PSY 5130 Week 4 Discussion

Learning Objectives

After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

Understand how kinds of temperament are associated with principles of reciprocal relationships and goodness of �it.

Outline Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.

Articulate and evaluate the theoretical ideas of Marcia and Levinson.

Compare and contrast trait and type theories and how they each assess personality.

Outline the evidence for the emergence of self-awareness and summarize demographic differences in self-esteem.

De�ine ethnic identity and understand how it in�luences identity development.

11Personality, the Self, and MoralDevelopment

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Distinguish among behaviors that are indicative of different stages of moral development.

Prologue

Try for a moment to describe a person without referring to physical characteristics. Words such as “shy,” “patient,” or “easygoing” may come to mind. These are personal and social traits, which are part of personality. Psychologists think of personality as descriptions that are both consistent and individually distinctive for each person. Even if a person’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors consistently express turmoil and change, we may describe that person with words like “�lighty,” “impulsive,” or “undependable.” Therefore, personality consists of stable or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and, ultimately, behaviors.

Furthermore, noticing that a person did a kind thing is different from noticing that a person is kind. The latter implies a sense of permanence. When a shy person acts in a more assertive manner, most people recognize the behavior as out of character—different from his or her typical personality. But if the “shy” person persists in being more assertive, we might ask whether the person is still inherently shy or whether that person’s personality has truly changed. The most famous American talk show host of the 1970s and 1980s, Johnny Carson, always described himself as shy. How can that be?

This chapter will explore how psychologists view these differences and various theories that attempt to describe how our personalities develop. Traditional Freudian theory, introduced in Chapter 2, which focused on the id, ego, and superego, has given way to science-based trait theories, which suggest that personality remains fairly stable during adulthood. We will also look at the emergence of self, identity, moral development, and how we evaluate and become aware of ourselves. This focus on personality and identity development will serve as an introduction to how we de�ine ourselves according to gender, relationships, and other social roles, which will be explored in the following chapters.

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Temperament describes characteristics that are relatively consistent during the early years of life. Neonates can demonstrate differences in temperament.

11.1 Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self

In Chapter 10 we discussed the emergence of emotions, which are generally regarded as temporary states or moods. In addition to transitory states, we exhibit a characteristic style of arousal, or pattern of experiencing the world. Psychologists use the term temperament to describe those characteristics that are relatively enduring and consistent during the early years of life. It previews personality and includes how easily we become emotionally aroused, how long the arousal persists, and how easily it fades. An “easy” baby can be fussy or unhappy at times but still generally handles distress well and is relatively predictable; an “active” baby does not always engage in prolonged activity but can still be described as mostly energetic and vigorous. Regardless of any transient emotions, “easy” and “active” describe more consistent traits—temperament.

Differences in temperament can be observed in neonates—even during fetal development—and remain relatively stable across various situations (Casalin, Luyten, Vliegen, & Meurs, 2012). There is strong evidence that genetics and biology in�luence temperament, including in factors related to emotions, motor activity, self- regulation, and attention. Together, these characteristics interact with the environment and begin to de�ine personality, the topic of the remainder of this chapter (Ivorra et al., 2010; Posner, Rothbart, & Sheese, 2007; Rothbart, 2007). Temperament is the mostly biological foundation upon which experiences with the environment build personality. There is also evidence that culture and a parent’s personality affect temperament (Laxman et al., 2013). For instance, although cultural differences decline with age, infants born in the United States score relatively high in measures of surgency, a psychological measure that encompasses extraversion, con�idence, and independence. These characteristics tend to be valued in more individualistic countries. U.S. infants are relatively better at managing feelings of frustration and other negative emotions, too (Slobodskaya, Garstein, Nakagawa, & Putnam, 2013).

Categories of Infant Temperament

In 1977, researchers Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess offered the �irst widely accepted conceptual model of temperament. They followed a group of 141 U.S. infants into adulthood. Each person was rated on several dimensions, including activity level, adaptability, attention span, and mood. Multiple interviews and observations with parents and children revealed that infant emotional reactivity could be classi�ied according to one of three types of temperament (Thomas & Chess, 1977).

Infants with an easy temperament are generally happy. They �ind ways to self-soothe and establish regular body rhythms of sleeping, eating, and elimination. They adapt relatively easily to change. About 40% of children �it this category. Infants with a dif�icult temperament often display intensely negative reactions. They have dif�iculty establishing regular routines and do not adapt well to new experiences. About 10% of children �it this category. About 15% of infants are slow to warm up. They are relatively less active with somewhat regular biological rhythms for activities like sleep and elimination. They have mild to moderate reactions to new experiences, but are notably more accepting than dif�icult children. About 35% of children show a combination of characteristics and do not clearly �it any of the categories (Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968).

The differences observed during infancy are found to be moderately stable throughout childhood. Longitudinal research has found that children who are classi�ied as easy during infancy have fewer adjustment problems in school than those who are identi�ied as dif�icult. Dif�icult children are comparatively more likely to be aggressive and to withdraw from social interactions. Slow-to-warm-up infants exhibit relatively smooth developmental adjustment during infancy, but during elementary school they are found to have more problems than easy children. In general, children who have emotional and behavioral problems in later childhood have temperament pro�iles that include a lower degree

Critical Thinking

If a parent has an active infant, but comes home exhausted from work, what advice would you offer? What about an exhausted parent and a quiet infant?

of emotional stability and relatively poor self-regulatory skills (Althoff et al., 2012; Caspi & Silva, 1995; Chess & Thomas, 1984; De Pauw & Mervielde, 2011).

Other models of temperament focus less on biological rhythms, but they still emphasize attention, activity, and emotionality. Research by Rothbart and her colleagues has been particularly instrumental in focusing on variations in reactivity and self-regulation, including intensity of motor and emotional responses, self-soothing behaviors, and self-control. Accordingly, researchers often explore how easily they can elicit temper tantrums and whether children can be easily calmed (Gartstein & Rothbart, 2003; Rothbart, Ahadi, & Evans, 2000; Rothbart & Bates, 2006).

Goodness of Fit

The match between temperament and environmental demands is referred to as goodness of �it. For instance, the diagnosis of some attention disorders is often dependent on individual parenting style and culture. Some parents and educators may tolerate certain kinds of off-task behavior more than others. The amount of patience adults display affects how children respond. Fussy infants become more dif�icult toddlers when they are faced with parents who generally impose harsher restrictions. These parents become more easily stressed, more negative, and more hostile; they might engage in inconsistent discipline practices and aggravate the child’s behavior problems. In contrast, parents who show support and patience can have a signi�icant positive effect on children’s behavior (Paulussen-Hoogeboom, Stams, Hermans, & Peetsma, 2007; Raikes, Robinson, Bradley, Raikes, & Ayoub, 2007). In other words, the temperament of some children may be a better or poorer �it than others for particular situations. Children’s adjustment may therefore be linked to biological temperament acting on �it.

To counteract what might be poor goodness of �it, dif�icult children bene�it from warm, sensitive parents who have consistent rules for behavior and make reasonable demands. Less active infants and toddlers bene�it from parents who will engage them—asking questions, exploring, naming objects. Because active, outgoing children will naturally self- stimulate, for them, intrusive adult involvement may limit exploratory behavior and innate curiosity. Many parents fail to recognize when they are not responding according to their children’s temperament. In these instances, parenting programs that include directed interventions to identify emotions appear to be helpful. In one study that focused on these techniques, children were able to engage in a higher level of social behavior. Additionally, by learning how to better recognize emotional cues in their children, parents also became more aware of their own emotional regulation (Wilson, Havighurst, & Harley, 2012).

Section Review

What is the association between infant temperament and personality development? Describe three different types of infant temperament, including implications for parenting and goodness of �it.

11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development

Like issues that arise with goodness of �it, it is not always easy to �ind an appropriate balance between being patient and responsive, and imposing necessary restrictions on what appears to be normal developmental needs. How often should dif�icult babies be held? How much freedom should teenagers be given to express themselves? Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development outlines these issues. His theory of how social interactions affect personality development remains a historical benchmark from which contemporary theory has evolved. In many ways, Erik Erikson is to psychosocial development what Piaget is to cognitive development. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to �ind Erikson’s ideas practical and worthwhile. Part of Erikson’s theory concerns the development of the self, which is a conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. Erikson stressed how the self develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with society.

Erikson: Stages of Psychosocial Development

Erikson was in�luenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. Both of these psychology pioneers emphasized the importance of early development on later personality and behavior. However, while Freud felt early development was largely a function of sexual con�lict, Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development focused on social in�luences during the lifespan (Erikson, 1950/1993). According to Erikson, each developmental period is marked by a psychosocial challenge that can have either a favorable or an unfavorable outcome. The desired outcome provides opportunity for growth, whereas the alternative inhibits personality growth. The settlement of each stage does not have an all-or-none effect on personality development; there are degrees of resolution. Although Erikson proposed general age ranges for his stages, there is no �irm consensus on when each stage begins and ends.

Basic Trust Versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year old): Erikson proposed that the fundamental challenge of infancy concerns an infant’s dependency needs and parental responsiveness. Infants need to feel secure that they will be fed, changed, nurtured, and comforted. If parents are responsive and dependable, infants become con�ident that their needs will be met; they develop a sense of trust. In contrast, an insecure infant (perhaps one who has been neglected) will develop a sense of mistrust. Therefore, the �irst of Erikson’s stages is referred to as basic trust versus mistrust.

Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt (ages 1 to 3 years): If infants trust their parents, then as toddlers they can more con�idently explore their environment. As toddlers begin to master skills like crawling, walking, talking, dressing, and feeding themselves, they discover a sense of autonomy that leads to self-esteem. Parents must guide the development of this independence so that children develop appropriate self-control without feeling shame that they have done something bad and consequently doubt their own abilities.

Initiative Versus Guilt (ages 3 to 6 years): When children gain autonomy, they begin to master the world around them. They become more independent but sometimes suffer negative consequences as a result. Early “experiments” with food �lying off of a highchair, which �irst occur randomly, are now done with more purpose. Children might cut their own hair. Parents again need to juggle reactions. If a 4-year-old attempts to bring a dish to the sink but ends up breaking it, how should the parent react? Children can either be reinforced for taking the initiative or feel guilt for having done something wrong. The key to helping children overcome this initiative versus guilt challenge is to set balanced limits—not always an intuitive, easy task.

Industry Versus Inferiority (ages 5 to 12 years): Play becomes more purposeful or goal-oriented as children learn more about the ways of the world. If they take the initiative, they can become accomplished and feel a sense of industry. If they feel inadequate, perhaps because of the guilt from the earlier stage, children become discouraged in their attempts to acquire knowledge or complete tasks. In that case, they may feel incompetent and unproductive, which can lead to feelings of inferiority. By becoming industrious through the acquisition of a number of competencies, children begin to build a sense of identity.

Identity Versus Role Confusion (adolescence): Erikson believed that the stage of identity development that coincides with adolescence was pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and later stages are dependent on it. In this stage, teenagers try to discover who they really are, including their sexual identity and what they want to do in life. Beginning in early adolescence, physical, sexual, and cognitive changes, as well as more complex social demands, contribute to confusion about identity. Erikson called this time of potential upheaval the adolescent identity crisis. During this period, adolescents will often try out different behaviors before �inding a clear path. The process of reconciling these

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If young adults have had trouble forming an identity, they can also have trouble forming deep emotional connections and develop a sense of isolation.

challenges results in an individual’s achieving a sense of identity. On the other hand, when children are not allowed to explore, create, and accomplish, they do not develop the competence necessary to de�ine goals and forge a unique sense of self. Current and future roles remain unde�ined, or confused. This role confusion may lead to dif�iculty forming close adult relationships. After all, if a person does not have a strong sense of identity, then there are few intimacies that he or she can share with another person. This outcome is sometimes referred to as identity diffusion since the self, or personality, lacks a uni�ied core. Erikson proposed that identity versus role confusion was the key to developing into an adult.

Intimacy Versus Isolation (early adulthood): The adult personality rests �irmly on the successful resolution of the challenges of earlier developmental stages. Although close relationships may have formed prior to this stage, the task here is to form successful relationships and create intimacy. If a young adult has not successfully resolved the crisis of identity, then it becomes more dif�icult to form deep emotional connections. Expressing hopes, dreams, and fears to an intimate partner also helps solidify and integrate self-image. In the absence of intimacy, relationships are more super�icial; without the risk of vulnerability, a sense of isolation develops. Erikson does not limit these intimate relationships to sexual intimacy but extends them to relationships with special friends also.

Generativity Versus Stagnation (middle adulthood): Adults seek to accomplish goals that make them feel as if they have made a difference in the world. Personality is integrated to achieve occupational, social, and personal goals. People gain a sense of ful�illment from these accomplishments, but they also seek additional satisfaction by “leaving a mark.” Generativity refers to providing for

the next generation, by engaging in activities like teaching values, coaching sports, raising children, and volunteering. In contrast, some individuals may not get much satisfaction from their nine-to-�ive jobs, and simply come home, eat dinner, watch some TV, and do it again the next day. They develop a sense of stagnation, a feeling of sel�ishness and lack of productivity.

Integrity Versus Despair (late adulthood): If adults have been successful in prior stages, a sense of personal integrity emerges. People accept their lives and what they have accomplished, including leaving a mark on younger generations. When looking back on their lives, they experience a sense of ful�illment. There is an acceptance of life’s limitations and the understanding that regrets are unproductive. Despair is the result of knowing that goals went unful�illed and there is no longer enough time to achieve them.

Hope and Faith Versus Despair (mid-eighties and later): Late in his career, when he became old himself, Erikson and his wife formulated a ninth stage (Erikson & Erikson, 1998). In the oldest stage there are some new challenges. One has to contend with the death of close friends and family members. There is less autonomy than previously. Mobility can become more dif�icult. People may be forced to move so that everyday activities are easier to manage. If the challenges of this stage are successfully navigated, people will experience a feeling of hope and faith. Erikson suggested that successful resolution of this stage includes a shift in perspective from a materialistic and rational view of the world to one that is transcendent and not easily measured. Death is accepted as the way of all living things.

Application of Erikson’s View and Empirical Findings

Erikson’s view enjoys both theoretical and applied support and provides additional understanding of both child and adult behaviors. For example, if an employee is extremely reserved and �inds it dif�icult to ask for a deserved raise, Erikson’s stage theory would suggest the worker had not met the challenge of autonomy versus shame and doubt; the person has not gained assertiveness. That outcome could lead to a failure resolving the next stage, initiative versus guilt, where the worker associates assertion with negative feelings. The lack of con�idence and fear of self-assertion makes it more dif�icult to form intimate relationships, leading to feelings of isolation from others.

Research provides general support for the theory as well. For instance, Erikson suggested that without a sense of intimacy, it is dif�icult to commit to relationships and activities that will provide for the next generation. Further, studies have shown that those who have stable relationships and careers are indeed more likely to demonstrate generativity than those who are still �loundering (Peterson & Klohnen, 1995). As might be predicted, generativity increases as we age. Roughly 50% experience it by age 40, which increases to 83% by age 60. Other research is similarly supportive (e.g., Whitbourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, & Waterman, 1991). This motivation to “give back” and create a purpose in life is widely seen among older adults and is an excellent predictor of happiness and success in marriage (Vaillant, 2002; Wnuk, Marcinkowski, & Fobair, 2012).

Section Review

Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and explain how these challenges relate to the development of personality.

NEXTNEXT

Figure 11.1: Marcia’s identity statuses

James Marcia described four possible outcomes related to adolescent identity development.

Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).

11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality Development

Though an alternative psychosocial perspective over the lifespan has not emerged, there are theories that attempt to explain individual stages. James Marcia’s identity status model is a well-regarded application that has found support among Western cultures; Daniel Levinson’s life transitions has received much popular support outside of academia and psychology professionals, but falls short scienti�ically. We will look at these two perspectives next.

Marcia: Identity Status Model

James Marcia uses Erikson’s stage of identity versus role confusion as a backdrop and suggests that there are four ways of resolving the crisis of identity that adolescence presents. His identity status model classi�ies individual identity development in terms of two characteristics: crisis and commitment. Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during which adolescents begin to question previous values. As a result, individuals explore different alternatives. For example, a high school senior may consider a technical school, traveling, or several different college majors. Commitment refers to whether or not a decision has been made related to the exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007). There is quite a difference, for instance, between an unmotivated high school student who jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who attends college workshops and volunteers at a health care agency. In the latter case, exploration will eventually lead to commitment.

As Figure 11.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable identity statuses based on the two criteria of exploration (crisis) and commitment. Identity achievement occurs when occupational and social challenges of education, career, and marriage are explored and pursued and there is a current commitment. For example, after an individual investigates a number of opportunities in the mental health �ield (e.g., social work, counseling psychology, research and teaching), identity achievement would occur when the individual commits to the pursuit of one over another. Early identity achievement is associated with high achievement motivation, empathy, compassion, and self- esteem. However, for most, identity does not solidify until the early to mid-20s (Bang, 2013; Kroger, 2007; Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010).

Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity without adequately exploring alternatives, perhaps because of the strong in�luence of an authority �igure or societal norm. They join the military, work in the family business, or pursue a law degree because their parents have decided that is “what is best.” This status of identity foreclosure does not necessarily equal unhappiness, but it is associated with a high need for approval. Identity foreclosure is more common among Asian, European, and collectivist cultures than in mainstream, middle- class culture in the United States. Therefore, the independence that is indicative of identity achievement is not necessarily a desirable goal for every group. Furthermore, secular changes within cultures affect goals and values. For instance, among adolescents there has been a recent shift in attitudes, resulting in an increased concern for other people and the environment. As a result, career development in the contemporary cohort of adolescents and young adults includes relatively more collectivist goals and less materialism (Green�ield, Keller, Fuligini, & Maynard, 2003; Park, Twenge, & Green�ield, 2014; Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000).

Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States is usually associated with exploration. The common mantra of “you can be anything you want to be” is an example of parents encouraging the exploration of various alternatives. When adolescents actively explore choices but are not committed, it is referred to as identity moratorium. This struggle for identity is often associated with anxiety, since the future is unplanned. Those who are considering changing majors or colleges, or dropping out of school altogether, are often in moratorium.

Critical Thinking

In what ways can attending college and pursuing a degree be categorized as identity foreclosure? When is it moratorium?

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The timing of events such as marriage, childbearing, and retirement is much less predictable than in past generations.

Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor committed to any social or occupational choices are in a state of identity diffusion. These individuals tend to be �lighty, without clear direction for the future. They may be confused about goals, occupation, sexual identity, or gender roles. The lack of occupational or social dedication makes it dif�icult to sustain relationships. Consequently, these individuals are more likely than others to become isolated.

It is considered a positive development when individuals move from diffusion to foreclosure to moratorium to achievement. However, adolescents are not necessarily �ixed into one identity status, and achievement does not mean identity will remain stable. It is common for individuals to change statuses from moratorium to achievement and back again, in what has been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence is considered normal and may appear periodically throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status peaks during late adolescence and declines thereafter. About half of all adolescents have a stable identity status (Kroger, 2007; Kroger et al., 2010). Among college students, status begins to change later than young adults who do not attend college.

The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of identity development is both a culmination of sorts and a jumping-off point. That is, according to Erikson, we have a tendency to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and carry that forward into marriage, community, and retirement. Note, however, that these processes apply mostly to Westernized youth and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor Marcia suggested that their theories could be applied universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated Marcia’s conceptual basis for achievement. However, identity development is quite different, even within Western countries, when there are choices in career and education and everyday survival can be taken for granted (e.g., Brzezińska & Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich, 2014; Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz, Sera�ini, & Meeus, 2013). In coal-mining towns or other working-class communities, for instance, the menu of careers to explore often appears limited. Education might not be a high priority, and economic necessity may dictate when and where a young adult seeks work. Identity development through exploration would not even be considered when daily living remains a struggle.

Levinson: Life Transitions

Another way of looking at how personality develops is to identify normative age-graded in�luences, or how people view the world at any particular time (see Chapter 1). For instance, there are speci�ic life transitions that coincide with age- based norms, such as turning 30 or the “Big 5-0.” Puberty and menopause are two examples of biological in�luences that are linked by age. However, from a psychosocial perspective, age-based norms have become more �luid. For example, the social clock (age-graded social expectations) that formerly existed for getting married, having children, and even retirement has expanded widely. The timing of these events is much less predictable than in past generations.

Nevertheless, some have suggested that “transitional” ages like 30 and 50 do affect personality development. The most often cited theory is that of Daniel Levinson, who famously described the “midlife crisis” (Levinson, 1978, 1997). Like Erikson, he separated development into a number of stages and transitions. Levinson suggested that everyone goes through the same basic stages of adult development, each of which we must master before transitioning to the next stage. For example, the early adult years comprise the novice phase of adulthood when there is a transition from dependent child to independent adult. Unattached young adults may be successful at having intimate relationships as long as they live independently or with parents, but they can face unknown challenges after marrying. According to Levinson, these kinds of adjustment periods occur in every new stage. Once we master new tasks, stability exists in the new stage until it is time to move on again.

The late twenties and early thirties are marked by family and career development. At the completion of this stage, adults move beyond

exploration, reach an era of stability, and look forward to the transition into middle adulthood—Levinson’s major focus.

He suggested there is a signi�icant adjustment period, and was the �irst to call this period the midlife crisis. It is a time of re�lection and transition, including questioning self-identity as either being “young” or “old.” The midlife crisis is another psychological concept that has captured a signi�icant place in popular culture. Entertainment media provide amusing stories of middle-aged men and women trading in their staid family and work lives for the excitement of a sports car, younger sexual partners, and adventure.

Evaluation of Levinson

Despite its perpetuation in the media, the midlife crisis is not all that prevalent, if it exists at all. Although Levinson reported that stages and transitions occur for both men and women, other research suggests that it happens in only a small percentage of the population (Aldwin & Levinson, 2001; Lachman, 2004). People may identify with experiencing crises in middle age, but data show that upsetting events are not more likely to occur at that time than at others. In addition, middle-aged adults are generally happier and more content than at any previous stage (Carstensen et al., 2011; Wethington, 2000). Perhaps people report having midlife crises simply because it is normative behavior to do so.

Though the midlife crisis is largely a myth, there are practical reasons why there often appear to be major transitions. In middle adulthood, especially, people think about values and priorities. What may look like a crisis to some is often a reassessment and a discerning look back at early adulthood and a preparation for new adventures (Vaillant, 2002). Children are grown and so parents no longer need a practical car. There is often more disposable income than at any other time, and there is still a youthful mentality to spend it. What appears to be a radical change may only be the realization of opportunities. The “midlife crisis” may indeed be the prime of life.

Section Review

Describe how models proposed by Marcia and Levinson can help us understand important age-graded in�luences in personality development.

11.4 Trait and Type Theories of Personality

In contrast to traditional models, which hypothesize that personality is mostly a product of cultural, interpersonal, and environmental forces, the trait theory of personality is heavily in�luenced by biology and genetics. In describing someone’s personality, we usually do not refer to physical characteristics; instead, we use words such as “outgoing,” “reliable,” and “reserved.” These traits represent stable, enduring characteristics. The degree to which someone is described along a number of enduring dimensions comprises the person’s personality. Trait theory therefore focuses on measuring recurring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.

Measuring Traits: The Big Five

The most widely accepted trait model of personality is the �ive-factor theory (McCrae, Costa, John, Robins, & Pervin, 2008). Its origins began with a more pragmatic approach to personality theory, which included simply asking people to describe themselves. The combination of words allows us to emphasize the uniqueness of each individual. One of the �irst trait theorists, Gordon Allport (1897–1967), is credited with going through the dictionary and compiling a list of 4,500 words that could be used to describe personality (Allport & Odbert, 1936). With so many words, though, there was a problem of psychological standardization; the list needed to be whittled down to fewer, core traits.

The next big advance occurred in 1960 when Raymond Cattell and his colleagues culminated decades of identifying, measuring, and analyzing the most fundamental traits. They ended up identifying 16 speci�ic surface traits (observable through behaviors), which they then clustered into �ive broader (global) categories called source traits (the underlying psychological factors) (Cattell, 1965). According to Cattell, each of 16 surface traits varies on a continuum and can be used to provide a unique personality pro�ile. Importantly, the �ive global source traits led to the development of the �ive- factor theory, which is now simply referred to as the Big Five. According to the �ive-factor theory, people differ from one another along the dimensions of Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional Stability (also referred to as Neuroticism). Although there remains disagreement about both the names of the traits and the relative importance of each, there is now widespread acceptance of using the Big Five as a general structure for studying personality (Browne et al., 2012). The Big Five are summarized in Table 11.1.

Table 11.1: The Big Five personality traits

Trait Extremes Description

Openness to experience

Imaginative versus practical Curious versus cautious Variety versus routine

People high on this trait are more likely to be independent, try new foods, and look forward to meeting new people. Those low on this scale tend to be more conventional and conforming.

Conscientiousness Disciplined versus impulsive Careful versus careless Organized versus disorganized

People high on this trait tend to adhere to schedules and be on time— like students who always submit timely responses and keep a schedule of activities. Those low on the scale tend to procrastinate, be disorganized, and lack perseverance.

Trait Extremes Description

Extraversion Sociable versus solitary Energetic versus reserved Fun loving versus serious

Successful salespeople generally score high on this trait. Those with lower ranking on this trait enjoy more time by themselves; constant socialization may be exhausting.

Agreeableness Helpful versus uncooperative Altruistic versus unsympathetic Considerate versus antagonistic

Retail employees who are helpful, friendly, and kind score high on agreeableness. People who routinely get upset if they do not receive special treatment would score low.

Emotional stability

Anxious versus calm Self-defeating versus con�ident Insecure versus secure

People ranking high in this trait have a negative opinion of themselves and their abilities; they tend to overreact to stressful situations, like the characters often portrayed in �ilms by Woody Allen or Jim Carrey. Those scoring low on this scale tend to be less emotional, like characters often portrayed by Angelina Jolie or Clint Eastwood.

Source: Based on McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1987). Validation of the �ive-factor model of personality across instruments and observers. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 81–90. American Psychological Association. Adapted by permission.

Applications of the Big Five

Because of its growing empirical support, the Big Five are increasingly being used for practical applications like predicting occupational interests, enhancing communication, and assessing learning styles (e.g., Abedi et al., 2012). Measuring traits has been useful in describing behaviors associated with career success and health. Employers, academicians, and others are �inding new ways to improve productivity and relationships in the workplace and elsewhere.

Conscientiousness There is increasing consensus that the Big Five are universal, crossing cultures, gender, and sex (McCrae et al., 2008; McCrae & Costa, 1987, 1997). Further, there is evidence that the trait of conscientiousness is singularly predictive of a number of important outcomes. An extensive review found that it associated with self-regulation, motivation, and internalization of standards that are used to understand normative behavior (Eisenberg, Duckworth, Spinrad, & Valiente, 2014). But it is not simply a matter of getting to work on time or �inishing school homework. High conscientiousness is associated with the completion of long-term goals, more thoughtful decision making, and the ful�illment of personal obligations. These traits lead to better performance in school and greater career success. Because of its especially strong predictive value for later success, the study of conscientiousness has led to increased attention among educators and psychologists (Borghans, Duckworth, Heckman, & Weel, 2008; Duckworth, Quinn, & Tsukayama, 2012; Sutin, Costa, Miech, & Eaton, 2009).

Stability Versus Change Experimentally, the Big Five are used to assess whether or not personality changes (as psychodynamic theory would argue) or whether it simply matures within an environmental context. Overall, it is apparent that personality is stable in some ways and unsettled in others. Compared to other traits, extraversion and openness to experience remain

relatively stable (Soto, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2011). On average, people who score high on extraversion may behave differently depending on family, school, and other environmental conditions, but will generally remain energetic and sociable for their circumstances (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000; Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006). The same is true for openness.

On the other hand, agreeableness and conscientiousness show the most relative change across adulthood (Soto et al., 2011). These traits probably adjust out of a necessity for success. People who are more disagreeable and less responsible are less likely to pass classes, have dependable friends, and obtain a successful career. As personality matures over the course of adulthood, people learn to be more accepting and gain more control over their emotions, which is re�lected in more emotional stability (i.e., lower neuroticism; Lachman, 2004). Overall, adults become more optimistic as well. They are more con�ident, cheerful, calm, and warm toward others (Brim, Ryff, & Kessler, 2004; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Together, these �indings suggest that as people age, they focus more on the positive and less on the negative.

Traits and Health Across the Lifespan We also know that individual traits can predict long-term health and social outcomes, too (e.g., Kern, Hampson, Goldberg, & Friedman, 2014; Hong, 2013; Vollrath, Hampson, & Júlıússon, 2012). Conscientiousness alone predicts obesity in adulthood, along with negative health outcomes. People who have a stronger internal dialogue, more self- control, and intrinsic motivation are likely to engage in the types of behaviors that will increase health outcomes (Hampson, Edmonds, Goldberg, Dubanoski, & Hillier, 2013). Being more agreeable also leads to greater longevity. This �inding is consistent with a great deal of research that shows that hostility, the opposite of agreeableness, is a risk factor for cardiovascular disease and other conditions that shorten lifespan. Other research �inds that personality can predict heart and lung functioning, unhealthy habits, and infections and other diseases (e.g., Friedman & Martin; 2011; Hill, Turiano, Hurd, Mroczek, & Roberts, 2011; Israel et al., 2014; Olsen, Tuu, Honkanen, & Verplanken, 2015). Understanding personality traits in this way may very well allow health care professionals to inexpensively design personalized preventive health care plans.

Measuring Personality Types: The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator

Instead of a continuum of �ive traits, some theorists propose that there are just certain types of personalities based on characteristic ways of behaving. The most popular type theory is based on the work of Carl Jung (1923). Jung recognized that people do not act randomly; rather, they have orderly, consistent preferences for behavior. You might have a preference for chocolate ice cream rather than vanilla ice cream, but that does not mean that you never eat vanilla ice cream. In relation to personality, Jung said that people have four different preferences.

Katharine Briggs and her daughter, Isabel Myers, wanted to make Jung’s ideas practical and usable by a wide variety of people. Their work led to the development of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI). The MBTI measures individual psychological preferences on four dimensions: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and Judging–Perceiving (see Table 11.2).

Table 11.2: MBTI types

Extraversion (E) or Introversion (I)

Sensing (S) or Intuition (N)

Thinking (T) or Feeling (F)

Judging (J) or Perceiving (P)

Extraversion–Introversion explains how people get energy for life. Extraverted people draw energy from the outer world of people, activities, and things, while introverted people draw energy from their inner world of impressions, emotions, and ideas.

Sensing–Intuition describes how an individual takes in information. Sensing types gather concrete information through the �ive senses (taste, touch, smell, sight, hearing), while individuals who are more intuitive take in information through inspiration or a “gut feeling” that extends beyond the �ive senses (Myers et al., 1998).

Thinking–Feeling points to the different ways that people make decisions. A person with a thinking preference makes decisions in a logical, rational, objective way, while a someone who is a feeling type is generally driven by emotion, preferring to make decisions more personal.

Judging–Perceiving has to do with the basic approach that a person takes toward life. People who are more judging tend to be more structured and prefer planning and organizing their lives. People who are more perceiving prefer more �lexible and spontaneous lives.

While Jung believed that all eight functions are present in every human being, and all are used at least to some degree, he suggested that every person has a preference for one of the two possibilities in each dichotomy. The combination of the four preferences makes up an individual’s psychological type, or personality. The four combinations yield 16 different types. Individuals sharing one of the 16 different types tend to re�lect similar values, interests, and approaches to life, in contrast with others who have different types. Because the MBTI has been translated into over 20 languages with over two million administrations annually, from a practical aspect, its widespread use suggests that people �ind it useful to advance personal understanding (Myers et al., 1998).

Section Review

Describe the differences and similarities in trait theory and type theory.

Digital Vision/Valueline/Thinkstock

By 24 months of age, most children recognize their distinct selves in a mirror, in photos, and in videos.

11.5 Development of the Self

In section 11.2, we learned that the self is a conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. It is indirectly in�luenced by temperament and reciprocal relationships, and both implicit and explicit feedback from others. As we grow, those around us continue to have a heavy in�luence in the construction of self, as its development is tied to social norms and expectations. The �irst step in this process is being able to recognize ourselves as distinct individuals.

Self-Awareness

Psychologists agree that babies are not born with inherent knowledge that self is separate from others. To develop an expression of individuality, children must �irst develop an understanding of themselves. That is, children de�ine their identities only after they are able to recognize that they are separate from others. Piaget and other cognitive psychologists suggest that infants do not demonstrate awareness of themselves until they begin to show intention, beginning at about 8 months (see the discussion about the sensorimotor stage in Chapter 7). Other views hold that children lack the cognitive capacity to know that they are distinct persons until they recognize themselves in a mirror or in photographs. This process is called self-awareness. Children can de�ine their identities only when they are able to recognize that they are separate from others.

The most common method for identifying the psychosocial milestone of self- awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever experiment, infants are prominently marked on their nose or forehead. The children are then placed in front of a mirror. They may attempt to wipe off the mark, point to it in the mirror, or otherwise pay attention to it. If they do, it may be concluded that they are aware of their own physical characteristics—the �irst step in developing a sense of self that is independent from other people and objects.

Infants as young as 12 months old sometimes react to the mark, but the median age is closer to 18 months. By 24 months, nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior, suggesting an increased sense of awareness. They also recognize themselves in photos and videos by pointing and verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me” (Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985). While some researchers argue that the mirror-and-rouge test shows that awareness occurs discontinuously, Bertenthal and Fischer (1978) suggest that it is more gradual. In a comprehensive experiment involving a series of identi�ication tasks, 46 out of 48 children showed consistent patterns of gradually increasing self-awareness within each of �ive stages. According to them, self-awareness changes incrementally and develops in a more continuous fashion than typically represented by the mirror-and-rouge test (Bertenthal & Fischer, 1978).

Other Indicators of Self-Awareness

When infants and toddlers begin to use words like “me” and “you,” it signals the emergence of self-concept. Soon they will be able to identify themselves according to sex and age and compare themselves to others based on other variables. Categorizing in this way represents an emergence of identity. It will eventually include any number of characteristics, including gender, ethnicity, and career attributes.

People in the United States generally grow up in a culture that emphasizes individual traits and abilities over interdependence and group goals (individualistic versus collectivistic). As a result, early childhood characterizations of self typically include mostly concrete descriptions (“I like to draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors modesty and the social aspects of the self. As such, Chinese children are more likely than children in the United States to use more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I play with my friends at the park,” “I like to help my teacher”). These differences are evident as early as 3 years of age (Wang, 2006). In adolescence, psychosocial factors expand to include romantic relationships and sexuality. Descriptions gradually become more complex and include both personal and social aspects of self (“I am a good friend,” “I work hard, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am Latino”).

Critical Thinking

How might grade in�lation affect self- esteem?

Self-awareness is also noticeable in the development of the higher-order emotions introduced in Chapter 10. The self- conscious emotions of shame, guilt, and pride are accompanied by behavior that indicates self-knowledge. For instance, self-awareness is acknowledged when toddlers warily “challenge” parents by touching forbidden objects. They will not automatically take food from another child’s plate because they know their behavior will be met with disapproval. When children implore parents to “Look!” at a pose, a block design, or an arrangement of stuffed animals, it shows pride of accomplishment. There is ownership of the task. Self-awareness and a growing consciousness are also demonstrated when toddlers fail at a task. Tears of frustration show that toddlers understand their own limitations; they are able to separate outside forces from internal appraisals (Stipek, Recchia, & McClintic, 1992). In the next section, we will look at the emergence of self-concept as self-awareness becomes more re�ined, mirroring the change in cognition from concrete into abstract thinking.

Self-Concept and Self-Esteem

Complete the activity on self-concept. The descriptions describe who you are and illustrate your self-concept, or your own perception of characteristics related to academics, athletics, family roles, ethnicity, sexuality, and more. Though the terms self-concept and self-esteem are often used interchangeably, they refer to different dimensions. Self-concept is concerned with constructing a sense of identity through self-expression. Self-esteem is the evaluation of that self- concept. For instance, if you identify yourself as a caring father, a dedicated student, a terrible athlete and a technology genius, and all of that is okay with you, then those attributes contribute to a positive self-esteem. On the other hand, if you are not the father you would like to be, think of yourself as a poor student, or are self-critical for not being a better athlete, then that evaluation may negatively affect you. A person may not reasonably assess self-concept, but nevertheless it de�ines self-esteem. Personal characteristics distinguish self-concept; the assessment of those characteristics is self- esteem.

Activity

Take a moment and think of words that describe you. Formulate descriptions that are related to your culture and ethnicity, gender, and sex. Also include adjectives that relate to the way you perform at work or in school, and the way you behave around your family or in groups.

Self-esteem therefore contributes to emotional well-being. It refers to how capable and signi�icant a person feels and contributes to a number of developmental areas (Juth, Smyth, & Santuzzi, 2008; Kong, Zhao, & You, 2012). Those with low self-esteem tend to believe failures are a re�lection of who they are and that they cannot succeed even if they try harder. Children with low self-esteem follow a pattern of employing ineffective strategies, repeatedly failing, and then giving up entirely. Experts sometimes refer to this outcome as the “why try” model of behavior that further reduces self- worth in adulthood (Corrigan, Larson, & Rüsch, 2009; Erdley, Cain, Loomis, Dumas-Hines, & Dweck, 1997).

In contrast, high self-esteem contributes to motivation to achieve goals, greater persistence, and better school performance, setting the stage for more successful work and other positive psychosocial outcomes (Freudenthaler, Spinath, & Neubauer, 2008; Graham & Williams, 2009). Self-esteem may impact motivation to excel, the variety of jobs that are offered, and whether or not a person receives a raise when requested. However, self-esteem is not necessarily associated with job performance (Ferris, Lian, Brown, Pang, & Keeping, 2010).

Self-Esteem Across the Lifespan Early adolescence is generally considered a dif�icult time, during which self- esteem suffers before rising during early adulthood (Birkeland, Melkevik, Holsen, & Wold, 2012; Erol & Orth, 2011). The physical changes of puberty can be awkward, and universally elevated expectations regarding academics may not be consistent with abilities. During this time of increased psychosocial challenges, there is usually a simultaneous decrease in the

physical and emotional availability of teachers. Furthermore, due to the development of abstract thought and the hypothetical reasoning that goes with it, adolescents are better able to evaluate their goals and limitations. For instance, this is the time when many children discover that the road to becoming a professional athlete is more limited than the idealized version of middle childhood. Therefore, cognitive change is both a healthy way of assessing reality and a potential detriment to self-esteem (Harter, 2006; Harter & Whitesell, 2003).

Extensive research using longitudinal data for over 300,000 people found that self-esteem rises steadily from young adulthood to middle adulthood (see Figure 11.2). During late adulthood, self-esteem drifts downward, particularly as health and income decline (Robins, Trzesniewski, & Tracey, 2002). Although self-esteem appears to decline in later years, older adults have developed coping mechanisms that help them adapt to change. So even when facing declines, their self-esteem does not drop as much as might be expected (Baltes & Mayer, 1999).

Figure 11.2: Average change in self-esteem across the lifespan

The trajectory of self-esteem for a nationally representative sample of 3,617 individuals aged 25 years to 100 years.

Source: From Orth, U., Trzesniewski, K. H., & Robins, R. W. (2010). Self-esteem development from young adulthood to old age: A cohort-sequential longitudinal study. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98(4), 645–654. Copyright . 2010 by the American Psychological Association. Reproduced with permission.

On the other hand, since adaptation to the aging process is an important component of healthy development, when people become preoccupied with age-related changes, they generally present poorer self-esteem. It is important to note that adults (accurately) do not view themselves as aging as a whole; rather, they see parts of themselves aging, which allows people to remain “young at heart” while perhaps “old” at activities such as running or understanding new kinds of social media. One study found that people who had an optimistic view of aging lived an additional 7.5 years compared to those with a negative view, even when accounting for socioeconomic status, gender, and health (Levy, Slade, Kunkel, & Kasl, 2002).

Psychology in Action: Improving Self-esteem

Self-esteem is not something you can “give” to a person. Certainly there are speci�ic kinds of interactions that will affect self-esteem one way or another, but someone cannot magically pat you on the back to increase your self- esteem. Instead, just as Erikson proposed, self-esteem must be earned through accomplishment. In�lating the

worth of a job just provides a false feeling of esteem until the individual either recognizes the truth (which could be immediate) or fails at another, similar task.

There are two important ways that you can increase self-esteem in a realistic manner. The �irst entails setting small goals. Make a reasonable list, approach one task at a time, recognize completed activities, and move on to the next goal. Constructing a list is an important �irst step because it initiates the recognition of overall progress (that is, accomplishment and competency). It is also important to approach goals in speci�ic ways. For instance, avowing, “I will lose 40 pounds” is not as effective as stating, “After lunch every day I will walk for 30 minutes.” If you tend to procrastinate, establishing a goal of “�inish a 10-page paper in two weeks” is less realistic than undertaking to “�inish the outline today” and then set smaller goals for the rest of the week. With each small success comes more con�idence.

The second strategy is to practice compassion. Research has shown that doing for others increases self-esteem (e.g., Mongrain, Chin, & Shapira, 2011). Earnestly volunteering allows individuals to feel competent and it also provides a sense of worth that friends and relatives may not be able to provide. Psychotherapists use this technique with clients who have low self-esteem or who are depressed. The feeling of accomplishment while doing for others can be quite powerful.

Differences Between Groups Women generally have lower self-esteem than men in young adulthood, but by middle adulthood both groups are about the same. Individuals who have more education have consistently higher self-esteem than those with less education (Orth, Trzesniewski, & Robins, 2010). In a meta-analysis of hundreds of self-esteem studies, boys scored higher overall on self-esteem, but overall differences were small (Kling, Hyde, Showers, & Buswell, 1999). More recent studies have continued to �ind little or no gender difference (Erol & Orth, 2011). Girls generally place greater emphasis on physical appearance than boys, but overall both boys and girls can be described as having high self-esteem (Bachman, O’Malley, Freedman-Doan, Trzesniewski, & Donnellan, 2011; Van den Berg, Mond, Eisenberg, Ackard, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2010).

Self-esteem also varies as a function of culture, race, and ethnicity, but again, when differences exist they tend to be small (see Figure 11.3). In general, strong ethnic identity—regardless of the group with which you identify—is associated with high self-esteem (Smith & Silva, 2011). Furthermore, across 18 separate surveys over two decades, differences between and within various ethnicities, genders, and age groups have remained fairly constant. Blacks generally score highest on measures of self-esteem, followed by whites, Hispanics, and Asians. In contrast to gender similarities in other groups, studies show that black males have slightly lower self-esteem than black females (Bachman et al., 2011; Twenge & Crocker, 2002).

Figure 11.3: Frequency distributions of self-esteem index scores by race/ethnicity, gender, and grade, 1991–2008

The percentages of students with low, medium, and high levels of self-esteem show similar patterns across gender and ethnic groups.

Source: Adolescent self-esteem: Differences by race/ethnicity, gender, and age. Jerald G. Bachman, Patrick M. O’Malley, Peter Freedman-Doan, Kali H. Trzesniewski & M. Brent Donnellan. Self and Identity 2011, 10(4): 445–473. Copyright © 2011 Routledge. Republished by permission of the publisher Taylor & Francis. Ltd.

One factor that does appear to affect measures of self-esteem is socioeconomic status (SES). Substantial evidence shows that low SES has a negative effect on self-esteem, particularly during adolescence (e.g., Twenge & Campbell, 2002; Veselska et al., 2010). This is the time when children typically focus more on material goods like clothes, cars, and purchases that affect appearance. Coupled with adolescent egocentrism, teenagers are likely to elevate the importance of appearances, which is affected by income level. These small (but statistically signi�icant) differences are remarkably consistent throughout North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia, even in relatively poor countries (e.g., Amazue & Uzuegbu, 2013; Fagg, Curtis, Cummins, Stansfeld, & Quesnel-Vallée, 2013; Sanal-Erginel & Silman, 2005; Var, Paul, Kumar, & Shah, 2011).

Section Review

What is the difference between self-awareness, self-concept, and self-esteem? How do they each connect to the development of the self, as in the title of this chapter?

Fuse/Thinkstock

Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in shared beliefs and customs, but increasingly children identify with more than one race or culture.

Critical Thinking

If children were completely shielded from any mention of skin color or race, at what age do you think they would notice differences?

11.6 Ethnic Identity

Socioeconomic differences highlight the complex nature of how identity is formed and individually assessed. Feelings regarding race and ethnicity are part of this process, since “who you are” includes descriptors of group membership. Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in their shared values, traditions, language, and customs. Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs within the culture change, but it remains an enduring part of the self. A positive ethnic identity re�lects a stronger self-concept and is associated with greater school achievement and higher self-esteem (Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006). Increasingly, children identify with more than one race or culture, making for a stronger multifaceted foundation in the search for a sense of self, rather than one that is more diffuse. The growing culture of globalization has expanded this concept worldwide, even to less developed countries (Jenson, 2003; Rao et al., 2013; Trask, 2013).

Although younger children are aware of ethnic differences, individuals do not begin to re�lect about the meaning of them until they reach the cognitive advancements of formal operations (see Chapter 7). A psychological con�lict similar to the adolescent identity crisis arises when minority teenagers are exposed to possible negative cultural views during their exploration of identity. Developing metacognition accelerates this process as adolescents integrate cultural history with future possibilities.

According to Jean Phinney (1989, 1990), in order to fully develop a sense of self, adolescents need to reconcile the degree to which ethnicity is a part of identity. She developed a model based on the same dimensions of exploration and commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses (section 11.3). After conducting interviews of Asian, black, Hispanic, and white 10th graders, she concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in three stages (white, mainstream American students could not be similarly classi�ied):

More than half of all minorities were in the beginning stage of unexamined ethnic identity. They were either in diffusion (an absence of interest in adopting the attitudes of their ethnicity) or foreclosure (adopting views that they acquired from others, usually parents). These groups in general spent little time or energy in exploration. For instance, one Mexican American male remarked, “My parents tell me . . . about where they lived, but what do I care? I’ve never lived there” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44). A little less than one quarter felt an increasing awareness of ethnic issues and understood the importance of placing more emphasis on its relation to identity development. They were categorized as being in moratorium, or ethnic identity search. A black female’s remark is indicative of this stage: “I think people should know what Black people had to go through to get to where we are now” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44). The remaining one �ifth were in ethnic identity achievement, characteristic of those who had explored, accepted, and internalized their ethnic identity and reconciled the differences between their minority status and mainstream culture. A male interviewed by Phinney is quoted as saying, “I have been born Filipino and am born to be Filipino . . . I’m here in America, and people of many different cultures are here too. So I don’t consider myself only Filipino, but also American” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).

This last quote also exempli�ies the formation of a bicultural identity, which allows minority adolescents to identify with their ethnic heritage as well as mainstream culture. Individuals with a bicultural identity are neither consumed by mainstream culture nor restricted by attitudes and beliefs in their cultures of origin that may not serve them well in the United States. Identifying with two or more cultures often provides a richer background and a stronger foundation for identity development (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992; Quintana, 2007).

Section Review

Describe how culture and ethnicity might become integrated into identity.

11.7 Theory of Moral Development

An additional example of how experiences merge with identity formation is in the area of moral development. In Chapter 10 we learned that social referencing and empathy are indications of cognitive sophistication. A developing child shows emotional growth when he or she begins to see beyond themselves by showing an interest in how others respond to his or her emotions and, similarly, by understanding the emotions shown by others. It is thought that moral values and attitudes also follow a prescribed sequence of cognitive sophistication while being guided by a fair dose of social exposure.

In perhaps the most widely accepted theory, Lawrence Kohlberg used Piaget’s stage theory of cognition as a backdrop to explain the gradual sophistication of moral behavior. Kohlberg proposed that morality emerges through a systematic three-level, six-stage sequence (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983). By following the progression of boys aged 10 to 16 over a 26-year period, Kohlberg and his colleagues determined that the stages are invariant and follow a predetermined structure.

Kohlberg developed a theory of moral development after posing a series of moral dilemmas to 87 boys ranging in age from 10 to 16 years old and asking them to explain how they would resolve the dilemma. He then studied their explanations to identify their reasoning. To follow their moral development, he then tested the children periodically for the next 20 years. The Heinz Dilemma is one of the questions the researchers used in their original study (Rest, Turiel, & Kohlberg, 1969, p. 229):

In Europe a woman was near death from a special kind of cancer. There was one drug that the doctors thought might save her. It was a form of radium that a druggist in the same town had recently discovered. The drug was expensive to make, but the druggist was charging 10 times what the drug cost him to make. He paid $200 for the radium and charged $2,000 for a small dose of the drug. The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, went to everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he could only get together about $1,000, which is half of what it cost. He told the druggist that his wife was dying and asked him to sell it cheaper or let him pay later. But the druggist said, “No, I discovered the drug and I’m going to make money from it.” Heinz is not sure what he should do in this dif�icult situation. He doesn’t know if it is right for a husband in his situation to steal the drug for his wife.

After presenting the dilemma, researchers asked, “What should Heinz do?” By looking at the various responses to this question, Kohlberg and his colleagues were able to classify the development of moral judgments into three levels: preconventional, conventional, and postconventional, each of which contain two stages. At all three levels of moral development, there were individuals who answered “yes” and answered “no” to whether Heinz should steal the drug to save his wife. However, Kohlberg was more interested in the reasons that people gave for their answers than whether they thought stealing the drug was right or wrong (see Table 11.3).

Table 11.3: Should Heinz steal the drug? Kohlberg’s stages of moral development

Stage Positive response Negative response

Preconventional Yes: He could get in trouble if he lets his wife die. No: It’s against the law to steal.

Conventional Yes: He should steal it because his intentions are good and no one should let another person die.

No: While his motives are good, we can’t have everyone breaking the law.

Post- conventional

Yes: Heinz is justi�ied in stealing the medicine. It is fair and just that the wife be saved, even if theft is necessary. The law is �lawed and should be changed so that others don’t face the same dilemma.

No: Even though the druggist’s actions are appalling, the druggist has the right to be compensated for his discovery.

Kohlberg’s theory focuses on people’s reasoning about what to do in a moral dilemma, not their actual choices. A key factor that promotes moral development is a sustained responsibility for the welfare of others (Kohlberg, 1973). As individuals move from one level to the next, their moral thinking becomes more complex as they consider the meaning of Heinz’s action.

Kohlberg’s Levels and Stages of Moral Development

There are three levels of moral development, and each level has two stages. Although there is a general relationship to age, the levels and stages are not tied to speci�ic ages. At the pre-conventional level, people are mostly concerned with self-interest rather than what might be a universal standard. For instance, children will yield to authority �igures in order to avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally wrong if it results in a negative outcome for the perpetrator. Children generally do not progress beyond this level until at least 10 years old or so.

1. Stage 1 (obedience/punishment): Children are mostly concerned with adhering to authority �igures in order to avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally wrong if it results in a negative outcome for the perpetrator. Children know not to take a candy bar before dinner because it will result in an admonishment.

2. Stage 2 (self-interest): The lack of multiple perspectives results in concern for others being overshadowed if the individual gets rewarded. Unlike in later stages, “Do unto others . . .” is not a typical social contract. A child will have a candy bar before dinner if her brother is having one, because it would not be “fair” if only one of them had a treat.

At the conventional level, we base morality on societal norms. Behavior is generally acceptable if values are based on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There is logic to peer pressure and a focus on how others will feel about an individual’s behavior. People at this stage often get upset if they are singled out for misbehavior when others are not similarly punished. Unlike younger children, individuals in stages 3 and 4 show a concern for others.

3. Stage 3 (conformity and interpersonal accord): “Everybody does it” makes behavior acceptable, and values are based on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There is logic to peer pressure and a focus on how others will feel about an individual’s behavior. “Do unto others . . .” now includes empathic understanding, so there is an emphasis on fairness for all, not just the individual. At this stage, children who lose privileges at school would be upset either that they were singled out or that everyone else who has engaged in the same behavior was not similarly punished. Many individuals maintain this perspective well into adulthood.

4. Stage 4 (law and order orientation): According to Kohlberg, this is the highest stage many adults reach. Individuals depend on social rules and institutional order. There is an emphasis on fair justice and reward. A morally advanced adolescent might forego the advantage of parental assistance on an essay if it means there is a decided advantage in grading against peers. Adults at this stage would self-sacri�ice instead of disturbing the social order; they would not park a car in a manner that would inconvenience others if the only purpose were self-gain.

The post-conventional level of morality is distinguished by idealized principles in society and may transcend respect for authority. Rather than accepting authority without question, people can imagine a different kind of social order than the one that currently exists. The concept of civil disobedience arises at this level, which might include deliberately breaking laws that are believed to be immoral. People at this level are less concerned with legal consequences, realizing that what is moral and what is legal are sometimes in con�lict. Therefore, morality is more abstract than a list of rules and may become situational. Individual rights and values are respected because they promote good for all.

5. Stage 5 (social contract): Individual rights and values are respected because they promote good for all, regardless of any laws or list of rules. People are punished to protect society, not as an act of retribution (but instead because that is what is best for everyone, even the perpetrator). Laws are unethical if they fail to promote the best outcome for the largest number of people. For instance, if interracial and gay marriages do not impose on the rights of others, then they should be supported in order to promote the general welfare for all couples.

6. Stage 6 (universal principles): Principles are based on self-selected ideas relating to equality of all. Though it has been said that “it is easier to �ight for one’s principles than to live up to them,” the stage 6 individual �ights for what is right—because it is right. If laws are not just, then there is an obligation to disobey. Stage 6 individuals are rare and dif�icult to identify. They may value rights over their own lives, like 2014 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Malala Yousafzai, who, at 11 years old, and in the face of opposition from Pakistan’s Taliban, demanded an education; perhaps Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi are representative of this stage, as well.

iStock/Thinkstock

According to Carol Gilligan, girls are more likely than boys to show compassion and focus on care for individual needs.

Research shows that 95% of children and 81% of adults do not reach the post-conventional level (Walker, de Vries, & Trevethan, 1987).

Kohlberg’s theory has stood up well, although it has been modi�ied to �it newer data. For example, college students were asked about moral dilemmas having to do with information technology (Kiser, Morrison, & Craven, 2011). By the time students �inish college, most are at the conventional level of moral thinking. In a study conducted with 280 Muslim college students from Kuwait, researchers found a similar pattern. Most students were at the conventional level (Bouhmama, 2013). The higher adolescents and young adults score on moral reasoning tests, the less likely they are to become delinquent (Raaijmakers, Engels, & Van Hoof, 2005). Only a small percentage of people reach Kohlberg’s highest level of moral maturity.

An Alternative to Kohlberg: Carol Gilligan’s Approach

Kohlberg’s theory has been criticized for failing to consider gender and cultural differences (e.g., Fuchs, Eisenberg, Hertz-Lazarowitz, & Sharabaany, 1986). For example, some cultures may value caring for family members over all other causes. Individuals may be acting according to the highest moral standards of their culture but would not meet Kohlberg’s concept of post-conventional morality. Another continuing criticism is that Kohlberg’s research was conducted exclusively with males, and yet it has been applied routinely to females.

According to Carol Gilligan (1982), males and females have differing views of morality. Whereas boys are more likely to be concerned with justice and fairness, girls are more likely to engage in self-sacri�ice and shared responsibility (Gilligan, 1977; Taylor, Gilligan, & Sullivan, 1995).

Gilligan found that females are more concerned with the context in which a decision is to be made and males are more absolute. Girls are more likely than boys to focus on care for individual needs; compared to boys, girls demonstrate more compassion. This behavior stems from their greater emphasis on developing interdependent relationships. Children transition from an early stage of sel�ishness and practicality to the moral pursuit of goodness. For instance, a girl may participate in activities she does not like if she believes it is part of maintaining a strong friendship. According to Gilligan, the most advanced type of morality occurs when women accept their moral equivalence to others. Though these views may not be consistent with Kohlberg’s de�inition of post-conventional morality, they may nonetheless represent the highest form of moral behavior (Sherblom, 2008).

The question about the nature of moral development remains unresolved. Although some studies have found gender differences in moral development, most evidence does not support Gilligan’s view of distinctions either within mainstream U.S. culture or among diverse people internationally (Jorgensen, 2006; Skoe, 2012; Turiel, 2006). The major criticism of Gilligan’s view is that she is too absolute in dismissing Kohlberg’s stages. Most research tends to �ind that males and females rely on both justice and caring. People in general tend to use more care reasoning to make decisions concerning relationships and more justice reasoning for non-relationship issues, like cheating in school or on a tax return. The issues of care that Gilligan emphasizes may stem from the types of dilemmas that females are more likely to face rather than from the ways they are addressed. In this way, perhaps the moralities of care and justice operate together and depend on speci�ic circumstances (Juujärvi, Myyry, & Pesso, 2010; Skoe, 2012).

Hekman (1995, p. 8) points out that Gilligan isn’t saying one position is better than the other, just that they are different: “Gilligan claims that individuals can see moral con�licts in terms of either justice or care, but not both at once. Moral problems are thus not resolved by balancing justice and care, but by taking one perspective rather than the other.” Gilligan’s view has met resistance, however, as empirical support for differences in the moral perspectives of men and women is lacking (Pratt, Diessner, Hunsberger, & Prancer, 1991; Gilgun, 1995). Recently, researchers tested Gilligan’s ideas about the difference between reasoning based on justice and reasoning based on care. A recent study of 89 women over age 60 found that the women’s reasoning was highly consistent with the care orientation (Dakin, 2014).

Although there are criticisms of Kohlberg’s theory, it has been very in�luential in psychology and formed the foundation for other theories that show development over the lifespan. Gilligan has been an important contributor as well, as she has helped broaden the perspective on moral reasoning, including �irst identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work. Later, she also acknowledged that the development of morality is more nuanced than she at �irst proposed, and should consider not only gender differences but also similarities (Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988).

Section Review

How does sense of morality become more sophisticated as we begin to understand ourselves? As we begin to understand others?

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary Evidence indicates that infants are born with a particular disposition, which we call temperament. These early indications of personality can initially be measured by variables such as the intensity of infant emotional reactions and how well infants can soothe themselves. Sometime in the latter part of the �irst year, infants start to understand they are separate beings and begin to de�ine their own identities. As children grow, they develop individual styles and more distinct personalities. Part of the overall challenge of psychosocial development occurs as children integrate various parts of self-concept, including ethnicity and a sense of morality.

Erikson’s theory outlined challenges that we face at different stages of the lifespan. Though the theory remains an historical standard, the application of trait theories has become a strong focus of investigation. The Big Five, in particular, are increasingly used to help us understand what personality styles lead to success in education, health, and industry. Psychologists have also stepped up efforts to understand personality changes that appear later in life, including the search to preserve optimism and maximize outcomes. As introduced in the prologue, factors related to gender, social roles, and career contribute to identity development as well. These areas of development will be addressed in the following chapters.

Summary of Key Concepts Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self

Infant temperament previews personality. It can be classi�ied as easy, dif�icult, or slow to warm up. Research strongly suggests that these early markers of personality remain associated with other childhood behaviors. Temperament is mediated by the ways in which caregivers and others respond to the infant and is likely to affect how relationships develop.

Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development

Erik Erikson postulated that there are nine stages of psychosocial development. Beginning with infancy, individuals navigate the environment and experience a set of psychosocial challenges during their lifespan. Four stages lead up to the “identity crisis” of adolescence, which sets the stage for interpersonal and intrapersonal development in adulthood. According to Erikson, self-identity is formed when a balance exists between adult responsiveness, appropriate patience, and appropriate restriction.

Other Perspectives of Personality Development

James Marcia speci�ically focused on the crises of adolescence and whether or not teens have explored and committed to an identity. He identi�ied four identity statuses: achievement, foreclosure, moratorium, and diffusion. We often cycle through different statuses as we strive toward identity achievement. Though experimentally validated in some populations, because of personal and cultural limitations some elements of Marcia’s model do not exist for everyone. Levinson proposes that personality develops within normative, age-graded in�luences. He believed that everyone goes through the same basic stages and transitions of adult development, including a “midlife crisis.” Despite popular usage of the term, the “midlife crisis” is mostly a myth.

Trait and Type Theories of Personality

Trait theory strongly emphasizes the role of biology and genetics in personality development. According to this perspective, one’s unique constellation of traits makes up personality, which consists of stable or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. The �ive-factor theory is a widely accepted model of personality that is based on identifying traits. The Big Five source traits are: Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional

Stability. Carl Jung’s work led to the development of the MBTI, a commonly used personality assessment tool. The MBTI measures individual psychological preferences along four axes: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and Judging–Perceiving. The interaction of these four preferences constitutes one’s psychological type, or personality.

Development of the Self

Children de�ine their identities only after they are able to recognize that they are separate from others. The most common method for identifying the psychosocial milestone of self-awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test. Other indicators suggest that self-awareness occurs earlier than the mirror-and-rouge test indicates. The formation of self-concept begins with self-awareness and continues during late infancy as toddlers develop awareness of others. Self-esteem is not the same as self-concept. Rather it is the evaluation of one’s self-concept. Research shows that self-esteem has remained fairly stable over time and across gender and ethnic groups. Though boys and girls may focus on different parts of themselves, on average both groups enjoy high self- esteem. Self-concept is in�luenced by factors related to race and ethnicity, sex and gender, and a country’s culture.

Ethnic Identity

Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in their shared values, traditions, language, and customs. Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs within the culture change, but it remains an enduring part of the self. A positive ethnic identity re�lects a stronger self-concept and is associated with greater school achievement and higher self-esteem. Jean Phinney developed an ethnic identity model based on the same dimensions of exploration and commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses. She concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in three stages: unexamined ethnic identity, ethnic identity search, and ethnic identity achievement.

Theory of Moral Development

Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development integrates the advances we see in cognitive functioning with psychosocial advances. He identi�ied three levels of moral development, each of which contains two stages. Kohlberg’s theory has earned empirical support but has been criticized because he studied only boys while formulating his theory. An alternative theory proposed by Carol Gilligan has helped to broaden the perspective on moral reasoning, including �irst identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work. However, her work has also been criticized for being too restrictive.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions 1. Is it important to speci�ically identify a child’s temperament? Explain. 2. Consider what you learned about attachment in Chapter 10. If an adult is unable to fully trust another adult and

form an intimate relationship, Erikson might suggest that development was arrested during the trust versus mistrust stage of psychosocial development. How can an adult reestablish this necessary ability? Using Erikson’s theory, explain how a relationship during adulthood can begin to reverse negative attachment experiences from infancy.

3. How do culture and socioeconomic status in�luence Marcia’s identity status model? 4. Although the midlife crisis has not been scienti�ically validated, most people would probably agree that it exists.

Why do you think this is the case? 5. Which of the Big Five traits has changed the most for you? The least? Which do you anticipate will change the

most in the future? 6. There are no pairs of personality types that form ideal relationships. Two people of the same type may get

along just as well as two people that are completely opposite types. With that in mind, take an online type indicator assessment with a close friend or family member, then discuss why the two of you might have the relationship that you do.

7. Should people strive to achieve post-conventional morality? Explain. 8. Which theory of moral development resonates most strongly for you? Do you think your gender plays a role in

your decision?

Additional Resources Web Resources

The Myers & Briggs Foundation: Learn more about the MBTI type indicator http://www.myersbriggs.org/my- mbti-personality-type/mbti-basics/ (http://www.myersbriggs.org/my-mbti-personality-type/mbti-basics/) Big Five Personality Test: Take a 25 question test hosted on the Psychology Today website http://psychologytoday.tests.psychtests.com/take_test.php?idRegTest=1297 (http://psychologytoday.tests.psychtests.com/take_test.php?idRegTest=1297)

Further Research

Allport, G. W., & Odbert, H. S. (1936). Trait names: A psycho-lexical study. Psychological Monographs, 47(211), whole issue. Erikson, E. H. (1950, 1993). Childhood and society. New York: Norton. Erikson, E. H., & Erikson, J. M. (1998). The life cycle completed: Extended version with new chapters on the ninth stage of development. New York: Norton. Jung, C. G. (1923) Psychological types. New York: Harcourt Brace. McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1997). Personality trait structure as a human universal. American Psychologist, 52, 509–516. Phinney, J. S. (1989). Stages of ethnic identity development in minority group adolescents. Journal of Early Adolescence, 9, 34–49. Thomas, A., & Chess, S. (1977). Temperament and development. New York: Brunner/Mazel. Vaillant, G. E. (2002). Aging well: Surprising guideposts to a happier life. New York: Hachette Book Group.

Key Terms

adolescent identity crisis A time during which adolescents contemplate social, personal, and cognitive demands.

autonomy versus shame and doubt The second of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development begins around the second year until about 3 years of age. Infants and toddlers develop either autonomy or shame and doubt, depending in part on the freedom they are allowed when exploring.

basic trust versus mistrust The �irst of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Develops between birth and the middle of the second year. Trust develops when infants can depend on caregivers to ful�ill basic needs; when caregivers do not respond adequately, infants develop mistrust.

bicultural identity The identity that is formed when minorities identify with their ethnic heritage as well as with mainstream culture.

Big Five The �ive factors, or clusters, of traits. Generally accepted as a structure for studying personality, they are: Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional Stability (or Neuroticism).

commitment According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that determine identity. Refers to whether or not a decision has been made regarding a crisis.

conventional level

The second of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: conformity and interpersonal accord and law and order orientation. People adhere to socially accepted (conventional) rules because they feel an obligation to others.

crisis According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that determine identity. Refers to the exploration of alternative behaviors related to identity formation. See also commitment.

dif�icult temperament A generally negative disposition coupled with poor adaptation to new experiences.

easy temperament An overall positive disposition coupled with regular rhythms.

ethnic identity achievement Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s status of identity achievement.

ethnic identity search Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s status of identity moratorium.

�ive-factor theory A widely accepted framework for studying personality that focuses on the Big Five (�ive factors, or clusters of traits).

generativity versus stagnation The seventh of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or develop a sense of stagnation when they lack productivity.

goodness of �it The match between an infant’s temperament and environmental demands.

hope and faith versus despair The ninth stage of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Erikson proposed that because old age causes the body and mind to fail, we need to learn to accept dependency and the inevitability of death.

identity achievement The status of adolescents who have both explored and committed to an identity.

identity diffusion The status of adolescents who have neither explored nor committed to an identity.

identity foreclosure The status of adolescents who have committed to an identity without �irst exploring.

identity moratorium The status of adolescents who have explored but have yet to commit to an identity.

identity status model James Marcia’s model that classi�ies individual identity development in terms of crisis and commitment.

industry versus inferiority The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Occurs from about 6 to 12 years of age and focuses on competence, which leads to self-esteem. When children successfully navigate tasks, they develop a sense of industry; when they are not able to become self-suf�icient in tasks, they develop a sense of inferiority.

identity versus role confusion The key �ifth stage of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. A time during which adolescents seek to develop a stable self-image.

initiative versus guilt

The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Between the ages of 3 and 6, children expand their independence, but sometimes they must suffer the negative results of those actions.

integrity versus despair The last of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. People in late adulthood either accept their lives and what they have accomplished or live in despair as a result of knowing that goals went unful�illed.

intimacy versus isolation The sixth stage and �irst adult stage in Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Adults express hopes, dreams, and fears that are intended to result in the formation of deep emotional connections.

MAMA Based on identity statuses identi�ied by James Marcia, the cycling between moratorium and achievement.

midlife crisis Levinson’s term for a period of re�lection and transition, including questioning self-identity, at the time of transition into middle adulthood.

mirror-and-rouge test A test designed to measure whether or not children demonstrate self-awareness.

moral development A social and cognitive process that refers to an individual’s sense of justice and right and wrong.

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) Measures individual preferences on four dimensions: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and Judging–Perceiving.

personality Stable or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.

post-conventional level The third of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: social contract and universal principles. Based on idealized principles of morality and the demands of individual conscience.

pre-conventional level The �irst of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: obedience/punishment and self-interest. A stage at which children adhere to rules and social norms due to restrictions set forth by authority �igures.

self The conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves.

self-awareness The knowledge beginning in infancy that indicates individual distinctiveness.

self-concept An internal model of self and identity.

self-esteem The subjective evaluation of one’s sense of self, or self-concept.

slow to warm up A disposition in which less active babies adapt slowly to new situations and have somewhat regular biological rhythms.

social clock The social expectations for the ages at which certain life events occur, such as getting married, having children, and retirement.

source traits Five broad categories of underlying traits that resulted from clustering the 16 surface traits, now referred to as the Big Five.

stages of psychosocial development Erik Erikson’s theory that explains how we come to understand and develop a unique sense of self.

surface traits Clusters of related traits, culled from identifying, measuring, and analyzing a wide variety of traits that are observable as behaviors.

temperament Describes characteristics that are relatively enduring and consistent during the early years of life. It previews personality. See also easy temperament, dif�icult temperament, and slow to warm up.

traits Enduring, stable characteristics and behaviors.

trait theory A theory that focuses on the measurement of a person’s unique constellation of thoughts, feelings, behaviors.

unexamined ethnic identity A state of ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s statuses of either identity diffusion or identity foreclosure.