits of submaximum ef�iciency. The danger in the case of such children is not over-pressure, but under-pressure” (Terman, 1916, p. 16). Evidence shows that social adjustment, self-esteem, and mental health in general all improve when gifted children participate at least part time in specialized programs that offer more intellectual challenges than standard classrooms (van der Meulen et al., 2014). At the same time, though, parents must also allow their gifted children opportunities outside of mainstream academics, like summer enrichment classes that can be found at many colleges and universities. Just like others, those who are intellectually advanced also need enrichment in music, athletics, art, and other activities.

Section Review

Describe the range of individuals who fall outside the mainstream for intelligence and learning. What kinds of specialized learning environments are available for such individuals?

9.4 Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

In Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences, Howard Gardner (1993) argues that there are multiple intelligences or many components to intelligence and that it can be exhibited in different ways. For example, if Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates had been terrible at using words, or mega-record producer Quincy Jones was a poor math student, would they be deemed unintelligent? Indeed, poor performance in one or both of those conventional academic areas would strongly impact traditional notions of intelligence, since IQ tests include both math and linguistic skills. However, while established intelligence tests assume that two people with the same numeric IQ are equally intelligent, Gardner sees people as having unique pro�iles of intelligence. He outlined a case for at least eight types of intelligences. Campbell, Campbell, and Dickinson (2004) elaborate on his ideas by showing the occupational strengths of each one (see Table 9.2).

Table 9.2: Gardner’s multiple intelligences

Type of intelligence

Description

Verbal– linguistic

Represented by having a good command of language. It allows people to express their thoughts clearly and precisely. While this skill is important for everyone, it is especially important for authors, journalists, and those in the business world.

Logical– mathematical

Includes tasks such as deciding if the correct change was received from a clerk, balancing a checkbook, or paying bills. Physical scientists and those who work with numbers need mathematical intelligence.

Spatial Refers to the ability to think three dimensionally, to be able to take a �lat picture or an architectural drawing and mentally visualize its existence.

Bodily– kinesthetic

Related to muscular movement and speci�ic physical skills. Professional dancers, athletes, craftspeople, and surgeons have this type of intelligence.

Musical Includes sensitivity to rhythm, melody, pitch, tone, and other aspects of music. Expressions of musical intelligence are seen among those who are good at composing or performing music, as well as those who can analyze the compositions of others.

Interpersonal Refers to the ability to understand and interact effectively with others. Such intelligence involves not only the ability to understand the obvious meaning of what others say, but also to recognize the hidden meaning behind words and nonverbal communication. Such skills are important for teachers, psychologists, business professionals, parents, and others.

Intrapersonal Refers to the ability to understand oneself, to be able to explore the depths of the mind and emotions, drawing conclusions and personal insights. Those with good intrapersonal intelligence understand their personal strengths and weaknesses and plan accordingly.

Naturalistic Proposed by Gardner in 1999, after his original seven intelligences. People who are “nature smart” excel at understanding the patterns and meaning of nature, from cloud formations and wind patterns to smells and the feel of earth. This type of intelligence is important to farmers, botanists, ranchers, and ecologists.

As Table 9.2 shows, each of the intelligences has distinct importance. A person who demonstrates ability in one area is not necessarily more or less intelligent than a person who demonstrates different abilities.

Even though intelligence is biologically based, education is an important determinant in transforming potential into a usable process (Connell, Sheridan, & Gardner, 2003). What sets Gardner’s theory apart is the notion that intelligence is more than just mental abilities: it includes physical, social, and creative abilities as well. Gardner says that observing these intelligences in context is more appropriate than trying to measure them with a test. The dif�iculty of measuring the multiple intelligences is one of the criticisms of this theory.

Psychology in Action: Multiple Intelligences

Multiple intelligences is a popular theory because it highlights that there are more ways than one to be smart. In Denmark, Danfoss Universe designed Explorama (http://universe.dk/en/experience/attractions/explorama/) , a theme park based on multiple intelligences. The goal of the park is to provide hands-on education in science and technology. Gardner’s ideas about multiple intelligences shaped the overall design of the park and resulted in separate sections that focus on each of the different intelligences. The theme park has become a popular destination. In addition to families who visit, businesses provide workshops and seminars where participants are able to map their own intelligences depending on how well they navigate the different sections of the park. By engaging in the variety of activities, people can have an enjoyable experience while �inding their preferred ways to learn (Chen, Moran, & Gardner, 2009).

Educators have responded with great interest to multiple intelligences. Programs and, in some cases, entire schools have been developed based on the multiple intelligences concept (e.g., the Gardner School of Arts and Sciences (http://gardnerschool.org/) ). Findings from studies show that adults learning subjects as diverse as law, information literacy, and English as a second language bene�it from instruction based in multiple intelligences as well (Kallenbach & Viens, 2004; Mokhtar, Majid, & Foo, 2008).

In workplace settings, researchers study how teams use multiple intelligences to tackle problems. Weller (1999) says that teams could be more productive if members could identify their particular intelligences and use them collaboratively with other team members when they need to address complicated issues. Instead of just talking about a problem, they might try to draw it out or create a simulation. Similarly, business trainers can use the theory to include activities that appeal to participants’ areas of strength (Green, Hill, Friday, & Friday, 2005). Gardner would say that instead of asking people how smart they are, we should ask them how they are smart.

Section Review

Identify a person you admire who you think �its each of Gardner’s intelligences. Then describe how that person has demonstrated his or her aptitude.

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The ability to memorize and transfer information

9.5 Triarchic Model of Intelligence

Like the multiple intelligences concept, Robert Sternberg (1984, 2008) theorizes that intelligence is not a single mental function; rather, it is made up of three interacting components. Sternberg’s triarchic model of intelligence consists of parts related to traditional analytical intelligence, practical intelligence, and creative intelligence (see Figure 9.4). People can display common sense and speci�ic kinds of wisdom, or show exceptional creativity. This kind of aptitude is distinguished from the more common “academic” intelligences that are devoted more fully to words and logic. According to Sternberg, important goals are achieved by establishing a balance among the three components in what is referred to as “successful intelligence.”

Figure 9.4: The triarchic model of intelligence

According to the triarchic model, successful intelligence is composed of a balance among analytical, creative, and practical abilities.

Source: Based on Sternberg, R. J. (1998). Principles of teaching for successful intelligence. Educational Psychologist, 33, 65–72.

Analytical Abilities

The type of knowledge that is often measured in academic settings is useful for analyzing, evaluating, and comparing and contrasting information (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2000). Students of all ages are rewarded for this kind of learning. We acquire it from textbooks and the Internet and hear it during lectures. In addition, the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), Graduate Record Examination (GRE), Medical College Admission Test (MCAT), and other widely used standardized tests reinforce this system by encouraging the memorization of speci�ic kinds of information. Sternberg calls this kind of re�lection and transfer of information analytical intelligence. Though there is a fair amount of criticism of standardized tests (especially among those of us who take them!), evaluating how much raw information a person possesses is a valuable exercise. Colleges know, for instance, that on average students who score well on the SAT will be more successful during their freshman years than students who do poorly.

Analytical intelligence is especially important in math and science, where there is often only one correct answer. For example, without

commonly reinforced by standardized tests only highlights the analytical component of intelligence.

Critical Thinking

In what way does Sternberg’s model account for culture and age?

knowledge about the components of chemistry, anatomy, psychology, and perhaps math, advanced pharmacology is dif�icult to master. Similarly, in order to become an expert in political science, real estate, or art history, a student needs to store many pieces of seemingly disparate pieces of information. Remember, however, that Sternberg stressed the importance of balance among intelligences; analytical intelligence is only one component of intelligence and it is distinct from practical intelligence and creative intelligence.

Practical Intelligence

We use acquired knowledge and skills to adapt to everyday activities—whatever they may be. For example, there is an important language in pick-up basketball games; musicians and salespeople need speci�ic kinds of skills in order to best sell themselves or a product; thriving in some neighborhoods requires knowledge of the right places and the right kinds of people. Each of the contexts requires a distinct cognitive process. Psychologists recognize that people develop “real-world” intelligence—what is commonly referred to as “street smarts.” It is separate from what an IQ test might measure and distinct from general cognitive ability (Taub, Hayes, Cunningham, & Sivo, 2001). Because it revolves around practical problem solving in everyday life, Sternberg calls it practical intelligence.

Practical intelligence is not just street smarts. Sternberg et al. (2000) give the example of a supervisor who demands results from subordinates who do not yet have the capabilities to succeed, therefore making everyone work harder while remaining unsuccessful (p. 213). A supervisor who demonstrated practical intelligence would realize that subordinates need additional skills and resources to ef�iciently complete speci�ic tasks. “Smarter” supervisors would thus move ahead in the organization while those without practical intelligence would struggle. In order to improve their practical skills, inexperienced managers could request mentoring from more experienced supervisors. So practical intelligence is not something that we learn only by observation and experience, we can also learn it through formal and informal instruction.

Creative Intelligence

For intelligence to be most useful, it must also be applied. Without this kind of creative intelligence, someone may have a particular knowledge base (e.g., the science of renewable energy) and may understand the different industries and personalities involved (e.g., current energy policy, the social structure of the coal industry), but lack the ability to generate new ideas based on this information. Creative thinkers can defy the crowd, seeing alternative ways of de�ining and solving problems that others often do not see. Creative abilities are involved in exploring, discovering, and imagining. This component of intelligence helps people react to new situations and adapt to or improve their immediate environment.

Sternberg’s ideas are often overshadowed in education by the intuitive nature of Gardner’s theory. However, the triarchic theory can be useful as well. Much of the struggle in education today focuses on the teaching of critical thinking skills. Instead of simply memorizing material and repeating it (more analytical intelligence), critical thinking entails generating ideas and synthesizing information. The increased focus on state and national standards in education reinforces immersion in speci�ic content that precludes generating ideas. Without the creative side of intelligence, Sternberg would argue that students cannot be completely successful.

One speci�ic example of this dichotomy is the way that math is usually taught in schools. In algebra, for instance, students ordinarily memorize step-by-step processes so that they can demonstrate a particular skill. In this process, creative ways to solve problems are frowned upon. In fact, even if an answer is incorrect, showing many steps in a math problem is often rewarded while a correct answer that shows no steps is usually not awarded any credit at all. Perhaps a better balance between the analytical side (learning the processes) and the creative side (generating different methods and solutions) would allow for greater practical implementation (using math successfully in different situations).

Applying the Triarchic Model

Tests of triarchic intelligence differ from standard IQ tests in that they force the taker to employ personal experience, use creative ideas, and understand social issues. They also have more than one possible answer (Diehl et al., 2005). For instance, two people looking for ways to cut business costs may create very different solutions, depending on how they approach the situation. Sternberg describes the intelligence needed by entrepreneurs. People who are in business for themselves need creative intelligence to come up with new ideas. They need analytical intelligence to decide whether their idea is a good one. Then they need practical intelligence to �igure out how to market their ideas to people who have never heard of them before.

A single intelligence by itself would not be adequate. According to Sternberg (2004), people who have only high analytical intelligence make poor entrepreneurs because they can’t generate new ideas. Having divergent approaches highlights the difference between the analytical intelligence necessary for success in school and the more practical and creative abilities applied on the job. Indeed, many businesses are now requiring applicants to perform problem-solving tasks that are unrelated to the job description (e.g., “Measure four gallons of water using only a three-gallon and a �ive-gallon bucket”). Employers want to see that applicants can use their intelligence within the balanced domains that are characteristic of Sternberg’s model.

Section Review

Sternberg’s model values the balance between the three elements. Assess the balance of the three elements in your chosen profession or �ield of study.

9.6 Other Types of Intelligence

Although Gardner and Sternberg’s models have shifted the traditional discussion to be more inclusive of a wider array of abilities, researchers continue to identify new ways of being intelligent, such as having emotional intelligence or being creative.

Emotional Intelligence

Emotional intelligence, sometimes referred to as EQ, is a set of abilities that enable a person to process and use emotional information (Salovey & Mayer, 1989). Reasoning is used to enhance emotions and emotions are used to enhance reasoning. Emotionally intelligent people are thought to be self-aware, mature, sensitive to their own feelings and how these feelings can change, and able to manage their emotions so they are not overwhelmed by them. Compared to someone who often acts out, a person who is re�lective when frustrated demonstrates higher emotional intelligence. Expanding on the foundation set forth by Salovey and Mayer, Daniel Goleman and his colleagues have identi�ied �ive practical components of emotional intelligence, which often overlap (see Table 9.3).

Table 9.3: Components of emotional intelligence

Component Description Example

Empathy When we show compassion and empathy we demonstrate the ability to understand motivations and feelings of others. This facilitates emotional connections and drives intimate relationships.

Limiting distractions when providing attention to someone who needs support; communicating at a later time to follow up.

Motivation A commitment to goals and self-improvement. Demonstrating motivation includes showing initiative and completing tasks.

Following through on plans to prepare for an exam, even though friends have pressured you to socialize instead.

Self- awareness

A part of relationship-building is understanding how our behavior affects the reactions of others. We need to understand our own strengths, weaknesses, moods, and impulses in order to create adaptive emotional reactions.

Hesitating and rethinking before sending an in�lammatory electronic message

Self- regulation

Controlling impulses and regulating moods in potentially emotional situations. Self-regulation leads to intrapersonal growth through self-discipline, and interpersonal growth by promoting goodwill.

Using “I statements” (e.g., “I am disappointed”) rather than making accusations (“You lied!”) or yelling as a �irst response.

Social skills The ability to identify social cues and to respond appropriately in social situations. It includes promoting common interests and building rapport.

Researching a company’s interests and activities before sitting for an interview.

Source: Adapted from Boyatzis et al., (2000).

There is a clear link between emotional intelligence and what Gardner calls interpersonal and intrapersonal intelligence. These emotional intelligences are what enable a person to use emotional

Critical Thinking

How does self-re�lection and self- regulation relate to a person’s emotional intelligence?

Namuth Hans/Science Source/Getty Images

Artists such as Piet Mondrian and Jackson Pollock can be referred to as “creative geniuses.”

information to help navigate the social environment either in the family, at work, or in leisure activities. People can be academically smart and be able to solve well-de�ined problems in school, but they may not be able to use their reasoning ability in the workplace to resolve con�licts, collaborate with others, or adapt to change (Van der Zee, Thijs, & Schakel, 2002). Understanding that we need to behave differently depending on the context demonstrates relatively higher EQ than not paying attention to (or understanding) circumstances.

In some situations, people who have high EQ are more likely to be successful than people who have high IQ (Goleman, 2005). In today’s world, interacting with others is increasingly important in the work environment because many organizations rely on teamwork and collaboration (Druskat & Wolff, 2001). A study that examined the emotional intelligence of senior managers found that those with high emotional intelligence were more satis�ied with their jobs, more committed to the success of the organization, and better able to manage work and family stress (Carmeli, 2003).

There is evidence that emotional intelligence increases with age. When older adults are asked to identify different emotions by looking at pictures in a laboratory setting, they performed more poorly than younger adults. In contrast, the opposite occurs in a natural setting. When older adults identify different emotions in familiar social situations, they are better able to recognize and appraise emotions than their younger counterparts. This may be because older adults have more experience dealing with emotions in a dynamic context (Sze, Goodkind, Gyurak, & Levenson, 2012). In late life, adults adopt different perspectives and goals that focus more on interpersonal relationships, thus increasing their ability to deal with a range of emotions (Seider, Hirschberger, Nelson, & Levenson, 2009). This ability is part of successful aging, a topic that will be explored in Chapter 16.

Creativity

Although Sternberg recognized creativity as part of intelligence in his three-part model, other theorists highlight creativity as a unique form of intelligence that can increase across the lifespan. Albert Einstein is said to have remarked, “Creativity is intelligence having fun.” There is actually some truth to the stereotype of the “creative genius” because a higher level of creativity is associated with increased intelligence. Many scholars believe that creativity is different from intelligence, but like intelligence, creativity is hard to de�ine. Why are works by famous painter Jackson Pollack considered so much more creative and valuable than similar works made by schoolchildren? Computers can easily generate images like those painted by Piet Mondrian, whose paintings include intersecting straight lines �illed in with primary colors, yet collectors are not interested in that kind of “creativity.”

We know that some kinds of creativity, like writing, do not peak until middle adulthood. Creativity and practical intelligence often combine to produce experts in their �ields, whether that is repairing cars, farming, composing, or designing aircraft. (According to Sternberg, though, experts have a dif�icult time making lasting contributions unless they also excel at communicating their ideas.) Creative experts have a lot of

Critical Thinking

Is creativity a form of intelligence? If you answered “yes,” what are some of the issues associated with de�ining and measuring creativity?

experience with various types of problems that often need solutions. Their minds often skip steps that a novice would normally follow, or they twist a step in a unique way. Experts cannot always explain how they came to use a creative solution; they just knew to do it.

Other times, creativity follows systematic hard work and direction. Steve Jobs was famous for �inding creative solutions to technology or design problems that he was told were impossible to solve. He simply insisted that designers, marketers, and computer programmers work until they found a solution. Although at times he was sharply criticized for his manner in forcing this “alternate reality” onto overworked employees, he was also eminently successful precisely because of his high degree of creative thinking (Isaacson, 2011). Dacey (1999) found that highly creative adults

have some common characteristics, including those from the following list.

Creative adults prefer to make their own decisions and plans. They prefer their own judgment to that of others and tend not to back down in the face of criticism or disagreement. They are most resourceful when faced with unique circumstances or problems. They show an imaginative use of many different words. They show more �lexibility in their approach to problems, are eager to try new avenues, and are not bound to accepted rules or ideas. They show originality (the most critical factor in creativity) and do not fall back on typical solutions.

It has been argued that creativity begins to decline as we move into late adulthood, but it is dif�icult to separate associated declines in cognition and senses. Alternatively, it is suggested that the age-related decline in creativity is best thought of as a change in style and how it is expressed, perhaps due to physical changes in senses and movement, rather than being exclusive to degeneration (Mazzucchi, Sinforiani, & Boller, 2013).

Section Review

Describe how emotional intelligence and creativity are related to intelligence. In what ways do these concepts include reasoning and understanding?

9.7 The In�luence of Advancing Age on Cognition

We will begin this last section of cognitive development with a discussion of what we know about aging and cognitive health. The landmark Seattle Longitudinal Study provides a wealth of information about this topic and has enormously expanded our knowledge of what to expect as we age. Besides the lead researchers, others have looked at patterns of aging from this study and focused on two forms of intelligence referred to as �luid intelligence and crystallized intelligence. Finally, we will explore various methods to exercise our minds in the same way that movement exercises the body.

The Seattle Longitudinal Study

The Seattle Longitudinal Study (SLS), introduced in Chapter 2, has been a particularly valuable source of information regarding adult cognition. In a continuing long-term research project of about 6,000 men and women that began in 1956, changes in cognitive abilities have been tracked every 7 years over several decades (Schaie, 2013; Schaie et al., 2005). By testing participants on 6 primary abilities originally described by Thurstone (1938), the study was able to show which skills declined, which remained the same, and which grew over time. Data originating from the study quickly began to debunk the conventional notion that aging was best thought of as a downhill slide.

In fact, it may surprise you that the SLS has not found any long-term, consistent pattern of cognitive decline. Individual difference is the rule, and uniform cognitive aging appears not to exist (Schaie & Willis, 2010). There is some evidence of an age-related decline in problem-solving ability beginning in the 30s, but there is no corresponding decline in memory for pieces of fact-based information until many decades later. Importantly, researchers generally found that there is no overall decrease in mental abilities until at least age 60 (see Figure 9.5). On average, it is not until people are their 60s that they even need more time to learn new information (Glisky, 2007).

Figure 9.5: Results from Seattle Longitudinal Study

Pioneering research by K. Warner Schaie and his colleagues shows that there is no overall decrease in mental abilities until at least age 60. Thereafter, although abilities decline on average, no generalized pattern exists that can predict individual outcomes.

Source: Schaie, K. W., Willis, S. L., & Caskie, G. I. L. (2004). The Seattle Longitudinal Study: Relationship between personality and cognition. Aging, Neuropsychology, and Cognition, 11(2–3), 304–324. Copyright © 2004 Routledge. Reprinted by permission of Taylor and Francis.

According to data from the SLS, between the ages of 60 and 74, nearly all of us will show statistically signi�icant reductions in abilities, though again, there is no universal pattern of cognitive decay. Even an expected comprehensive decline over the 7 years between age 74 and 81 has not been found to exist. Fewer than half of the participants in the study have showed major declines in global cognitive functioning over that period (Schaie, Willis, & Caskie, 2004). Perhaps most striking is the �inding that although the majority of individuals show a signi�icant decline in at least one primary mental ability by age 60, virtually no one in the SLS has shown declines in every area, even up to age 88 (Siegler et al., 2009). Much of the variation in outcomes could be due to an assortment of personal factors. There are individual variations in biology and genetics, personality, and relationships that in�luence intellectual development. For example, participating in physical exercise, which promotes cognitive health, varies by inherited athleticism, degree of self-motivation, and amount of social support.

Another important �inding from the SLS was the discovery of several historical cohort effects. On numerical ability, people born between 1903 and 1924 out performed those born earlier and later; on inductive reasoning, every generation was superior to the preceding one. Verbal recall improved among all cohorts up to those born in 1952, but has declined since then. And, lending support to the Flynn Effect, in general, later-born cohorts have outperformed earlier born cohorts (Schaie & Zanjani, 2006). The great overall variation in results allows us to recognize what we can expect developmentally compared to what might be out of the ordinary. We cannot easily dismiss changes in memory, mood, or personality as part of the aging process. The SLS informs us that sudden cognitive declines in healthy individuals are quite unusual.

Fluid and Crystallized Intelligence

Others have differentiated patterns of aging in reasoning ability versus patterns established by accumulated knowledge. Fluid intelligence refers to the ability to process information, see relationships, use abstract reasoning, and analyze information. Think of the term “�luid” as analogous to movement. It represents the ability to mentally manipulate and reorganize multiple pieces of information. In order to study �luid intelligence, adults are given speci�ic and standardized reasoning tasks that are often timed. In these controlled situations, researchers �ind a steady age-related drop in �luid ability beginning after age 30 or so (see Figure 9.6). According to Horn and Hofer (1992), this kind of cognition declines with age as brains become less able to hold multiple bits of information simultaneously.

In contrast, crystallized intelligence can be thought of as something durable. It can be described, like speci�ic stores of information. For example, as people age their stored vocabulary and knowledge of history increases. More is learned about the events they live through as well as those they hear about. Though some information is forgotten, that which is forgotten is far surpassed by what is continually remembered. Crystallized intelligence usually grows well into later adulthood. The average 70-year-old knows more trivia and can do crossword puzzles much better than the average 30-year-old.

Figure 9.6: Fluid and crystallized intelligence

Although �luid intelligence begins to decline relatively early, crystallized intelligence continues to increase with age. What kinds of implications does this pattern have for overall competence and intelligence?

Source: Adapted from Baltes, P. B., Staudinger, U. M., & Lindenberger, U. (1999). Lifespan psychology: Theory and application to intellectual functioning. Annual Review of Psychology, 50, 471–507. Copyright 1999 Annual Reviews. All rights reserved.

In reality, crystallized intelligence cannot easily be separated from �luid intelligence. For example, even though a younger plumber may have superior �luid intelligence and faster reaction time, the acquired crystallized intelligence of a more experienced plumber is likely to be advantageous as well. In fact, when younger and older adults are compared in real-life tasks involving skills already learned, such as how to reconcile a bank statement (or �ix a plumbing leak), there is little difference in abilities (Bialystok & Craik, 2006). Therefore, while some kinds of intelligence may deteriorate with age, other increases can balance out the outcomes for adults of different ages.

iStock Editorial/Thinkstock

Remaining engaged, socially and cognitively, as these seniors in Singapore are doing, can have bene�its.

These examples show how both �luid and crystallized intelligences are often used simultaneously, especially when seeking creative solutions (and can be related to Sternberg’s idea of triarchic balance). People use their crystallized, accumulated knowledge to help them reason abstractly and solve problems. People in their 20s who are at the “peak” of their �luid intelligence are usually not pursued to head companies; those who are just beginning higher education often seek out returning older students for their wisdom. Exercising both abstract reasoning processes and the rote memory skills indicative of crystallized intelligence reinforces mental sharpness. Although differentiating between �luid and crystallized intelligences is important to understanding development, outside of a laboratory they cannot be easily separated.

Cognitive Training

As you learned in Chapter 6, maintaining physical �itness is the most important element to preserve cognitive health. Evidence continues to accumulate that when the body exercises, the mind bene�its too. Research shows that both aerobic activity and resistance training help older adults improve their information-processing speed, verbal memory, spatial memory, and overall intellectual functioning, even when there is mild cognitive impairment (Baker et al., 2010; Liu-Ambrose et al., 2010; Nagamatsu et al., 2013; Prince et al., 2011).

Recall also that remaining busy socially and engaged cognitively appear somewhat bene�icial as well. Instead of simply investigating whether everyday activities like reading and doing crossword puzzles are correlated with health and longevity, SLS researchers and others have explored whether speci�ic kinds of training improve cognitive functioning. Exercises might include solving puzzles, doing multipart work requiring manipulation of information, or discussing complex subjects with others. These studies show that with training older adults can indeed improve reasoning ability and processing speed, augment memory, and enhance visual searching skills. Researchers found that effects lasted up to 2 years and were ampli�ied by additional training (Ball et al., 2002; Boron, Turiano, Willis, & Schaie, 2007; Schaie, 2005; Willis et al., 2006). Other studies have found that for people 80 years and older, the combination of physical activity with cognitive training produces the most robust cognitive bene�it (Shatil, 2013).

Importantly, it is unclear whether or not speci�ic kinds of training transfer to tasks outside of laboratory testing. However, because of the consistency of these studies, the Internet is now rich with cognitive training activities. Although research has yet to validate the long-term effects of speci�ic exercises, there is convincing evidence that greater lifetime cognitive activity in general reduces neurodegeneration (e.g., Serra et al., 2015).

Section Review

Describe how cognition changes as we age.

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary De�ining what intelligence is remains one of the most enduring concepts in psychology. Understanding how much weight we should give to innate skills versus learned behavior is complicated, and not easy to separate. Traditional models of intelligence have relied on psychometrics to provide both an overall IQ as well as a way to compare subscales of speci�ic strengths and weaknesses. Outside of research, IQ testing is most often used to properly identify and service those who are at the extremes of intelligence.

For most individuals, other models of intelligence have more practical value. Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences and Sternberg’s triarchic model conceptualize intelligence as more than the ability to acquire only certain kinds of information. Psychologists also study creativity and emotional intelligence as additional ways to understand the development of cognition. Perhaps no one has provided more information in the study of aging and cognition than K. Werner Schaie and his colleagues in the Seattle Longitudinal Study. The wealth of data over the last 60 years has allowed us to rede�ine how we look at aging and cognition. Undoubtedly, the cognitive stability we see has an effect on psychosocial development over the lifespan as well, a topic we will visit over the next several chapters.

Summary of Key Concepts Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence

The ability to retain information is an important part of what we refer to as intelligence. Traditionally, psychologists have viewed intelligence as innate, and twin studies also suggest a strong biological component to intelligence. However, psychologists have determined that the environment (e.g., family, schooling, socioeconomic group, culture, etc.) also plays a large role in intelligence. While traditional measures of intelligence suggested that intelligence was mostly �ixed at birth, there is convincing evidence that learning is an integral part of cognitive development.

Traditional Models of Intelligence

Measuring intelligence by standardized tests is called psychometrics. An intelligence quotient (IQ) is a number that compares a person’s cognitive ability to an average score. The Stanford-Binet and Wechsler Scales remain the mostly widely used measures of intelligence. Rather than simply providing one IQ number that signi�ies intelligence, modern versions of these instruments address strengths and weaknesses in several areas.

Extremes of Intelligence

The lower end of the intelligence scale is de�ined by intellectual disability, whereas the upper end de�ines giftedness. Both ends of the extremes of intelligence are entitled to special services so that education is appropriate to their needs. There are different approaches for educational services depending on the type of behavior exhibited and available resources.

Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences describes eight types of intelligences: verbal–linguistic, logical–mathematical, spatial, bodily–kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal, intrapersonal, and naturalistic. This theory highlights many ways to be smart and has implications for instructional approaches in schools and problem solving in workplaces.

Triarchic Model of Intelligence

Sternberg’s triarchic model of intelligence consists of traditional analytical intelligence, practical intelligence, and creative intelligence. Overall intelligence is a function of the balance among the three components. Analytical abilities, which are important in math and science, are useful in analyzing, evaluating, and comparing and contrasting things. Practical intelligence involves solving practical problems in everyday life. It tends to grow in early adulthood and decline in late adulthood. Creative intelligence, involved in exploring, discovering, and imagining, helps people react to new situations and adapt to or improve their environment.

Other Types of Intelligence

Emotional intelligence, which increases with age, is a set of abilities that enables a person to process and use emotional information. One model of emotional intelligence has four different factors—perceiving emotions, reasoning about emotion, understanding emotion, and managing emotion—that describe our emotions as a form of intelligence. Some theorists emphasize creativity as a unique form of intelligence that increases across the lifespan as the result of hard work or focused motivation.

The In�luence of Advancing Age on Cognition

We now understand that there are distinct cognitive differences between young and old and there are both cognitive gains and losses as we age. Research (particularly the Seattle Longitudinal Study) has shown that aging does not always lead to cognitive decline; rather, there is much individual variation due to personal factors such as biology, genetics, personality, and relationships. While we may associate aging with memory loss, older adult students often have cognitive advantages over younger students because of their life experiences. Fluid and crystalized forms of intelligence show different trajectories as we age, but their combined effect may offer more insight about the practical effects of age-related changes in cognition. Cognitive training has been found to have some preventive effect against cognitive decline and dementia, though laboratory results are hard to generalize.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions 1. Now that you have completed the chapter, how would you de�ine intelligence? 2. Discuss some methodological problems with online tests of intelligence. 3. In order for an ability to be considered an intelligence, Gardner (1999) said it would need to meet

eight criteria: an identi�iable brain area, plausible place in evolutionary history, indicative of a set of core operations, ability to be encoded (like numbers or musical notes), a developmental

progression that includes a mastery component, the existence of people who show exceptional or special (savant) abilities, experimental support from psychological tasks, and psychometric support. Choose one of Gardner’s intelligences and articulate how it meets the criteria.

4. Gardner has discussed the possibility of existential and spiritual intelligences. But he is not ready to include them in his theory because they fail to meet one or more of the eight criteria. Which of the criteria do you think are lacking for existential and spiritual intelligences?

5. In what industries is emotional intelligence more or less important than others? 6. How would a student with low emotional intelligence behave in a classroom versus a student with

high emotional intelligence? 7. Using the triarchic model, compare and contrast what successful intelligence might be for a

computer programmer and a CEO.

Additional Resources Web Resources

Edutopia: an online test of multiple intelligence http://www.edutopia.org/multiple- intelligences-assessment (http://www.edutopia.org/multiple-intelligences-assessment) Lumosity: cognitive training exercises http://www.lumosity.com/ (http://www.lumosity.com/)

Further Research

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders [DSM] (5th ed.). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing. Bouchard, T. J., Lykken, D. T., McGue, M., Segal, N. L., & Tellegen, A. (1990). Sources of human psychological differences: The Minnesota study of twins reared apart. Science, 250, 223–228. Bouchard, T. J., & McGue, M. (1981). Familial studies of intelligence: A review. Science, 212, 1055– 1059. Flynn, J. (1987). Massive IQ gains in 14 nations. What IQ tests really measure. Psychological Bulletin, 101(2), 171–191. Gardner, H. (1993). Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. New York: Basic Books. Schaie, K. W. (2005). Developmental in�luences on adult intelligence: The Seattle Longitudinal Study. New York: Oxford University Press. Schaie, K. W. (2013). Developmental in�luences on adult intelligence: The Seattle longitudinal study (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Sternberg, R. J. (1984). Toward a triarchic theory of human intelligence. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 7, 269–287. Sternberg, R. J. (2004). Culture and intelligence. American Psychologist, 59(5), 325–338. Terman, L. M. (1916). The measurement of intelligence: An explanation of and a complete guide for the use of the Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale. Cambridge, MA: Riverside Press. Thurstone, L. L. (1938). The primary mental abilities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Key Terms

analytical intelligence The ability to take apart, evaluate, compare, contrast, critically re�lect upon, and transfer information.

concordance rate

The statistical probability that two traits will be shared.

creative intelligence The ability to explore, discover, imagine, react to new situations, and adapt to or improve the environment.

crystallized intelligence The ability to use knowledge, experience, vocabulary, and verbal memory.

deviation IQ A statistical measure that tells us how much a particular IQ score deviates from the average.

emotional intelligence A set of abilities that enable a person to process and use emotional information.

�luid intelligence The ability to see relationships, use abstract reasoning, and analyze information.

Flynn effect The observation that average IQ scores have been rising for the general population over the past 70 years.

g (general intelligence) The quanti�ied de�inition of intelligence theorized by Charles Spearman.

gifted Having an IQ of 130 or above on a standardized IQ test.

inclusion The process whereby students are placed in a standard classroom for all or most of the school day.

intellectual disability Having an IQ below 70 on a standardized IQ test and/or having functional impairments in adaptive living, including areas of communication, social skills, and daily hygiene.

intelligence quotient (IQ) A number measuring an individual’s intelligence, calculated by �inding the ratio of mental age to chronological age and multiplying the quotient by 100.

learning disability Can be broadly de�ined, depending on state and local statutes. Traditionally de�ined as a person who performs poorly in one intellectual area despite appearing to have average to above average capabilities.

least restrictive environment A school placement for children with special needs that is as similar as possible to a classroom of children who do not have disabilities.

mainstreaming A process in which schoolchildren with special needs are placed in a regular classroom for part of a day, such as the period reserved for math.

mental age (MA) The average cognitive abilities that are consistent with a particular age, regardless of the chronological age of the individual.

mild intellectual disability Having an IQ from 55 to 70 on a standardized IQ test.

moderate intellectual disability Having an IQ from 40 to 55 on a standardized IQ test.

multiple intelligences The theory that there are many independent components to intelligence and these can be exhibited in different ways. Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences describes eight types: verbal–linguistic, logical–mathematical, spatial, bodily–kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal, intrapersonal, and naturalistic.

normal distribution Depicted as a bell curve, the normal distribution assumes 68% of a population falls within the average for any one trait.

practical intelligence Problem solving and adaptation in everyday life.

profound intellectual disability Having an IQ of below 25 on a standardized IQ test.

psychometrics The measurement of psychological traits, such as intelligence, using standardized quantitative tests.

severe intellectual disability Having an IQ from 25 to 40 on a standardized IQ test.

Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test A common test of intelligence.

triarchic model of intelligence Sternberg’s theory of multiple intelligences, which consists of traditional analytical intelligence, practical intelligence, and creative intelligence; overall intelligence is a function of the balance among the three components.

Wechsler Scales A group of intelligence scales that includes the Wechsler Intelligence Scale of Adults, the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, and the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence.