PSY 5130 Week 4 Journal & Week 4 Assignment

Learning Objectives

After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

Describe attachment theory, how early attachment occurs, and variations in attachment relationships.

Describe the emergence of positive and negative emotions.

Discuss the process and purpose of social referencing and empathy, and their relationships to developing emotions.

Identify examples of emotional regulation and potential in�luences of social and cultural variables.

Explain how separation anxiety, stranger anxiety, and self-conscious emotions represent developmental advancements.

List some of the behavioral signs of depression, and identify high-risk behaviors that are markers for potential suicide.

10Psychosocial and Emotional Development

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Summarize socioemotional selectivity theory and its relationship to emotional development.

Prologue

I once coached a basketball team of 11-year-old girls. It was a highly competitive league, but we were out to have fun as well. My slight, 4 1/2-foot-tall daughter was on the team, as was a girl she eventually befriended, Crystal, who was about a foot taller, about 50 pounds heavier, and well into puberty. Crystal could easily have passed for 16 years old. After one particularly hard practice, I gave a few of the girls hugs of encouragement as they were leaving. I did not really think anything of it at the time.

At the beginning of the next practice, Crystal’s mother made a point of letting me know that my hug had a tremendous impact on Crystal and later brought her mother to tears. Because of her size, adults rarely treated Crystal as the young child she was. Sometimes adult men would �lirt with her or otherwise look at her in a way that was entirely inappropriate even for a teenager, let alone an 11-year-old. As a result, Crystal had changed from an outgoing child to one who was more withdrawn.

Crystal’s emotional development was on par with that of my daughter. In nearly every way in which development is measured, Crystal and Mariana were identical, but you would not know it by looking at the two of them on a basketball court. Even though Crystal was able to throw around her size and weight to the team’s advantage, she still liked dolls, children’s music, and stuffed animals. My hug, and Mariana’s friendship, apparently allowed her to recapture the social and emotional processes that had become detoured. Her mother reported that the turnaround was immediate and sustained; Crystal had once again become more outgoing and child-like.

Beginning with this chapter, we will see that factors that directed Crystal’s social, emotional, and personality development are even harder to pinpoint than those related to physical and cognitive development. Although there are many universal aspects to psychosocial and emotional development, it is especially important to remain aware of the lasting effects of individual experiences, like Crystal’s.

Critical Thinking

Contrary to what many people think, babie do not automatically develop a preference for their biological mothers (or fathers) during the �irst months of infancy. In what way might this behavior have an evolutionary advantage?

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Through his research and experiments, Harlow demonstrated that affection is necessary for healthy development.

10.1 Attachment

Certainly there is an evolutionary advantage for adults to care for their children and to connect emotionally with them. But as explained earlier, since mothers were historically at risk during birth there is also an evolutionary advantage for any adult to bond with a neonate. And that appears to be the case. It turns out that the closeness that mothers feel toward their newborns is the same feeling that fathers and other adults have too. Part of the response that both mothers and fathers feel is due to the production of the hormone oxytocin (Gordon, Zagoory-Sharon, Leckman, & Feldman, 2010). The same response occurs during other “love” behaviors, such as a hug or a kiss. This initial bond that adults feel is essentially a one-way relationship (Roisman & Groh, 2011). Adults can experience this spontaneous emotional connection to many people, or even a pet. It is not the same thing as a sustained two-way relationship.

Instead, attachment describes a sustained, developmental (rather than spontaneous) connection. It emerges as a result of a close relationship between a child and at least one caregiver, usually a parent. Although psychosocial attachment takes place due to biological and evolutionary mandates, the way it is expressed is almost entirely a function of the social environment. That is not to suggest that children are a tabula rasa (or blank slate) with regard to attachment. Instead, available adults, whose presence is independent of infants’ internal states, determine the attachment relationships that children will make.

In a series of famous experiments with monkeys, Harry Harlow dramatically demonstrated the need for affection and comfort. In one experiment, Harlow separated baby rhesus monkeys from their mothers soon after birth and provided nutrition only from a bottle. He soon noticed that the infant monkeys formed an attachment to the soft material that lined their cages. When the material was removed, the monkeys threw violent temper tantrums. It became obvious that food and other physiological needs were insuf�icient for proper growth.

In a series of follow-up experiments, he �irst raised monkeys in a cage with a bare �loor. Like humans who are denied appropriate emotional support and stimulation, those monkeys struggled even to survive. This research provided insight into the process of nonorganic failure to thrive, which is a phenomenon that sometimes occurs when children who receive suf�icient nutrition nevertheless cease to grow. Cases are often multifaceted, however, as children who are emotionally neglected are also sometimes denied proper nutrition and other forms of attention. Symptoms of nonorganic failure to thrive mimic the listlessness and underdevelopment of those suffering from severe malnutrition. These children do not always present any biological cause for growth failure but begin to starve because they have been denied appropriate affection, emotional support, and stimulation (Scholler & Nittur, 2012).

In another series of experiments, Harlow supplied wire-mesh cones and the babies did better. Finally, he covered the wire cones with soft terry cloth to form “surrogate” mothers and discovered that “husky,

healthy, happy babies” emerged. Rather than mothers simply providing sustenance through the breast, as Freud may have theorized, Harlow demonstrated that affection is indeed necessary for healthy development. “Above and beyond the bubbling fountain of breast or bottle, contact comfort might be a very important variable in the development of the infant’s affection for the mother” (Harlow, 1958, emphasis added). That is, the physical contact was deemed an essential factor in an infant’s sense of contentment.

Attachment Theory

John Bowlby formulated attachment theory to help describe how early social experiences with primary caregivers affect relationships throughout the lifespan (Bowlby, 1969, 1973). Although Bowlby was in�luenced by psychodynamic theory,

he dismissed the prevailing view that internal states were dependent on unconscious motivations. Instead, inspired by Konrad Lorenz’ ethological theory and the �inding that early relationships in other animals are essential to development, Bowlby focused on observable childhood phenomena. As a result, he theorized that there are four phases of attachment, as outlined in Table 10.1. Bowlby recognized that babies at �irst have no preference for particular humans, but they begin to show strong emotional connections to adult caregivers beginning at 4 to 6 months. Bowlby used attachment theory to help explain how children who were physically separated from their parents thrived—or not —depending on how attached they became to alternate caregivers. His theory was instrumental in changing public policy about how children were treated during long hospital stays or other circumstances during which children and parents were separated.

Table 10.1: Phases of attachment

Phase Approximate period

Attachment characteristics

Preattachment Birth to 6 weeks Smiling, gazing, and crying encourage adult interaction (aids survival). No protest (separation anxiety) when usual caregiver departs.

Attachment-in-the-making 6 weeks to 6 months

Infants recognize familiar people; develop preferences. More prelinguistic communication with familiar people than with strangers. Few protests when usual caregiver departs.

Organized, goal-directed attachment

7 to 24 months Children become upset when usual caregiver departs. Protests peak during early part of second year (see Figure 10.3).

Formation of reciprocal partnerships

Beginning at 24 months

Children understand object permanence (section 7.2) and know that parents will return. Negotiated relationships; “give-and-take” (e.g., read “one more story”). Protests diminish as autonomy increases.

Source: Bowlby (1969, 1973)

Measuring Attachment

Mary Ainsworth expanded on Bowlby’s ideas while devising a method for measuring different types of attachment. She and her colleagues identi�ied distinctive attachment styles in a laboratory process known as the Strange Situation. In this staged, standardized procedure, babies experience a series of separation-and-reunion episodes designed to measure the strength of an attachment relationship (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978). Ainsworth documented the considerable variation in the ways that children react when they are reunited with their attachment �igures. About one third of infants cannot be classi�ied, but among the remainder, four patterns of attachment behavior are observed, which also mimic the ways that children behave at home (Behrens, Parker, Parker, & Haltgan, 2011).

Securely attached infants readily investigate their surroundings when their caregivers are present and use them as a base in much the same way that Bowlby described. They exhibit distress (protest) when separated but are generally easily calmed when caregivers reappear. Parents of securely attached children are generally more sensitive and responsive to their children’s needs than the parents of the three types of insecure infants. About two thirds of infants are classi�ied as securely attached, representing the vast majority of infants studied in North America and elsewhere (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Finger, Hans, Bernstein, & Cox, 2009). Insecure-avoidant infants are characterized by indifference to their mothers. In the Strange Situation, these babies paid little attention when their mothers exited and remained in a fairly stable mood when their mothers returned. Some infants consciously avoided their mothers, even turning their backs. Parents of avoidant children have been found to inadequately respond to needs. They also can be rejecting and avoid physical

contact, forcing their children to soothe themselves. About 20% of children �it the avoidant category (Ainsworth et al., 1978; McElwain & Booth-LaForce, 2006). Insecure-resistant (or ambivalent) infants show a high level of distress. They tend to both demand and �ight closeness (displaying ambivalence), and often show anger when the caregiver returns. Caregivers of insecure babies have been found to model the ambivalent behavior by practicing an inconsistent pattern of both responsiveness and neglect. About 10% of North American babies present this type of attachment pattern (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Dwairy, 2010). Disorganized-disoriented infants are thought to be the least securely attached. They exhibit a great degree of confusion and contradictory behaviors during both separation and reunion situations. For instance, they may approach a parent without displaying emotion or look away while being comforted. They show other unusual behaviors, like not moving for minutes at a time while looking around in a confused manner. Only about 5% of infants behave in a disorganized manner, a good proportion of whom have suffered abuse or neglect. In addition, parents who have a history of being abused have a propensity to engage in fearful and disorganized parenting practices, perhaps fueling that behavior in their infants (Ballen, Bernier, Moss, Tarabulsy, & St- Laurent, 2010; Main & Solomon, 1986, 1990).

Cross-culturally, studies have found that maternal behaviors can “fully account” for differences in attachment behavior (Bernier, Matte-Gagné, Bélanger, & Whipple, 2014). Compared to insecurely attached children, those who are securely attached during infancy show fewer adjustment problems and tend to be more socially competent in later years. In contrast, insecure attachments are more often associated with maladaptive behaviors, including poor academic performance and behavioral adjustment problems in school. Resistant and disorganized children tend to externalize their problems, resulting in relatively more conduct disorders, whereas ambivalent children internalize their problems, experiencing more depression, anxiety, and perhaps physical symptoms like stomachaches (Aviezer, Sagi, & Resnick, 2002; Beebe & Lachmann, 2014; Fearon et al., 2010; McCartney, Owen, Booth, Clarke-Stewart, & Vandell, 2004).

Studies of orphaned Romanian children also lend strong support to the early in�luence of environment on attachment (Chisholm, 1998; Chisholm, Carter, Ames, & Morison, 1995). Due to inadequate human contact, children who were deprived of early emotional contact did indeed form insecure attachment styles. When conditions are severe, disorders of attachment often result, which present as either emotionally withdrawn or its opposite, socially disinhibited. Emotionally withdrawn children do not seek comfort when distressed, nor do they respond to attempts at being comforted. Those who are socially disinhibited do not discriminate among familiar and unfamiliar adults and are overly friendly to strangers. In either case, there is a lack of developmentally appropriate social interaction. At a crowded amusement park, children who exhibit attachment disorders might fail to stay close to a familiar adult. Or, conversely, they might inappropriately approach unfamiliar adults. In either case, the child’s behavior is incongruous with social expectations.

On the other hand, if early deprivation is followed by later opportunities to form attachments, negative effects can be mitigated. Among the Romanian orphans, those who later experienced appropriate attachment relationships in adoptive families were quite resilient and able to form secure attachments. These conclusions demonstrate that even a serious risk factor (in this case, severe emotional deprivation) does not necessarily determine later behavioral problems or psychopathology. Like Harlow’s monkeys, isolation puts children at higher risk for slower physical growth and lower cognitive functioning, but intervention programs are successful (Black, Dubowitz, Krishnakumar, & Starr, 2007). Other results have been documented in less extreme circumstances, like divorce, as well (Lewis, Feiring, & Rosenthal, 2000).

These results support the work of Michael Lewis (1997) and Jerome Kagan (1987), who argue that environmental changes like positive adult models have a signi�icant effect on outcome. According to them, the environment a child experiences at any particular age and a child’s feeling of continuity are more important than what happens between 6 and 24 months of age. We are born with the tendency to form early attachments, but infants and older children are resilient even when solid attachments don’t form. The Romanian orphans are clear examples of this tendency.

Multiple Attachments and Diversity

Environmental in�luences on attachment behavior are demonstrated further when infants show diversity in attachment �igures. Even in the 1960s, when the vast majority of babies remained with their mothers for most of the day, Bowlby acknowledged that many children have multiple attachment �igures (Bowlby, 1969). Grandparents, fathers, childcare professionals, and others can form attachments, even if mothers are primary caregivers. A multitude of cross-cultural

research shows that no one person is essential for attachment (Booth, Kelly, & Spieker, 2003; Posada, 2013; True, Pisana, & Oumar, 2001).

Cross-cultural evidence also suggests that the majority of infants around the world are securely attached. As Figure 10.1 shows, the global proportion of secure infants is relatively consistent (Van IJzendoorn & Kroonenberg, 1998; Van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). These �indings support the original ethological and biological theories set forth by Lorenz and Bowlby, though there are some statistically signi�icant cross-cultural differences. For instance, higher proportions of Japanese babies are classi�ied as both secure and resistant. However, it may be that Japanese infants are not actually resistant. Instead, perhaps they are more stressed under the Strange Situation because under ordinary conditions they are seldom out of their mothers’ care. Japanese mothers could also be wary and project those feelings onto their children (Takahashi, 1990). Or perhaps the way in which children appraise the setting affects their categorization on the Strange Situation more than actual differences. Studies of Chinese, Swedish, African, and other infants also suggest that culture and child-rearing practices account for variation in the Strange Situation, rather than innate differences (Chen et al., 2006; Jin, Jacobvitz, Hazen, & Jung, 2012; True et al., 2001; Van IJzendoorn & Sagi- Schwartz, 2008).

Figure 10.1: Attachment behaviors among a number of different cultures

Cross-cultural studies show that styles of attachment appear in somewhat similar percentages, especially for securely attached infants.

Source: Van IJzendoorn, M. H., & Sagi-Schwartz, A. (2008). Cross-cultural patterns of attachment: Universal and contextual dimensions. In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical applications (2nd ed.), pp. 880–905. New York: Guilford Press, Table 37.1, p. 898.

Fathers and Attachment

Under normal circumstances, infants typically form attachments with their fathers and mothers. Though it does not appear to affect attachment, some parents behave differently depending on the sex of the children in their care (as do nurses, schoolteachers, and others). Although some fathers are equally sensitive to their sons and daughters (i.e., they respond promptly and appropriately when infants signal they are in need), on average mothers have been found to be more sensitive to daughters than to sons (Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2006). However, when securely attached infants who

approach and interact equally with both parents become distressed, on average infants prefer to be comforted by their mothers rather than their fathers (Cummings & Kouros, 2009; Fox, Kimmerly, & Schafer, 1991; Lamb, 1976).

Father-child and mother-child patterns of interaction remain typical regardless of how household chores and responsibilities are differentiated. For instance, on an Israeli kibbutz, where childcare responsibilities are the domain of nonparents, fathers and mothers still engage in the stereotypical interactions observed in the United States and elsewhere. Mothers on the kibbutz vocalize with their infants more than fathers, are more affectionate toward them, and also engage in more childcare activities; fathers more than mothers typically engage in more play with their children. Perhaps different parental attachment behavior is due to distinctions in the way that mothers and fathers interact with children. Research suggests that fathers promote attachment when they engage in a more physical style of play. There are bursts of excitement and more spontaneity. It is thought that interacting physically helps children set boundaries as they learn the limits of fair and appropriate play (Paquette & Dumont, 2013; Sagi, Lamb, Shoham, Dvir, & Lewkowicz, 1985; Schoppe-Sullivan, Kotila, Jia, Lang, & Bower, 2013).

In addition, fathers allow children to take more (calculated) risks than mothers (Brussoni & Olsen, 2011; Ishak, Tamis- LeMonda, & Adolph, 2007). Risk taking promotes emotional intelligence, a concept discussed in Chapter 9, and autonomy as children learn good decision making. Overall, children who engage in higher quality and more interactive forms of play with their fathers have fewer social and behavioral problems than children who don’t have such interactions (Fletcher, St. George, & Freeman, 2013). Two separate longitudinal studies found that attachment is most easily predicted by level of paternal involvement and sensitivity. Positive attachment relationships are associated with both quantity and quality of father interactions. Research is conclusive that children fare better when they have a close relationship with their fathers than when they do not (Brown, Mangelsdorf, & Neff, 2012; Grossmann et al., 2002).

Long-Term Effects of Attachment

Increasing evidence indicates that early secure attachment relationships are associated with successful adult relationships (Beebe & Lachmann, 2014; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2012). During adolescence, secure attachment relationships are used to guide new relationship behaviors. In general, secure adolescents more easily �ind comfort in others and will continue to develop more secure and rewarding romantic relationships into adulthood. They also remain physically healthier overall (e.g., Puig, Englund, Simpson, & Collins, 2013; Simpson, Collins, & Salvatore, 2011). And when children became parents themselves, there are strong parallels between early attachment styles and how they respond later to their own children (Sroufe, Egeland, Carlson, & Collins, 2005).

There is also a positive effect on problem solving and overall cognitive development. More securely attached children are probably more cooperative and open to assistance, and their parents are probably more likely to promote educational goals (West, Mathews, & Kerns, 2013). Conversely, insecure attachment is associated with more problematic relationships and negative individual outcomes such as criminal behavior and depression (Allen, Porter, McFarland, McElhaney, & Marsh, 2007; Beebe & Lachmann, 2014; Hoeve et al., 2012). In sum, there is strong evidence that secure attachment during infancy projects to more adaptive social, cognitive, and emotional outcomes in later childhood and into adulthood. In general, insecure children have poorer quality interpersonal relationships, extending throughout the school years and beyond. It also appears that negative effects can be mitigated—or even reversed—when later relationships include attention and sensitivity. We will take a closer look at how attachment extends to romantic relationships in Chapter 12 and to peers and peer groups in Chapter 13.

Section Review

How do infants form attachments? How is attachment important to development, and what does it suggest about the connections they may form later in life?

10.2 The Development of Emotions

The ways that infants and young children express emotions are remarkably similar across cultures. Psychologists study many aspects of emotions, including the internal state and how it is communicated. For example, 11-month-old Chinese infants show signi�icantly less expression than European American infants, within the same emotional experiences (Camras et al., 1998). But emotions involve universal principles and can be recognized by voice intonation regardless of language, culture, or nationality. One study showed that monolingual Spanish speakers are able to decode emotion in three different languages, even when speakers use only nonsense words (Pell, Monetta, Paulmann, & Kotz, 2009).

Like the hierarchy of thinking patterns, the emergence of emotions takes place in a prescribed order with nearly universal consistency, as Figure 10.2 shows (Ekman, 1972; Izard, 1982). Although babies have a limited range of expression, infants all over the world display the �ive basic emotions of disgust, joy, anger, sadness, and fear in a consistent sequence and demonstrate similar facial features (Izard & Dougherty, 1982; Mesquita & Frijda, 1992). Before they are 1 month old, infants display interest and disgust and communicate distress. Within 2 to 3 months, they show happiness by smiling at people and other interesting objects; they begin to distinguish between different emotional responses (Montague & Walker-Andrews, 2001). At about 3 months, emotional experiences become shared. An example of this development is when infants smile speci�ically in response to a parent’s smile (Lavelli & Fogel, 2005). As infants and emotionally available caregivers continue to interact, they learn to recognize each other’s emotional signals.

Although substantial evidence points to the biological structure of emotions, they do not emerge in a social vacuum. When babies smile, laugh, or become excited, they are communicating with emotions. When infants have strong emotional attachments to signi�icant adults, it has a positive effect on later development, including higher social and cognitive functioning (Belsky, 2005). Nature meets nurture when these emotions meet varying responses from parents and caregivers. So, even though maturation and nature have a tremendous in�luence on capabilities, environmental factors are vital components as well.

Figure 10.2: Emergence of emotions

Emotions appear at generally the same age throughout the world. The ways in which other humans respond to a child’s emotions in�luence the way those emotions may develop. Most healthy infants display the �ive basic emotions of disgust (a), joy (b), anger (c), sadness (d), and fear (e) in a consistent sequence with similar facial expressions.

Critical Thinking

How can a social smile be a form of prelinguistic communication?

Photos from left to right, top to bottom: Anatoliy Samara/iStock/Thinkstock; Domredriver/iStock/Thinkstock; Marili Forastieri/Photodisc/Thinkstock; Alex Varlakov/Hemera/Thinkstock; Ralf Hettler/iStock/Thinkstock

Figure Sources: Izard (1982), Saarni, Campos, & Camras (2006), Sroufe (1995)

Positive Emotions

The �irst smiles that neonates display do not occur in response to environmental stimuli, and they usually happen while the baby is sleeping. New parents mistakenly believe they are due to gas, but they appear to be simply spontaneous re�lexive smiles that are part of an infant’s internal biological state (Sroufe & Waters, 1976). Babies will soon, however, display a wide range of emotions. According to surveys of new parents, within the �irst month nearly all babies show the positive emotion of joy (Ackerman & Izard, 2004).

By 2 to 3 months, infants begin to smile in response to external stimuli. New information can positively arouse them. Most important, other people can evoke smiles, and infant smiles encourage caregivers to smile back. This social smile is quite different from the early re�lexive smile. The social smile is an important milestone in psychosocial development, as it is used to initiate and sustain social contact. It follows that typical smiling during infancy is associated with later social competence. Children who do not show this behavior by about 6 months may be exhibiting early signs of autism (Gangi, Ibañez, & Messinger, 2013; Levy, Mandell, & Schultz, 2009). When adults communicate to infants with positive expressions, it appears to enhance interest and memory. That is, wide-eyed, infant-directed speech may heighten arousal and promote cognitive development (Flom, Janis, Garcia, & Kirwan, 2014).

Because this social smile encourages caregivers to respond, it probably developed as an evolutionary advantage (Saarni, Campos, & Camras, 2006). Adults (potential caregivers) are delighted at this social introduction and provide critical care to the baby, including cuddling, stroking, rocking, and other comforting behaviors. Conversely, if adults are unresponsive, smiling decreases. Therefore, smiling behavior generally increases throughout the �irst year, directed especially toward primary caregivers (Messinger, Fogel, & Dickson, 2001).

By the middle of the �irst year, infants begin to smile broadly at familiar objects and people. They also begin to genuinely laugh when excited. Babies may yield high-pitched squeals of delight and laughter while being bounced on the knee, while looking at funny faces (from familiar people), or when parents tickle their tummies. When infants laugh at funny faces or sounds, cognitive growth is demonstrated when they recognize the unexpected or inconsistent stimuli (Mireault, Sparrow, Poutre, Perdue, & Macke, 2012). Throughout the preschool years and into early childhood, positive emotions become milder overall, but there is great individual variation (Sallquist et al., 2010). Perhaps children begin to temper their positive emotions in response to social demands for restraint.

Psychology in Action: Reciprocal Determinism

The way in which people react to others has a signi�icant effect on both sides of the interaction. Reciprocal determinism is a term coined by Albert Bandura to describe the behavior that is both in�luencing and in�luenced by others. A simple example of reciprocal determinism occurs when you smile at another person (the same social smile that babies �irst exhibit around 3 months of age). After doing so, the other person is in a way invited to smile back. In turn, you smile more and feel better, too! Similarly, when anger is expressed (for example, at an undeserving cashier in a store), that person is likely to direct anger back, creating a negative cycle.

Therefore, reciprocal determinism can work in both positive and negative ways. With regard to temperament, a smiling, happy baby is likely to evoke smiles and happiness from parents. Parents in turn are likely to respond favorably toward their baby. A fussy, inconsistent baby is likely to evoke frustration and inconsistency from parents, resulting in greater dif�iculty and inconsistency from the baby, who evokes more frustrations from the parents, and so on.

In the latter example, the way to break the cycle of negative responses is for parents and caregivers to transform their behavior through cognitive awareness of the cycle. Speci�ic prescriptions for calmness, warmth, and soothing behaviors—even when the child does not immediately respond favorably—will eventually become adaptive.

Reciprocal determinism also appears in schools, local law enforcement practices, and other everyday interactions. Students who smile and have a natural, friendly temperament toward their teachers are more likely to receive positive responses than children who evoke frustration. A child who has dif�iculty learning and begins to act out evokes distrust and anger from teachers, causing further misbehavior. Once again, the way to break the cycle is through cognitive restructuring. Rather than teachers only allowing favorite students “special assistant” privileges, genuine compassion and inclusion of the troublesome student will bring about a cycle of change in reciprocal behaviors.

Negative Emotions

The �irst easily discernable negative emotion is distress. Hunger, an uncomfortable position, or even overstimulation can evoke a characteristic grimacing cry. By offering potential clues to health and pain, negative emotions provide a survival advantage just like the positive emotions. Infants are also learning intentional behavior and invest more time in controlling their own actions. For example, when adults prevent infants from pursuing pleasure, infants are especially good at displaying anger (Buss & Kiel, 2004; Sullivan & Lewis, 2003). Parents who try to replace a lost paci�ier with a different brand know what this experience is like. Infants also get upset when they are prohibited from a desired activity, like touching an interesting object or opening a forbidden cabinet door.

At about the same time that infants begin to show anger, they also show sadness. Although there is some controversy about the degree to which infants distinguish between negative emotions, by the middle of the �irst year there appears to be clear differentiation (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003). To study how infants express sadness, psychologists have used an experimental situation called the Still-Face Paradigm (SFP). In the SFP, undertaken primarily with mothers, infants are �irst measured at a baseline level during a normal interaction with their mothers. Next, the mother becomes unresponsive (still-faced). The experiment concludes when mothers return to normal levels of interaction.

The SFP evokes clear changes in infant emotions. During the still-face phase, infants attempt to arouse their mothers and become gradually more upset and smile less, eventually resulting in tearful crying. The SFP has also increased our understanding of how parenting styles affect attachment and early development. Greater maternal sensitivity at baseline levels has shown to be a protective factor against negative emotions and generally results in closer mother-child emotional relationships (Adamson & Frick, 2003; Braungart-Rieker et al., 2014; Mesman, Van IJzendoorn, & Bakermans- Kranenburg, 2009).

Emotional Development and Culture

Although we know that emotional development has an underlying universal process, it is also strongly in�luenced by socialization. It appears that maturational processes prescribe when emotions emerge, but infants probably express different degrees of emotions due to family and other cultural factors (Denham, Bassett, & Wyatt, 2007/2013). Culturally, some societies reinforce expression or suppression of certain emotions. For instance, children in the United States are encouraged to express both positive and negative emotions more openly than Japanese children (Matsumoto, Consolacion, & Yamada, 2002; Matsumoto et al., 2009). Individually, caregivers respond differently to positive and negative emotions. As noted earlier, even within families, mothers generally report having speci�ic roles in teaching their children emotional maturity, whereas fathers do not report the same overt methods of socialization (Root & Rubin, 2010).

Section Review

Outline how research has helped our understanding of how emotions emerge in the �irst 2 years.

Hemera/Thinkstock

Studies indicate that infants and toddlers can recognize another person’s emotional

10.3 Understanding Others: Social Referencing and Empathy

Our emotional experiences also include the way in which we interpret emotional cues of others. We all learn by observing how others react in emotional situations: Toddlers learn to throw a tantrum; teenagers may alternately laugh or defend someone who is being bullied; adults in a business meeting can be supportive or confrontational depending on the emotional expression of colleagues. And people of all ages learn to be upset, sad, or glad depending on how others react in similar situations. At a very early age, we use the expressions of others to guide behavior. These early interpretations often dictate how we respond, including the development of some prosocial behaviors, as we will see next.

Social Referencing

One way to learn about our own emotions is to observe how others react in situations that are dif�icult to assess. When infants look to others for guidance during uncertain and potentially stressful events, it is called social referencing. This purposeful reliance on outside cues to provide information demonstrates cognitive sophistication. Infants increasingly rely on social referencing as they cultivate the tendency to look at faces for emotional meaning (Walden & Kim, 2005). Parents who look with wide-eyed excitement as their children climb a (potentially dangerous) wall transmit a different message than parents who look on with anxiety and apprehension. Subtle facial expressions communicating curiosity, joy, or fear clearly affect a child’s internal experience and eventual behavior. Children speci�ically seek out these social and emotional messages (Camras & Shutter, 2010; Stenberg, 2003).

The results of social referencing do not always occur immediately. In one study, 14-month-old children received facial feedback from mothers regarding a novel toy, but the children were not given access to the toy for an hour. During phase 1, mothers displayed either positive or negative emotions toward the toy. An hour later, during phase 2, the children were given an opportunity to play with the toy. Results showed that 14 month olds do indeed regulate their behavior based on earlier expressions of their mothers: Positive emotions during phase 1 elicited relatively more playing time at phase 2; negative emotions at phase 1 elicited relatively less playing time at phase 2. These results held even when mothers gave alternate emotional messages at phase 2. For example, children who were given negative references at phase 1 were reluctant to play with the toy even when expressions by mothers were neutral at phase 2 (Hertenstein & Campos, 2004).

Because autistic children generally show poor social skills, poor social referencing is a potential marker for autism spectrum disorder. The 18-month-old (high-risk) siblings of autistic children not only demonstrate poor behavioral control, but they also show poor reception of parental emotional signals (Cornew, Dobkins, Akshoomoff, McCleery, & Carver, 2012). Though not every child who displays poor social referencing is later diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder, it is interesting that these high-risk toddlers in general have de�icits in this typical developmental behavior.

Empathy

Another indication of emotional understanding occurs when children show distress when they view others who are upset. In a controlled study, 12-month-old infants watched televised models display positive, neutral, or negative emotions to target objects. Even though they were merely observers, the infants clearly internalized the modeled emotions and subsequently displayed more negative emotions themselves (Mumme & Fernald, 2003). Other studies also indicate that infants and toddlers understand that the emotional state of another person can be different from their own. They will attempt to comfort a peer, sibling, or parent when distress is perceived (Brownell, Svetlova, Anderson, Nichols, & Drummond, 2013; Roth- Hanania, Davidov, & Zahn-Waxler, 2011). This experience of empathy, which generally appears around 1 year of age, is one kind of prosocial behavior. Not surprisingly, when parents model empathy and are responsive to distress, their children become more empathic. Others have suggested that the genetic origins of empathy and

state as different from their own.prosocial behavior are stronger determinants of behavior than modeling effects (Knafo, Zahn-Waxler, Van Hulle, Robinson, & Rhee, 2008; Thompson, 2000).

When children lack empathy, it is especially problematic, predicting lifelong consequences. On a very basic level, empathy inhibits aggression and other antisocial behaviors. Less empathy is associated with a number of behavior disorders in early and middle childhood, which in turn are associated with delinquent behavior in adolescence. Just as there is evidence of a biological basis for empathy, neuroscience research has long suggested a similar biology among those who demonstrate the antisocial behaviors that are indicative of a lack of empathy (Decety, 2010; de Wied, Gispen- de Wied, & van Boxtel, 2010; Hunter, 2010; Lockwood et al., 2013). The evidence does not necessarily mean that a “criminal gene” exists; it merely shows that speci�ic genes may give some antisocial behaviors a head start.

Research also indicates that a warm parental relationship serves as a protective factor against delinquency, criminality, and other negative behaviors. Surveys indicate that parental concern and involvement and empathy are strongly associated with a decrease in aggressive behavior (Pan�ile & Laible, 2012). Furthermore, close relationships with parents and peers predict more control over emotions, more positive interactions and fewer negative interactions (Hoeve et al., 2012). However, longitudinal research also indicates that parental support generally does not overcome already low levels of empathy in adolescents. Instead, parental support is found to be most protective for adolescents who already demonstrate high empathy (Van der Graaff, Branje, de Wied, & Meeus, 2012).

Empathy during adolescence is also associated with the frequency of con�licts with parents. One longitudinal study found that teenagers with comparatively low empathy also experienced relatively high con�lict with their parents (Van Lissa et al., 2015). Increased con�lict may prevent opportunities to express empathy in daily life, a factor that is considered important for its development (Barr, 2009). Furthermore, although empathy increases during the teenage period overall, its display remains stable relative to others, and also predicts social competency during adulthood. That is, it appears that empathy follows a predictable trajectory from adolescence through early adulthood, which also affects some aspects of adult social adjustment (Allemand, Steiger, & Fend, 2015; Van der Graaff et al., 2014).

Section Review

What indications show that children see beyond themselves and have genuine interest in others? What predictions can you make about this behavior?

Design Pics/Thinkstock

When children begin to self- soothe, they begin to develop the skills that can lead to sophisticated emotional regulation strategies in adolescence.

10.4 Emotional Regulation

The development of prosocial behaviors like empathy is also a function of how well we have learned to tolerate our negative emotions. That is, momentary periods of strong negative emotions can reduce the ability to respond to others. The extent to which we manage our feelings of frustration and other negative emotions exposes the dimension of self- regulation (Rothbart & Bates, 2006). This process refers to the self-monitoring of emotions in order to reinforce favorable social outcomes or avoid unfavorable ones. At a rudimentary level, infants begin to transition from depending on others to ease emotional discomfort to being able to self-soothe. Infants may cling to a favorite blanket rather than rely exclusively on a parent’s embrace (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). In early childhood, children begin to incorporate cognitive strategies, including purposeful distractions and negotiation through language (Eisenberg, Sadovsky, & Spinrad, 2005).

Differences in self-regulatory behaviors are on display in the Marshmallow Test, made famous by Walter Mischel. He and his colleagues at Stanford University placed a tray of marshmallows (and other highly desirable treats like cookies and pretzels) in front of children of various ages to see if they could resist temptation. Participants were placed by themselves in a small room and told they could have one marshmallow (or other treat). They were further informed that they could either eat the marshmallow right away or, if they waited for a period of time, they could have two marshmallows instead.

Some of the children ate the marshmallow right away, while others waited just a few minutes before indulging; about 30% doubled their treat by waiting the entire 15 minutes for the researcher to come back. In a number of follow-up studies, Mischel and his collaborators discovered insights into the importance of self-control. Participants who were able to delay rewards were later found to be more attentive in school, had fewer behavioral problems, and were better at forming and maintaining friendships. As adolescents, they showed more independence, had more con�idence, and were better able to cope with stress. Perhaps most surprisingly, this simple test also predicted cognitive differences, resulting in an average gain for the delayers of over 200 points on the SAT college admission exam!

Delayers developed strategies to distract themselves by covering their eyes, singing, or imagining something other than marshmallows in front of them, like cotton balls. Older children focused more easily on the greater rewards (using metacognition). The ability to delay grati�ication as evidenced by the

Marshmallow Test might serve as a shield against cognitive or social disappointments that can sometimes lead to further failure. Or, perhaps those with better self-control are more likely to be persistent in the face of potential defeat (Eigsti et al., 2006; Mischel & Ebbesen, 1970; Shoda, Mischel, & Peake, 1990).

During middle childhood and into adolescence, we gradually incorporate more sophisticated cognitive strategies into emotional regulation. When rules of a game are not perceived as fair or otherwise cause distress, older children may adjust their cognitive strategies (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). Then, as adolescents utilize the speculation and reasoning indicative of formal operations, they become better able to hypothesize about potential emotional outcomes. They may purposely isolate themselves instead of facing potential rejection, or engage in risky behavior in order to feel included. Adolescents understand the value of adaptation, as well, like giving in to an unpleasant parental request in order to avoid a negative situation.

As the stereotype suggests, adolescents do experience a relatively high degree of emotional instability compared to younger children. They experience more emotionally intense negative as well as positive emotions (Sallquist et al., 2009). Like younger children and adults, adolescents bene�it from emotional distance (taking a “step back”) and self- re�lection when experiencing these intense negative emotions. Moreover, the impact of adaptive processes on self- regulation becomes more potent with age (White, Kross, & Duckworth, 2015). The developmental origins of the changes that appear—and then disappear—are unclear. Some studies indicate that increased social stimuli create more

emotional reactivity; others suggest that neurological changes, especially in the amygdala, create additional physiological reactivity (Silvers et al., 2012; Silvers, Shu, Hubbard, Weber, & Ochsner, 2015).

Characteristics like social competence, reactivity, and self-regulation extend well beyond biology and maturation and encompass social and familial variables, too. For example, depending on culture and family, some children must wait to talk or eat until proper rules of etiquette have been followed. Therefore, it should not be assumed that dif�icult children are necessarily destined for problems. Instead, biology and maturation produce different patterns of responses; individual experiences will modify the way personality is expressed. That is, outcomes depend on the way parents and caregivers react to behaviors (Henry, Caspi, Mof�itt, & Silva, 1996; Lee, Zhou, Eisenberg, & Wang, 2013; Propper & Moore, 2006). If adults meet dif�icult behavior with frustration and demands, children are more likely to remain dif�icult. If, by contrast, parents are warm and consistent, dif�icult children can learn to respond positively. Simply having access to adaptive experiences and practicing self-regulation bring about positive changes for dif�icult children (Bradley & Corwyn, 2008; Teerikangas, Aronen, Martin, & Huttunen, 1998; also, see the feature box, “Psychology in Action: Reciprocal Determinism” located in section 10.2).

Section Review

Describe how emotional regulation changes between early childhood and adolescence.

Frederico Scoppa/AFP/Getty Images

While stranger anxiety is considered normal in North America, the collective style of caregiving common in other cultures—like the Democratic Republic of Congo—may be the cause of less anxiety in the presence of strangers.

10.5 The Growth of Emotional Expression

Sometime during the latter half of their �irst year, infants attain an emotional milestone when they display anxiety at being confronted by strangers or when separated from their usual caregivers. Soon after these milestones, they show the beginnings of self- consciousness. They will respond to rebukes and show both pride and embarrassment. This section will outline the development of these more advanced emotions.

Stranger Anxiety

Recall that in the early attachment phase infants are easily comforted by any number of caregivers. Beginning between 4 and 6 months of age they show preference for the care and company of familiar parents and caregivers. As a result, when unfamiliar caregivers appear, they become distressed. Under normal circumstances, the most common expression of this emotion occurs when children display stranger anxiety. Infants will become anxious and clingy in the presence of unfamiliar adults, coinciding with the emergence of fear.

Stranger anxiety is considered a normal developmental occurrence in North America and other industrialized countries where it has been observed. Pediatricians and psychologists will even identify it as a milestone. However, because stranger anxiety shows some variance across individuals and cultures, newer research has questioned whether nature or nurture has a stronger in�luence (Saarni et al., 2006). For instance, in the Efe culture in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where there are diverse social contacts during the �irst 3 years, considerably less anxiety exists when in the presence of strangers (Ivey, 2000). Perhaps the collective style of caregiving among the Efe is an environmental adaptation due to ecological (climate, food supply) and health-related (disease) risks. Infants in the Efe culture are better off if they can be easily cared for in the event a parent is unavailable or ill. The result is that the innate anxiety reaction is suppressed. These circumstances contribute to mounting epigenetic research, which suggests that both social and cultural factors signi�icantly contribute to expression of emotion (Gudsnuk & Champagne, 2012; Izard, 1994; Pell et al., 2009).

Separation Anxiety

Separation anxiety is the distress that infants display when the usual caregiver departs. Like stranger anxiety, it has been observed to be a universal phenomenon. It begins around 8 months of age and peaks around 14 months. Some differences exist in degree of anxiety, but a general trend is evident across cultures, as shown in Figure 10.3. The stronger emotions signaled by stranger anxiety and separation anxiety show that infants are becoming increasingly attached to their caregivers. This development coincides with the emergence of object permanence. Infants are beginning to understand that caregivers exist even when they are not seen. But, they do not understand that caregivers will return, nor are they likely to have a conceptual understanding of time. These developments demonstrate cognitive advancements because it is apparent that infants now have the social understanding that different people represent different kinds of care.

Figure 10.3: Separation anxiety across cultures

Though some slight cultural variations exist, separation anxiety is thought to be a universal phenomenon.

Source: From Infancy: Its Place in Human Development by Jerome Kagan, Richard B. Kearsley, and Philip R. Zelazo, Copyright © 1978 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College.

Self-Conscious Emotions

During the second year, the self-conscious emotions of pride, embarrassment, guilt, shame, shyness, and contempt begin to emerge (Izard, 1982; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Sroufe, 1995). These emotions signify advancing cognitive and psychosocial sophistication, as they indicate that toddlers are aware of themselves and the reactions of others. For instance, after completing a house of blocks or putting together a challenging toy, toddlers may display pride by smiling at the accomplishment, clapping, and looking to adults for approval. Children at this age can clearly have embarrassed reactions when they are asked to dance or otherwise become the center of attention. They also show guilt when they bury their heads in the sofa after being caught acting inappropriately. Beginning at about age 2, children may show contempt. After being asked (one more time!) not to bang a cabinet door, children may turn to parents with a look of contempt before doing it yet again.

In contrast to other emotions, the self-conscious emotions require more adult instruction and modeling. At least initially, pride and shame are usually due to how others view behaviors. And it varies by culture. In the United States, for instance, most children are taught to value personal achievement and competition. In collectivist societies like China and Japan, self-congratulatory behavior is often shamed. The way the two cultures express pride is therefore moderated by societal expectations (Wong & Tsai, 2007).

Neuroscience and Emotions

As emotions become more sophisticated, there is parallel neurological growth. At �irst, brain structures that respond to and organize emotions are somewhat disconnected, residing in different parts of the cerebral cortex and limbic system. In the latter part of the �irst year and continuing at a rapid pace, the different brain structures coordinate more, allowing for more growth and complexity of emotions (Braun, 2011; Kringelbach, Phil, & Berridge, 2010). Neuroscience may also be able to explain the greater range and volatility of emotions often indicative of adolescents. One study compared the brains of adolescents and adults who viewed faces that displayed a range of emotions. Although both groups showed characteristic activity in a speci�ic part of the prefrontal cortex of the brain, the adolescents also showed more activity in other brain areas. By being less typically organized, the brain response may translate to less controlled emotional responses, affecting rational thought and decision making (Nelson et al., 2003).

What happens to the brain when children are deprived of appropriate psychosocial development? For many years, neuroscientists had suspicions that various forms of abuse affected brain development, resulting in de�icits in functioning. Due to advancements in brain imaging over the past few decades, it has become clear that abuse of all kinds

—including emotional neglect—has lasting effects. In many cases, emotional deprivation during infancy leads to cognitive, neurological, social, and emotional de�icits. Even seemingly unrelated areas of cognition, such as visual memory and working memory, are affected (Bos, Fox, Zeanah, & Nelson, 2009; Eluvathingal et al., 2006; Nelson et al., 2003; Rijlaarsdam, 2014; Sheridan, Fox, Zeanah, McLaughlin, & Nelson, 2012). However, if emotional deprivation can be identi�ied early and appropriate interventions installed before age 2, strong evidence suggests negative effects can disappear (Nelson et al., 2007; Vanderwert, Marshall, Nelson, Zeanah, & Fox, 2010).

Section Review

Describe the changes in emotions that begin after early infancy. Explain how stranger anxiety and separation anxiety both represent cognitive and social progress, in addition to emotional changes.

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Some of the noticeable behavioral changes related to depression are signi�icant increases or decreases in appetite, sleep, and activity level.

10.6 Emotional Dif�iculties in Adolescence

The origins of other negative effects are equally complicated. Due to the con�luence of the physical and cognitive changes that occur with puberty and formal operations, adolescence is sometimes fraught with psychosocial challenges. As we learned in the discussion of adolescent egocentrism, teenagers will sometimes have dif�iculty objectively assessing themselves and the world. In addition, pursuing new relationships, the self-discovery of identity, and engaging in self-re�lection sometimes creates stress that can lead to depression and thoughts of suicide. Although the vast majority of adolescents are well adjusted, the emotional dif�iculties that many adolescents experience can be serious, as we will see next.

Depression

Adolescence is sometimes a precarious time. Re�lecting the more dramatic developmental changes of this period, emotions and self-regulation reemerge as an important area of attention. As discussed in Chapter 5, there is a second wave of growth in the frontal lobes of the brain (including areas involved in decision making) during the teenage years, which is not completed until well into the 20s. During this time of transition, the psychosocial and physical changes associated with adolescence are not always aligned with higher-order thinking. That is, the frontal lobe may not be ready to fully process the social and emotional changes for which today’s adolescents typically must prepare. The increased turmoil and risk-taking behaviors among teenagers (recall the personal fable) can be consequences of this psychosocial change. These emotional changes lead to an increased incidence of depression and the hopeless feelings associated with suicide (Garber & Rao, 2014). Though there are ongoing inconsistencies in diagnosis, as many as 1 in 10 people in the United States meet the criteria for clinical depression (e.g., Hryb, Kirkhart, & Talbert, 2007; Prodromou, Kyritsi, & Samartzis, 2014).

The most notable behavioral changes related to depression include a change in appetite (signi�icantly more or less), a change in sleep (signi�icantly more, less, or erratic), and a change in activity level (signi�icantly less). Adolescents and others who are depressed feel sad and hopeless about life and �ind everyday joy is illusive. Concentration is affected, possibly leading to a drop in grades. Depression is associated with dropping out of school, pregnancy, delinquency, self-harm (e.g., cutting), eating disorders, violent relationships, and other behavioral dif�iculties (Vorkapic, Dadic-Hero, & Ruzic, 2010).

Adolescents often act out (e.g., radically changing appearance, becoming violent), but, like adults, can also show the characteristic melancholy and impairment in everyday activities. It is commonly thought that many people who abuse drugs and alcohol are actually self-medicating their depression, but evidence of this association is not strong (Bolton, Robinson, & Sareen, 2009; Shadur, Hussong, & Haroon, 2015). For many depressed adults, it is sometimes dif�icult to simply get out of bed or accomplish normal routines like grooming and taking out the trash (depression is thought to be an underlying symptom of hoarding behaviors, too).

The prevalence of depression varies considerably with age (see Figure 10.4), but estimating it among the elderly is especially complicated. Doctors and mental health experts sometimes misattribute emotional symptoms among the elderly to physical problems (Kessler et al., 2010). For instance, if a person is depressed, but also has a degree of chronic pain, then the pain is usually treated rather than the depression—regardless of whether there is a relationship between them or not. At the same time though, chronic health problems do increase the likelihood of depression. For instance, the association between late-life depression and cardiovascular disease is well established (Choi, Kim, Marti, & Chen, 2014). Either way, health professionals need to be aware of symptoms of both physical and mental disorders. The distress and suffering associated with depression will often lead to a reciprocal downward spiral in social and mental functioning as well.

Figure 10.4: Prevalence of major depressive episode among adolescents and adults, 2013

There is a higher prevalence of depressive episodes among adolescents, ages 12 through 17, than among adults. But among both adolescents and adults, more women than men experience depressive episodes.

Sources: National Institute of Mental Health. (2015). Major depression among adolescents. Retrieved from http://www.nimh.nih .gov/health/statistics/prevalence/major-depression-among-adolescents.shtml (http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/prevalence/major-depression-among-adolescents.shtml) . National Institute of Mental Health. (2015). Major depression among adults. Retrieved from http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/prevalence/major-depression -among-adults.shtml (http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/prevalence/major-depression-among-adults.shtml)

Gender and Ethnic Differences in Depression

Most research �inds that about twice as many women than men at any time experience depression, a proportion that is consistent internationally and across age groups beginning in adolescence (Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008). Similarly, an extensive survey of U.S. adults found that lifetime prevalence of depression in women was as much as 50% greater (Gonzalez et al., 2010). Women are thought to internalize problems more (like worrying about body image) and to ruminate about their problems and mood more than men do. These �indings are consistent with sex differences in the brain showing more sophisticated processing of emotions in female brains (Bennett, Ambrosini, Kudes, Metz, & Rabinovich, 2005; Graber & Sontag, 2009; Hammen, 2009). Many have speculated that biological differences, especially hormones, contribute to variations in rates of depression, but the association remains poorly understood. Alternatively, it is also possible that there is variation in self-appraisal among men and women. That is, in a way that is analogous to self-reporting of pain, men and women may not consistently assess symptoms of depression in the same way.

Men and women also deal with depression in different ways. Men more often externalize their problems by acting out on others, and such behavior results in increased aggression and other antisocial activities, which may mask (or transform) depression. On the other hand, women are more likely to use their social networks of other women and are more likely to seek medical and psychological interventions (Mahalik, Burns, & Syzdex, 2007). However, differences in prevalence may at least partly re�lect societal expectations of gender, according to which it is more acceptable for males to act out than for females (Leadbeater, Kuperminc, Blatt, & Hertzog, 1999).

Whereas gender differences in prevalence imply strong biological forces in depression, signi�icant ethnic differences that exist point to environmental factors. In a national study of over 3,000 adults who were 55 and older, more than twice as many white and Hispanic adults reported being depressed in their lifetimes than either Asians or African Americans (Woodward et al., 2012). Many other studies report the highest rates occur among whites, as well; however, one recent survey found much smaller ethnic variations, which almost disappeared after controlling for income level (Pratt & Brody, 2014). Globally, estimates are also dif�icult to determine. Like differences between men and women, the ways in which various groups appraise past and present mental health issues may contribute to the inconsistent reports. It is estimated that over 350 million people worldwide suffer from depression, but less than one fourth have adequate access to treatment. Despite the disparity in treatment options, lifetime prevalence of depression in high- income countries is considerably greater than low-income countries (Ferrari et al., 2013; Lépine & Briley, 2011).

Activity

What are some possible reasons why levels of depression vary so widely, as discussed in this section? Use the studies identi�ied in this section to help address this question. You can also search for additional studies that may offer insight.

Depressed individuals are more likely to come from a family with a history of depression and to have experienced dysfunctional family relationships, leading to a cycle of vulnerability (Fergusson & Woodward, 2002; Garber & Rao,

2014). Like many other mental health disorders, a combination of medication and psychotherapy, especially cognitive- behavioral therapy, often provides the most relief (e.g., Cuijpers et al., 2013; Hofmann, Asnaani, Vonk, Sawyer, & Fang, 2012). But even among the most severely depressed, barely over a third reported receiving mental health treatment in the previous year (Pratt & Brody, 2014).

Suicide

Depressed adolescents are particularly vulnerable to suicide, since they often do not recognize available resources for intervention, like counseling. With slight variances by age, gender, and ethnicity, suicide is the second or third leading cause of death among adolescents in the United States (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015). (Among teenagers, accidents involving motor vehicles are the leading cause of death in every demographic group; homicide is often a higher risk than suicide among some nonwhite groups.) In countries such as Korea that have different driving standards, more mass transit (which limits automobile accidents), and little gun violence (which restricts homicide), suicide is the leading cause of death among adolescents (Kim, Han, Trksak, & Lee, 2014). Although suicide is often associated with adolescence, it may surprise you to learn that the highest rates occur among middle-aged women and men over 75 (CDC, 2015g). Like rates of depression, suicide varies considerably by gender and ethnicity (see Figure 10.5).

Figure 10.5: Prevalence of suicide by race, age, and sex

Suicide rates vary for each age group and race but, for data shown, the highest number of deaths occurs among white men.

Critical Thinking

If handguns were suddenly restricted in the United States, do you think the rate of suicide would change? Do you think

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC]. (2015) WISQARS Leading causes of death reports, 1999–2013. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Retrieved from http://webappa.cdc.gov/sasweb/ncipc/leadcaus10_us.html (http://webappa.cdc.gov/sasweb/ncipc/leadcaus10_us.html)

Among other factors, increased risk of suicide is associated with previous attempts at suicide, depression, and substance abuse. Importantly, females attempt suicide more than males, but males are more than three times as likely to complete suicide due to their increased use of violent means, especially �irearms (CDC, 2015g). Females more often than males cut themselves or overdose on pills. Figure 10.6 identi�ies some of the factors that may indicate suicidal thoughts. Though it can be an uncomfortable subject, talking about suicide does not promote it. As part of the effort to prevent suicide, professionals recommend that people use explicit language when they talk to those who may be at risk, even asking direct questions about suicidal thoughts (Mathias et al., 2012).

Figure 10.6: Major risk factors for suicide

Some individuals suffering from suicidal thoughts may not be aware of the resources available to help them. Be mindful of the factors that may be a sign of suicidal thoughts.

Although suicidal ideation (thoughts and plans about suicide) should always be taken seriously, it is dif�icult to know whether survey data give an accurate picture of true risk. According to reports on youth risk behavior, 17% of high school students seriously considered suicide in the previous 12 months and 13.6% made a plan (directly asking depressed individuals if they have made a plan is a sound intervention strategy), percentages that appear high (Kann et al., 2014). Further, 8% of high school students reported attempting suicide in the previous year; 2.7% made an attempt serious enough to require medical attention. Importantly, the number of attempts, including those that require medical attention, drops steadily from 9th through 12th grade. This �inding supports the adage that suicide is “a permanent solution to a temporary problem.” It appears that dif�iculties experienced by many high-schoolers are indeed temporary.

Among all adults in the United States, 3.7% report suicidal ideation, but there is considerable demographic variation. Prevalence is as low as 2.1% (Georgia) and as high as 6.8% (Utah). Other signi�icant variations exist for ethnicities and gender (Crosby, Han, Ortega, Parks, & Groerer, 2012). These results underlie the obvious implication that some social and cultural groups handle problems differently than others, especially if we consider more insulated

homicide and motor vehicle accidents are in any way associated with rates of suicide

geographic areas. Some sociocultural groups may promote outreach and community activities more than others. There are probably differences in family and social support and trust in psychological interventions. Perhaps there are state or community differences in health care resources and rates of abuse in the household. It remains troubling that there is such wide demographic variation. On the other hand, perhaps we should delight in the relatively low rates of suicide in some areas. Regardless, the �indings underscore the importance of investigating local variables that may maximize prevention efforts.

Finally, the rising prevalence of suicide by age depicted in Figure 10.5 belies the �inding discussed earlier that depression decreases with age (Figure 10.4). The overlap of these data implies that depression is indeed underdiagnosed and undertreated, especially among the elderly. As noted, instead of treating the underlying depression, older people who are at risk for suicide are more likely to talk about physical symptoms. At the same time, depression can make other illnesses more dif�icult to treat. As you have learned, mental health can affect physical health.

Section Review

How is personal functioning affected by depression? How would you know if someone is depressed or has thought about attempting suicide?

10.7 Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Among adults, emotional stability and optimism contribute to increased survival rates. Laura Carstensen and others �ind that the combination of happiness and experienced emotion is the strongest predictor for longevity. Conversely, emotional instability is negatively associated with both emotional well-being and longevity (Carstensen et al., 2011; Mroczek, Spiro, & Turiano, 2009; Ready, A� kerstedt, & Mroczek, 2012; Scheibe & Carstensen, 2010). As we age, we systematically and purposely re�ine social networks to maximize emotional well-being. Older adults may have just as many close friends as their younger counterparts, but they have fewer secondary social contacts. Emotional pursuits gradually shift into those that have positive emotional connections and focus on psychological health (Lang & Carstensen, 1994; Mikels et al., 2010).

Carstensen’s socioemotional selectivity theory says that time plays a role in the way people pursue social goals, such as those related to knowledge or emotion. In young adulthood, when time seems limitless, people are directed toward the future, so knowledge-related goals have priority. You might forego an evening with friends to spend time with someone you can talk to about a possible future business idea. Since time is expansive, you will �ind time to be with friends in the future. As people age, and time is limited, emotional goals become more prominent. Therefore, as people move into middle adulthood and beyond, they are more socially selective; they narrow their contacts to those for whom they have the strongest emotional connections (Carstensen, 1998, 2006).

Consistent with Carstensen’s theory, when people perceive time as more �inite, they tend to want to maximize positive emotional experiences. This result occurs regardless of age. That is, younger adults want to increase their emotional outcomes too when time is limited, as when moving away from friends and relatives (Carstensen, 1998). However, because of advancing age, the shorter perception of time leads older adults to maximize positive emotional experiences relative to young adults. Overall, mounting evidence shows that older adults are happier than their younger counterparts because of socioemotional selection (Carstensen et al., 2011). This theory challenges the notion that age alone is a factor in subjective reports of well-being. In fact, when health is a controlled factor (e.g., healthy 30-year-olds are compared to healthy 70-year-olds), advancing age is associated with higher positive emotions and lower negative emotions (Gana, Bailly, Saada, Joulain, & Alaphilippe, 2013; Kunzmann, Little, & Smith, 2000).

A competing hypothesis suggests that research surveys may distort how people really feel. Perhaps older people simply put a positive spin on life’s dif�iculties or just ignore negative information (Mroczek, 2004; Reed & Carstensen, 2012). Researchers have called this attentional bias the “positivity effect” (Mather & Carstensen, 2005). While studies have shown that older adults pay more attention to positive information, they have also shown that younger adults have a relative bias toward the negative (e.g., Kwon, Scheibe, Samanez-Larkin, Tsai, & Carstensen, 2009; Thomas, Seymour, O’Brien, Sawyer, & Ashley, 2006). Either way, there appears to be some truth that there is power in positive thinking.

Emotional changes are also re�lected in the consistent decline in stress and anger throughout adulthood, and a steady reduction in worrying beginning in middle age (see Figure 10.7). This evidence supports the idea that overall well-being actually improves throughout adulthood until it begins to decline at about age 70 (Baird, Lucas, & Donnellan, 2010; Stone, Schwartz, Broderick, & Deaton, 2010). These affective changes have an impact on the lifelong need that people have for social inclusion and belonging that lasts well into old age and across cultures (Reed & Carstensen, 2012).

Figure 10.7: Socioemotional selectivity

Evidence indicates that older adults are happier than their younger counterparts because of socioemotional selection. Perhaps the shorter perception of time leads older adults to emphasize the pursuit of positive emotional experiences while simultaneously ignoring the negative.

Source: Stone, A. A., Schwartz, J. E., Broderick, J. E., & Deaton, A. (2010). A snapshot of the age distribution of psychological well-being in the United States. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 107(22): 9985–90

Section Review

Describe the role of time in Carstensen’s socioemotional selectivity theory.

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary Infants are capable of forming positive attachment relationships with multiple individuals, including mothers, fathers, and a variety of others. Although Bowlby theorized that mothers were biologically predisposed to form unique relationships with their children, cross-cultural research indicates that much of the variance in attachment behavior may be due to differences related to styles of interaction. An increasing body of evidence is �inding that these early attachment relationships often predict adult behavior, including the expression of emotions.

In childhood, the display of emotions is perhaps the �irst indication that we are social beings. Positive and negative emotions have developed in a way that promotes survival, as social engagement is advanced. Teaching prosocial behaviors and facilitating emotional regulation further supports the socialization process. During adolescence, an increase in abstract thinking may become entwined with emotional development, perhaps playing a role in depression and suicide. In young adulthood, when time seems less limited, it is theorized that emotional connectedness is not always given the same priority as the pursuit of concrete goals. But this focus gradually transforms in middle and later adulthood, as emotional relations are geared toward preserving optimism and maximizing outcomes. These psychosocial in�luences are part of a constellation of factors that play a role in personality and identity development, topics that will be considered next.

Summary of Key Concepts Attachment

Attachment is the product of a sustained, developmental connection. It emerges as a result of a close emotional relationship between a child and at least one caregiver, usually a parent. Harry Harlow is credited with demonstrating the essential nature of attachment relationships. He coined the term “contact comfort” to describe the necessity of providing affection to infants. John Bowlby theorized that there are four phases of attachment: preattachment; attachment-in-the-making; organized, goal-directed attachment; and formation of reciprocal partnerships. Mary Ainsworth expanded on Bowlby’s principles of attachment theory to measure the strength of attachment relationships with a process known as the strange situation. She identi�ied four patterns of attachment: secure, insecure-avoidant, insecure-resistant, and disorganized-disoriented. Cross-cultural evidence shows some diversity in attachment behavior, but there are similar overall patterns. On average, fathers and mothers engage in different kinds of behaviors with their infants. Nevertheless, infants typically form attachments with both their fathers and their mothers. Secure attachment appears to have a lasting effect guiding relationships, as well as certain kinds of cognitive abilities.

The Development of Emotions

Emotions involve universal principles and emerge in a mostly universal pattern; the ways that infants and young children express emotions are remarkably similar across cultures. Emotions appear at generally the same age throughout the world. The ways in which other humans respond to a child’s emotions in�luence the way those emotions may develop. Emotions can be classi�ied as either positive or negative. Positive emotions that coincide with the social smile are associated with improved memory and social competence.

Understanding Others: Social Referencing and Empathy

Infants show emotional growth when they turn to others to supply emotional meaning. Psychologists call this process social referencing. Understanding the emotional state of another person is called empathy. Development of empathy illustrates important psychosocial progress, as it acknowledges a child’s growing mental activity. Toddlers begin to show empathy at least by the end of the second year. When children lack empathy, it is especially problematic, predicting lifelong consequences. On a very basic level, empathy inhibits aggression and

other antisocial behaviors.

Emotional Regulation

Emotional regulation, emotional intelligence, and conscientiousness are relatively new areas of focus in child development. Research indicates that these factors have strong predictive value for a number of outcomes. Walter Mischel’s famous Marshmallow Test uncovered differences in self-regulatory behaviors such as self- control. Long-term follow-up showed that the Marshmallow Test predicted both behavioral and academic successes. Biology and maturation produce different patterns of responses. Individual experiences will modify the way personality is expressed. That is, outcomes depend on the way parents and caregivers react to behaviors. Reciprocal patterns of behavior can work in both positive and negative ways.

The Growth of Emotional Expression

Stranger anxiety and separation anxiety are key �irst-year psychosocial milestones, as infants display their growing understanding of social bonds. Infants will exhibit stranger anxiety in the presence of unfamiliar adults. They display anxiety and become clingy. This reaction coincides with the emergence of fear and intensi�ies during the latter half of the �irst year. Separation anxiety is the distress that infants display when the usual caregiver departs. Like stranger anxiety, it has been observed to be a universal phenomenon. Separation anxiety coincides with the development of object permanence. Self-conscious emotions emerge during the second year. They signify advancing cognitive and psychosocial sophistication, as they indicate that toddlers are aware of themselves and the reactions of others. Different patterns of neurological growth help to explain the growth and complexity of emotions, including the increased volatility indicative of some adolescents. Emotional deprivation during infancy can lead to serious cognitive, neurological, social, and emotional consequences.

Emotional Dif�iculties in Adolescence

Changes during adolescence lead to increased incidence of depression, which is the strongest risk factor for suicide. Parents and professionals are wise to understand the sometimes-transient nature of adolescent emotions. As many as 1 in 10 people in the United States meet the criteria for clinical depression, although there are ongoing inconsistencies in diagnoses. The most notable behavioral changes related to depression include a change in appetite, a change in sleep, and a change in activity level. The prevalence of depression appears to decrease with age, but estimating it among the elderly is complicated due to its association with physical ailments. About twice as many women than men at any time experience depression, implying there are biological differences. However, men and women deal with depression in different ways, which may impact its course. Depressed adolescents are particularly vulnerable to suicide, but suicide prevalence does not peak among women until middle-adulthood and not until after age 75 for men.

Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Laura Carstensen has collected evidence that indicates the combination of happiness and experienced emotion is the strongest predictor for longevity. Emotional stability and optimism contribute to increased survival rates. Socioemotional selectivity theory proposes that time plays a role in the way people pursue social goals, like knowledge-related goals or goals related to emotion. As people age, and time is limited, emotional goals become more prominent.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions 1. How do play activities contribute to secure attachment relationships? 2. With regards to emotional well-being in early childhood, adolescence, and adulthood, what makes a person

happy? Should providing happiness be a goal for parents of children? Should the pursuit of happiness be the

goal for adults? 3. Women are thought to internalize emotional problems and ruminate more than men, but men tend to

externalize and ignore emotional issues more than women. Is one style more adaptive or “better” than another? Explain.

4. What are some factors that could account for demographic differences in suicide? 5. If an older adult discontinues her medications due to depression over a terminal diagnosis, is it the same thing

as suicide? 6. As we age, Laura Carstenson says we systematically re�ine social networks to maximize emotional well-being.

Do you think this information is equally applicable for both friends and family? That is, when attempting to maintain emotional �itness, should family still be given extra consideration? If you answer that family should indeed be given special consideration, explain without using the circular argument, “Because they are family.”

Additional Resources Web Resources

National Institute of Mental Health: Information about depression http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/depression/index.shtml? utm_source=BrainLine.orgutm_medium=Twitter#part_145394 (http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/depression/index.shtml? utm_source=BrainLine.orgutm_medium=Twitter#part_145394) National Public Radio’s “Why should we look forward to getting older?”: Laura Carstensen discusses her research with the NPR host as part of NPR’s TED Radio Hour series http://www.npr.org/2015/06/19/414999589/why-should-we-look-forward-to -getting-older (http://www.npr.org/2015/06/19/414999589/why-should-we-look-forward-to-getting-older) Nobel Prizes and Laureates: A biography of Konrad Lorenze (imprinting)http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1973/lorenz-bio.html (http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1973/lorenz-bio.html)

Further Research

Carstensen, L. L. (2007). Growing old or living long: Take your pick. Issues in Science and Technology, 23(2), 41– 50. Retrieved from http://issues.org/23-2/carstensen/ (http://issues.org/23-2/carstensen/) Traster, T. (2014). The elusive, manipulative adopted child. The Atlantic. Retrieved from http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2014/06/reactive-attachment -disorder/372259/ (http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2014/06/reactive-attachment-disorder/372259/)

Key Terms

attachment A sustained, developmental (rather than spontaneous) emotional connection. It emerges as a result of a close emotional relationship between a child and at least one caregiver, usually a parent.

depression A psychological condition that describes prolonged feelings of hopelessness, sadness, and a lack of joy.

disorganized-disoriented infants Thought to be the least securely attached, these infants exhibit a great degree of confusion and contradictory behaviors during both separation and reunion situations.

empathy The capacity to identify and understand another person’s emotions.

insecure-avoidant infants Infants characterized by indifference to their mothers. In the Strange Situation, these babies paid little attention when their mothers exited and remained in a fairly stable mood when their mothers returned.

insecure-resistant (or ambivalent) infants Infants who show a high level of distress. They tend to both demand and �ight closeness (displaying ambivalence), and often show anger when the caregiver returns.

nonorganic failure to thrive A phenomenon that occurs when children who receive suf�icient nutrition cease to grow.

reciprocal determinism A process in which behaviors of infants in�luence responses in others, which in turn has a reciprocal effect on infants.

securely attached infants Infants who readily investigate their surroundings when their caregivers are present and use them as a base.

self-conscious emotions Emotions that appear in the second year and indicate more cognitive and psychosocial sophistication.

self-regulation The extent to which we balance ongoing environmental demands with appropriate behavioral responses.

separation anxiety The emotional upset that infants experience when their usual caregiver leaves.

social referencing When infants (and older individuals) look to others for emotional cues about uncertain events or behaviors.

social smile A smile in response to other people.

socioemotional selectivity theory A theory, developed by Laura Carstensen, that says that time plays a role in the way people pursue social goals, like knowledge-related goals or goals related to emotion.

stranger anxiety The caution infants demonstrate in the presence of unfamiliar adults.

Strange Situation In this staged, standardized procedure, babies experience a series of separation-and-reunion episodes designed to measure the strength of an attachment relationship.

suicidal ideation Thoughts and plans about suicide.