Inequality paper

THE STATE (NEVER) RESTS: HOW EXCESSIVE PROSECUTORIAL CASELOADS HARM CRIMINAL DEFENDANTS Gershowitz, Adam M; Killinger, Laura R . Northwestern University Law Review ; Chicago  Vol. 105, Iss. 1, 

(2011): 261-301.

ProQuest document link ABSTRACT [...] we suggest a bolder approach whereby overburdened prosecutors and indigent defense lawyers make a

coordinated request for drastically increased funding for the criminal justice system at large, rather than for their

individual offices. Excessive prosecutorial caseloads are also very damaging to criminal defendants. Because

overburdened prosecutors lack adequate time and resources, they fail to recognize less culpable defendants who

are deserving of more lenient plea bargains or would be better served by being transferred to specialty drug courts

where they would have a better chance at rehabilitation. FULL TEXT INTRODUCTION

In recent decades, legal scholars have devoted enormous attention to two problems in the American criminal

justice system: the appalling underfunding of indigent defense1 and intentional prosecutorial misconduct.2 Both

problems are deeply troubling, and the academic literature helpfully serves to spotlight the problems and

encourage reform.3 Remarkably, however, there is virtually no scholarship focusing on the opposite side of the

coin. Scholars have failed to notice that prosecutors in large counties are often as overburdened as public

defenders and appointed counsel.4 In some jurisdictions, individual prosecutors handle more than one thousand

felony cases per year.5 Prosecutors often have hundreds of open felony cases at a time6 and multiple murder,

robbery, and sexual assault cases set for trial on any given day.7 Prosecutors in many large cities have caseloads

far in excess of the recommended guidelines that scholars often cite to criticize the caseloads of public

defenders.8 Quite simply, many prosecutors are asked to commit malpractice on a daily basis by handling far more

cases than any lawyer can competently manage.

Not only have scholars neglected to analyze excessive prosecutorial caseloads, they have also failed to consider

how those caseloads result in inadvertent prosecutorial error. While there is an enormous (and important)

literature analyzing intentional prosecutorial misconduct, the reality is that most prosecutorial misconduct is

accidental.9 While some of these cases involve unscrupulous prosecutors,10 far more often the errors are

inadvertent because prosecutors are too busy to properly focus on their cases or because they have not received

proper guidance from senior lawyers who are terribly overburdened themselves.11

The ramifications of excessive prosecutorial caseloads extend throughout the criminal justice system and,

perhaps surprisingly, are most harmful to criminal defendants. Excessive caseloads lead to long backlogs in court

settings, including trials, and bottom-line plea bargain offers. Defendants who have been unable to post bail thus

remain incarcerated for months because overburdened prosecutors do not have time to focus on their cases.12

Jails accordingly remain overcrowded,13 resulting in not only great expense to taxpayers but also terrible

conditions of confinement for defendants who are awaiting trial.14 Worse yet, excessive prosecutorial caseloads

delay trials for months or even years, leading some defendants who would have exercised their trial rights to

simply plead guilty and accept a sentence of time served.15 Some innocent defendants plead guilty to crimes they

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have not committed simply to get out of jail.16

Because they are overburdened, prosecutors-who are sworn to achieve justice, not to win at all costs17-lack the

time and resources to carefully assess which defendants are most deserving of punishment. In rare cases, this

means prosecutors will be unable to separate the innocent from the guilty. In far more cases, overburdened

prosecutors will be unable to distinguish the most culpable defendants from those who committed the crimes but

are not deserving of harsh punishment. For example, when a defendant is charged with robbery, prosecutors with

time to look into the case might discover that, although the defendant was present at the crime scene, he was a

small-time player tagging along with more serious criminals. Or prosecutors might learn that a defendant charged

with theft had a very low IQ or that he stole to support his family rather than for more illicit purposes. In those

cases, prosecutors who have time to dig into cases may be willing to plea bargain to lower charges or sentences.

This is particularly important when, as too often is the case, the indigent defendant is represented by an

overburdened defense lawyer who did not conduct any investigation or who lacked the time to bring the relevant

information to the prosecutor's attention. 18 When prosecutors are overburdened, there is less chance that they

will separate out the least culpable defendants.19

Excessive prosecutorial caseloads also harm victims. Here the problem is easy to visualize. Overburdened

prosecutors have little time to meet with victims and thus may not receive factual information from them that

would help to convict or sentence the guilty party. If they do have the opportunity to contact victims, overburdened

prosecutors may be rushed for time and seem aloof or uncaring. Victims thus may be denied the therapeutic

justice they seek from the criminal justice process.20

Finally, excessive caseloads harm the public as well. As every firstyear law student knows, defendants are

presumed innocent and prosecutors face a tough burden of proving defendants guilty beyond a reasonable doubt.

While this burden is important to protect the innocent and curb governmental power, the open secret in criminal

justice circles is that most criminal defendants are in fact guilty.21 Overburdened prosecutors who lack the time to

thoroughly investigate cases, subpoena witnesses, meet with experts, and complete a host of other tasks will find

themselves disadvantaged at trial. Guilty defendants who should be convicted go free because prosecutors lack

the time and resources necessary to win at trial.

Although excessive prosecutorial caseloads should be an obvious concern for defendants, victims, and the public,

solving the problem is a difficult task. While legislatures may sometimes grudgingly allocate greater funding for

prosecutors, appropriating more money to prosecutors can unfairly disadvantage already underfunded indigent

defense lawyers,22 who are unlikely to receive comparable funding increases.23 Additionally, because

prosecutors' offices are so drastically understaffed, modest budget increases would have little impact on the

enormous overburdening of prosecutors. Accordingly, we suggest a bolder approach whereby overburdened

prosecutors and indigent defense lawyers make a coordinated request for drastically increased funding for the

criminal justice system at large, rather than for their individual offices.

Part I of this Essay reviews the caseloads of prosecutors in some of the largest district attorneys' offices in the

nation. While not every large prosecutor's office is overburdened, Part I also demonstrates that many offices are

woefully understaffed. Part II then explains how excessive prosecutorial caseloads harm defendants, victims, and

the public at large. Part III offers an approach for reducing prosecutorial caseloads to more manageable levels.

I. PROSECUTORS IN LARGE JURISDICTIONS OFTEN HAVE EXCESSIVE CASELOADS

Although there are more than 2300 prosecutors' offices throughout the United States,24 a comparatively small

number of district attorneys' offices in major cities handle a huge number of America's criminal prosecutions.25

Though these large district attorneys' offices are all organized somewhat differently, they have one thing in

common: far too few prosecutors are tasked with handling far too many cases. As we explain in this Part,

prosecutors in many large cities are asked to handle excessive caseloads that run afoul of advisory guidelines for

criminal defense attorneys. Prosecutors are also asked to make do with grossly inadequate support staff.

Unfortunately, tough economic times over the past few years have only made the situation worse.

A. Standards Suggest Prosecutors Should Not Handle More than 150 Felonies or 400 Misdemeanors per Year

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In 1968, a national commission created by the Department of Justice studied the problem of excessive public

defender caseloads and adopted a recommendation that defenders handle no more than 150 felonies or 400

misdemeanors in any year.26 In subsequent years, these guidelines have been widely endorsed by criminal justice

organizations,27 the American Bar Association,28 and academic commentators.29 While the recommended

caseloads are far from perfect,30 there is widespread agreement that, roughly speaking, limiting defense counsel

to no more than 150 felonies or 400 misdemeanors ensures that they have sufficient time to devote to each of

their cases.

In the over forty years since these guidelines for criminal defense caseloads were established, no organization has

stepped forward with comparable caseload limits for prosecutors.31 It is beyond the scope of our project to offer

an ideal caseload limit for prosecutors, but it is quite plausible to suggest that the guidelines should be similar to

those recommended for defense attorneys. Arguably, prosecutors are in a position to handle slightly more cases

than defense attorneys because they do not have to chase down leads in an effort to establish an effective

defense. On the other hand, prosecutors have many obligations, such as handling arraignments or meeting with

victims, which defense attorneys do not have to shoulder.32 While we are not sure of the exact caseloads

prosecutors should handle, we are confident that it should be similar to the number recommended for defense

attorneys.

Of course, as most criminal justice observers know, many public defenders and appointed counsel violate the

recommended caseload limits.33 Scholars have rightly characterized enormous public defender caseloads of 500

or 600 annual cases per lawyer as a "[n]ational [c]risis"34 and "outrageous[]." 35 Unfortunately, many large

prosecutors' offices also have caseloads that rise to this crisis level and beyond.

B. Prosecutors in Large Counties Are Regularly Tasked with Hundreds or Even Thousands of Felony Cases per Year

In 2006, prosecutors in Harris County, Texas, surveyed the largest district attorneys' offices in the nation to

determine the sizes of their staffs and the numbers of cases they handle.36 Although the data showed that a few

offices have reasonable workloads, many large counties had caseloads far in excess of recommended guidelines

for public defenders.

As Table 1 demonstrates, prosecutors in many large counties handle far more cases than guidelines recommend.

For example, although defense lawyer guidelines provide that attorneys should handle no more than 150 felonies

or 400 misdemeanors, the average caseload in Clark County, Nevada, was 166 felonies and 242 misdemeanors for

every prosecutor in the office. The workload for Harris County, Texas prosecutors was even higher, with an average

of 165 felonies and 292 misdemeanors for each prosecutor in the office.

Unfortunately, the data in Table 1 vastly understate the scope of the problem by assuming that every prosecutor in

the office handles an equal number of cases. This assumption is not correct. Each large district attorney's office

has numerous prosecutors and attorneys whose specialized roles leave them handling very small caseloads or no

cases at all. In turn, the overwhelming bulk of cases are handled by a smaller core group of "inthe- trenches"

prosecutors, whose case numbers are drastically higher than the averages listed in Table 1. To put the actual

workload of these prosecutors in perspective, consider all of the attorneys in large district attorneys' offices who

are not handling day-to-day cases: First, there are management prosecutors who are responsible for supervisory

functions and do not personally handle many cases. Such management prosecutors include the elected district

attorney,39 the first-assistant district attorney who fills the role of chief operating officer and handles day-to-day

management matters, 40 and bureau chiefs who oversee departments and are personally responsible for only a

handful of very high-profile cases.41 Second, in many large district attorneys' offices, there are line prosecutors, or

assistant district attorneys, whose sole responsibilities include revoking bonds for defendants who have failed to

show up for court or performing "intake" by drafting warrants and answering police officers' questions. These

prosecutors handle isolated pieces of cases, but they do not have to prepare cases for trial. Finally, there are

prosecutors who exclusively handle complicated matters, such as white-collar fraud or death-penalty cases and

therefore have unusually low caseloads.42

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In sum, while large district attorneys' offices have hundreds of prosecutors on staff, many of the prosecutors do

not handle run-of-the-mill cases. The bulk of felony and misdemeanor cases are therefore left to a smaller group of

prosecutors. For example, the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office informed us that fewer than half of their

prosecutors (roughly 150 of 309 attorneys) handle pending cases that are set for trial.43 It is this group of in-the-

trenches prosecutors who are particularly overburdened. In some jurisdictions, the workload of these prosecutors

is truly staggering. One extreme example is Harris County, Texas, where some prosecutors are handling upwards

of 1500 felonies per year and over 500 felonies at any one time.44 A brief description of the office's structure

highlights the problem.

The Harris County District Attorney's Office assigns three felony prosecutors to each of its felony courts. On

average, each felony court receives about 2000 new filings per year. The senior prosecutor in each court serves

primarily in a supervisory role and personally handles only about a dozen of the court's most serious cases. Almost

all of that court's 2000 felony cases are split between the other two prosecutors. The second-most senior

prosecutor (the "number two prosecutor") is responsible for the more serious crimes: noncapital murders, sexual

assaults, child abuse, robberies, and other serious felonies. These cases are the most complicated and therefore

the most time-consuming. In a given year, the number two prosecutor handles about 500 serious felonies. The

remaining 1500 felony cases- drug offenses, burglaries, assaults, and various other crimes-are assigned to the

most junior prosecutor. At any one time, this junior prosecutor, who typically has about two years of prosecutorial

experience under his belt, has about 500 open cases to handle. While these cases are less complicated, over the

span of a year, a junior prosecutor in a felony courtroom handles ten times the number of felony cases than is

recommended for public defenders. 45

The situation is similarly dire in other large district attorneys' offices. In Cook County, Illinois, the average felony

prosecutor has 300 or more open cases at any one time.46 In a given year, many felony prosecutors there handle

between 800 and 1000 total cases.47 In Tarrant County, Texas, home of Fort Worth, prosecutors handle upwards

of 150 felony cases at any one time, and misdemeanor prosecutors juggle between 1200 and 1500 matters

apiece.48 In Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, prosecutors working in the Major Trials Unit or the Family Violence

Sexual Assault Unit have open caseloads of 250 cases.49

Although it may not be the most overburdened prosecutor's office in the country, the Clark County District

Attorney's Office in Las Vegas, Nevada, truly puts the problem in perspective. The entire Clark County criminal

justice system is terribly overburdened. In 2009, a report by an outside indigent defense consultant demonstrated

that Clark County public defenders cleared 215 cases per year, in addition to dealing with other open cases. 50

Almost any reasonable observer would conclude that Clark County public defenders are overburdened. The Nevada

Supreme Court even contemplated imposing caps on public defenders' caseloads.51 Yet very little attention has

been paid to the fact that prosecutors in Clark County have more cases than public defenders. In 2009, the District

Attorney's Office filed more than 70,000 felonies and misdemeanors.52 After budget cuts and excluding attorneys

whose sole job was to screen cases, the Clark County District Attorney's Office had only 90 prosecutors to handle

those 70,000 filings,53 a ratio of nearly 800 cases per prosecutor.

Although prosecutors have long been overburdened in some jurisdictions, events over the last few years have

greatly exacerbated the problem. As scholars have observed, criminal filings have tended to increase rather than

contract.54 This may be due to new laws being placed on the books, more aggressive law enforcement with

respect to particular crimes,55 or economic downturns leading to increased crime rates. Whatever the cause,

filings in many prosecutors' offices are on the rise. For example, in Dallas County, Texas, felony filings increased by

more than 10% between 2005 and 2009.56 Matters were far worse in Harris County, Texas, where filings rose by

more than 20% over a three-year period.57 In San Bernardino County, California, total case filings rose by more

than 20% in just the twoyear period between 2006 and 2008.58 Indeed, in the entire State of California, criminal

case filings increased by more than 100,000 between 2005 and 2006.59 In New York State, criminal case filings

rose by nearly 200,000 between 2004 and 2008.60 As filings have skyrocketed, however, most large district

attorneys' offices have not been in a position to hire additional prosecutors to keep pace.61 The Bureau of Justice

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Statistics found that, while the number of attorneys in prosecutors' offices nationwide rose consistently during the

1990s, the numbers plateaued in 2001 and actually declined slightly thereafter.62 Accordingly, as total case filings

have increased over the past decade, the workloads of individual prosecutors have grown in turn.

Even worse, the economic downturn has led a number of district attorneys' offices to reduce the number of

prosecutors through hiring freezes or even layoffs. In Detroit, the Wayne County District Attorney's Office was

forced to reduce its total number of prosecutors-through a hiring freeze and layoffs-by a stunning forty-eight

people between 2008 and 2010, a 25% reduction.63 In Las Vegas, the Clark County District Attorney's Office

suffered a similarly drastic cut from 135 prosecutors in 2006 to 102 prosecutors by 2010.64 Budget cuts forced

the Cook County State's Attorney's Office to cut forty prosecutors and fifty staff in 2008.65 In Seattle, the King

County District Attorney's Office was forced to cut eighteen prosecutor positions in 2008.66 In San Bernardino,

California, the District Attorney's Office eliminated sixteen prosecutor positions between 2006 and 2010.67 In

Phoenix, the Maricopa County District Attorney's Office has not replaced sixteen prosecutors who have left the

office in the last two years.68 Other counties, including Harris County,69 Broward County,70 and Miami-Dade

County,71 have also been forced to cut prosecutors in recent years.

C. Inadequate Support Staff

Although excessive caseloads are indefensible, the burden on individual prosecutors would be lessened if large

district attorneys' offices had adequate support staff to help prosecutors handle the cases. For instance,

paralegals are helpful in keeping track of files, drafting and responding to simple motions, and conducting legal

research. Investigators are crucial in finding missing witnesses, serving subpoenas, and doing other background

investigation. Victim-witness coordinators also serve a useful purpose in keeping victims apprised of court

hearings and listening to family concerns. This is to say nothing of the secretaries and other basic support staff

needed to answer phones, make copies, and keep the office running. It is wellknown that public defender offices

around the country must make do with inadequate support staff,72 but resources are also inadequate in district

attorneys' offices.

For example, the four largest counties in Texas handle a combined total of more than 270,000 criminal cases per

year.73 Yet, they have fewer than thirty-five paralegals combined to work on all of those cases.74 The Cook County

District Attorney's Office is the second largest prosecutor's office in the nation and handles hundreds of thousands

of cases per year with fewer than ten paralegals on staff.75

Although large prosecutors' offices tend to have more investigators than paralegals, the numbers are still woefully

inadequate. In 2006, the ten largest prosecutors' offices in the country represented a population of nearly forty

million people and handled well over a million cases, but they had a combined total of only 1,043 investigators on

staff.76 On average, then, in those ten district attorneys' offices, there were more than 1000 cases per investigator.

In Clark County, Nevada-which had 29,308 felonies and 41,298 misdemeanors in 200977-there are only twenty

investigators for the whole office, and most of their time is spent serving subpoenas because the office does not

have enough process servers to contact all of the witnesses.78 In Seattle, the King County District Attorney's

Office handled nearly 15,000 criminal cases without a single investigator on staff.79 And in Miami- Dade County,

there were more than 4500 cases per investigator.80 Worse yet, the total number of investigators in Miami-Dade

County has since dropped from twenty to fourteen, resulting in a ratio of more than 6100 cases for every

investigator on staff in 2009.81

D. Why Has So Little Attention Been Paid to the Overburdening of Prosecutors?

Given that there are dozens of scholarly articles and scores of newspaper features dissecting the indigent defense

crisis, skeptical observers might wonder why, if prosecutors' caseloads are in fact so excessive, they have received

so little attention from academics and the news media.

Let us begin first with the news media. One overly simplistic explanation for lack of media interest is that reporters

are politically liberal and therefore more interested in stories of unfairness to criminal defendants than to

overworked prosecutors. Perhaps there is a tiny kernel of truth to this explanation, but by and large it is

unsatisfying.83 A more plausible explanation for the lack of media attention to prosecutorial caseloads is that

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defense lawyers are in a far better position to generate press coverage for themselves.

Over the last few decades, lawyers for indigent defendants have raised legal challenges to excessive workloads in

a variety of forms ranging from ineffective assistance of counsel claims to declaratory judgment actions seeking

structural reform.84 Although these legal challenges have mostly been unsuccessful,85 the attendant publicity

has been enormous. For instance, when a class action lawsuit against New York's public defender system was

argued before the state's highest court in early 2010, the New York Times ran a lengthy article highlighting the

terrible representation received by one defendant.86 Moreover, much of the indigent defense litigation has been

spearheaded by corporate law firms seeking pro bono litigation experience for their junior associates. These law

firms-including powerhouses like Covington &Burling LLP, Arnold &Porter LLP, Kirkland &Ellis LLP, and Davis Polk

&Wardell LLP87-have public relations experience and media contacts that can be used to create publicity. By

contrast, these litigation and publicity options are not available to prosecutors. Even if prosecutors had an interest

in filing a suit to contend that their workloads were excessive, they would lack the requisite elements of a case and

controversy. While indigent defendants can point to violations of the Sixth and Fourteenth Amendments, which

give them access to the courthouse,88 prosecutors have no such constitutional hook.

More importantly, overburdened prosecutors would be unlikely to file such cases even if they were justiciable.

Because elected district attorneys are often politicians who work behind the scenes with state and county bodies

to procure funding, they are unlikely to want to provoke a public fight over their budgets and workloads. Rather,

elected district attorneys would likely prefer to maintain a good working relationship with the other elected officials

that fund them, and line prosecutors who want to keep their jobs must follow this unspoken lead.89 On the other

hand, public defender offices typically have more contentious relationships with county and state officials and

have less reason to be publicly polite.90 To an even greater degree, appointed lawyers have the autonomy to file

litigation and start a media firestorm. The appointed lawyers with the interest and savvy to file systemic indigent

defense litigation are often excellent lawyers who have paying clients they could serve instead of doing appointed

work.91 As such, these appointed counsel effectively operate as independent contractors and can stir up

controversy with little fear of retribution from state and county officials.92

The lack of academic interest in excessive prosecutorial caseloads is harder to explain than the lack of litigation.

Again, the argument that most academics are liberal and have more interest in criminal defendants than in

government agents is superficial and largely unhelpful. A more telling explanation derives from the shared

background of many law professors. The traditional route to academia does not run through state prosecutors'

offices. While there are undoubtedly numerous criminal law professors who worked as federal prosecutors before

entering academia,93 federal prosecutors have vastly greater resources than their state counterparts.94

Academics who were formerly federal prosecutors therefore likely did not personally experience the crushing

caseloads faced by assistant district attorneys in overburdened county prosecutors' offices. By contrast, there are

a number of prominent criminal justice scholars who served as public defenders in state courts prior to entering

the academy.95 The past experiences of these former public defenders may be the driving force for their passion

and some of their indigent defense scholarship.96

In sum, there is considerable evidence that prosecutors' offices in many large counties are woefully understaffed.

Prosecutors in many counties are regularly called upon to handle two or three times the caseloads that have been

recommended for defense lawyers. In a smaller number of jurisdictions, prosecutors are handling ten times as

many cases as criminal justice organizations, the American Bar Association, and academics find acceptable for

defense lawyers.97 Additionally, prosecutors must handle these massive caseloads without adequate

investigative or paralegal support. Because little scholarly and press attention has been paid to the overburdening

of prosecutors, policymakers have not been forced to confront how excessive caseloads harm defendants, victims,

and the public at large.

II. HARM CAUSED BY EXCESSIVE PROSECUTORIAL CASELOADS

Excessive prosecutorial caseloads result in serious problems throughout the criminal justice system. Most

obviously, as we discuss below in sections B and C, excessive caseloads harm crime victims, who feel ignored by

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busy prosecutors, and the public at large, which is disserved when overwhelmed prosecutors lack the time and

resources to handle cases against clearly guilty defendants. Less apparent, but even more pernicious, is the harm

that excessive prosecutorial caseloads work on criminal defendants. As we explain below in section A,

overburdening prosecutors results in longer sentences for less culpable offenders, longer delays in the dismissal

of charges against the innocent, fewer disclosures of exculpatory evidence by prosecutors, and more guilty pleas

by innocent defendants in exchange for sentences of time served and release from jail. Somewhat

counterintuitively, overburdening prosecutors is more harmful than helpful to criminal defendants.

A. Harm to Criminal Defendants

Conventional wisdom holds that defendants benefit when prosecutors have huge caseloads. The logic is simple: if

prosecutors are overburdened, they will not have time to competently prosecute all of their cases and will not bring

many cases to trial. By this logic, prosecutors accordingly must plea bargain cases on terms more favorable to

defendants to shrink their dockets. To a certain extent, this conventional wisdom is correct. The entire class of

criminal defendants-thousands of defendants in large jurisdictions- likely receives better plea deals from

overburdened prosecutors.98 However, many other effects of excessive prosecutorial caseloads tend to harm

criminal defendants, particularly those who are less culpable or even wholly innocent.

1. Overburdened Prosecutors Cannot Always Identify the Least Culpable Offenders and Afford Them Sentencing

Reductions.-First, consider how excessive caseloads prevent prosecutors from giving sentencing breaks to the

defendants who truly deserve them, while simultaneously giving discounts to the undeserving. In a jurisdiction

where prosecutors are not overburdened, assume that the going rate for a run-of-the-mill armed robbery is ten

years' imprisonment.99 Of course, not all robberies are the same. Prosecutors adjust the ten-year average

sentence up or down depending on the facts they discover during their pretrial investigations. In the case of

Robber A, prosecutors with adequate time and resources may learn that although police found him inside the bank

while the crime was being committed, he was actually a minor player in the robbery who had fallen in with a bad

crowd after having previously been a good student. The prosecutor might therefore be willing to offer Robber A a

plea deal carrying five years' incarceration, well under the going rate of ten years. On the other hand, looking at

Robber B's paper record, prosecutors might initially think he is entitled to a sentencing break as well; he is charged

with stealing a relatively small amount of money and has only one prior criminal conviction for a simple assault

that occurred over five years ago. If prosecutors had the time to conduct a proper investigation, however, they

might discover that Robber B pointed his shotgun directly at the victims' heads and that he was the ringleader of

the robbery. Moreover, the victim of Robber B's previous crime might inform prosecutors that Robber B had broken

his nose and cheekbones and that the case was pleaded down to simple assault (rather than aggravated assault)

only because Robber B had agreed to provide testimony against another perpetrator. With this information in hand,

prosecutors might decide that Robber B should serve the going rate of ten years or perhaps more. In sum, with

time and resources to investigate their cases, prosecutors are able to carefully differentiate between defendants

and to tailor plea bargain offers accordingly.

Now consider what might have happened if the cases of Robbers A and B had been handled by overburdened

prosecutors. Although the going rate for "average" robberies should be ten years, in jurisdictions with

overburdened prosecutors the typical punishment may be closer to eight years because defense attorneys can

bargain more aggressively knowing that trial is very unlikely. Even though they are overburdened, prosecutors

nevertheless try to differentiate between offenders the best they can. But they must make do with less

information. They will not have time to personally interview the bank tellers, meet with Robber B's previous victim,

or learn that Robber A is regarded in the community as a good kid who was only a passive participant in the

robbery. While Robber A's attorney may convey this information, prosecutors may discount the defense attorney's

description as self-serving without neutral witnesses to attest to it. Accordingly, based primarily on the paper

record in front of them, overburdened prosecutors might determine that both Robbers A and B are entitled to slight

discounts on the going rate-say, seven years instead of ten. In the case of Robber A, the overburdened prosecutor

will therefore offer a plea-bargained sentence in excess of what the defendant deserves. And in the case of Robber

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B, the prosecutor will offer a plea-bargained sentence that is far lower than what the defendant deserves. In both

cases, overburdened prosecutors fail to achieve the most just result.

A similar problem occurs when prosecutors have little time or information before exercising their broad authority

to transfer defendants to specialty drug courts. These courts are designed to treat and rehabilitate nonviolent

offenders rather than incarcerate them100 and have become popular in recent years.101 For example, consider

how prosecutors are likely to handle a defendant who has been charged with prostitution for the third time.102 On

the surface, the defendant may not seem like a good candidate for transfer to a specialty drug court because she

is a recidivist103 and is not even charged with a drug crime. A busy prosecutor is therefore likely to spend only a

few minutes on the case, offer a plea bargain carrying a short jail sentence, and then move on to the next case.

Yet if the prosecutor had time to conduct a closer investigation, he might discover that the defendant's real

problem is not prostitution but an underlying drug addiction. Our defendant engages in prostitution only to support

her drug habit and has been arrested for crack possession in the past.104 But for her drug habit, she would have a

good chance of living a productive life. She has ties to the community, a high school degree, and appears to be

intelligent and capable of handling a regular job. If the prosecutor were to transfer her to the drug court, she would

be subject to drug testing, would participate in meetings with probation officers, and would stand a better chance

of escaping the cycle of trading sex for drugs.105 Yet because her case appears typical and the overburdened

prosecutor has dozens of other cases to manage that day, our defendant may not have the chance to attend drug

court. She will almost certainly plead guilty, spend time in jail, and start the cycle all over again following her

release. The negative effects of this cycle impact not only the defendant but also the community, which

presumably would prefer to transform a drug user into a productive member of society rather than tolerate

recidivism.

2. Excessive Caseloads Hinder Prosecutors from Turning Over Brady Material to Criminal Defendants.-As detailed

above, excessive caseloads prevent prosecutors from exercising their discretion to achieve the most just and

beneficial outcomes. In those instances, prosecutors do not necessarily err but are nonetheless unable to achieve

the good results that they likely could accomplish with reasonable caseloads. Perhaps more troubling than these

failures of discretion is that excessive caseloads lead prosecutors to run afoul of their constitutional obligations

and commit inadvertent prosecutorial misconduct. Overburdened prosecutors likely fail to comply with several

constitutional and statutory obligations; as explained below, the most pervasive are so-called Brady violations.

Under the doctrine established in Brady v. Maryland, prosecutors are required to disclose favorable evidence that

tends to either exculpate the defendant or impeach witnesses against him.106 This makes Brady at once one of

the most important obligations imposed on prosecutors and one of the most common claims by criminal

defendants in appealing their convictions. 107 Academic commentators are critical of Brady violations,108 and

when the violations are intentional, such criticism is justified. What most commentators fail to recognize, however,

is that the overwhelming majority of Brady violations are unintentional and occur because prosecutors are

overburdened or have received inadequate guidance from supervising prosecutors, who themselves are

overburdened.109 Of course, inadvertent failure to turn over Brady material is still a constitutional violation110 and

can be just as damaging to criminal defendants as intentional violations. But unlike intentional violations, which

can only be stopped by snuffing out the covert actions of manipulative prosecutors, inadvertent Brady violations

can be reduced by limiting prosecutorial caseloads and providing resources for better training.

A few hypothetical, but all too common, situations illustrate the problem of inadvertent Brady violations. Imagine a

felony prosecutor in a large district attorney's office with 200 open felony cases, four of which are set for trial each

week.111 Though the prosecutor strives to give the defense attorney in each case notice of Brady material (and

other more mundane matters112) a few weeks in advance of trial,113 it is difficult to keep up with the workload,

and our prosecutor must make choices about which cases to prioritize. Believing that three of the four cases set

for trial on, for example, June 1, will plea bargain, she focuses most of her attention on the case that she thinks is

most likely to go to trial. Unfortunately, our prosecutor is not clairvoyant, and by the time May 28 arrives, one of the

cases she thought would plea bargain fails to settle. The prosecutor is, of course, not totally unprepared. She has

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served subpoenas for likely witnesses and reviewed the other evidence in the file. But being prepared for trial

requires much more than that. Our prosecutor must have in-depth meetings with the key witnesses and closely

study the entire case file. With only a few days before trial, she must scramble to be ready in time. And in

scrambling to get ready, the overburdened prosecutor can easily overlook Brady material that she should turn over

to the defendant. Our overburdened prosecutor might fail to realize in her last-minute meeting that the witness's

story now conflicts with something he said when speaking to the police many months ago.114 Or she may be fully

aware of evidence that impeaches government witnesses and decide to delay producing it out of fear that

disclosing witness identities too far in advance of trial will lead to witness tampering.115 In the hectic period

before trial, prosecutors may simply forget to turn over evidence of which they are personally aware. The list of

possible scenarios is endless,116 but the key point is the same in each permutation: prosecutors who have

hundreds of open cases and are not sure which will actually go to trial will inadvertently overlook Brady material as

they scramble to be ready for trial at the last minute.

More disturbing than simple oversights are instances in which junior prosecutors do not even realize they have a

legal obligation to turn over evidence. In extremely busy district attorneys' offices, prosecutors are quickly saddled

with enormous responsibilities very early on. While these young prosecutors surely learned about the Brady

doctrine in law school, they may fail to recognize actual Brady obligations when they arise in the real world.117 For

instance, a junior prosecutor who has tried only a few serious felonies may neglect to disclose that a domestic

violence victim initially told a police officer that her bruises were from falling down rather than from being hit by

her abuser. The junior prosecutor may simply not realize that such evidence is Brady material. In a properly staffed

district attorney's office, a supervising prosecutor likely would catch the error and ensure that the State complies

with the Brady doctrine's requirements. In overburdened prosecutors' offices, however, supervisors may fail to

correct errors because they too are overwhelmed and lack the time to provide the hands-on guidance that is

necessary to avoid inadvertent misconduct.

3. Excessive Caseloads Prevent Prosecutors from Promptly Dismissing Cases with Weak Evidence or Cases Where

the Defendant Is Innocent.- More crime is committed, and more suspects are arrested, than could possibly be

processed through the criminal justice system. Most prosecutors' offices (even those that are overburdened) work

hard to screen out weak cases early on before charges are filed.118 Still, prosecutors file charges against

thousands of defendants each year only to later discover that the defendants are innocent or that the cases are

too weak to bring to trial.119 While these defendants are certainly happy to have the charges against them

dropped, for many defendants the dismissals do not happen until weeks or months after charges were initially

filed. If the defendants are too poor to post bond, as more than 30% of criminal defendants are,120 they will be

incarcerated for those weeks or months. With jails across the country overcrowded, these defendants are often

forced to live in squalid conditions with poor medical care, awful food, and the risk of violence and death.121 While

this problem is unavoidable to a certain extent, it is magnified in jurisdictions where prosecutors carry excessive

caseloads.

The overarching story is fairly simple: when prosecutors carry excessive caseloads, they handle them in a triage

fashion. Prosecutors do not look ahead to cases that will come to a boil in weeks or months; they live in the here

and now. If evidence is lurking in a case file that will ultimately lead to a defendant's case being dismissed, it will

linger there until the prosecutor has time to focus on the matter. The fewer cases the prosecutor has, the sooner

the charges against innocent defendants will be dismissed.122

The situation is more nuanced when prosecutors are pushed to dismiss cases by proactive defense attorneys.

Often defense lawyers raise legitimate legal or factual questions about a case shortly after charges are filed.123

While a defense attorney's inquiries and concerns are not enough to justify outright dismissal of a case, they are

sufficient to spur the prosecutor to investigate the facts and witnesses more closely. If the prosecutor has a

manageable caseload, she will likely conduct this investigation very quickly. Ethical prosecutors have no interest in

continuing to lock up innocent defendants. And efficient prosecutors have no desire to keep cases on the docket

that could easily and justifiably be dismissed.124 If the prosecutor has an unreasonable caseload, however, she

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may not dig into the case until absolutely necessary, which may be just before the case is set for another status

hearing or, worse yet, trial. Innocent defendants may thus languish in jail for longer than necessary.

Of course, there is a flip side to this story. One might argue that if prosecutors had more manageable caseloads

they might not abandon some of the weak cases that they presently dismiss after charges are filed. After all, from

an ethical standpoint, prosecutors only need to believe there is probable cause in order to bring a case forward to a

jury.125 If prosecutors had more time to work on marginal cases, increased resources might actually lower

dismissal rates. While this argument seems compelling, it likely accounts for a comparatively small number of

cases. First, prosecutors typically make their reputations by trying cases and winning those trials.126 Thus they

have little incentive to push weak cases to trial when they run significant risk of losing.127 Second, at least when it

comes to felonies, it seems unlikely that prosecutors are presently dismissing cases outright that they would try if

they had greater resources. While prosecutors may be willing to plea bargain serious felony cases when their

evidence is weak, political pressure and a strong sense of justice likely prevents prosecutors from outright

dismissing charges against violent felony defendants they believe to be guilty.128 Thus, it is difficult to see how

increased resources will lead prosecutors to drastically decrease the number of cases they dismiss.

In sum, while prosecutors by and large succeed at removing weak cases from the criminal justice system, innocent

defendants (and those who are guilty but for which proof is lacking) are charged with crimes every day.

Unfortunately, excessive caseloads prevent prosecutors from moving swiftly. Many defendants therefore languish

in jail for weeks or months. Excessive prosecutorial caseloads thus harm innocent defendants and exacerbate jail

overcrowding and unsafe conditions of confinement.

4. Excessive Caseloads Lead to the Conviction of the Innocent.-Innocent defendants are regularly convicted of

crimes, both at trial129 and as a result of their own guilty pleas.130 Though it is rare that innocence is later

established,131 it seems easy to blame the prosecutors who win wrongful convictions against the innocent. But in

the context of excessive caseloads it is just as easy to see how innocent defendants slip through the cracks.

a. Prosecutors lack the time and resources to discover who is innocent.- Start with two basic truths about the

criminal justice system: (1) most criminal defendants are guilty and (2) most criminal defendants lie to

prosecutors and claim to be innocent.132 Understandably, prosecutors are skeptical of most claims of

innocence.133 And because prosecutors are overburdened, they have little time to devote to each case. The little

time prosecutors do have is strategically spent trying to convict defendants they firmly believe to be guilty rather

than exploring undocumented theories that could exculpate other defendants. Moreover, even when prosecutors

do take the time to inquire into defendants' claims of innocence, they may only have time to conduct cursory

investigations that are unlikely to be successful. Prosecutors may try to track down alibi or self-defense witnesses

that the defendant claims support his version of events, but when such witnesses have not come forward on their

own, they are often hard to locate. Furthermore, because a considerable amount of violent crime is committed in

minority neighborhoods where even law-abiding citizens fear the police,134 witnesses with helpful exculpatory

information may be unwilling to come forward.135 This problem is even worse when the witnesses themselves are

involved in criminal activity.136 And the problem is particularly vexing in border states where perfectly honest and

otherwise law-abiding witnesses may be illegal immigrants afraid to speak with prosecutors out of fear of

deportation.137 If prosecutors' offices had greater resources to hire investigators who could interact with the

community and be seen as partners, then prosecutors might have a more realistic chance of finding witnesses to

support the claims of innocent defendants.

Without sufficient time and resources, however, prosecutors often ask defense attorneys to shoulder the burden of

investigating claims of innocence. Overburdened prosecutors who are skeptical of innocence claims (most of

which are untruthful)138 ask defense attorneys to find the key witnesses that support their clients' claims and to

have those witnesses sign affidavits swearing to the information. If the defense attorney is competent and not

overburdened herself, there is nothing inherently wrong with this approach. The problem, of course, is that many

public defenders or appointed counsel representing indigent defendants are overburdened as well.139 Worse yet,

in some jurisdictions, compensation for appointed counsel representing indigent defendants is capped for each

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case, thereby encouraging defense attorneys to take more cases and creating a financial incentive to avoid

spending much time working to prove their client's innocence. 140 Overburdened, incompetent, or lazy defense

attorneys are therefore unlikely to fare much better than overburdened prosecutors in uncovering compelling

evidence that defendants are truly innocent.

In many instances, defense attorneys will come forward with some evidence that, if properly developed, might be

sufficient to raise reasonable doubt. In other words, defense attorneys are unlikely to hand prosecutors "smoking

gun" evidence so compelling that it leads prosecutors to dismiss charges on the spot. Rather, defense attorneys

might come forward with phone numbers for supposed alibi witnesses so that the prosecutors can contact them.

Or defense attorneys might ask prosecutors to hear from witnesses who challenge police officers' accountings of

how a traffic stop occurred. In other cases, defense attorneys might ask prosecutors to dismiss charges because

they believe a key witness has mental health problems or because they claim that the victim in a domestic

violence case will now recant her original testimony. Such evidence is not immediately exculpatory, and it may not

turn out to be exculpatory at all after it is investigated so it is likely shelved when prosecutors are managing

hundreds of other cases. When prosecutors finally find the time to focus on the case, witnesses or key evidence

may be gone. Thus the needle-in-the-haystack defendant who deserves to be acquitted, either because he is

factually innocent or because there are legitimate questions about the evidence against him, may ultimately be

convicted.

b. Innocent defendants plead guilty in exchange for sentences of time served and an immediate exit from jail.-Most

innocent defendants who are wrongfully convicted are not the victims of prosecutorial misconduct or inept

defense lawyering. Rather, most innocent defendants are convicted because they knowingly and voluntarily

pleaded guilty to offenses they did not commit.141 But why would an innocent defendant plead guilty? The simple

answer is that excessive caseloads lead to long trial backlogs and short-sentence plea bargain offers. Innocent

defendants thus can plead guilty to sentences of time served and simply leave jail.142

When prosecutors have excessive caseloads, it is logistically impossible for every defendant who asserts his

innocence to be afforded a timely, quick jury trial. Excessive prosecutorial caseloads therefore lead to many poor

defendants who cannot afford bail, including innocent defendants, languishing in jail for months or even years

awaiting trial.143 When innocent defendants are charged with the most serious crimes and face decades in prison,

it makes sense for them to wait their turn for trial. If a defendant is found not guilty at trial, the time he spent in

pretrial detention will be nowhere close to the sentence he would have received had he pleaded guilty and been

convicted.

But when innocent defendants are charged with misdemeanors or lowlevel felonies, the time in jail while waiting

for trial may actually exceed the sentence they would receive if they pleaded guilty.144 For example, imagine that

a defendant is charged with burglary for breaking into a garage and stealing tools. The defendant has no resources

with which to post bond. Although prosecutors do not know it, the eyewitness placing the defendant at the scene

is mistaken.145 Moreover, the case against the defendant is so weak that if it proceeded to trial, a decent defense

attorney would rip it apart: there was only one eyewitness, it was nighttime, police presented the mug shots in a

suggestive fashion, and the defendant was found blocks away from the scene and was not in possession of any of

the stolen property. If the defendant wants to continue waiting for a trial, he will almost certainly be acquitted.

However, the defendant has already been in jail for a month, and the prosecutor is willing to offer a plea bargain for

the one month the defendant has already served. While the innocent defendant does not want to admit to a crime

he did not perpetrate, he ultimately pleads guilty simply to get out of jail.146

Moreover, the collateral consequences of pleading guilty, such as stigma or harm to employment prospects, are

unlikely to deter innocent defendants from pleading guilty. If an individual has already spent weeks in jail awaiting

trial, any stigma or embarrassment has probably already attached. While pleading guilty may require the defendant

to meet with a parole officer or undergo random urinalysis, the added stigma of conviction is likely of little

consequence when his family and friends already knew that he was locked up in jail. Perhaps more importantly,

defendants who are too poor to post bond are not likely to have their career prospects hindered by pleading guilty

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to a crime. They are unlikely to apply to medical school or law school, and in most instances they are not

concerned that elite Fortune 500 companies are unlikely to hire individuals with burglary convictions. Instead,

because these individuals are likely competing for manual labor jobs or low-paying employment in the service

industry, pleading guilty to a crime they did not commit, particularly a misdemeanor, will not have much effect on

their employment prospects.147 Innocent defendants thus have good reasons (and few obstacles) to plead guilty

to crimes they did not commit.

Although it is counterintuitive, excessive prosecutorial caseloads are very damaging to criminal defendants.

Overburdened prosecutors have trouble exercising their discretion as effectively as they might like. Less culpable

defendants therefore do not receive sentencing discounts that they would receive from less-burdened prosecutors.

Candidates for drug treatment courts may not be transferred to those courts because overburdened prosecutors

fail to recognize worthy defendants. Well-meaning but overburdened prosecutors fail to disclose Brady material to

defendants and likely run afoul of other constitutional and statutory obligations. Excessive caseloads hinder

prosecutors from promptly dismissing weak cases, leaving innocent defendants imprisoned for far longer than

necessary. And overburdened prosecutors may unknowingly offer too-good-to-refuse plea bargain offers to

innocent defendants, encouraging the innocent to plead guilty to crimes they did not commit. While the entire

class of criminal defendants might receive some plea bargaining benefit from overwhelmed prosecutors, excessive

prosecutorial caseloads may well cause more harm than good to a host of criminal defendants.

B. Harm to Victims

Excessive prosecutorial caseloads are also damaging to the victims of crime. When prosecutors are overburdened,

they are unable to spend much time with victims or even to meet with them at all. Prosecutors thus fail to acquire

useful information that could be used to convict the guilty and ensure that they are adequately punished. Perhaps

more troubling, overburdened prosecutors who do not have time to communicate with victims will leave them

feeling victimized again, denying victims the therapeutic justice they seek from the criminal justice system.148

There are many ways in which victims are ignored by the process. They are not informed that offenders have been

arrested or charged. Even if they are aware of an arrest, victims may not be notified when the defendant makes

bail. Often, victims are not informed of court settings or plea bargain offers, nor notified, in some jurisdictions, that

the defendant has been convicted and sentenced.149 It is not surprising that victims believe they should be kept

informed about what is happening in their cases.150 Nor is it shocking that victims become upset when key steps

in the process occur without their knowledge.151 Just as crime victims want to receive respect and apologies

from the offenders who harmed them,152 so too do victims want a certain amount of attention and respect from

the criminal justice process. When victims are informed about the process and hear a sympathetic voice

acknowledge that they have been wronged, they can begin to heal faster.153

Many large district attorneys' offices have tried to keep victims better informed by hiring victim-witness

coordinators154 or by instituting policies requiring prosecutors to make contact with victims and seek their input

before plea bargaining cases.155 Yet, these policies face enormous obstacles, largely because of excessive

caseloads. When an office has tens of thousands of cases each year but only a handful of victim-witness

coordinators, many victims are likely to slip through the cracks. The same is true when prosecutors lack the time

to meet with victims or even to talk with them by phone. Even if prosecutors can meet with some victims, the sheer

number of cases likely makes it difficult to differentiate among victims and to remember to contact them again. Of

course, most prosecutors probably do not intentionally ignore victims. They would likely prefer to have time to

meet with them, update them on their cases, and offer encouragement. Whether or not the prosecutor on a given

case has the best of intentions, a crime victim who receives minimal attention from an overburdened prosecutor

almost certainly leaves the process feeling victimized by the criminal justice system.

C. Harm to the Public at Large

Although it is fairly obvious, no discussion of excessive prosecutorial caseloads would be complete without

mention of the harm such caseloads do to the public at large. Although the current system ensures that most

guilty defendants either plead guilty or are convicted at trial, it is undoubtedly true that excessive caseloads result

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in a substantial number of guilty defendants being wrongfully acquitted or receiving plea bargain offers that are far

too generous. Such windfalls to defendants encourage politicians to enact criminal justice "reforms" that actually

cause more harm than good.

1. Overburdened Prosecutors Fail to Attain Convictions for Guilty Defendants at Trial.-Because the American

criminal justice system believes (wisely, in our opinion) that it is better for ten guilty people to go free rather than

for one innocent person be convicted,156 there will always be some guilty defendants who escape justice. Yet,

there is a significant difference between freeing the guilty because they were not proven "guilty beyond a

reasonable doubt" and letting the guilty escape justice because prosecutors lack the time and resources to

properly prepare their cases. Unfortunately, in jurisdictions with overburdened prosecutors, even clearly guilty

defendants are acquitted at trial.

Criminal cases can fall apart for dozens of reasons when time and resources are limited. Prosecutors may be

unable to locate key witnesses in advance of trial. Witnesses may need hours of trial preparation that prosecutors

lack the time to provide. Prosecutors may not have time to search out the best expert witnesses or the money to

hire the ones they do find. Faced with huge numbers of cases, prosecutors may lack the time to prepare effective

presentations of complicated scientific testimony from ballistics to breathalyzer results.157 Or prosecutors might

simply miss an obvious and important detail about a case because they lacked the time to visit the crime scene

before trial.

Of course, public defenders and appointed counsel in many jurisdictions face the exact same obstacles in

defending indigent criminal defendants. We do not mean to suggest that the overburdening of defense lawyers is

not a problem or that prosecutors should be given greater resources than defense lawyers. We only mean to assert

that just as the lack of defense resources results in the occasional conviction of the innocent,158 it is also true

that the lack of prosecutorial resources sometimes allows the guilty to escape conviction.

The problem posed by lack of prosecutorial resources is more apparent in the instances where defendants are

wealthy enough to retain private attorneys. While some of these defendants receive the same level of

representation that would be provided by public defenders, in many instances defendants who spend a lot of

money on private lawyers get what they pay for. In some cases, prosecutors are simply no match for well-funded

defense lawyers with adequate time to devote to their cases.

Drunk driving prosecutions provide a good example. Wealthy defendants who spend $20,000 or $30,000 to hire

lawyers specializing in drunk driving defense are buying time and attention for their cases. The defense lawyer will

have time to visit the scene where the sobriety tests were conducted to check for irregularities. He will be able to

blow up photographs or maps to highlight the questionable conditions under which the tests were conducted. The

defense will have the chance to thoroughly investigate the background of the officer who conducted the tests, the

crime lab where blood samples were processed, and the chemist who ran the analysis. And the defense will also

be able to retain the services of skilled expert witnesses who can cast doubt on the validity of breathalyzer tests in

general and how they were applied in that particular case.

By contrast, an overburdened prosecutor will not have time to personally visit the crime scene, nor will she have an

investigator who she can task to do so. The prosecutor will also lack the time and money to magnify photographs

or create helpful visual displays. Worse yet, the prosecution's expert witness is likely to be a chemist from the local

crime lab who himself is juggling dozens of other cases and likely will not have time for a detailed meeting to

discuss his testimony in advance of trial. In these circumstances, it is not difficult to see how a factually guilty

defendant might evade conviction.

2. Overburdened Prosecutors Plea Bargain the Cases of Some Guilty Defendants for Sentences That Are Far Too

Low.-While excessive prosecutorial caseloads lead to some number of guilty defendants being acquitted at trial,

the far more significant problem is guilty defendants receiving plea bargains that are too lenient. As we explained

in Part II.A above, some defendants receive lighter plea deals than they deserve because prosecutors lack the time

to thoroughly investigate an offender's case and criminal history to discover that he is deserving of considerably

greater punishment. We do not repeat that analysis here but instead extend it to cases in which prosecutors know

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that a defendant deserves a longer sentence but lack the time and resources to staunchly advocate for that

penalty. Put simply, in an unknown (though likely substantial) number of cases, prosecutors knowingly agree to

plea deals carrying sentences well below what they believe the defendants deserve because of the caseload

pressures that they face.

Consider again the typical prosecutor who has multiple cases set for trial on a given day and is carrying hundreds

of other open felony matters. Imagine that the prosecutor has made a plea bargain offer of ten years'

imprisonment to a robbery defendant with a lengthy criminal history. The prosecutor firmly believes that the

defendant will receive at least a fifteenyear sentence if he is convicted at trial. The prosecutor thus should hold

firm on her plea bargain offer and proceed to trial if the defendant refuses to accept ten years' incarceration. If the

prosecutor proceeds to trial on this robbery case, however, it will likely take three entire days to try the case. That

will be three days the prosecutor will lose in terms of preparing subpoenas, interviewing witnesses, researching the

law, responding to motions, and getting up to speed on the other cases sitting on her desk. The defense lawyer, if

he is remotely worth his salt, is aware of this problem.159 The defense lawyer will therefore respond to the

prosecutor's bottom line plea bargain with a lower counteroffer. If that counteroffer is ridiculously low- say three

years, in response to the prosecutor's offer of ten years-even an overburdened prosecutor will likely reject it. But if

the offer is only slightly lower-say seven years instead of the prosecutor's bottom line offer of ten years-it is easier

for the prosecutor to acquiesce and to accept a deal below her bottom line than for her to sacrifice three days of

her time.

The prosecutor can justify accepting the much lower plea bargain by telling herself that if she had insisted on

going to trial, it would have hindered her from managing the hundreds of other cases on her docket and would

have made it nearly impossible to prepare her other trial cases. This rationalization is even more persuasive to a

prosecutor if her other defendants committed more serious offenses such as murders and rapes.160 Put simply,

for even the most hard-working and committed prosecutors, excessive caseloads make it impossible to hold firm

on every plea bargain offer and credibly threaten to go to trial. Prosecutors therefore plea bargain cases for less

than what they believe many defendants deserve.

3. Windfalls to Clearly Guilty Defendants Encourage Politicians to Enact Criminal Justice "Reforms" That Are

Actually Harmful.-When guilty defendants are acquitted at trial or receive lighter-than-justified plea bargains, the

harm extends beyond those offenders themselves. Windfalls to obviously guilty defendants fuel the ratcheting up

of criminal law by encouraging legislatures to add new crimes to the books and increase punishments. 161 In turn,

this trend causes the United States to lock up more people and spend more money on jails and prisons, all while

ignoring the underlying problem of the underfunding of prosecutors and indigent defense lawyers.

In the vast majority of cases where prosecutors agree to lighter plea bargains than defendants actually deserve,

the cases disappear into the system never to be heard from again. But in a few rare cases, particularly those in

which a defendant received probation or a short prison sentence and later committed a new high-profile offense,

the news media can seize on the issue.162 For example, a news story may announce that today's vehicular

manslaughter defendant never received jail time for her previous drunk driving charges.163 In short order,

politicians may come forward with legislation to increase punishment ranges or impose mandatory minimums.

164

As scholars have detailed, such legislation is often harmful. Mandatory minimum sentences prevent judges from

individualizing justice to less culpable defendants who deserve mercy.165 Longer punishments separate offenders

from their families, thus increasing the number of children in urban areas who go through their entire childhoods

without male parents.166 The public must spend more tax money on jails and prisons.167

To be sure, harmful criminal justice legislation is not solely attributable to the backlash following lenient plea

bargain deals. And, of course, in some instances there are good public policy arguments for increasing sentencing

ranges or imposing mandatory minimums. Our point here is not to wade too deeply into that debate but simply to

note that excessive prosecutorial caseloads can result in unanticipated backlashes for sentencing policy.

III. SOLUTIONS TO THE EXCESSIVE CASELOAD PROBLEM

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Although it appears clear that defendants, victims, and the public at large are harmed by excessive prosecutorial

caseloads, remedying the problem is difficult. It would be a mistake for legislatures to simply appropriate more

money for prosecutors' offices and leave public defenders' offices underfunded. Moreover, it is not beneficial for

prosecutors and public defenders to each complain to legislative bodies that the other is undeserving of funding

increases. When prosecutors and public defenders bicker with each other over funding, it is too easy for

legislatures to deny both offices the funds they need. Accordingly, a more productive approach would be for

overburdened prosecutors and public defenders to make joint proposals for a major influx of money to properly

fund the criminal justice system.

A. Simply Appropriating More Money for More Prosecutors Is the Wrong Approach

An initial reaction to data showing excessive prosecutorial caseloads is to suggest that district attorneys' offices

simply hire more prosecutors. Such a proposal is a difficult sell (because money is finite and legislatures have

many competing concerns), but it is at least plausible. Politicians' interests are often aligned with prosecutors'

needs because the former want to be viewed as "tough on crime" and therefore want to take credit for

incarcerating criminals.168 Thus, while legislatures would rather enact symbolic measures that look good and

cost no money,169 if district attorneys' offices place enough pressure on legislatures to fund greater staff and

resources, there is a chance that district attorneys will get some of what they request.

The biggest problem with simply hiring more prosecutors is that doing so would have adverse effects on the rest

of the criminal justice system. Increasing the number of prosecutors without a corresponding increase in public

defenders would exacerbate the indigent defense problem. Defense lawyers would still be overburdened and would

be in a worse position because they would then be facing prosecutors who were better resourced and thus better

prepared for trial and less interested in plea bargaining.

A second objection to simply appropriating money for new prosecutors is that there would be no guarantee that

the allotted money would be used to reduce existing caseloads. Prosecutors' offices may use the added manpower

to simply file more charges. At present, overburdened prosecutors' offices likely decline charges for minor criminal

infractions that they simply lack the manpower to prosecute.170 Increasing the number of prosecutors may thus

result in increased prosecution of low-level drug or prostitution cases without any real reduction in the caseloads

of existing prosecutors.

A third objection is that elected district attorneys in large offices (who are primarily administrators and typically do

not handle actual cases) may view new staff as an opportunity to enhance their political reputations rather than

reduce existing caseloads. At present, most local district attorneys have no choice but to use almost all of their

budgets to handle violent crime.171 A sudden influx of new staff might lead elected prosecutors to create new

departments or to allocate new lawyers to pet projects that will make political hay. For example, very few county

district attorneys' offices have the resources to handle long-term, paper-intensive, white-collar crime cases.172

Yet, in today's political climate, many elected district attorneys would surely like to have robust white-collar

divisions that focus on highprofile issues such as mortgage fraud or investment malfeasance.173 Similarly, as it

has become politically popular to "go green," elected prosecutors might like to expand the size of their

environmental divisions. Or district attorneys may simply be animal lovers who want to expand departments that

focus on animal cruelty. All of these are worthwhile projects, but directing resources to new areas will do little to

reduce the enormous caseloads facing existing prosecutors.

B. Providing Additional Resources for both Prosecutors and Indigent Defense Lawyers Is the Better Approach

A far better approach to dealing with the overburdening of prosecutors is for legislatures to provide additional

funding for both prosecutors and defense attorneys. This approach has the virtue of guaranteeing that resources

will be used to help overburdened prosecutors without disadvantaging indigent defendants. This, of course, is

easier said than done.

The first key obstacle, as noted above, is that legislatures are often unreceptive to spending any money, even on

prosecutors. Yet this problem can be overcome when prosecutors can convince politicians that additional funding

is in the public interest or that additional funding will bolster the politicians' law-and-order credentials. The second

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obstacle, procuring complementary funding for indigent defense and maintaining it into the future, is much more

difficult. Despite decades of indigent defense scholarship arguing that a large influx of money is needed174 and

even court rulings demanding greater funding,175 legislatures have been hostile to funding increases. 176 And

even when legislatures do provide greater funding, the increases are sometimes rescinded shortly thereafter177

because public defenders' offices are an attractive target for cuts in cash-strapped times.178 There are ways to

circumvent this problem, though.

One option is to directly tie additional indigent defense funding to the added resources for prosecutors. By

coupling prosecutor funding with indigent defense funding, legislatures likely would find it easier to spend money

on indigent defense.179 In fact, this idea has proved successful in some jurisdictions. As Professor Ron Wright

has documented, prosecutors and public defenders in Tennessee were able to convince the legislature to

appropriate additional funding for both departments by simultaneously submitting weighted caseload information

documenting their workloads.180

Admittedly, this approach initially seems counterintuitive. Like other budget priorities, there is a finite amount of

money that legislatures have to spend on criminal justice. Money devoted to indigent defense is money not spent

on prosecutors, prisons, or judges. Indeed, in collecting the data for this Essay, we spoke with a number of

prosecutors who thanked us for taking up their fight against the public defenders who are trying to take "their"

resources.181 As opposed to further bickering between the prosecutors' and defender's offices, which only makes

it easy for legislators to deny both departments the funding they have requested, we suggest that a better

approach would be for prosecutors and public defenders to make a combined pitch, arguing that the criminal

justice system is underfunded as a whole. As Professor Wright has pointed out, in areas such as corrections,

legislatures are already accustomed to "hearing the funding requests of complementary players in a single system

and sometimes require a coordinated budget request from them."182 Scholars have suggested that drips and

drabs of additional funding are insufficient to fix the indigent defense problem and that only an enormous

budgetary increase can effect significant change.183 The same logic applies to overburdened prosecutors.

Arguing with county funding boards over trifling funding increases (or fighting to stave off reductions) will not

change the status quo for either prosecutors or public defenders. Rather, both public defenders' and overburdened

prosecutors' offices need a game-changing funding increase. By making a joint proposal for a large funding

increase, public defenders and prosecutors might be in a better position to shake loose the large and much-needed

sums of money that legislatures would otherwise refuse to dole out.

CONCLUSION

Although scholars have long decried the excessive caseloads of public defenders and appointed counsel, little

attention has been paid to the huge caseloads handled by prosecutors in many large counties. Across the country,

many prosecutors are tasked with handling five or even ten times as many cases as guidelines recommend for

public defenders. Obviously, excessive prosecutorial caseloads are harmful to victims, who receive little attention

to their cases, and the public at large, which must tolerate guilty defendants being acquitted. But the problem is

much bigger than that.

Excessive prosecutorial caseloads are also very damaging to criminal defendants. Because overburdened

prosecutors lack adequate time and resources, they fail to recognize less culpable defendants who are deserving

of more lenient plea bargains or would be better served by being transferred to specialty drug courts where they

would have a better chance at rehabilitation. From a purely legal standpoint, overwhelmed prosecutors commit

inadvertent (though still unconstitutional) misconduct by failing to identify and disclose favorable evidence that

defendants are legally entitled to receive. Finally, excessive prosecutorial caseloads harm innocent defendants.

Busy prosecutors take far longer to recognize weak cases and dismiss charges against innocent defendants. And

excessive caseloads delay trials, leading innocent defendants to plead guilty in exchange for sentences of time

served and an immediate release from jail.

The solution to the problem of overburdened prosecutors is, of course, increased funding. Yet, legislatures must be

cautious not to bolster prosecutors' offices at the expense of public defenders. Considerably greater funding is

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therefore necessary for prosecutors as well as public defenders.

Footnote

1 For a sampling of the dozens of excellent articles, see Mary Sue Backus &Paul Marcus, The Right to Counsel in

Criminal Cases, a National Crisis, 57 HASTINGS L.J. 1031 (2006); Stephen B. Bright, Neither Equal nor Just: The

Rationing and Denial of Legal Services to the Poor when Life and Liberty Are at Stake, 1997 N.Y.U. ANN. SURV. AM.

L. 783; Dennis E. Curtis &Judith Resnik, Grieving Criminal Defense Lawyers, 70 FORDHAM L. REV. 1615 (2002);

Cara H. Drinan, The Third Generation of Indigent Defense Litigation, 33 N.Y.U. REV. L. &SOC. CHANGE 427 (2009);

Erica J. Hashimoto, The Price of Misdemeanor Representation, 49 WM. &MARY L. REV. 461 (2007); Norman

Lefstein, In Search of Gideon's Promise: Lessons from England and the Need for Federal Help, 55 HASTINGS L.J.

835 (2004); Douglas W. Vick, Poorhouse Justice: Underfunded Indigent Defense Services and Arbitrary Death

Sentences, 43 BUFF. L. REV. 329 (1995); Ronald F. Wright, Parity of Resources for Defense Counsel and the Reach

of Public Choice Theory, 90 IOWA L. REV. 219 (2004); Ronald F. Wright &Wayne A. Logan, The Political Economy of

Application Fees for Indigent Criminal Defense, 47 WM. &MARY L. REV. 2045 (2006); Kyung M. Lee, Comment,

Reinventing Gideon v. Wainwright: Holistic Defenders, Indigent Defendants, and the Right to Counsel, 31 AM. J.

CRIM. L. 367 (2004); Note, Effectively Ineffective: The Failure of Courts to Address Underfunded Indigent Defense

Systems, 118 HARV. L. REV. 1731 (2005); Note, Gideon's Promise Unfulfilled: The Need for Litigated Reform of

Indigent Defense, 113 HARV. L. REV. 2062 (2000).

2 See, e.g., BENNETT L. GERSHMAN, TRIAL ERROR AND MISCONDUCT (1997); JOSEPH F. LAWLESS,

PROSECUTORIAL MISCONDUCT (3d ed. 2003); Angela J. Davis, The American Prosecutor: Independence, Power,

and the Threat of Tyranny, 86 IOWA L. REV. 393 (2001); Alexandra White Dunahoe, Revisiting the Cost-Benefit

Calculus of the Misbehaving Prosecutor: Deterrence Economics and Transitory Prosecutors, 61 N.Y.U. ANN. SURV.

AM. L. 45 (2005); Peter J. Henning, Prosecutorial Misconduct and Constitutional Remedies, 77 WASH. U. L.Q. 713

(1999); Richard A. Rosen, Disciplinary Sanctions Against Prosecutors for Brady Violations: A Paper Tiger, 65 N.C. L.

REV. 693 (1987); Kelly Gier, Note, Prosecuting Injustice: Consequences of Misconduct, 33 AM. J. CRIM. L. 191

(2006); Carissa Hessick, Note, Prosecutorial Subornation of Perjury: Is the Fair Justice Agency the Solution We

Have Been Looking For?, 47 S.D. L. REV. 255 (2002); Lyn M. Morton, Note, Seeking the Elusive Remedy for

Prosecutorial Misconduct: Suppression, Dismissal, or Discipline?, 7 GEO. J. LEGAL ETHICS 1083 (1994).

3 We do not criticize the attention paid to the underfunding of indigent defense and prosecutorial misconduct, and

one of us has contributed to the literature on both topics. See Adam M. Gershowitz, Prosecutorial Shaming:

Naming Attorneys to Reduce Prosecutorial Misconduct, 42 U.C. DAVIS L. REV. 1059 (2009) [hereinafter

Gershowitz, Prosecutorial Shaming]; Adam M. Gershowitz, Raise the Proof: A Default Rule for Indigent Defense, 40

CONN. L. REV. 85 (2007) [hereinafter Gershowitz, Raise the Proof].

4 A few scholars have made passing references to "extreme docket pressure[s]" but have not provided any detailed

analysis. See, e.g., Daniel C. Richman &William J. Stuntz, Al Capone's Revenge: An Essay on the Political Economy

of Pretextual Prosecution, 105 COLUM. L. REV. 583, 601 (2005) ("Extreme docket pressure characterizes DAs'

offices, particularly in the large cities where crime rates tend to be highest.").

5 See infra notes 43-53 and accompanying text.

6 See infra notes 43-53 and accompanying text.

7 See infra Part I.B. (discussing the number of cases handled by many prosecutors). Given that there are fewer

than 250 weekdays per year on which cases can be tried, it is clear that, in many instances, multiple cases must be

set for trial on any given day.

8 See infra notes 26-30 and accompanying text.

9 See Gershowitz, Prosecutorial Shaming, supra note 3, at 1061-62.

10 See, e.g., Banks v. Dretke, 540 U.S. 668, 674-76 (2004) (reversing a death sentence because the prosecutor

deliberately withheld that a key witness had been paid and failed to inform the court that other witnesses had

testified untruthfully).

11 See Geoffrey S. Corn &Adam M. Gershowitz, Imputed Liability for Supervising Prosecutors: Applying the Military

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Doctrine of Command Responsibility to Reduce Prosecutorial Misconduct, 14 BERKELEY J. CRIM. L. 395, 401-04

(2009).

12 See, e.g., Lise Olsen, Thousands Languishing in Cramped County Jails, HOUS. CHRON., Aug. 23, 2009, at A1

(finding that 200 currently incarcerated inmates in the Harris County jail had already served the minimum jail

sentence for the crimes with which they were charged).

13 See, e.g., Steve McVicker &Anita Hassan, Cruel and Unusual Punishment for Inmates?: Over the Past Six Years,

at Least 101 Inmates Have Died at the Harris County Jail, HOUS. CHRON., Feb. 22, 2007, at A1; cf. Steve McVicker,

Sheriff Appealing Order, Won't Transfer Inmates, HOUS. CHRON., May 6, 2006, at B1 ("State inspectors have

withheld certification from the downtown [Harris] [C]ounty jail system for the past three years, largely because of

inmate crowding . . . .").

14 See, e.g., Coleman v. Schwarzenegger, No. CIV S-90-0520 LKK JFM P, 2009 WL 2430820, at *1, *80-81 (E.D. Cal.

Aug. 4, 2009) (detailing how the California prison system is operating at twice its capacity and how it imperils

inmates through terrible medical care and inmate-on-inmate violence).

15 See Josh Bowers, Punishing the Innocent, 156 U. PA. L. REV. 1117, 1136 (2008) ("The trial course is long; even if

convicted, the defendant often has already served any postconviction sentence, and then some. In this way,

conviction may counterintuitively inaugurate freedom." (footnote omitted)).

16 See Daniel Givelber, Lost Innocence: Speculation and Data About the Acquitted, 42 AM. CRIM. L. REV. 1167,

1199 (2004) (noting that time-served plea offers may "be too good to ignore").

17 See MODEL RULES OF PROF'L CONDUCT R. 3.8 cmt. 1 (1983) ("A prosecutor has the responsibility of a minister

of justice and not simply that of an advocate. This responsibility carries with it specific obligations to see that the

defendant is accorded procedural justice and that guilt is decided upon the basis of sufficient evidence.").

18 See supra note 1. Of course, excessive caseloads do help defendants by limiting the number of cases that

prosecutors can bring to trial and thus creating more favorable plea bargain offers for defendants. As we explain

below, however, the force of this argument is limited. See infra notes 132-40 and accompanying text.

19 See infra notes 132-40 and accompanying text.

20 See Stephanos Bibas &Richard A. Bierschbach, Integrating Remorse and Apology into Criminal Procedure, 114

YALE L.J. 85, 137 (2004) (explaining how "[v]ictims do not want vengeance so much as additional rights to

participate" and pointing out that most victims do not receive an opportunity to discuss their cases with

prosecutors).

21 See, e.g., ALAN M. DERSHOWITZ, THE BEST DEFENSE, at xxi (1982) (famously remarking that Rule 1 of the

justice game is that "[a]lmost all criminal defendants are, in fact, guilty").

22 See Gershowitz, Raise the Proof, supra note 3, at 87 (noting that prosecutors' offices already receive greater

funding than public defenders' offices do).

23 See, e.g., Scott Wallace, Parity: The Failsafe Standard, in 1 BUREAU OF JUSTICE ASSISTANCE, OFFICE OF

JUSTICE PROGRAMS, U.S. DEP'T OF JUSTICE, COMPENDIUM OF STANDARDS FOR INDIGENT DEFENSE SYSTEMS

13, 17 (2000), available at http://www.mynlada.org/defender/DOJ/standardsv1/ welcome.html ("Congress

appropriated $100 million for fiscal year 2001 to allow states to hire 'community prosecutors' . . . [but did not]

include matching funds for the constitutionally mandated provision of legal representation services in the new

cases which will be filed by the new prosecutors.").

24 See BUREAU OF JUSTICE STATISTICS, OFFICE OF JUSTICE PROGRAMS, U.S. DEP'T OF JUSTICE,

PROSECUTORS IN STATE COURTS, 2005, at 2 (2006) [hereinafter PROSECUTORS IN STATE COURTS, 2005],

available at http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/psc05.pdf.

25 See infra Table 1 (showing prosecution caseloads for large district attorneys' offices in the United States).

26 See NAT'L ADVISORY COMM'N ON CRIMINAL JUSTICE STANDARDS &GOALS, TASK FORCE REPORT ON THE

COURTS, Standard 13.12 (1973).

27 See NAT'L LEGAL AID &DEFENDER ASS'N, DEFENDER LEGAL SERVS., http://www.nlada.org/

Defender/Defender_Standards/Defender_Standards_NLADA (last visited Dec. 31, 2010).

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28 See, e.g., AM. BAR ASS'N, STANDING COMM. ON LEGAL AID &INDIGENT DEFENDANTS, GIDEON'S BROKEN

PROMISE: AMERICA'S CONTINUING QUEST FOR EQUAL JUSTICE 17-18 (2004), available at

http://www.abanet.org/legalservices/sclaid/defender/brokenpromise/fullreport.pdf.

29 See Hashimoto, supra note 1, at 504-05 (noting that while the guidelines have been "the subject of some

criticism over the years, they have gained widespread acceptance as absolute maximum limits for indigent

defenders, and they remain the benchmark frequently cited and relied upon to this day" (footnotes omitted)); see

also Catherine Greene Burnett, Michael K. Moore &Allan K. Butcher, In Pursuit of Independent, Qualified, and

Effective Counsel: The Past and Future of Indigent Criminal Defense in Texas, 42 S. TEX. L. REV. 595, 678 n.408

(2001) (criticizing caseloads falling outside the suggested guidelines); Deborah L. Rhode, Whatever Happened to

Access to Justice?, 42 LOY. L.A. L. REV. 869, 894 (2009) ("Annual caseloads for public defenders can range

between 500 and 900 felony matters or over 2,000 misdemeanors. Such workloads vastly exceed the standards of

the National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice, which set ceilings of 150 felonies and 400 misdemeanors."

(footnote omitted)).

30 Some experts have suggested developing more nuanced guidelines that provide for weighted caseloads based

on the types of cases being handled by defenders. See NAT'L RIGHT TO COUNSEL COMM., JUSTICE DENIED:

AMERICA'S CONTINUING NEGLECT OF OUR CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO COUNSEL 192-94 (2009) [hereinafter

NAT'L RIGHT TO COUNSEL COMM., JUSTICE DENIED], available at http://

www.constitutionproject.org/pdf/139.pdf.

31 The American Prosecutors Research Institute studied the problem, but it concluded that differences in office

size, organization, and case types made a national standard impossible and undesirable. See AM. PROSECUTORS

RESEARCH INST., HOW MANY CASES SHOULD A PROSECUTOR HANDLE? RESULTS OF THE NATIONAL

WORKLOAD ASSESSMENT PROJECT 27-29 (2002), available at http://www.

ndaa.org/pdf/How%20Many%20Cases.pdf.

32 For a discussion of other considerations in comparing prosecutor and defender workloads, see Wright, supra

note 1, at 236-38.

33 See Backus &Marcus, supra note 1, at 1053-59.

34 See id. at 1031, 1057.

35 Hashimoto, supra note 1, at 464.

36 In August 2006, Kristin Guiney, an Assistant District Attorney in the Harris County District Attorney's Office,

contacted the largest prosecutors' offices in the country by e-mail and phone to ascertain the number of attorneys,

paralegals, and support staff they employed. Coupling this information with publicly available data on felony and

misdemeanor filings, she was able to determine an average number of case filings per prosecutor for each office.

The authors are unaware of any comparable nationwide data set compiled before or since the 2006 Harris County

study.

37 The data for Table 1 are drawn from CHUCK ROSENTHAL, HARRIS CNTY. DIST. ATTORNEY, 2006 PERSONNEL

PRESENTATION 1 (2006) [hereinafter ROSENTHAL PRESENTATION] (slide entitled "Statistics Used for

Comparative Analysis") (on file with authors).

38 The data for Wayne County underestimate the number of felony and misdemeanor filings per year. The data

likely consider only charges handled by the warrant division, and do not include the 30,000 to 40,000 additional

cases handled by specialty divisions. See E-mail from Maria Miller, Assistant Prosecuting Attorney, Wayne Cnty.

Dist. Attorney's Office, to Adam Gershowitz, Assoc. Professor of Law, Univ. of Hous. Law Ctr. (July 12, 2010, 15:49

CST) (on file with authors). Accordingly, the number of cases per prosecutor is considerably higher than the table

indicates.

39 See, e.g., Brian Rogers, Mike Glenn &Rosanna Ruiz, Rosenthal Steps Up in Officer's Death: DA Says Meeting

Slain Policeman's Family Persuaded Him to Take Case, HOUS. CHRON., Sept. 26, 2006, at B1 (quoting an elected

district attorney who had agreed to personally prosecute a case as saying "he could not recall the last time he

helped prosecute a case, but guessed that it ha[d] been several years").

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40 Cf., e.g., SANTA CLARA DISTRICT ATTORNEY ADMINISTRATORS SALARY SURVEY 4 (2006) (on file with

authors) (listing the Chief Assistant D.A. as an executive attorney).

41 Such departments include trial, appellate, white collar crime, consumer fraud, asset forfeiture, and check fraud,

to name but a few.

42 These descriptions are based on the office structure of the Harris County District Attorney's Office, where the

second author serves as an assistant district attorney. Based on informal discussions with prosecutors from other

large offices, many other offices employ a similar, though by no means identical, organizational structure.

43 See E-mail from Colleen E. Bauer, Paralegal, Trial Div., Phila. Dist. Attorney's Office, to Sachiv P. Mehta (Mar. 9,

2010, 08:32 CST) [hereinafter E-mail from Colleen E. Bauer] (on file with authors).

44 These and other facts regarding the Harris County District Attorney's Office are based on the experience of the

second author, who has served as a felony prosecutor in the Harris County District Attorney's Office for several

years.

45 See supra note 26 and accompanying text (describing the recommended workload of 150 felony cases for

public defenders).

46 See Telephone Interview with Randy Roberts, Exec. Assistant State's Attorney, Cook Cnty. State's Attorney's

Office (Mar. 2, 2010).

47 See id. Indeed, in some years, Cook County prosecutors have even been paid less than their public defender

counterparts while handling more cases. See John Flynn Rooney, Survey: Public Defenders Earn Slightly More than

Prosecutors, CHI. DAILY L. BULL., Sept. 22, 2008, at 1 (reporting that the public defender's office attributed

defenders' higher salaries to the fact that they are unionized).

48 See E-mail from Marilyn R. Carter, Admin. Specialist, Tarrant Cnty. Dist. Attorney's Office, to Sachiv P. Mehta

(Feb. 2, 2010, 15:19 CST) (on file with authors).

49 See E-mail from Colleen E. Bauer, supra note 43.

50 See Alan Maimon, Court Stalls over Caseloads: Justices Expected More Guidance from Report, LAS VEGAS

REV.-J., Oct. 7, 2009, at 5B.

51 See id.

52 See E-mail from Cara L. Campbell, Chief Deputy Dist. Attorney, Training &Recruitment, Clark Cnty. Dist.

Attorney's Office, to Sachiv P. Mehta (Feb. 2, 2010, 18:36 CST) [hereinafter E-mail from Cara L. Campbell] (on file

with authors).

53 See E-mail from Cara L. Campbell, Chief Deputy Dist. Attorney, Training &Recruitment, Clark Cnty. Dist.

Attorney's Office, to Sachiv P. Mehta (Jan. 29, 2010, 11:44 CST) (on file with authors).

54 See William J. Stuntz, The Pathological Politics of Criminal Law, 100 MICH. L. REV. 505, 566 (2001) ("Over the

course of the past century the number of criminal charges filed has increased very substantially . . . .").

55 See, e.g., Jane Hadley, Domestic Violence Cases Overwhelm Prosecutors, SEATTLE POSTINTELLIGENCER, Nov.

7, 1995, at B1 (citing changes in the law, societal awareness, increased reporting, and increased special domestic

violence police units as reasons for a 400% surge in felony domestic abuse cases in King County, Washington, in a

five-year period).

56 Compare DISTRICT COURTS: REPORTED CRIMINAL ACTIVITY BY COUNTY FROM JANUARY 1, 2005 TO

DECEMBER 31, 2005, http://www.dm.courts.state.tx.us/OCA/ReportSelection.aspx (select "District Court Data

Reports" as the Report Type and "Reported Criminal Activity by County" as the Report, and then click "Continue";

then select "January 2005" and "December 2005" as the Month and Year and "Dallas" as the County and click "Run

Report") (last visited Jan. 2, 2011) (33,474 felony filings), with DISTRICT COURT: REPORTED CRIMINAL ACTIVITY

BY COUNTY FROM JANUARY 1, 2009 TO DECEMBER 31, 2009,

http://www.dm.courts.state.tx.us/OCA/ReportSelection.aspx (same query, but use "January 2009" and December

2009" instead) (last visited Jan. 2, 2011) (37,013 felony filings).

57 Case filings in Harris County rose from 108,608 in 2006, supra Table 1 (showing that 39,154 felonies and 69,454

misdemeanors were filed in 2006), to 131,100 in 2009, see E-mail from Jessica Milligan, Assistant Dist. Attorney,

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Harris Cnty. Dist. Attorney's Office, to Adam Gershowitz, Assoc. Professor of Law, Univ. of Hous. Law Ctr. (Mar. 18,

2010, 10:53 CST) (on file with authors) (reporting that 50,004 felonies and 81,096 misdemeanors were filed in

2009).

58 Compare supra Table 1 (showing less than 59,000 cases in 2006), with Telephone Interview with Jane Allen,

San Bernardino Cnty. Dist. Attorney's Office (Feb. 11, 2010) (on file with authors) (reporting more than 71,000

cases in 2008).

59 Compare JUDICIAL COUNCIL OF CAL., 2006 ANNUAL REPORT: PROGRESS THROUGH UNITY 25 (2006)

(reporting 1,575,098 filings), with JUDICIAL COUNCIL OF CAL., 2007 ANNUAL REPORT: BUILDING THE BRANCH 22

(2007) (reporting 1,691,790 filings).

60 STATE OF N.Y., UNIFIED COURT SYSTEM: REPORT OF THE CHIEF ADMINISTRATOR OF THE COURTS: FOR THE

CALENDAR YEAR JANUARY 1, 2008-DECEMBER 31, 2008, at 18 (2008), available at

http://www.courts.state.ny.us/reports/annual/pdfs/UCSAnnualReport2008.pdf (noting an increase from 1,705,369

cases in 2004 to 1,894,925 cases in 2008).

61 See William J. Stuntz, Plea Bargaining and Criminal Law's Disappearing Shadow, 117 HARV. L. REV. 2548, 2554-

55 (2004) (explaining how prosecutorial budgets are unable to keep up with increasing caseloads).

62 See PROSECUTORS IN STATE COURTS, 2005, supra note 24, at 2 &fig.1.

63 See E-mail from Maria C. Miller, Assistant Prosecuting Attorney &Dir. of Commc'ns, Wayne Cnty., to Adam

Gershowitz, Assoc. Professor of Law, Univ. of Hous. Law Ctr. (Mar. 4, 2010, 11:32 CST) (on file with authors)

("Currently we have 142 prosecutors on staff, down from 190 in 2008."); Email from Maria C. Miller, Assistant

Prosecuting Attorney &Dir. of Commc'ns, Wayne Cnty., to Adam Gershowitz, Assoc. Professor of Law, Univ. of

Hous. Law Ctr. (Mar. 4, 2010, 16:44 CST) (on file with authors) (attributing the decline in prosecutorial staff to not

being allowed to hire new prosecutors when others retired as well as to nine layoffs in response to a budget

reduction).

64 Compare Telephone Interview with Cara L. Campbell, Chief Deputy Dist. Attorney for Training &Recruitment,

Clark Cnty. Dist. Attorney's Office (Mar. 1, 2010) (on file with authors) (reporting that prosecutorial staff were cut

down to 102 by 2010), with supra Table 1 (showing 135 prosecutors on staff in 2006).

65 See Telephone Interview with Randy Roberts, supra note 46.

66 See Levi Pulkkinen, Public Defense Lawyers Protest Cuts: County Budget Plan Will Hurt Poor, They Say,

SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER, Oct. 31, 2008, at B1.

67 See Telephone Interview with Jane Allen, Special Assistant Deputy Dist. Attorney, San Bernardino Cnty. Dist.

Attorney's Office (Mar. 4, 2010).

68 Letter from Debbie MacKenzie, Maricopa Cnty. Dist. Attorney's Office, to Adam Gershowitz (Mar. 30, 2010) (on

file with authors).

69 See Chris Moran, County Budget Cuts Translate into Layoffs, HOUS. CHRON., Mar. 26, 2010, at B3.

70 See E-mail from Renata Annati, Human Res. Dir., Broward Cnty. Office of the State Attorney, to Adam

Gershowitz, Assoc. Professor of Law, Univ. of Hous. Law Ctr. (Mar. 8, 2010, 08:51 CST) (on file with authors).

71 See E-mail from Lorna Salomon, Senior Emp't Counsel &Records Custodian, Miami-Dade Office of the State

Attorney, to Adam Gershowitz, Assoc. Professor of Law, Univ. of Hous. Law Ctr. (Mar. 11, 2010, 12:58 CST)

[hereinafter E-mail from Lorna Salomon] (on file with authors).

72 See Backus &Marcus, supra note 1, at 1096-103.

73 See supra Table 1 (providing criminal cases filed in 2006 by the prosecutors' offices for Harris, Dallas, Tarrant,

and Bexar counties).

74 See ROSENTHAL PRESENTATION, supra note 37.

75 See id.

76 See id.

77 See E-mail from Cara L. Campbell, supra note 52.

78 See E-mail from Cara L. Campbell, Chief Deputy Dist. Attorney, Training &Recruitment, Clark Cnty. Dist.

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Attorney's Office, to Sachiv P. Mehta (Jan. 29, 2010, 10:58 CST) (on file with authors).

79 See E-mail from Dan Donohoe, King Cnty. Prosecutor's Office, to Sachiv P. Mehta (Feb. 12, 2010, 03:21 CST) (on

file with authors).

80 See ROSENTHAL PRESENTATION, supra note 37.

81 See E-mail from Lorna Salomon, supra note 71.

82 The data for Table 2 are drawn from ROSENTHAL PRESENTATION, supra note 37.

83 Reporters spend a considerable amount of time in county courthouses learning about the terrible crimes

committed by criminal defendants. Those same reporters interact with prosecutors on a daily basis and likely

come to view them (or at least some of them) as noble public servants. It is therefore difficult to see how reporters

would be completely biased toward writing stories that focus only on the problems faced by criminal defendants.

84 For an overview of the litigation and the stages of reform efforts, see Drinan, supra note 1.

85 See Gershowitz, Raise the Proof, supra note 3, at 100-06.

86 See William Glaberson, The Right to Counsel, N.Y. TIMES, Mar. 21, 2010 (Metropolitan Desk), at 1.

87 See Jim Nolan, Bills Allow More Pay for Public Defenders: Supporters Say Legislation Is Step Toward Better Va.

Justice System, RICHMOND TIMES-DISPATCH, Feb. 27, 2007, at A1 (discussing Covington &Burling's involvement

in Virginia indigent defense reform); Leonard Post, Indigency Programs Spark Court Clashes: Lack of Lawyers for

the Poor Fuel Suits in Six States, NAT'L L.J., Nov. 1, 2004, at 1 (discussing the other three firms' involvement in

Michigan, Mississippi, and New York).

88 See Drinan, supra note 1 (discussing decades of indigent defense lawsuits and varied levels of success in

challenging the inadequate funding of indigent defense programs).

89 Of course, line prosecutors may protest their excessive caseloads by quitting and taking more attractive jobs.

Many overworked line prosecutors do just that after only a few years. See, e.g., Ronald Wright &Marc Miller, The

Screening/Bargaining Tradeoff, 55 STAN. L. REV. 29, 63 (2002) (discovering from interviews that the average

tenure of line prosecutors (assistant district attorneys) in New Orleans is roughly two years).

90 Cf., e.g., Pulkkinen, supra note 66 (describing how "public defenders are protesting a proposed funding cut that

they say would gut legal representation for poor defendants").

91 For instance, in Virginia, Steven Benjamin, an extremely well-regarded attorney, filed an unsuccessful challenge

arguing that appointed lawyers were underfunded. See Gershowitz, Raise the Proof, supra note 3, at 100 n.85.

92 While appointed lawyers do need to be concerned about being denied appointed cases in the future, this

concern relates to maintaining good relationships with judges. And, in most instances, judges have little reason to

be upset with appointed counsel for initiating litigation that challenges excessive workloads. Indeed, the excessive

workload of appointed counsel may negatively impact judges by burdening their dockets and slowing down their

courtroom proceedings.

93 For instance, at least four well-known criminal law professors on the faculty of George Washington University

Law School-Paul Butler, Roger Anthony Fairfax, Orin S. Kerr, and Stephen A. Saltzburg- were formerly federal

prosecutors. See Faculty Directory, GW LAW, http://www.law.gwu.edu/ Faculty/List.aspx (last visited Nov. 1,

2010).

94 Of course, resources are limited even for federal prosecutors and much federal crime must go unprosecuted.

See Richman &Stuntz, supra note 4, at 613 (noting that the "extreme disjunction between federal jurisdiction and

federal resources has bred a norm of radical underenforcement").

95 For instance, Professors Erica J. Hashimoto, Norman Lefstein, and Mae C. Quinn all served as public defenders.

See ASS'N OF AM. LAW SCHOOLS, THE AALS DIRECTORY OF LAW TEACHERS 2007- 2008, at 592, 725, 918 (2008).

96 For examples of their indigent defense scholarship, see Hashimoto, supra note 1; Lefstein, supra note 1; Mae C.

Quinn, Whose Team Am I on Anyway? Musings of a Public Defender About Drug Treatment Court Practice, 26

N.Y.U. REV. L. &SOC. CHANGE 37 (2001).

97 See supra notes 26-30 and accompanying text.

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98 See infra notes 156-58 and accompanying text (discussing this windfall to undeserving criminal defendants). In

some ways, the windfall to the entire class of criminal defendants is a good thing. Given that many defense

counsel are overburdened and that legislatures tend to increase sentencing ranges to appear tough on crime,

placing time and resource constraints on prosecutors helps to level the playing field somewhat and avoid

excessive punishments.

99 Cf. SOURCEBOOK OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE STATISTICS, at tbl.5.19.2004, available at

http://www.albany.edu/sourcebook/pdf/t5192004.pdf (listing 105 months as the mean sentence of incarceration

for robbery). For most crimes, "the bargaining range is likely to be both small and familiar to the parties, as both

prosecutors and defense attorneys have a great deal of information about customary practices. Each side, in other

words, is likely to have a good sense of the 'market price' for any particular case." Robert E. Scott &William J.

Stuntz, Plea Bargaining as Contract, 101 YALE L.J. 1909, 1923 (1992) (footnote omitted).

100 As Professor Eric Miller has explained, "The prosecutor exercises the sole power to recommend that a

defendant be diverted to drug court . . . . If the prosecutor decides that the criteria do not apply, the defendant has

no further recourse and must proceed through the criminal justice system in the normal manner." Eric J. Miller,

Embracing Addiction: Drug Courts and the False Promise of Judicial Interventionism, 65 OHIO ST. L.J. 1479, 1540

(2004) (footnote omitted); see also Quinn, supra note 96, at 57 ("Like other diversionary programs, most drug

treatment courts operate at the whim of the prosecution. In New York, drug courts cannot make promises to

defendants without the approval of the Office of the District Attorney." (footnote omitted)).

101 See Michael M. O'Hear, Rethinking Drug Courts: Restorative Justice as a Response to Racial Injustice, 20

STAN. L. &POL'Y REV. 463, 463 (2009) (noting that "specialized drug treatment courts have grown phenomenally

popular, with nearly 2,000 now in existence").

102 This scenario is unfortunately extremely common. See Editorial, A Trail of Ill Repute: Crackdown on

Prostitution Needs to Address Substance Abuse, SARASOTA HERALD-TRIB., Oct. 2, 2006, at A10 ("Many of the

prostitutes are repeat offenders who have substance-abuse problems.").

103 See Josh Bowers, Contraindicated Drug Courts, 55 UCLA L. REV. 783, 798-99 (2008) (describing how

prosecutors in New York City typically sent only first-time offenders to drug court).

104 Unfortunately and unsurprisingly, there is a close connection between prostitution and drug addiction. The

Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that in one study 85% of females arrested for prostitution tested positive for

drugs. BUREAU OF JUSTICE STATISTICS, U.S. DEP'T OF JUSTICE, FACT SHEET: DRUG-RELATED CRIME 2 (1994).

105 Although studies conflict, there is evidence that defendants who complete drug court have lower recidivism

rates. For a list of the conflicting studies, see Leslie Paik, Maybe He's Depressed: Mental Illness as a Mitigating

Factor for Drug Offender Accountability, 34 LAW &SOC. INQUIRY 569, 575 (2009).

106 See Brady v. Maryland, 373 U.S. 83, 87 (1963).

107 See Brandon L. Garrett, Innocence, Harmless Error, and Federal Wrongful Conviction Law, 2005 WIS. L. REV.

35, 54 (reporting that Brady claims are one of the most common fair-trial claims brought in wrongful conviction

cases).

108 For an excellent assessment of Brady issues and criticisms of particular violations, see Bennett L. Gershman,

Litigating Brady v. Maryland: Games Prosecutors Play, 57 CASE W. RES. L. REV. 531 (2007).

109 See Corn &Gershowitz, supra note 11, at 401-05.

110 See Strickler v. Greene, 527 U.S. 263, 288 (1999) ("[U]nder Brady an inadvertent nondisclosure has the same

impact on the fairness of the proceedings as deliberate concealment.").

111 This scenario is realistic for many prosecutors. See Hadley, supra note 55 (noting that prosecutors handling

domestic violence trials "ha[ve] five or six cases scheduled for trial [every] day" and that "[b]ecause they can't

predict which case will actually go to trial on any day, prosecutors are not able to spend the time with the victim

that would help ensure the victim will remain willing to testify"); cf. Kim Smith, Why Wheels of Justice Roll Slowly

in Tucson: Reasons Are Numerous for Lengthy Trial Delays, ARIZ. DAILY STAR, Dec. 26, 2006, at A1 (explaining

that judges "often schedule three or four trials for the same day in the hope one of them will actually move

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forward").

112 Prosecutors are often required to give the defendant notice of a variety of things, such as expert witnesses

and intention to use prior convictions at sentencing. See Boyd Patterson, Non-existent Trophies: Trial Preparation

for Prosecutors, PROSECUTOR, Oct./Nov./Dec. 2009, at 40, 41 (noting the "massive hit" prosecutors can take for

failing to file witness lists or notices of intent to use defendants' prior convictions).

113 There is no specific constitutionally imposed deadline for turning over Brady material. For differing views on

whether prosecutors should be obligated to disclose Brady material during plea bargaining, compare John G.

Douglass, Fatal Attraction? The Uneasy Courtship of Brady and Plea Bargaining, 50 EMORY L.J. 437 (2001), which

cautions against extending the Brady doctrine, with Kevin C. McMunigal, Disclosure and Accuracy in the Guilty

Plea Process, 40 HASTINGS L.J. 957 (1989), which advocates Brady disclosure during plea bargaining.

114 See, e.g., Jamison v. Greiner, Nos. 02-CV-1351(JBW), 03-MICS-0066(JBW), 2003 WL 22956951, at *6 (E.D.N.Y.

Oct. 21, 2003) (finding that prosecutors should have turned over conflicting statements made by a witness in a

presentence report but that the statements were not critical enough to merit reversal), aff'd, 166 F. App'x 545 (2d

Cir. 2006).

115 See Douglass, supra note 113, at 455 n.72 ("Concerns for witness safety generally account for the

government's position that witness-related disclosure should be delayed until the eve of trial in many cases.").

116 For example, the prosecutor who meets with her witnesses only at the last minute might fail to check back

with the police who investigated the crime and then learn, as the police officer did, that the witness had previously

been convicted of theft. Because theft is a crime of honesty, it is impeachment evidence that should be disclosed.

See, e.g., United States v. Price, 566 F.3d 900, 912-14 (9th Cir. 2009) (finding a Brady violation when the prosecutor

failed to disclose, as the police knew, that the key witness had been arrested for theft and theft by deception and

convicted of other crimes). And because police officers' knowledge is imputed to prosecutors under the Brady

doctrine, this inadvertent mistake amounts to a constitutional violation. See Kyles v. Whitley, 514 U.S. 419, 437

(1995) ("[T]he individual prosecutor has a duty to learn of any favorable evidence known to the others acting on the

government's behalf in the case, including the police."). Similarly, the busy prosecutor in a sexual assault case may

fail to realize and disclose to the defense that the complainant had previously made unsubstantiated allegations

against another individual many years before, although this information might be contained in the case file or

known to the investigating officers.

117 Cf. Stephanos Bibas, The Real-World Shift in Criminal Procedure, 93 J. CRIM. L. &CRIMINOLOGY 789, 812-13

(2003) (book review) (noting how professors tend to focus on Supreme Court doctrine rather than real-world

scenarios).

118 See Ronald F. Wright, Response, Guilty Pleas and Submarkets, 157 U. PA. L. REV. PENNUMBRA 68, 73 n.22

(2008), http://www.pennumbra.com/responses/11-2008/Wright.pdf.

119 See Surell Brady, Arrests Without Prosecution and the Fourth Amendment, 59 MD. L. REV. 1, 3 (2000)

("Contrary to those widely held beliefs, in a number of large jurisdictions, the majority of criminal cases at the state

level, both misdemeanors and felonies, are dismissed without prosecution.").

120 See BUREAU OF JUSTICE STATISTICS, FELONY DEFENDANTS IN LARGE URBAN COUNTIES, 2002, at 16

(2006) (finding that among the 38% of felony defendants in the largest 75 counties who were jailed awaiting trial, 5

out of 6 did not post bond even though a bail amount was set).

121 See, e.g., Steve McVicker, County Jail Deaths on Pace to Double '06 Total, HOUS. CHRON., Apr. 8, 2007, at A1

(discussing deaths of inmates in the Harris County jail who were awaiting trial and attributing some deaths to poor

medical care); see also Bowers, supra note 15, at 1133-34 (describing the pretrial process as punishment in itself).

122 See, e.g., Smith, supra note 111 (noting that because Maricopa County, Arizona, has a far greater number of

prosecutors per capita than Pima County, Arizona, the average time from arraignment to resolution of a felony

case is 46 days in Maricopa County compared with 147 days in Pima County).

123 Of course, this assumes that counsel are promptly appointed to indigent defendants early in the process,

which is not always the case. In this vein, Professor Douglas Colbert has argued persuasively that courts are better

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served by appointing counsel to indigent defendants at bail hearings in part so that counsel can help to identify

weaker cases and remove them from the system. See Douglas L. Colbert, Thirty-Five Years After Gideon: The

Illusory Right to Counsel at Bail Proceedings, 1998 U. ILL. L. REV. 1, 43-44 ("Rather than waiting several weeks until

a lawyer first appears, these weaker charges can be identified at the outset, allowing judges and prosecuting

attorneys to avoid squandering valuable time on them.").

124 Indeed, because judges are often under pressure to keep dockets small, they pass that pressure onto

prosecutors and defense lawyers by expecting them to resolve cases quickly. See Rodney J. Uphoff, The Criminal

Defense Lawyer as Effective Negotiator: A Systemic Approach, 2 CLINICAL L. REV. 73, 116 (1995) ("To relieve

pressure on their dockets, judges push all of the actors in the system to settle their cases.").

125 See MODEL RULES OF PROF'L CONDUCT R. 3.8(a) (2004). This rule has been the subject of criticism, however.

See Bennett L. Gershman, A Moral Standard for the Prosecutor's Exercise of the Charging Discretion, 20 FORDHAM

URB. L.J. 513, 522-23 (1993) (maintaining that prosecutors should be morally certain that defendants are guilty

before proceeding to trial).

126 See Stephanos Bibas, Plea Bargaining Outside the Shadow of Trial, 117 HARV. L. REV. 2463, 2472 (2004).

127 See id. ("Losses at trial hurt prosecutors' public images, so prosecutors have incentives to take to trial only

extremely strong cases and to bargain away weak ones.").

128 See Bowers, supra note 15, at 1152-53.

129 See D. Michael Risinger, Innocents Convicted: An Empirically Justified Factual Wrongful Conviction Rate, 97 J.

CRIM. L. &CRIMINOLOGY 761, 780 (2007) (finding a minimum of a 3.3% wrongful conviction rate in capital rape-

murder trials during the 1980s).

130 See Ellen S. Podgor, White Collar Innocence: Irrelevant in the High Stakes Risk Game, 85 CHI.- KENT L. REV. 77,

84-87 (2010) (explaining how the cost of trial and the risk of conviction are so great that innocent defendants

might have an incentive to plead guilty or agree to deferred prosecution); Rodney Uphoff, Convicting the Innocent:

Aberration or Systemic Problem?, 2006 WIS. L. REV. 739, 798 ("[E]ven innocent defendants choose to plead guilty

simply to get out of jail.").

131 Although there are multiple paths by which the wrongly convicted can be exonerated, DNA testing receives the

most attention. Yet from 1989, when DNA testing began, until 2007, only slightly more than two hundred

individuals were exonerated by postconviction DNA testing. See Brandon L. Garrett, Judging Innocence, 108

COLUM. L. REV. 55, 57 (2008).

132 See DERSHOWITZ, supra note 21, at xxi ("Rule I: Almost all criminal defendants are, in fact, guilty."). For a

commentary on this phenomenon, consider the memorable exchange from the 1994 film, The Shawshank

Redemption:

Andy Dufresne: What about you? What are you in here for?

Red: Murder, same as you.

Andy Dufresne: Innocent?

Red: Only guilty man in Shawshank.

THE SHAWSHANK REDEMPTION (Columbia Pictures 1994).

133 See Scott &Stuntz, supra note 99, at 1946 ("In the absence of reliable signals that they can afford to take

seriously, prosecutors have no viable option other than to ignore claims of innocence.").

134 See RONALD WEITZER &STEVEN A. TUCH, RACE AND POLICING IN AMERICA: CONFLICT AND REFORM 1-13

(2006).

135 See Gerald E. Frug, City Services, 73 N.Y.U. L. REV. 23, 75 (1998) (discussing a "powerful suspicion, even

hatred, of the police" in poor African-American neighborhoods).

136 See generally Michael M. O'Hear, Plea Bargaining and Victims: From Consultation to Guidelines, 91 MARQ. L.

REV. 323, 327 (2007) ("[M]any victims are themselves involved in criminal activity, live in neighborhoods with high

crime rates, or are otherwise at high risk for involvement in or exposure to additional offenses.").

137 See David A. Harris, The War on Terror, Local Police, and Immigration Enforcement: A Curious Tale of Police

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Power in Post-9/11 America, 38 RUTGERS L.J. 1, 41 (2006) ("When immigrants fear the police enough to make

efforts to avoid them, fewer of them will report crimes, whether they are victims or witnesses, than would be the

case were they not afraid of the police."); see also Sandra Guerra Thompson, Speech, Latinas and Their Families in

Detention: The Growing Intersection of Immigration Law and Criminal Law, 14 WM. &MARY J. WOMEN &L. 225, 234

(2008) ("[Police] need the Latino community to cooperate with them to report crimes and to testify against

criminals." (footnote omitted)).

138 See DERSHOWITZ, supra note 21, at xxi.

139 See supra note 1.

140 See William J. Stuntz, The Uneasy Relationship Between Criminal Procedure and Criminal Justice, 107 YALE

L.J. 1, 10-11 (1997) ("The real key to the statutory fee schedules, however, is not the hourly amounts but the caps

on total fees. Most states have such caps . . . . Thus, a typical appointed defense lawyer faces something like the

following pay scale: $30 or $40 an hour for the first twenty to thirty hours, and zero thereafter." (footnotes

omitted)).

141 As Professor Bowers has explained, "[A] great many defense attorneys currently counsel their innocent clients

to plead guilty even when no judicially sanctioned devices (like equivocal or no-contest pleas) are available."

Bowers, supra note 15, at 1174.

142 See id. at 1143 ("[P]rosecutors make frequent offers of pleas to noncriminal violations and timeserved

dispositions.").

143 The same problem exists when defense counsel are overburdened. See Backus &Marcus, supra note 1, at 1032

(recounting examples of this type of unwarranted imprisonment due to delay, such as the case of a man arrested

for failing to pay the $1.75 subway fare who ended up in jail for fifty-four days before an attorney was appointed to

represent him).

144 See Uphoff, supra note 130, at 798.

145 For an excellent overview on the inaccuracy of eyewitness testimony generally, see Sandra Guerra Thompson,

Beyond a Reasonable Doubt? Reconsidering Uncorroborated Eyewitness Identification Testimony, 41 U.C. DAVIS

L. REV. 1487, 1497-1506 (2008).

146 See MALCOLM M. FEELEY, THE PROCESS IS THE PUNISHMENT 206 (1979) ("When the choice is between

freedom for those who plead guilty and jail for those who want to invoke their right to trial, there is really no choice

at all.").

147 See Adam M. Gershowitz, Twelve Unnecessary Men: The Case for Eliminating Jury Trials in Drunk Driving

Cases 16-17 (Univ. of Houston, Public Law &Legal Theory Series 2010-A-5, 2010), available at

http://ssrn.com/abstract=1550733 (noting that the collateral consequences of drunk driving convictions weigh

much more heavily on wealthy defendants than on poor defendants).

148 See Bibas &Bierschbach, supra note 20, at 136 ("[V]ictims lose control when they are victimized and again

when their cases disappear into the criminal justice system.").

149 See id.

150 See Heather Strang &Lawrence W. Sherman, Repairing the Harm: Victims and Restorative Justice, 2003 UTAH

L. REV. 15, 20.

151 See id. ("Victims repeatedly say that one of the greatest sources of frustration to them is the difficulty in

finding out from criminal justice authorities about developments in their cases.").

152 See Bibas &Bierschbach, supra note 20, at 138.

153 See id.

154 See Michelle Permenter, Crime Victims' Rights in Texas, HOUS. LAW., Jan./Feb. 2009, at 8, 10 (explaining how

victim assistance coordinators help victims to maneuver through the Harris County criminal justice system).

155 See Norm Maleng, Charging and Sentencing: Where Prosecutors' Guidelines Help Both Sides, 1 CRIM. JUST. 6,

43-44 (1987) (noting that internal policies of the King County District Attorney's Office require prosecutors to

contact victims and give them an opportunity to be heard before reducing or dismissing charges).

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156 See 4 WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, COMMENTARIES *358.

157 See, e.g., Gershowitz, supra note 147, at 17-18 (noting the difficulties that inexperienced junior prosecutors

face in trying to debunk scientific challenges to breathalyzer tests).

158 See Gershowitz, Raise the Proof, supra note 3, at 97-98.

159 Indeed, in large cities, many defense lawyers are former prosecutors who switched sides likely in part to

escape the crushing caseloads that they shouldered for government pay. See Morris B. Hoffman, Paul H. Rubin

&Joanna M. Shepherd, An Empirical Study of Public Defender Effectiveness: Selfselection by the "Marginally

Indigent," 3 OHIO ST. J. CRIM. L. 223, 231 n.38 (2005).

160 See Stephanos Bibas, Transparency and Participation in Criminal Procedure, 81 N.Y.U. L. REV. 911, 921 (2006)

(describing how criminal justice insiders, like prosecutors, become jaded, noting that "[a]fter one has seen many

armed robberies, for example, unarmed burglaries and thefts pale in comparison").

161 See, e.g., Erik Luna, The Overcriminalization Phenomenon, 54 AM. U. L. REV. 703, 719 (2005) ("[L]awmakers

have a strong incentive to add new offenses and enhanced penalties, which offer readymade publicity stunts, but

face no countervailing political pressure to scale back the criminal justice system.").

162 See, e.g., Jacqueline Soteropoulos, Nov. 21 Trial Date Is Set for Goihman's DUI Case, PHIL. INQUIRER, Sept. 15,

2005, at B4.

163 See id.

164 See, e.g., Press Release, Governor Mitt Romney, Gov. Romney Pushes for Tougher Drunk Driving Penalties

(Oct. 26, 2005), available at 2005 WLNR 17359633 (proposing "Melanie's Bill," which included tougher punishments

and mandatory sentencing minimums, after thirteen-year-old Melanie Powell was killed by a repeat drunk driver).

165 See Lynette Clemetson, Judges Look to New Congress for Changes in Mandatory Sentencing Laws, N.Y.

TIMES, Jan. 9, 2007, at A12. For a discussion of other problems related to mandatory minimums, see Stephen J.

Schulhofer, Rethinking Mandatory Minimums, 28 WAKE FOREST L. REV. 199 (1993).

166 See BRUCE WESTERN, PUNISHMENT AND INEQUALITY IN AMERICA 85-167 (2006) (exploring the effects of

mass imprisonment on young black men and their families).

167 See MARC MAUER, RACE TO INCARCERATE 92 (2006) (explaining that the United States spends $57 billion

per year on incarceration).

168 See Stuntz, supra note 54, at 534 ("[A]t the most basic level, elected legislators and elected prosecutors are

natural allies. Both need to please voters in order to survive, and for both, pleasing voters means essentially the

same thing: punishing people voters want to see punished.").

169 See id. at 526, 532.

170 See Darryl K. Brown, Democracy and Decriminalization, 86 TEX. L. REV. 223, 257 (2007) (explaining how

budget constraints prevent prosecutors from enforcing all the crimes on the books).

171 See Richman &Stuntz, supra note 4, at 600 ("[T]here are enough of these politically mandatory crimes to

occupy all or nearly all of local prosecutors' time and manpower.").

172 See id. at 601-02 (explaining that "high-end white collar crime is (with a few rare exceptions) a federal

preserve; only the feds have the manpower to deal with the long, intricate paper trails, and only the feds can afford

to initiate and pursue major investigations without being certain that those investigations will turn up evidence of

serious crimes" (footnote omitted)).

173 After all, white collar prosecutions bring significant favorable media attention. See, e.g., Elaine Silvestrini, Feds

Announce Surge in Mortgage Fraud Prosecutions, TAMPA TRIB., Nov. 3, 2009, http://

www2.tbo.com/content/2009/nov/03/031717/feds-talk-about-surge-mortgage-fraud/news-realestate/.

174 See, e.g., sources listed supra at note 1.

175 See Drinan, supra note 1, at 443-62 (discussing successes in "second generation" indigent defense litigation).

176 Although legislative hostility is the typical response, there is cause for optimism. As Professor Ron Wright

points out, "Some legislators, particularly those with legal training, may be even more sympathetic to procedural

fairness than their constituents. They appreciate that the integrity of an adversarial system depends on adequate

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resources for both sides." Wright, supra note 1, at 261.

177 See Gershowitz, Raise the Proof, supra note 3, at 100-06.

178 See, e.g., NAT'L RIGHT TO COUNSEL COMM., JUSTICE DENIED, supra note 30, at 52-60.

179 See Wright, supra note 1, at 263 ("[L]egislators can build momentum for unpopular but necessary measures by

linking one set of unpopular choices to a second, more popular set of choices.").

180 See id. at 238-41.

181 According to these prosecutors, their district attorneys' offices were underfunded because legislators were

giving money-undeservedly, in some of their opinions-to public defenders' offices. One large district attorney's

office informed us that the public defender's office in their city manipulated its caseload statistics by counting

cases in which they did no real work and appeared in court only so that they could move to withdraw from

representation on conflict of interest grounds. Although we did not survey public defenders, we are confident that

many would have complained just as loudly that legislators were increasing funding for prosecutors' offices when

the money should have been spent on indigent defense.

182 Wright, supra note 1, at 241.

183 See, e.g., Backus &Marcus, supra note 1, at 1045 ("By every measure in every report analyzing the U.S. criminal

justice system, the defense function for poor people is drastically underfinanced.").

AuthorAffiliation

Adam M. Gershowitz* &Laura R. Killinger**

* Associate Professor of Law, University of Houston Law Center.

** Assistant District Attorney, Harris County District Attorney's Office, Houston, Texas. We are grateful to the many

prosecutors around the country who provided us with information about their offices and in particular to Kristin

Guiney of the Harris County District Attorney's Office. Additionally, we thank Sachiv Mehta, Saskia Melhorn, and

Brittany Sakowitz for helpful research assistance. All errors and opinions are ours alone and do not represent the

views of our employers or the prosecutors who provided us with information. DETAILS

Subject: Robbery; Public defenders; Trials; Criminal pleas; Problems

Publication title: Northwestern University Law Review; Chicago

Volume: 105

Issue: 1

Pages: 261-301

Number of pages: 41

Publication year: 2011

Publication date: 2011

Section: Essays

Publisher: Northwestern University (on behalf of School of Law)

Place of publication: Chicago

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Country of publication: United States, Chicago

Publication subject: Law

ISSN: 00293571

Source type: Scholarly Journals

Language of publication: English

Document type: Feature

Document feature: Tables

ProQuest document ID: 870857325

Document URL: http://0-

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Copyright: Copyright Northwestern University School of Law 2011

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