Psy 5130 Week 3 Journal & Assignment

Learning Objectives

After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

Compare and contrast the Piagetian processes of assimilation and accommodation.

Describe Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development and identify major changes that occur at each stage.

Discuss different approaches to postformal thought.

Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of sociocultural theory.

Summarize how cognitive development takes place according to information processing theory.

Outline the stage model of memory.

Describe how memory changes over the lifespan.

7Cognitive Development

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Prologue

We have all heard that a child is a “sponge for knowledge.” But how does that process actually occur? How do we evolve from what William James called the “blooming buzzing confusion” of infancy into childhood, where we begin to automatically navigate the world?

It is not long before we learn to re�lect on our own learning about the world, perhaps even falling back on the circular argument that we learn some things because we “understand it better” or “it’s easier to learn” as we get older. In this way, we take for granted the mental processes that underlie cognitive development. However, the way in which children experience the world is fundamentally different from the way in which adults learn. These aspects of cognition change as we age, but, contrary to popular belief, the aging process does not always lead to cognitive decline.

This chapter focuses on how various theories view cognitive development and the empirical evidence that supports each one. The theories provide a gateway for Chapters 8 and 9 to explore how the study of cognitive development is applied. By investigating how we understand the world, we can discover ways to improve cognitive �itness and also devise early intervention strategies that can compensate for cognitive de�icits.

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Through adaptation, older children and adolescents can consider consequences of behaviors such as throwing food.

7.1 Introduction to Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory

As introduced in Chapter 2, Jean Piaget was fascinated by what children could not do. He noticed that children of similar ages made the same kinds of mistakes in thinking and problem solving. This caused him to be convinced that children become cognitively more sophisticated as a result of maturation and the way they interact with and manipulate the world. He believed that intellectual development conforms to four �ixed, discontinuous stages from infancy to adolescence, which are biologically predetermined (see Chapter 1). When children are provided opportunities to learn, they advance within each stage until maturational processes prescribe the next stage.

Piaget developed his cognitive theory by clinical (rather than experimental) observation and case studies—primarily of his own children. He carefully recorded their behaviors throughout their childhoods. He also manipulated the environment and constructed problems, like �inding hidden items, that helped him discover the processes underlying thought. He theorized that advancement in thinking is organized around increasingly sophisticated cognitive structures while children adapt to demands of the environment.

Organization and Adaptation

Through the process of organization, children make sense out of mental information in much the same way that they understand physical structures. All the parts make up the whole structure. For example, infants often �ind great joy when they conduct experiments from their high chairs. When food is placed on the tray, they like to drop it on the �loor, often leaning over the side with interest. They repeat the dropping pattern over and over again, in the same way that an older child would continue to reconstruct a tower of blocks that persistently falls. Dropping food may at �irst be a random activity, but it becomes more deliberate as infants organize all the dropping experiences into a cognitive structure called a schema.

A schema is like a concept. As we grow, we combine information to construct increasingly sophisticated schemas. Infant schemas are based on concrete activities, such as grasping, sucking, and throwing. Toddlers might develop schemas for speci�ic categories, such as “dogs” or “cats.” Children progress from the immediate sensory and motor experiences of infancy to those that are more speculative and theoretical, and indicative of adolescence. For example, infants may get to understand how food “explodes” after it is thrown as well as the potential for parents to behave in particular ways afterwards. Because adolescents have more sophisticated cognition, they can understand the consequences of throwing food—both what it might look like and the reaction of others—without experimenting with the behavior. This example also shows how children adapt to increasingly complex ways of thinking.

Adaptation is the process of adjusting to new demands of the environment, including consequences of behavior. In our example, it is much less acceptable for an older child to throw food. (Though some parents might �ind it dif�icult to accept, from a Piagetian perspective, throwing food is not unexpected.) The transition from random observations to purposeful trial-and-error experiments to thoughtful re�lection is not a passive activity whereby children simply acclimate to what is directed at them. On the contrary, Piaget stressed that the organization of experiences into schemas is an active process. For example, a “grasp and throw” schema for a 1-year-old might include only soft objects like foam balls and banana pieces that can easily mold within a hand. A child soon learns that other small, malleable objects can be grasped and thrown in a similar fashion. Piaget called this process of interpreting new objects or events within an existing schema assimilation. New “throwable” objects are assimilated into the prevailing schema.

Instead of always assimilating information into existing structures, sometimes we have to adapt current understanding to what is being experienced. For instance, the infant in the previous example cannot assimilate an in�latable beach ball into the existing “grasp and throw” schema because more than a simple grip is needed to gain control of the large ball. The schema does not �it the environment, so the infant must either adjust the schema or create a new one. Modifying an existing schema or constructing a new schema to �it

Critical Thinking

Describe the processes of assimilation and accommodation with regards to learning how to use a new video game controller or smartphone.

changing awareness of reality is called accommodation. When larger, slipperier objects like beach balls are encountered, the schema will be modi�ied to accommodate new ways of thinking.

Although the distinction among Piaget’s stages epitomizes discontinuity, the processes of assimilation and accommodation are more continuous. There is a constant adjustment in emphasis between them. Furthermore, over time the balance between them changes. According to Piaget, when children are able to incorporate new information about the world into existing schemas, they are in a state of cognitive equilibrium. That is, when assimilation is the primary mode of understanding new information, there is a certain congruency between the mind and the environment. This process of being able to maintain a stable understanding of the world is called equilibration.

Inconsistencies arise when children cannot assimilate incoming information into existing schemas. In these cases, disequilibrium exists and there is a shift in the balance toward accommodation. When this situation occurs, children are said to be in a state of disequilibration. They become aware of a sense of inadequacy, which becomes a natural motivation for learning. For instance, when people cannot �igure out how to get to the next level in a video game because behaviors (i.e., game movements) do not �it into existing schemas, they are in a state of disequilibrium, which drives learning. The cognitive discomfort motivates change and a search for equilibrium.

In sum, children are naturally interested in the world and have much to learn, requiring enormous cognitive resources. Not everything they know at any given point �its perfectly with the world. New experiences introduce information that challenges what children know, which motivates discovery and cognitive advancement. Piaget would say that existing schemas are either organized in a way that promotes understanding or they are not. If they are, then there is equilibration and new information is understood conceptually within an existing cognitive framework. Disequilibration occurs when experiences do not �it into existing schemas. In this case, accommodation will trump assimilation until equilibration occurs once again.

Section Review

Describe the processes of assimilation and accommodation and their association with equilibration.

7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Piaget noticed a great deal of consistency in the timing of cognitive changes among children. There are speci�ic times when there is relative equilibrium and other times when there is more disequilibrium. The similarity across children led Piaget to develop the stage theory of cognitive development. As summarized in Table 7.1, four stages represent discontinuous aspects of cognitive growth. Piaget emphasized the qualitative differences between each stage, which occur after only brief transitional periods. Although distinct changes in thinking exist between stages, as children continue to grow through assimilation and accommodation, growth during each stage remains more �luid and continuous.

Table 7.1: Key features of Piagetian stages

Stage Theory Application

Sensorimotor Ages 0–24 months

Thought develops using sensory and motor activities Development of object permanence Symbolic thought at the end of this period

Children repeat behaviors to discover patterns. They look for objects that “disappear,” including parents.

Preoperational Ages 2–7

Egocentrism Judgment based on appearance Dif�iculty with classi�ication Inability to conserve

Children play make-believe. They engage in games with rules.

Concrete Ages 7–12

Conservation Logical thought Transitivity Seriation Multilevel classi�ication

Children are interested in (concrete) rules. They can �ind solutions to complex problems, if they can be found in a step-by-step fashion. They can use multiple systems of classi�ication.

Formal Ages 12 and older

Abstract reasoning Deductive reasoning Hypothetical thinking

Adolescents hypothesize about different outcomes, including short-term and long-term planning. They can make abstract arguments, taking into account multiple perspectives.

Source: Based on Piaget, J. (2006). The origin of intelligence in the child. New York: Routledge. (Originally published 1953.)

In the same way that children cannot be forced to walk before they are physically ready, they cannot perform certain intellectual tasks, either. Cognitive stages will emerge in the same way that walking, running, hopping, and skipping will spring forth from normal physical opportunities. Piaget would say that intellectual tasks need prerequisite abilities, just like walking precedes skipping, but with ordinary stimulation intermediate tasks will eventually be mastered anyway. At the same time, though, if early skills are not promoted, later skills may be relatively inferior. Cognitively, children need varied intellectual experiences in order to later master more sophisticated thinking abilities.

Sensorimotor Stage (Ages 0–2)

The �irst of Piaget’s stages is the sensorimotor stage, which lasts from birth to about age 2. Infants gain cognitive understanding primarily through their senses and movements, which are coordinated through re�lexes. That is, initial voluntary behaviors arise from innate, involuntary re�lexes. For instance, newborns will re�lexively close their hands when objects are placed in them, but during the �irst 6 weeks of life they learn to grasp voluntarily. During the next few months, children gradually learn to integrate behaviors. They may combine grasping and sucking re�lexes into a coordinated activity whereby they grasp an object and then suck on it. Children continue to use their sensory and motor (movement) abilities to ful�ill goals. This behavior is demonstrated by repeating actions and forming habits, like preferring one toy to another.

During the second year, infants move from habit-like activities to more experimental ones. They enjoy touching new objects, throwing toys repeatedly to see how they might land differently, repeating movements that result in unique sounds (like banging two objects together), and experimenting with vocal sounds. Infants demonstrate little more than re�lexes at the beginning of the sensorimotor stage, but by the end, they show vast cognitive changes. To differentiate further among the complex developmental advances of the sensorimotor stage, Piaget divided it into six substages.

Substage 1: Re�lexes (Birth–1 month) Newborns exhibit involuntary responses to stimuli and begin the assimilation process to sources of stimulation. For instance, infants assimilate visual and auditory stimuli by visually tracking where the stimulation originated. Orally, neonates will at �irst re�lexively suck just about any object. Soon thereafter, they will adapt their responses in order to differentiate and understand when speci�ic nipple-like stimuli are present. This is the process of accommodation. Depending on the characteristics of the nipple, including its shape and the stream of milk that is expressed, the sucking re�lex is later modi�ied as infants begin to assimilate to their feeding environment. That is, the range of sucking and feeding behaviors is expanded. Because this stage focuses on re�lexes, infants do not yet coordinate different activities. For instance, they will not track a �inger in order to grasp it. During this substage, infants build on innate re�lexive processes. Gradually, those re�lexes become voluntary behaviors that children use to interact with the world.

Substage 2: Primary Circular Reactions (1–4 months) Infants in this stage do not yet have extensive capability to actively explore the environment, so the focus is on their own bodies, what Piaget called primary behaviors. They develop repetitive behaviors, or habits, based on actions that they �ind pleasurable. For instance, when infants accidentally suck on a �inger, it brings pleasure. They will be motivated to re-create that behavior. Piaget (2006 [1953], p. 97) described his 12-week-old son Laurent becoming aware of his own spontaneous �inger and arm movements. On subsequent days, Laurent purposely brought his arm into view and derived joy when he saw it. The actions became both coordinated and repetitive. Infants are not just “looking for the sake of looking.” Instead they are actively “looking in order to see” (p. 70). Similarly, the innate grasping re�lex is gradually replaced by voluntarily extending the arm to purposefully clutch objects. Because these actions become repetitive, they are referred to as circular.

Substage 3: Secondary Circular Reactions (4–8 months) Infants now have the motor capability to create experiences that are outside their bodies. Individual behaviors are secondary because babies experience the effects of their actions on external objects, not just themselves. For example, babies will become fascinated if an accidental movement of a rattle causes a new sound. They will then want to reproduce the sound. These accidental occurrences lead to new schemas. By chance, babies may sweep food off of a tray. In doing so, they may become interested in seeing the way it �lies or feels when squished, which leads to actions that will re-create the prior outcome. Infants in this stage also begin to imitate behaviors, but only if they have already produced the behavior. That is, they will show interest in novel actions like clapping, but they do not have the cognitive �lexibility (cannot adapt) to imitate the clapping behavior unless they have already discovered clapping on their own (Kaye & Marcus, 1981).

Substage 4: Coordination of Secondary Circular Reactions (8–12 months)

Next, infants learn to coordinate multiple circular reactions. In substage 4, infants now have intentional (goal-directed) behavior. That is, they know their actions will bring about certain effects. For instance, an infant might knock over a basket of toys speci�ically to obtain one that was hard to reach. Piaget famously demonstrated the coordination of schemas by hiding an appealing toy behind a cover. To recover the toy, infants had to successfully coordinate visual and motor schemas (“tracking,” “pushing aside,” and “grasping”).

Searching for a hidden object reveals that infants begin to understand that objects continue to exist even when they cannot be seen. According to Piaget, this mastery of object permanence is one of the most important accomplishments of infant cognitive development. Infants also use their understanding of object permanence to engage in intentional behavior. For instance, when a primary caregiver begins to leave, a 1-year-old child may begin to cry with the intention of not being left alone (see also separation anxiety in section 10.5). Children may lift their arms in hopes of being held or attempt to run away when it is time to nap. Also in this substage, infants will imitate behaviors initiated by others, like making faces, stacking particular kinds of items, or playing pat-a-cake. Whereas substage 3 infants need to discover behaviors (like clapping) on their own before they are capable of imitating the behavior, now they can generate what they see (e.g., stacking blocks) without �irst discovering the behavior on their own.

Substage 5: Tertiary Circular Reactions (12–18 months) At the tertiary (third) level, infants demonstrate versatility by purposefully creating new schemas. Children will be intrigued by the different reactions and devise experiments to change outcomes. They become “little scientists” as they engage in trial-and-error activities instead of giving in to frustration. For instance, if a barrier prevents access to an appealing stimulus, they may devise a way to bypass the barrier, such as dragging a bucket on which to stand in order to climb over the barrier. Trial-and-error problem solving is also demonstrated when children take toys apart and then attempt to �it them back together.

Toddlers will also devise experiments like crashing toys into several different objects to make different sounds or to observe different trajectories. Like in substage 3, children will repeat their experiments, but now they can modify their actions to create new experiences. For instance, Piaget placed a stick outside his daughter Jacqueline’s playpen, knowing that it was an attractive object. At �irst, Jacqueline tried to pull the stick horizontally into the playpen through the vertical bars. After failing a number of times, a bit of trial-and-error led to her tilting the stick in such a way that it �it through. After she achieved success, the next time the stick was presented she pulled it through almost at once (Piaget 2006 [1953], pp. 305–307).

Substage 6: Mental Representation (18–24 months) Toward the latter half of the second year, children begin to construct internal depictions of objects and events, called mental representation. They are then able to imitate behaviors many hours or days after they were observed initially. For instance, children remember how to throw a tantrum after observing one at a party. This emergence of deferred imitation shows that children must have some kind of internal mental representation for images and behaviors.

Piaget demonstrated this substage with the playpen-and-stick problem, at which Jacqueline �irst failed. With his two younger children, Piaget waited until 18 months before presenting the problem so that there would not be any practice effects. In both cases, the younger children bypassed the trial-and-error that was typical of Jacqueline when she was younger. Instead, they contemplated the problem and subsequently brought the stick into the playpen without much dif�iculty (Piaget, 2006 [1953]). The children were able to succeed because they had mentally combined objects and made internal representations in such a way that allowed mental rotation of the shapes.

Preoperational Stage (Ages 2–7)

At birth, children have no internal representation of people, objects, or events; by the end of the sensorimotor period, they can imitate actions that they were exposed to days earlier. They have transitioned from a focus on their own bodies to an orientation on the world. These cognitive advancements mark the transition to Piaget’s preoperational stage, which lasts from about age 2 until about age 7.

Preoperational means that children do not yet perform logical, reversible mental actions called operations. Instead, this growth period is marked by an extraordinary advancement in mental representation. Children begin to represent

schemas by images or words—what Piaget called symbols, or symbolic representation. Make-believe play and language are key to children’s understanding the world through mental structures, including images and objects that are not present. For instance, they play dress-up, make cities out of blocks, and set up house using plastic toys. A wood block may serve as a make-believe telephone; leaves become pancakes in a make-believe kitchen. When children use these symbols, they are thinking in a more sophisticated manner because the real objects are missing.

Language provides the most ef�icient use of symbolic representation. Words are used for thinking, as when children plan, which also demonstrates an understanding of the past, present, and future. Words are also used to combine images and actions that have not been imagined before, like �lying over the zoo while holding on to helium balloons.

This stage is also characterized by inadequate use of logic, primarily because children view things from only one perspective. That is, they have dif�iculty separating their thoughts and ideas from another person’s thoughts and ideas. Children assume others have the same physical perspectives and mental thoughts as they do, even though it may not be logical to adults. Piaget called this lack of dimensional thinking egocentrism. That is why children are not capable of understanding that loud noises can bother others, when banging pots and pans is so much fun. If you ask them over the telephone, “What do you see?” preschoolers will sometimes reply, “That” to indicate what only they see. They are not capable of adjusting their perceptions to incorporate the views of others.

Piaget and Inhelder (1969) devised the “Three Mountains Task” to observe egocentricity and to �ind out when children decenter, or become able to consider problems from multiple points of view. As shown in Figure 7.1, children were seated in front of plaster mountains. A doll was then placed on a side of the platform different from where the child was sitting. Piaget and Inhelder then asked the participants to choose the photo that showed the doll’s view. At age 4, children always pointed to photos that represented their own perspective rather than the doll’s view; at age 7, children correctly chose the doll’s view, demonstrating a disappearance of egocentric thought. They had advanced from a stage of limited perspective to one that included another person’s point of view. When children begin to use organized, logical mental processes, they engage in operations, the next step in Piaget’s model.

Figure 7.1: Piaget’s Three Mountains Task

Piaget and Inhelder showed children a model of three mountains. The three mountains were distinguished by a snowcap, a small shack, and a cross. Children were asked to pick out the photograph that showed the view from the perspective of a doll sitting, for instance, at position C, while the child sat at a different position. Preoperational children were not able to see the perspective of the doll, whereas older children were able to do so.

Source: Adapted from Piaget & Inhelder (1969).

Piaget theorized that part of the limitation in preoperational thinking is because of centration, the process of limiting attention to only one characteristic in any given situation. Unlike older children and adults, young children are often not capable of simultaneously considering two different aspects of a problem. Instead, preoperational children center on only one problem or aspect of communication at a time. For instance, if two equal amounts of liquid look different, children will think they are different amounts. A preoperational child may complain about running out of paint if it is contained in a large bottle. But if the paint is transferred and completely �ills a small plastic cup, the child is likely to be satis�ied.

Centration was demonstrated most famously by tasks involving conservation, the awareness that changing the appearance of a substance does not change properties like mass, number, or volume. In a task of conservation of liquid, children are presented with two equal-sized beakers and con�irm that they contain the same amount of colored liquid (see Figure 7.2). They are then instructed to pour one of the beakers into a taller, thinner container. When they are later asked which beaker contains “more,” preoperational children will identify the taller container. Theoretically, they center their attention on only the height of the taller liquid in the thinner beaker. Children also demonstrate a lack of conservation when they think that a number of spread-out coins represents “more” than the same number of coins bunched together. In addition to volume and number, children also show lack of conservation of substance (e.g., different shapes of the same amount of clay), length, and area.

Figure 7.2: Conservation

Children begin to understand conservation in the latter part of the preoperational period. Piaget is well known for demonstrating conservation of volume, but he showed similar developments for substance, length, and number.

Concrete Operations Stage (Ages 7–11)

Piaget called his next stage concrete operations, and it lasts from about age 7 to age 11. It is characterized by a shift to logical thinking. Cognition moves beyond egocentrism and now includes the ability to see things from multiple perspectives. Unlike their younger counterparts, concrete operational children can imagine what objects look like and can draw them from different angles. The use of logic announces new capabilities like reversibility. Children understand that a ball of clay that is rolled into a snake can be transformed back to a ball and liquid poured from a small glass into a taller one is the same liquid; they mentally reverse the actions to demonstrate the logical conclusion. Children also now understand mental ordering. If stick A is longer than stick B and stick B is longer than stick C, concrete operational children can mentally infer that A is longer than C (see Figure 7.3); preoperational children do not. This ability to mentally seriate by logic is called transitivity (or transitive inference). It is the ability to infer how two items relate without explicitly comparing them to each other. Abstract thinking, like analyzing various outcomes of a potential risky activity, is still out of reach.

Figure 7.3: Transitive inference

Mental interference is demonstrated by transitivity problems. Children are given information that stick A is longer than stick B and stick B is longer than stick C. Concrete operational children make the mental inference that A is longer than C, whereas preoperational children do not.

Formal Operations Stage (Age 12)

Whereas concrete thinkers base conclusions on what makes the most logical sense, at about 12 years of age, children and adolescents begin to think abstractly. Speci�ic experiences are not necessary to form conclusions. For instance, formal thinkers are able to ponder what might be the best qualities in a person even if they have not met a person with those characteristics. According to Piaget, they make inferences about what might or could be (including using multiple variables) in a process called hypothetico-deductive reasoning. He called this kind of advanced thinking formal operations. It is the �irst time that formal logic, or the ability to make inferences, appears. Formal operations begins during adolescence and continues into adulthood. Adolescents can now think about the future, combine complicated plans, and accurately predict outcomes. (See Figures 7.4a and 7.4b.) Complex ideas like “love” and values are not just repeated concepts, as in the concrete stage, but are abstractly constructed using multiple sources.

Figure 7.4a: Concrete versus formal operational thinking

These cards can demonstrate the difference between concrete and formal operations. They are from a set that has numbers on one side and letters on the other. The rule is, “If a card has a vowel on one side, then it has an even number on the other.” Which cards need to be turned over in order to determine if the rule is true? Not every formal operational adolescent or adult will be able to get the correct answer, but concrete operational children almost surely will not.

Figure 7.4b: Answer to Figure 7.4a

Both the “E” and the “5” cards need to be turned. It is a more abstract concept to understand that a vowel cannot be on the reverse of the “5.” There does not need to be a vowel on the reverse of the “2” because the rule is that vowels have an even number, not that even numbers have vowels.

Critical Thinking

Speculate on ways in which Elkind’s ideas about adolescent egocentrism integrate with what we know about brain development, as discussed in Chapter 5.

The advancement in thinking can explain in part why adolescents have more con�licts with their parents. Younger children may not like rules, but for the most part they “understand” the logic of them (even if the “logic” is an unrelated consequence) and will comply when suf�iciently motivated. By contrast, teenagers can make alternative arguments because they can simultaneously weigh alternative outcomes. For instance, a 9-year-old will comply with the demand to complete homework before dinner if that is what the rules of the house dictate. However, 14-year-olds may become obstinate and want to make their own rules. If teenagers simply refuse to do their homework before dinner, what is the worst that might happen? No dinner? “Fine.” No privileges? “Fine.” The abstract thinker understands that parents do not always have the ability (or will) to force compliance.

Activity

Do you know the game “20 Questions” (http://www.ehow.com/how_13517_play-20-questions .html (http://www.ehow.com/how_13517_play-20-questions.html) )? Play with an adult and then a child who has clearly not reached formal operations. Ask both participants to �ind “something in a typical house.” In what ways are the child’s questions and the adult’s questions different?

Adolescent Egocentrism According to Piaget, formal operations begins a period where we are able to distinguish our own thoughts from those of others. These developmental changes bring about another period of egocentrism, called adolescent egocentrism. David Elkind (1976) maintains that this new kind of thinking is accompanied by a view that feelings and experiences are unique; he refers to this in�lated sense of self-importance as the personal fable. Because of the personal fable, adolescents are more likely to engage in dangerous activities like unprotected sex, street racing, or car sur�ing, believing in their own invulnerability. They often view their feelings as particularly special. These distortions can produce negative self-worth, too, as when depressed teens think, “Nobody understands what I am going through” (Alberts, Elkind, & Ginsberg, 2007).

In addition, abstract thinkers may be overly concerned about what others are thinking about them because they can hypothesize about the future and re�lect on their own thinking process (including the process of metacognition, described in more detail later in this chapter). Adolescents may believe that behaviors and appearance are scrutinized more publicly than they actually are, from the one pimple that has emerged recently to the few hairs that might be out of place. Elkind says this behavior re�lects an imaginary audience, where adolescents inaccurately view themselves as the focus of everyone’s attention.

Piaget in the Classroom

Piaget’s theory has perhaps had the most profound impact on schooling in the United States, especially early childhood education. Skilled preschool educators traditionally acknowledged the special nature of young learners and adjusted

activities accordingly. The focus on the developmental stages of young children was an important change from past generations, when children were often thought of as little adults. Piagetian theory states that developmental stages are mostly �ixed and dependent on a natural course of maturation, as long as children are given adequate opportunities for learning and discovery. Because stages vary somewhat for each child, accelerating activities that ordinarily must wait for development is not likely to be an ef�icient way of learning. Elkind also warned against pushing children too much, lest they be “hurried” before they were developmentally mature (Elkind, The Hurried Child, 1980). Yet the recently adopted common core standards (and their predecessor, “No Child Left Behind”) do not particularly embrace individual exploration, nor do they always take into account individual differences.

Evaluation of Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Piaget laid the groundwork for the study of cognitive development. His theories have had a profound impact on our understanding of how children learn. His unprecedented descriptions of how thought gradually unfolds have withstood the rigor of thousands of research investigations. Perhaps because of his storied accomplishments, Piaget’s theories also receive a fair amount of scrutiny.

Perhaps the most common criticism is Piaget’s idea that development occurs in four consistent, discontinuous stages (e.g., Kellman & Arterberry, 2006). He emphasized that within each stage, children do not progress very much in their thinking strategies. On the other hand, new stages marked a transition to a different kind of thinking. However, research has found that stage development is much less consistent. Transitions between stages are long, and children can perform some kinds of advanced tasks but not others. Further, performance on some tasks can be improved with experience or instruction. If development were purely maturational that would not be the case (Ping & Goldin-Meadow, 2008).

Similarly, research also suggests cultural experiences affect the timing and length of stages, as well as the order and rate at which some operations are attained (Gauvain & Perez, 2007; Mistry, Contreras, & Dutta, 2012). For instance, attainment of conservation varies widely among cultures in Australia, New Guinea, Mexico, and Senegal. Transferring farm produce from one container to another has been shown to accelerate the understanding of volume conservation; Mexican children from a village of pottery-makers learn conservation of mass (clay rolled into a long thin piece has the same mass and volume as the original ball) long before conservation of number. The reverse is true for children who are in formal education in the United States (Dasen, 1977, 1984; Green�ield, 1966; Price-Williams, Gordon, & Ramierez, 1969).

Therefore, Piaget’s focus on stages may be culturally biased and dependent on relevant knowledge and skills, especially formal schooling (Neimark, 1979). Indeed, in one study, about half of college students who majored in physics, political science, or English were found to be de�icient in formal operations if the problem was outside their major area of expertise. In contrast, 80–90% attained formal operations when the task matched their �ield (De Lisi & Staudt, 1980). Perhaps cognitive development is either more continuous or is in�luenced by experience to a greater extent than Piaget surmised (Cole, 2006; Kuhn & Franklin, 2006). Just like the speci�ic de�iciencies found among college students, others have suggested that overall Piaget focused on what children cannot do, rather than on what they can. Perhaps with the right design or motivation, children will perform better than expected on Piagetian tasks (Flavell, Flavell, & Green, 1983; Gelman, 2006; Gelman & Kalish, 2006).

Although Piaget’s pioneering observations have accurately showcased the qualitative changes in cognition, they may have led him to underestimate capabilities. For instance, Piaget theorized that object permanence, a centerpiece of the sensorimotor period, does not develop until children are at least a year old. Creative experiments show this conclusion to be too narrow. In one study, children between the ages of 1 and 4 months were �irst shown interesting objects, and then the lighting was turned off. Although the objects were no longer visible to the children, infrared cameras discovered that the infants continued to search for them. This experiment demonstrated that children may indeed be aware of objects after they “disappear,” perhaps for as long as 90 seconds (Bower & Wishart, 1972).

Finally, Piaget’s ideas continue to be studied and are still usefully applied within the context of childhood. However, he also fell short of accurately describing how we grow beyond childhood to navigate the complexities of society, including the many ambiguous situations that adults seem to handle better as they mature. These developments will be explored next.

Section Review

Describe the key features and milestones of each of Piaget’s four stages of development. What are the major contributions and criticisms of Piaget’s theory?

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The ability of individuals to consider complex issues with multiple perspectives, like whether minors who commit a violent crime should be tried as adults, shows relativistic thinking.

7.3 Beyond Formal Thought

When deductive reasoning emerges during adolescence, beliefs are logical and need little justi�ication if they are based on experts or personal experience. And because reasoning is based on logic and experience, there are fewer gray areas. On the other hand, adult thinkers understand that logic cannot always provide absolute answers. Decision making is more nuanced and correct solutions can vary from one situation to another (Sinnott, 1998). Therefore, modern psychologists suggest that cognition continues to evolve beyond formal operations.

Gisela Labouvie-Vief is often credited as a leading advocate of this school of postformal thought, where it is theorized that adults become engaged in increasingly more complex kinds of re�lection. Compared to adolescents, adults are better able to consider multiple points of view, pragmatism, moral judgment, and emotion in place of strict rules of logic (Labouvie-Vief, Grühn, & Studer, 2010). Furthermore, there is an increased tolerance for ambiguity and potential compromise. Mature thinkers are more likely to recognize the diversity of views. They realize that the most practical solutions often involve compromise and a willingness to accept different thinking in different situations.

Perry’s Scheme of Cognitive Development

A similar way of looking at this evolution in thinking is proposed by William Perry (1998). After studying the intellectual and moral growth of college students, he argued that entering students tend to use dualistic thinking. They view the world in polarities of right/wrong, for/against, and good/bad with little middle ground. This type of rigid, absolutist thinking relies on authorities for answers, including books, professors, and other experts. During college (and adulthood in general) more re�lective, relativistic thinking is used as adults realize there are fewer absolutes and multiple perspectives.

For example, there is much debate in the criminal justice system about whether or not minors who commit violent crimes should be charged as adults. Although there are guidelines to direct actions, judges and attorneys take multiple factors into account when deciding to try young offenders as juveniles or adults. Subjective factors, like emotions and beliefs, in�luence their thinking. This kind of sophistication represents a qualitative change from formal operations. Rather than only one answer being possible, individuals recognize that even people with different ideas can be right about the same question, depending on their situation (King & Kitchener, 2004).

Perry’s students indeed moved from seeing a world marked by absolute standards and values to one where diverse societies, cultures, and values could be endorsed equally. However, it is dif�icult to discern whether changes are due to natural maturation or, because Perry studied college students, if the environment speci�ically prescribed the changes he identi�ied. His conclusions may not apply to a broader population, but it could also be argued that his college students were indeed more cognitively sophisticated.

Re�lective Judgment Model

Like Perry’s �indings, the re�lective judgment model proposes that there are distinct stages of postformal cognitive development. According to this model, reasoning goes beyond logic and occurs in three graduated levels, each with two or three substages (King & Kitchener, 2004). In the �irst stage of prere�lective thinking, knowledge can be gleaned with certainty. A statement that characterizes this level is, “As long as information is heard from a respected professor or a popular news site, it must be true.” At this level, there is usually an inability to recognize that two points of view may be equally logical.

Next comes quasire�lective thinking. At this level, knowledge is not always certain, but that is because there is missing evidence. In education, students are commonly taught that knowledge is subjective. Therefore people are entitled to

their own views and judgments should be withheld. Statements that are typical of this level include, “I would embrace Erikson’s theory more completely if you could show me concrete evidence.” A higher stage of this level might be, “Perhaps both Freud and the behaviorists were correct about phobias, but they just use different evidence.”

During the last level of re�lective thinking, knowledge may be uncertain, but reasonable judgments can still be made with critical inquiry and synthesis of ideas. There are “degrees of sureness.” People gather evidence and opinion and take a reasoned, personal stance. A typical example is, “There is substantial evidence to support the view that sexuality is determined at birth. Therefore, society should treat sexual orientation as a continuum of behavior, with all orientations equally respected.” Like the �irst level, students hold �irm convictions, but they are based on sound re�lection.

Although not universally accepted, evidence indicates that qualitative changes in cognition do begin sometime during early adulthood (Sinnot, 1998). Students generally move from a position of absolutes to non-judgmental acceptance of multiple solutions. Various studies have found that as educational level increases, so does this kind of re�lective judgment (Brabeck, 1984; Friedman, 2004; King & Kitchener, 1994; King, Kitchener, Davison, Parker, & Wood, 1983). These teaching standards are increasingly incorporated into classroom education (Friedman & Schoen, 2009).

Evaluation of Re�lective and Relativistic Thought While the ability to engage in re�lective thought might signify cognitive sophistication, college students are often encouraged to engage only in quasire�lective thought. For instance, to suggest that one culture is “better” than another is often met with gasps in a college community, especially among experienced students. We are often taught that passing judgment on a culture is bad protocol and that a goal of a college education is to view every culture with equal respect.

Though college graduates are theoretically more sophisticated in their thinking, not passing judgments is actually more indicative of quasire�lective thinking than of the more advanced re�lective thought. To be able to see the good and bad of all cultures is only the beginning of nuanced decision making. Re�lective thought allows us to pass judgments on cultures in which women are subordinated and children are exploited and where education, social movement, and independence are restricted. It is safe to say from an academic standpoint that a culture that supports equality for everyone is inherently better than those that are racist, sexist, or engage in other forms of institutionalized discrimination or oppression. Yet students are not routinely encouraged to consider judgments in this way.

Another example concerns values in college education. Professors generally have a reputation for espousing speci�ic political beliefs (in both directions), a �inding that has remained relatively consistent for many decades (e.g., Allgood, Bosshardt, van der Klaauw, & Watts, 2010; Eitzen & Maranell, 1968; Guimond & Palmer, 1996). Positions are supported both implicitly and explicitly when, according to the re�lective judgment model, young adults are particularly vulnerable to manipulation. Whereas increasing education should be associated with an appreciation for both sides of the political spectrum, instead students’ views become more polarized (Hastie, 2007). A more narrow outcome is less indicative of re�lective thinking and more consistent with quasire�lective and prere�lective thinking.

Logic and Emotion

In addition to understanding multiple points of view, adult thinking is characterized by the gradual integration of emotion and pragmatism in the place of strict rules of logic, as in the juvenile offender example earlier in this section (Labouvie-Vief, Grühn, & Studer, 2010). Furthermore, there is an increased tolerance for ambiguity and potential compromise. Mature thinkers tend to analyze situations and make decisions on the basis of realistic and emotional grounds, recognizing that the most practical solutions often involve compromise and a willingness to accept different thinking in different situations (Jain & Labouvie-Vief, 2010).

These cognitive shifts are apparent when researchers study how people of different ages manage social dilemmas. In one study, high school students, college students, and middle-aged adults were each presented with three different dilemmas. The �irst was about a past con�lict between two �ictitious countries and had little emotional charge. The second concerned a family disagreement about a visit to the grandparent’s house and was more strongly charged. The last, strongly charged dilemma involved an unwanted pregnancy between a couple that had opposing views on abortion (Blanchard-Fields, 1986). In the �irst scenario, when there was not much emotional content, the level of reasoning between adolescents and young adults was similar. However, in the other two more emotionally charged situations, both groups of adults used better reasoning processes than the adolescent group (see Figure 7.5). This study famously

demonstrated that maturity of emotions affects level of reasoning. Postformal adults gradually integrate emotions with cognition, supporting the idea that adult cognition goes through qualitative change.

Figure 7.5: Effect of age and emotion on reasoning

Blanchard-Fields showed that little difference existed in reasoning ability (probed reasoning) between adolescents and adults when there was an absence of emotional content. However, when the dilemma was emotionally charged, adults showed more cognitive sophistication.

Source: Blanchard-Fields, F. (1986). Reasoning on social dilemmas varying in emotional saliency. Psychology and Aging, 1, 325–333. Copyright 1986 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.

Schaie’s Stage Theory of Cognitive Development

Based on his work in the Seattle Longitudental Study, K. Warner Schaie speci�ied an alternative stage model (see Figure 7.6) (Schaie, 1977–78). Rather than changes in the way adults understand information, Schaie used empirical data from thousands of tests to focus on how adults’ use of information changes. Before adulthood, he notes that the main task is acquisition of knowledge, hence the acquisitive stage. We learn and store information to prepare for the future.

Figure 7.6: Schaie’s stages of cognitive development

K. Warner Schaie suggested a stage theory of adult thinking that expands Piaget’s model beyond formal operations.

Source: From Schaie, K. W. (1977–78). Toward a stage theory of adult cognitive development. The International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 8(2), 129–138. Copyright © 1978, © SAGE Publications. Reprinted by Permission of SAGE Publications, Inc.

Early adulthood is a time of transition, necessarily marked by increased ef�iciency. In practical terms, a focused �ield of study replaces a liberal education. There is also a drive toward independence because there is less parental and societal protection from errors in judgment. Adults must be fully competent to use their acquired knowledge. Therefore, the achieving stage begins in the late teens or 20s and is concerned with �inding orientations toward goals of independence. These include social goals such as �inding a romantic partner and the right career.

The foundation for cognition occurs during acquisition and achieving, but during middle age cognitive function is transformed. It matures into being more organized, integrated, and interpretive to meet increasing levels of personal and community demands. During the responsible stage (30s to early 60s) and executive stage (30s to 40s), individuals become involved in community activities and care for the world beyond themselves. Adults care for the needs of their families (responsible) and may become more interested and involved with larger societal and political systems (executive). Not everyone experiences the executive stage (Schaie, Willis, & Caskie, 2004).

The last stage begins in late adulthood. Older people tend to focus on activities that have particular interest. There is a transition from acquiring information to using information to streamlining information. If there is no immediate use for information, it becomes less important; acquired knowledge that has meaning is integrated into adult tasks. Schaie called this �inal phase the reintegrative stage.

Section Review

Explain some contemporary alternatives to formal thought.

7.4 Sociocultural Theory

Whereas Piaget felt that cognitive development was constructed by children’s individual experiences in the world, Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934) focused on the essential nature of social experiences (Vygotsky, 1978). To Vygotsky, understanding the cultural and social context in which a child lives contributes to knowledge about how development occurs; hence, his theory is often referred to as a contextual model. The sociocultural theory of cognition therefore emphasizes the importance of social interaction in order to facilitate individual achievement. In that regard, every society has areas of intellectual emphasis. For instance, in the United States, society stresses the importance of preschool and playgroups. These social activities provide opportunities for speci�ic kinds of intellectual growth. Engaging in “Circle Time” has meaning beyond just singing or sharing experiences. There is order, collaboration, and social structure (teacher as leader), re�lecting important parts of society. Subcultures such as farmers in Iowa, Orthodox Jews in New York, and Mexican Americans in Los Angeles all provide speci�ic kinds of learning opportunities embedded within a social context.

iStock/Thinkstock; MIXA next/Thinkstock

Different cultures may place intellectual emphasis on different areas of knowledge, in�luencing development from a sociocultural perspective.

Potential distinctions become more explicit when looking at historical differences or comparing, say, a child from a poor farming village in Peru with a child from a technologically rich part of South Korea. In the United States, children entering kindergarten today have different tools (and consequently, demands) than current college students had when they were in kindergarten. Even one generation ago, it was unusual for young children to have easy access to computer technology. Now, as today’s children explore various screen technologies, they necessarily learn to think differently than in the past in order to navigate that part of their world. Screen tasks that sometimes prove a challenge for older people are second nature for many young learners. This historical change in�luences the ways that children approach learning and problem solving.

Sociocultural theory may also help to explain some gender differences. For instance, when teachers speak more gently to girls than boys, it may lead to more acting out and lower academic performance among boys (Hughes, Wu, Kwok, Villarreal, & Johnson, 2012; Silver, Measelle, Armstrong, & Essex, 2005). Perhaps differences in scienti�ic ability between males and females originate from the way culture and society approach boys versus girls. Indeed, one study found that parents give more sophisticated explanations to boys than to girls during visits to a museum (Crowley, Callaman, Tenebaum, & Allen, 2001). The cultural context may promote differences in the kinds of knowledge to which each of the sexes is exposed.

Social Constructivism

The changing use of technology by young children demonstrates how they construct knowledge based on society and culture. Hence, Vygotsky’s theory is sometimes referred to as social constructivism. From a Piagetian model, it would be predicted that a child factory worker in Bangladesh and a technologically advanced child in India would show many similarities in thought. By contrast, Vygotsky would point to the vastly different social variables that would have in�luenced development. Speech and written language, manners, gaming, cooking skills, and how to operate tablets and farm equipment all provide cultural “tools” that facilitate the construct development (Bodrova & Leong, 2001). At �irst, learning is a social experience; it then transitions to one that is individual. Whereas Piaget was a cognitive constructivist (mentally forming schemas), Vygotsky was a social constructivist.

Zone of Proximal Development and Scaffolding

Like learning to read, children �irst attempt to solve problems within a social context and then do so independently. Vygotsky described this change from collaborative to independent learning as a goal of education, and a more sophisticated kind of cognition (Vygotsky, 1978). Children who initially demonstrate less skill may not be less intellectual; they may simply have a larger potential range of growth. Instead of focusing on the tasks that children have learned, Vygotsky was more interested in what children are capable of learning. To understand a child’s level of cognitive development, Vygotsky might demonstrate how to perform a task and then observe whether or not the child could repeat the process. Vygotsky called the gap between skills (and knowledge) and the potential for learning, the zone of proximal development (ZPD). The ZPD refers to the range of activities that a child cannot perform alone but is capable of accomplishing with the assistance of a higher-skilled adult or peer (see Figure 7.7). This higher-skilled person is often referred to in research as the more knowledgeable other (MKO).

Figure 7.7: The zone of proximal development

The zone of proximal development refers to the range of knowledge and skills that a child cannot learn alone but is able to accomplish with the assistance of a more skilled peer or adult.

Critical Thinking

In recent years, there has been increasing emphasis on collaborative learning in schools. Explain how Vygotsky’s theory supports this development.

Source: Adapted from Vygotsky (1962).

For a child to learn a task within the zone of proximal development, the MKO provides guided assistance. Children acquire more knowledge and skill even as the task becomes more complex. The amount of assistance from MKOs diminishes as students master skills and develop more sophisticated cognitive abilities. In this way, the social environment, especially language, is critical as children learn to navigate more on their own. The process of support for learning is called scaffolding, a fancy term that in its simplest form refers to guided assistance. Though scaffolding was not one of Vygotsky’s terms, it has become an integral part of social constructivism theory. It epitomizes how the transition from shared learning to independence is facilitated.

Vygotsky’s concept of a ZPD has provided a new way of looking at cognitive capabilities and individual differences in learning. And scaffolding has reached into popular vocabulary to represent many types of collaboration and guidance that raise a receiver’s level of performance. The pitfalls of scaffolding include adults and peers who may be too helpful and thereby reinforce children and adults asking for help even when tasks can be completed without assistance.

Vygotsky in the Classroom

While a Piagetian perspective has remained prominent throughout education, the sociocultural perspective has become more highly integrated within contemporary elementary and secondary school classrooms. Children regularly engage in

social and contextual activities that include working in small groups, cooperative learning, peer tutoring, and plenty of scaffolding.

A meta-analysis of 36 relevant studies found broad bene�its for both learners and “experts” when peer scaffolding is used (Ginsburg-Block, Rohrbeck, & Fantuzzo, 2006). Cooperative learning activities provide advantages in academics, behavior, and self-concept. Interestingly, many studies �ind that more positive learning outcomes exist when boys and girls are grouped separately. These potential differences certainly warrant further study, especially because it does not appear that peer tutoring sacri�ices the academic needs of more advanced students. An important �inding is that gains extend beyond academics and include positive psychosocial outcomes as well, especially for lower-income students (Bigler, Hayes, & Liben, 2014; Hattie, 2008).

A concern of collaborative methods is the potential increase in academic dishonesty and imbalanced workloads if workgroups become a classroom norm (Sutherland-Smith, 2013). As most college students are aware, when students work together there is a tendency for some group members to do less than their share of work and for others to make up for the shortcomings. Learning outcomes may not be as robust when workload distribution is the responsibility of the group instead of individuals. Even so, the process of working together—both when it is equitable and when it is not —prepares students for future interactions in social encounters and work.

Evaluation of Vygotsky’s Theory of Cognitive Development

In contrast to the Piagetian model, sociocultural theory does not address maturational processes, even though the thinking of younger and older children appears to be qualitatively different. Similarly, the theory does not address why younger children cannot think abstractly even when scaffolding is provided. Although intuitively it makes sense that children would be more successful when cognitive support is provided, the in�luence of the simultaneous emotional support needs to be considered as well (Leerkes, Blankson, O’Brien, Calkins, & Marcovitch, 2011). One way or another, the process of scaffolding seems to be an important part of learning.

Though Vygotsky failed to fully explain cognitive development, evidence-based conclusions support the continued implementation of his ideas in schools and businesses. Certainly sociocultural theory has yielded greater appreciation of the complex social and cultural nature of learning and cognitive development, which has been applied extensively in educational settings. Piaget’s emphasis on self-exploration leading to the discovery of knowledge is also used widely in education. The major difference remains in how individual knowledge is initially constructed. Whereas Vygotsky emphasized social construction, Piaget emphasized cognitive construction. Despite these differences, both theories emphasize the need for experienced adults and peers to provide guidance rather than speci�ic standards and activities (see Table 7.2).

Table 7.2: A comparison of the major features of the theories of Jean Piaget and Lev Vygotsky

Concept Piaget Vygotsky

Constructivism Cognitive constructivism; children construct knowledge independently

Social constructivism; children construct knowledge through social and cultural settings

Course of development

Universal stages Variable, depending on values and tools of culture

Context Strong individual Strong sociocultural

Source of development

Age/maturation; an emphasis that nature provides for cognitive development

The environment and social interaction; an emphasis that nurture provides for cognitive development

Individual differences

Little emphasis Moderately strong emphasis

Role of teachers

Facilitates and provides opportunities to explore the world

Facilitates by scaffolding; provides opportunities with MKOs

Concept Piaget Vygotsky

Key terms Discontinuous Assimilation Accommodation Schema Equilibration Operations Stages

Continuous More knowledgeable other (MKO) Scaffolding Zone of proximal development (ZPD)

Section Review

Explain how cognitive development occurs from a sociocultural perspective.

7.5 Information Processing

Beyond Piaget and Vygotsky, information-processing theory provides a third major approach to understanding cognitive development. It is modeled after the way in which information �lows logically in computers. Like computers, we are able to take in, store, and process words, numbers, and other information. The smooth, linear progression of information processing epitomizes the continuous view of development. Understanding mathematical concepts, for instance, progresses from being able to count in sequence, to performing simple arithmetic, and eventually to engaging in more complex operations. Knowledge of mathematical concepts changes not only in the way information is organized, but also in the sheer volume of concepts. The same could be said for oral language; music; understanding how chemistry, physics, and biology function in the world; and so on.

The information-processing approach is consistent with the view that cognition has biological controls. In this way, cognitive development can be compared to speci�ic skill-based endeavors like playing a musical instrument, running, or drawing. We can all be trained to excel up to a certain degree, but there are individual biological limitations. Whether for a physical skill or cognition, maturation directs the gradual unfolding of potential. However, we all use information differently depending on our unique experiences and how that information is inputted into our brains (Mayer, 2012).

The Basics of Information Processing: Encoding, Storage, and Retrieval

Who is the current Vice President of the United States? What is your address? What was your bill the last time you went to the grocery store? Answering these questions illustrates the foundations of information processing. In order to remember information, you must encode it in some meaningful way. When you �irst saw your grocery bill, you were able to encode necessary information. Otherwise, you would not have been able to understand what the numbers meant and take the next steps to pay. However, encoding information is no guarantee that you will be able to recall it later. In order to use the information later, you need to place it in storage. Like other information you encounter every day, you probably failed to store the amount of your grocery bill. On the other hand, your address is adequately stored. As such, you are able to retrieve that information.

In order to understand cognition, we want to follow the information from when it is �irst perceived to the discovery of how it comes to be used. Therefore, we focus on how information �lows through the system, especially with regard to memory. We become better processors of information (more advanced cognitively) as we gather more knowledge, encode it in memory, compare it with other memories, and �inally make an appropriate response. There is constant interchange between storage and processing in order to ef�iciently take in and use information. This feedback loop is illustrated in Figure 7.8.

Information processing is continuous and depends at least partly on context. How we learn reading demonstrates the in�luence of context: The key to reading better is using strategies for processing the symbols on the page. Long-term knowledge about sounds and meanings is used to decode words; a cognitive feedback loop about the reading passage is used to “update” comprehension and the meaning of new vocabulary. There is a constant interchange between storage and processing, which allows retrieval mechanisms to utilize reserved memories.

Figure 7.8: The information-processing approach

The information-processing approach views cognitive development as forming a feedback loop. We attend to information, and then it is processed in a way that it can be stored. Information is then compared with other memories and processed for output. There is constant interchange between storage and processing so that memory storage and retrieval are ef�icient.

Fetal Learning: Early Signs of Information Processing

As we mentioned in Chapter 3, research suggests that the ability to process information begins before birth. DeCasper and Fifer (1980) famously fashioned a device whereby neonates could suck on a nonnutritive nipple to control what they heard. Different sucking patterns produced either their mother’s voice or a stranger’s voice on a taped recording. Not only were the newborns able to quickly learn different patterns of sucking, but they also chose to produce their mothers’ voices over those of other females. Other researchers have found differences in fetal heart rates as a result of exposure to the mother’s (as opposed to a stranger’s) voice, again suggesting that in utero (before birth) learning does indeed take place (Kisilevsky & Low, 1998; Krueger & Garvan, 2014; Lee, Brown, Hains, & Kisilevsky, 2007).

In another classic experiment, DeCasper and Spence (1986) asked 16 pregnant mothers to read the well-known children’s book The Cat in the Hat to their unborn fetuses, two times each day during the 6 weeks before giving birth. After the children were born, the mothers read either The Cat in the Hat or another rhyming book. DeCasper and Spence once again used their device that recorded distinctive patterns of infant sucking. This time the infants showed a decided preference for the sounds they had heard in utero. So it was not just the sound of the mother’s voice that the infants were responding to, as could be argued in the earlier experiment (DeCasper & Fifer, 1980), but also the distinctive words of the book! Later experiments demonstrated that fetuses could distinguish among different languages as well (Mehler et al., 1988; Moon et al., 1993). These experiments clearly demonstrate that fetuses form memories.

Though the implications of recognizing kinds of auditory stimuli are unclear, popular media and advertising praise their virtues. There are suggestions about which books to read to fetuses and whole music programs to introduce fetuses to classical music. There is no reason to assume these approaches to prenatal learning are associated with the type of long-term bene�it that their manufacturers often promote. These types of toys and devices do, however, remind students that, in science, research is king. And research has yet to �ind that the “Mozart effect” has any implications in child development (Bangerter & Heath, 2004). On the other hand, a baby will recognize its primary caregivers within its �irst days of life regardless of experiences in the womb. So although there is increasing evidence that fetuses develop memories and are more sensitive to sensory stimuli than scientists once thought (e.g., Del Giudice, 2011), it is not yet clear if any speci�ic kind of prenatal stimulation is bene�icial for development.

Section Review

Using an information processing approach, explain how cognition advances.

7.6 The Stage Model of Memory

Because the information-processing model involves the encoding, storage, and retrieval of information, understanding how memory processes work is an essential part of the theory. Psychologists understand that there must be some physical (brain) representation of almost every experience, but there is not a uni�ied idea of how we actually store the information, either physiologically or behaviorally. One way to conceptualize where memories live is the stage model of memory (see Figure 7.9). This traditional theory describes how we can connect daily life to three separate memory processes: sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-term memory (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968). They represent different types of storage systems where information is encoded.

Figure 7.9: The stage of model memory

In this model, there are three stores of memory, each with its own characteristics.

Sensory Memory

When you surf the Internet, there are dozens of ads designed to make you pay attention to them. However, most people do not “see” them all. Images are part of your �ield of vision, but your eyes just sweep over them in an unfocused way. That experience is part of sensory memory (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968). This initial stage of memory acts as a �ilter. Before your brain can encode something and store it for later retrieval, you �irst need to perceive the stimulus. That is, you must �irst notice a stimulus in order to encode it.

To demonstrate this process for yourself, take a moment to describe in detail what is behind you without turning. What do you remember? Now turn around and �ind something behind you that you did not describe before turning around. Even if it is simply a blank wall behind you, there are likely to be imperfections in the paint or marks that you did not “notice” before. At one time, though, images of what is behind you fell onto your retina. Even though you do not remember every detail about what is behind you, at one time it was part of your sensory memory.

Short-Term Memory

Now that you have turned around and attended to a stimulus, it is part of your short-term memory. This storage system is like a temporary “holding area” where information waits for further processing. It can consist of phone numbers, the title of a book, or names that will rapidly decay unless they make it into long-term memory.

Contrary to what many think, short-term memory remains relatively ef�icient as we age. Some aspects of short-term memory become less ef�icient, but other areas of cognition compensate by becoming more ef�icient. For example, there is no decline in short-term visual recognition, so rather than memorizing a short grocery list, older shoppers may take a practiced, visual “walk” around the store (Secular, McLaughlin, Kahana, Wing�ield, & Yotsumoto, 2006). With age, we become better at recognizing organizational strategies that may assist memory, and we become more pro�icient at employing them. On the other hand, when there is the added task of mentally juggling multiple bits of information, like performing several mental math operations simultaneously, adults show deterioration beginning in middle adulthood (Kausler, 1994; Schaie, 2005). Visit the following website to participate in the kind of short-term memory task that researchers use in an experimental setting (http://faculty.washington .edu/chudler/stm0.html (http://faculty.washington.edu/chudler/stm0.html) ).

Do you have an accurate visual representation of the information processing approach to cognition? If so, you probably looked at Figure 7.9 until you understood the concept. How you stored the information was an active interchange between what you already knew and the fresh information that was presented. Because there is a conscious processing of attention and mental work, we now conceptualize short-term memory better as working memory (Baddeley, 2007). Working memory temporarily stores and manages information, similar to RAM or �lash memory in a computer. Like solving a multiple-step puzzle or mentally remembering a string of numbers, working memory provides storage for some bits while manipulating others.

Although practice improves the ef�iciency of working memory, its growth depends more on maturational gains than increased knowledge (Cowan, Ricker, Clark, Hinrichs, & Glass, 2015). This physical development of the brain coincides with an increase in sophistication, and allows people to more ef�iciently manage their own thinking and behavior. That is, we become better at self-analysis and re�lection. This kind of “thinking about thinking” is called metacognition. It involves the ability to plan, hypothesize about possible outcomes, and make reasonable, informed decisions regarding cognitive–behavioral strategies (Flavell, 1976). For instance, when deciding how to guess on a multiple-choice exam, you might consciously analyze all the possible answers and consider multiple sources (e.g., lectures, readings, notes) simultaneously. There is a conscious interchange between momentary thought and long-term storage (McCabe, Roediger, McDaniel, Balota, & Hambrick, 2010).

Long-Term Memory

We lose anything we process in short-term memory unless we encode or place it in long-term storage in some way. Sometimes that happens automatically, like the events surrounding a special occasion, a traumatic incident, or even the object behind you that you still remember. When that occurs, it becomes part of long-term memory (see Figure 7.10). These memories are relatively permanent, like the name of a �irst-grade teacher or your Social Security number. When long-term memory increases, we can utilize more information resources for working memory. This is why encoding information about favorite academic interests, music groups, or social concerns is much easier than learning a new subject. In familiar subjects, there are more anchors to old memory �iles to help store and later retrieve memories.

Explicit and Implicit Memory Long-term memory can be further divided into the separate components of explicit memory and implicit memory (see Figure 7.10). Explicit memory refers to information that is consciously available, like favorite foods, typical weather, the name of your best friend, and the events surrounding a graduation party are all examples of explicit memory. These memories consist of both episodic and semantic memories. Episodic memories attach to a speci�ic time and place— episodes of life—such as a wedding, �irst kiss, or trip to the beach. Episodic memories are often visual, where we “see” images of an old house or a favorite park. On the other hand, when we speci�ically encode memories in words, like the rules of Monopoly or the de�inition of the word “cognition,” we are using semantic memory. It includes factual information like the meanings of social customs, historical details, and names of phone apps.

Whereas explicit memory stores episodes and facts that can be encoded (and recalled) in words, there is a lack of conscious awareness for implicit memory. A key component of implicit memory is procedural memory. We

sometimes call this “muscle memory,” and it includes activities like riding a bicycle or making a peanut butter sandwich. When we �irst learn how to play a musical instrument, we have to consciously think about moving speci�ic leg or hand muscles. After a while, the body remembers how to move without consciously thinking about it. Fingers go to the correct keys seemingly without cognitive effort—just as recalling an address from semantic memory does not take effort.

In addition to body memories, we are often implicitly predisposed by unintentional or unplanned memories, what psychologists refer to as priming. For instance, early exposure to speci�ic genres of music causes us to continue liking what we were exposed to and �ind other categories less favorable. People who enjoy listening to rap and hip-hop often dislike country music, and vice versa. Cognitively, we are primed by the familiar sound that is embedded in memory.

Figure 7.10: Components of long-term memory

Explicit memory and implicit memory are two separate components of long-term memory.

Psychology in Action: Priming

Some students will remark that certain multiple-choice test items are “tricky,” while others disagree about the same exams. One reason may be due to priming. Exams are written in such a way that students are primed to incorrectly answer when the correct answer is unknown. That is, incorrect choices consist of words and concepts to which you have been exposed, even if you do not consciously recall doing so. If you guess at an incorrect

answer because it “sounds” correct, chances are that you were primed for it in some way. If you really know an answer, priming will not matter, because you have conscious awareness of accuracy.

This idea also contributes to many students’ misperceptions of being a “poor test taker.” Although some individuals have legitimate learning disabilities or perceptual issues that affect performance, most people do not. It would be rare to consistently under-deliver on exams if you truly know the material. Recognizing a number of terms on an exam is not the same thing as integrating concepts. In the meantime, students who label themselves poor test takers actually may be priming themselves to underachieve! Conversely, establishing a more self- af�irming mindset (“I will do whatever it takes to learn this material”) is likely to increase performance (Wakslak & Trope, 2009).

Perceptual Attention

The way the environment is perceived through sensory memory provides excellent insight into how aging affects memory. With age, senses diminish. Vision, hearing, smell, and taste deteriorate. That means that the initial input of sensory memory, and therefore the perception of the outside world, is �iltered differently. Consequently, there is less stimulation available to short-term memory and less ability to encode information into long-term memory. Remember that in order for information to have a chance at being stored, it must �irst be attended to, as in the earlier example of noticing various advertisements while searching the Internet. This process of attention is an integral part of the entire storage process.

It has been suggested that there are three parts to attention (Parasuraman, 1998). First is selective attention, or the ability to sort through features of environmental stimuli to discover those that are of interest. For example, after choosing to purchase a particular brand of cell phone, the purchaser might suddenly seem to notice a disproportionate number of them around. Although this skill appears to diminish with age, differences can be minimized with practice or when the search is simple, like looking for running shoes in the midst of advertisements for sporting goods (Kramer & Madden, 2008).

Second is vigilance, or the ability to stay on task without your mind wandering. The attention that is given to a loudspeaker in a fast-food restaurant while listening for your order number is an example of vigilant attention, as is watching a traf�ic light until it turns green. Overall, research suggests that older adults have the same level of vigilance as younger adults as long as memory requirements are small and their sensory ability to notice the signals is good.

Finally, attentional control is the ability to shift attention from one thing to another—from watching children play to scrutinizing a tray of cookies that are nearly done baking. Older adults perform about as well as younger adults on slower, simpler tasks that incorporate attentional control, but when the assignment is complex or the shifts come more rapidly, older adults do not perform nearly as well (Dulas & Duarte, 2014; Fisk, Rogers, Charness, Czaja, & Sharit, 2009).

Section Review

Identify and explain the three stages of memory.

Wavebreak Media/Thinkstock

A declining working memory becomes noticeable when strategies for memory storage become less effective, but it is possible to stabilize or reverse this decline.

7.7 Memory Across the Lifespan

In a classic demonstration of learning and memory, Rovee-Collier (1999) placed mobiles over the cribs of 2-month-old infants, and then attached a ribbon that connected the mobile to their feet. It took only a few minutes for most infants to learn that by vigorously kicking they could make the mobile move, demonstrating a physical memory trace that had previously been thought to be restricted to older infants. Her research prompted researchers to reconsider previous notions of infantile amnesia (also known as childhood amnesia), or an adult’s absence of lasting memories from infancy and early childhood. It had been thought that children could not remember in the same way that adults do until language acquisition allowed them to encode and rehearse information (Nelson, 1990).

Even though infants and young children demonstrate implicit memories for prior experiences, early memories begin to fade with age and become increasingly unreliable (e.g., Bauer & Larkina, 2014; Peterson, 2013). One sequential study asked children aged 4 to 13 to recall three of their “�irst memories.” At 2-year follow-ups, younger children were unable to recall their previous �irst memories. Even after cues were given from the initial interview, the memories were still not recalled. First memories had essentially changed. It was not until the children were 10 years old that they began to consistently recall the same “earliest” memories (Peterson, Warren, & Short, 2011). So although we do have memories beginning at an early age, it is not clear which memories become part of the permanent memory trace. In addition, adults do not always remember events from 2, 4, or 6 years ago either, if they are not reviewed. Lack of memory durability during childhood may not be an age-related phenomenon at all, but instead may be a re�lection of how a particular experience has been remembered over time.

Episodic Memory

We understand the development of episodic memory a bit better. It grows rapidly in childhood and then declines slightly in middle adulthood and more profoundly in late adulthood (Shing et al., 2010). Newer episodic memories, like remembering where we placed a package or the musical program of a recent concert, tend to be compromised with age. The physical deterioration of brain structures devoted to encoding is the likely cause of this change, but it does not necessarily indicate any particular problem, like dementia. Further, it is not as pronounced as many believe. When older people misplace keys, people often jokingly characterize this as a “senior moment”; when it happens to younger people, they simply “misplace their keys.” Regardless, early episodic memories remain relatively strong (Eakin, Hertzog, & Harris, 2014; Ward, Berry, & Shanks, 2013). Even adults with moderate dementia are able to describe the events surrounding the births of their children, their �irst home, and former jobs.

Working Memory

Working memory is often hypothesized to form the basis for overall trajectory of cognitive ef�iciency (Gilsky, 2007). However, separating speci�ic memory processes from overall understanding of cognitive development is complicated. Because working memory includes the ability to mentally manipulate information, it is tied to executive control. Further, since areas in the frontal lobe that are associated with executive functions do not mature until early adulthood, it follows that these memory processes follow a similar course that cannot be accounted for solely by increased knowledge (Cowan et al., 2015). There are parallel increases in processing speed and attentional resources as well.

There is evidence that although overall cognition remains strong during early adulthood and most of middle adulthood, working memory begins to decline shortly after it peaks (Jones, Stephens, Alam, Bikson, & Berryhill, 2015; Schaie, 2013). Declines in working memory are likely to become noticeable when there is a failure to use effective strategies for storage, which is only partly determined by experience; there is measureable volume loss in associated brain regions. These measurable physiological changes, including in neural circuitry and speci�ic cortical regions of the brain,

accelerate in middle to late adulthood (Macpherson et al., 2014; Wang et al., 2011). However, neural plasticity also explains why memory remains strong throughout middle adulthood, even in the face of physiological decline (Steffener, Brickman, Rakitin, Gazes, & Stern, 2009). It is worth reiterating that overall cognition, as measured in part by tasks of working memory, bene�its from cognitive training, increased exercise, socialization, and adopting a Mediterranean, DASH, or MIND diet (discussed in Chapter 6). Taken together, these �indings indicate that we are inching closer to discovering ways to stabilize or reverse working memory decline in our aging population.

Semantic Memory

Though we often associate aging with semantic memory loss, more often middle-aged adults have cognitive advantages over those who are younger, probably because life experiences assist in understanding concepts and encoding new information (Schaie, 2013). Among adults without dementia, semantic memory seems to remain strong throughout the lifespan, and newer information remains accessible. Older adults continue to gain semantic memory (Eakin et al., 2014; Ronnlund, Nyberg, Backman, & Nilsson, 2005). On the other hand, from time to time everyone has the experience of being unable to recall a word until it is jogged loose by a cue. This is known as the “tip of the tongue” phenomenon. In general, the frustration of not being able to recall the right words, a name, or a movie title becomes more noticeable beginning in middle adulthood. Although this can be momentarily frustrating, there is no evidence that this phenomenon is associated with serious cognitive de�icits (Fleischman & Gabrieli, 1998; Shafto, Burke, Stamatakis, Tam, & Tyler, 2007).

Section Review

How does memory change across the lifespan?

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary Both Piaget and Vygotsky believed that children actively construct their understanding of the world. Both theorists postulate that children build knowledge out of experience. Piaget felt that children maintain an independent, natural pursuit of knowledge by acting on the environment. By contrast, Vygotsky argued that development is largely the result of the social construct, including language, social resources, and immediate culture. While Piaget and Vygotsky were largely silent on how thought changes after childhood, others recognize that adults are better able to consider multiple points of view, pragmatism, moral judgment, and emotion. These developments replace some rules of logic and add more nuances to thinking processes.

According to information-processing views, cognitive development occurs within a feedback loop. We attend to information, and then it is processed in a way that it can be stored. Information is then compared with other memories and processed for output. Therefore, rather than the stage-like changes described by others, information processing is clearly concerned with incremental changes in thinking ability. Advancements in memory for language and numbers are examples of these small changes. Greater success in cognitive tasks, like formal schooling, is re�lected in the gradual sophistication of perception, memory, and processing of stored information, overseen by an executive function. Neurocognitive evidence for this perspective exists as we see physiological development that coincides with behavioral changes. Another example of this juxtaposition of neurocognitive process and behavior occurs within the study of language development, a topic we will explore next.

Summary of Key Concepts Introduction to Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory

Piaget theorized that advancement in thinking is organized around increasingly sophisticated cognitive structures called schemas. Children adapt to demands of the environment through the processes of assimilation and accommodation. Children try to maintain a balance between assimilation and accommodation, a process Piaget called cognitive equilibration.

Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Because of the qualitative differences in thinking that Piaget consistently observed across the same-aged children, he developed a stage theory of cognitive development. Sensorimotor development is the �irst of four Piagetian stages of cognitive development. Children rely on their senses and actions to learn about themselves and how the world operates. A key aspect of the sensorimotor stage is the mastery of object permanence, when infants begin to understand that objects continue to exist even if they cannot be seen. During the preoperational stage, thought is dominated by the growth of mental representation, but children are limited by their dependence on appearance and a sense of egocentrism. These limitations are re�lected in children’s failure to grasp the concept of conservation and immature classi�ication skills. When children begin to decenter, marked by Piaget’s famous experiments with conservation, they have reached the stage of concrete operations. Piaget’s �inal stage, formal operations, begins during adolescence. This stage is characterized by abstract thought, including the use of hypothetico-deductive reasoning. David Elkind has proposed that formal operations give rise to the personal fable and the imaginary audience, signifying adolescent egocentrism. Piaget’s theories have stood the test of thousands of experiments, but legitimate criticisms remain. Probably the most common criticism of Piaget’s theory is that development occurs in four consistent, discontinuous stages. It is also frequently reported that cultural experiences affect the timing and length of stages, as well as the order and rate at which some operations are attained Piaget’s theory is well regarded in the United States educational system. However, contemporary educational requirements are often in opposition to Piaget’s conceptualization of development. Piaget’s focus on what children cannot do may have led him to underestimate capabilities. Piaget also failed to account for changes that might occur in adult thinking.

Beyond Formal Thought

Gisela Labouvie-Vief is often credited as a leading advocate of of postformal thought, where it is theorized that adults become engaged in increasingly more complex kinds of re�lection. Compared to adolescents, adults are better able to consider multiple points of view, pragmatism, moral judgment, and emotion in place of strict rules of logic. William Perry argued that adults tend to move from viewing the world in polarities to less rigid thinking. According to him, this change is expressed as a change from dualistic thinking to relativistic thinking. The re�lective judgment model proposes that there are distinct stages of postformal cognitive development. According to this model, reasoning goes beyond logic and progresses from prere�lective thinking to quasire�lective thinking and �inally to re�lective thinking. Adult thinking is also characterized by a gradual integration of emotion and pragmatism in the place of strict rules of logic. K. Warner Schaie is most interested in understanding how adults’ use of information changes. He identi�ies �ive stages of cognitive development.

Sociocultural Theory

Vygotsky theorized that cognitive development is mediated by social interaction. Children internalize the actions of their culture by participation. The context for learning contributes to individual growth. The zone of proximal development focuses on the tasks a child cannot perform alone but could with assistance. Therefore, it focuses on the potential of children rather than on what they already know. Although not a term coined by Vygotsky, scaffolding has become closely linked with his theory and teachings. Sociocultural theory fails to fully explain limitations in more advanced thinking among young children. Vygotsky’s sociocultural approach to cognitive development has had a strong impact on contemporary education, especially with regards to collaborative activities. Jean Piaget’s stage theory and Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory represent two of the three major theories of cognitive development. Though inconsistent at times, they share a constructivist point of view.

Information Processing

The information-processing model of memory explains that we sense environmental stimuli and then construct memory in three stages: encoding of information, storage of information, and retrieval of memories to conscious awareness. Executive function refers to increased sophistication that allows people to ef�iciently manage their own thinking and behavior. Two primary aspects of executive functioning are metacognition and self-regulation.

The Three Stages of Memory

The stage model of memory describes how we can connect three separate memory processes to daily life: sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-term memory. Sensory memory acts as a �ilter; before the brain can remember something, it �irst needs to perceive the stimulus. After you attend to a stimulus, it becomes part of your short-term memory. Short-term memory is temporary and will rapidly decay unless information is encoded into long-term memory. The conscious processing of short-term memory is most often conceptualized as working memory. Working memory temporarily stores and manages information, similar to RAM or �lash memory in a computer. Unlike short-term memories, which become lost over time, long-term memories are fairly permanent. Long- term memories can be further broken down into explicit and implicit memories. Explicit memory (including both episodic and semantic memories) refers to information that is consciously available. Implicit memory involves a lack of conscious awareness, like priming and memories for physical skills.

Memory Across the Lifespan

We know that memory traces begin during infancy, but we are unsure how and when they become durable. While we may associate aging with memory loss, older adult students often have cognitive advantages over younger students because of their life experiences. Healthy older adults continue to gain semantic memory, while early episodic memories remain robust.

There is evidence that although overall cognition remains strong during early adulthood and most of middle adulthood, working memory begins to decline shortly after it peaks. Biopsychological evidence indicates a strong physiological basis for the development of working memory. It is normal to have more dif�iculty �inding a particular word or name beginning with middle adulthood.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions 1. In what way do the section review questions facilitate postformal thought as conceptualized by Perry and

others? 2. If you were tutoring another student, how would you determine that person’s zone of proximal development? 3. How does social constructivism in�luence how literacy is promoted in education? 4. Describe the processes of perceptual attention when listening to a song in a noisy restaurant. 5. Describe the differences between sensory memory, short-term (and working) memory, and long-term memory

with regards to reading and understanding the information in this chapter.

Additional Resources Further Research

Atkinson, R. C., & Shiffrin, R. M. (1968). Human memory: A proposed system and its control processes. In K. W. Spence & J. T. Spence (Eds.), The psychology of learning and motivation (Vol. 2, pp. 89–195). New York: Academic Press. Baddeley, A. D. (2007). Working memory, thought and action. New York: Oxford University Press. Piaget, J. (2006). The origin of intelligence in the child. New York: Routledge. (Originally published 1953.) Piaget, J., & Inhelder, B. (1969). The child’s conception of space. New York: Norton. Rovee-Collier, C. (1999). The development of infant memory. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 8, 80– 85. Schaie, K. W. (1977-78). Toward a stage theory of adult cognitive development. Journal of Aging and Human Development, 8, 129–138. Vygotsky, L. (1978). Mind and society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Key Terms

accommodation The modi�ication of an existing schema or the construction of a new schema to �it changing awareness of reality.

achieving stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s work, a stage of cognitive development that begins in the late teens or 20s and is concerned with �inding orientations toward goals of independence.

acquisitive stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s work, the concept that the main cognitive task before adulthood is the acquisition of knowledge.

adaptation The process of adjusting to new demands of the environment.

assimilation The interpretation of new objects, events, or actions within an existing schema.

attentional control The mental ability to selectively shift attention from one thing to another.

centration The cognitively limiting process of centering attention on only one characteristic of a situation.

childhood amnesia See infantile amnesia.

concrete operations The third of Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development; characterized by the advancement in the use of logic.

conservation The understanding that a change in appearance does not change the properties of an object.

decenter The change from an egocentric perspective to one that considers more than one aspect of a problem.

deferred imitation The ability to imitate behaviors observed at a previous time.

disequilibration When children experience relatively more accommodation than assimilation; results in a natural motivation for learning.

dualistic thinking According to William Perry, the idea that younger thinkers view the world in polarities with little middle ground.

egocentrism Thinking based on one’s own perspective, not another person’s.

episodic memories Long-term, explicit memories attached to a speci�ic time and place, or episode of life, such as a wedding, a dinner from two days ago, or last week’s committee meeting.

equilibration The mechanism by which children attempt to strike a balance between assimilation and accommodation.

executive stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s work, a stage of cognitive development when individuals become involved in community activities and care for the world beyond themselves.

explicit memory Long-term memories that are consciously available.

formal operations The last of Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development; characterized by an advancement in thought that is abstract and hypothetical.

hypothetico-deductive reasoning The capacity to think about multiple factors leading to multiple outcomes.

imaginary audience Part of adolescent egocentrism, when adolescents believe they are “on stage” or that others are paying attention to them more than they actually are.

implicit memory Long-term memories that we do not purposely encode; we are not consciously aware of them, but our actions and preferences are often in�luenced by them.

infantile amnesia An adult’s inability to retrieve memories stored during infancy and early childhood. Also known as childhood amnesia.

long-term memory

Stage of memory used when short-term memories are encoded for long-term storage rather than forgotten after immediate use.

mental representation The construction of internal depictions of objects and events.

metacognition The ability to plan, hypothesize about possible outcomes, and make reasonable, informed decisions regarding cognitive-behavioral strategies.

more knowledgeable other (MKO) Higher-skilled person employed to provide assistance within a child’s zone of proximal development.

object permanence Awareness �irst achieved during the sensorimotor stage of development that indicates knowledge that objects continue to exist even when there is no perception of them.

operations Logical thought including reversibility and the ability to perform mental manipulations.

organization The process whereby children make sense out of mental information.

personal fable Refers to the belief of some adolescents that they are uniquely invulnerable.

postformal thought A school of thought which theorizes that adults become engaged in increasingly more complex kinds of re�lection.

preoperational stage The second of Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development; marked by an advancement in mental representation and an absence of logic.

priming When we are implicitly predisposed by unintentional or unplanned memories.

procedural memory A part of long-term, implicit memory often called “muscle memory.” Consists of sequential bodily actions that we do not have to think about.

re�lective judgment model Cognitive model that proposes distinct stages of postformal thought.

reintegrative stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s work, the last stage of cognitive development when older people tend to focus on activities that have particular interest.

relativistic thinking In contrast to dualistic thinking, re�lective thinking is characterized by fewer absolutes and multiple perspectives.

responsible stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s work, the stage of cognitive development when adults care for the needs of their families.

reversibility The ability to mentally reverse operations. A characteristic change that marks the stage of concrete operations.

scaffolding Guided assistance, or social support for learning.

schema Piaget’s term for the mental representation of actions, events, or phenomena. In the information-processing theory of cognitive development, it refers to a mental structure in long-term memory that aids in organization and retrieval of information.

selective attention The ability to attend to selected messages or other stimuli in the environment while blocking out others not of interest occurring at the same time.

semantic memory Long-term, explicit memories encoded in words, including factual memory and information, such as social customs, historical details, and people’s names.

sensorimotor stage The �irst of Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development; marked by infants gaining cognitive understanding primarily through their senses and movements.

sensory memory The initial stage of memory that acts as a �ilter, perceiving some stimuli and not others.

short-term memory A temporary “holding area” where information waits for further processing.

social constructivism An alternative conceptualization of Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory of cognition. It refers to the ways that children construct knowledge based on society and culture.

sociocultural theory of cognition Vygotsky’s theory of cognitive development; emphasizes the importance of social and cultural context in learning.

stage model of memory The theory that describes how we can connect daily life to sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-term memory.

stage theory of cognitive development Piaget’s theory that views cognitive growth as a qualitative change that occurs from childhood through adolescence.

symbolic representation The mental capability to use symbols to represent objects.

transitive inference See transitivity.

transitivity The ability to compare two objects based on the property of a third. Also known as transitive inference.

vigilance The ability to stay on task without your mind wandering.

working memory Another term for short-term memory, emphasizing that this is where the conscious processing of attention and mental work takes place.

zone of proximal development (ZPD) The range of knowledge and skills that a child cannot perform alone but is capable of accomplishing with the assistance of a higher-skilled adult or peer.