Gap, and summary to support the GAP

Socioemotional Factor: A Missing Gap in Theorizing and Studying Black Heterosexual Coupling Processes and Relationships

Christiana I. Awosan, Ijeoma Opara

Journal of Black Sexuality and Relationships, Volume 3, Number 2, Fall 2016, pp. 25-51 (Article)

Published by University of Nebraska Press DOI:

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https://doi.org/10.1353/bsr.2016.0027

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/659007

Socioemotional Factor A Missing Gap in Theorizing and Studying Black Heterosexual Coupling Processes and Relationships

christiana i. awosan, Seton Hall University ijeoma opara, Montclair State University

abstract— Historically, scholars indicated that factors such as sociohistorical, so- ciocultural, and sociostructural barriers negatively impact the establishment and sustainability of Black male– female romantic unions. Although theoretical under- standing of the impacts of the aforementioned factors are critical to contextualizing the experiences of Black men and women in their coupling processes, insights to the emotional infl uences of these factors on Black male– female romantic relationships are limited. In this literature review, we highlighted a signifi cant gap in the literature, theoretically and empirically, on the socioemotional processes and infl uences of cou- pling and maintaining intimate heterosexual Black romantic relationships in a socio- historical context of residual eff ects of slavery, a sociocultural context of internalized negative racial stereotypes, and a sociostructural context of gender imbalance in educational and employment attainment.

keywords— Black romantic relationships; Black marriage and singlehood; Coupling processes and experience; Socioemotional

contact— Correspondence for this article should be addressed to Christiana I. Awosan, PhD., LMFT. Seton Hall University. 400 South Orange Ave. South Orange, NJ 07079. christiana .awosan @shu .edu.

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Introduction

Difficulties that black men and women experience in at-tempts to cultivate heterosexual romantic relationships manifest in the increased singlehood and marital dissolution of recent decades (Bryant, Wickrama, Bolland, Cutrona, & Stanik, 2010). Social scientists the- orized about how sociohistorical, sociocultural, and sociostructural factors infl uence intimate romantic relationships among heterosexual Black men and women (Chambers & Kravitz, 2011), but limited empirical understand- ing exists of how residual eff ects of slavery, institutional racism, internalized stereotypes, and gender imbalances infl uence the emotional processes of Black male– female coupling experiences and relationships.

Th e functions of marriage and romantic relationships have changed over time. Scholars now emphasize the importance of emotion in romantic re- lationships and marriages (Banks, 2011). Historically, marriages rested on economic and social transactions; now, romantic relationships rely on how well partners connect emotionally. Th e success, quality, and satisfaction of many romantic relationships depend on the emotional well- being of the in- dividuals and the collective emotional health of the relationship (Kundson- Martin & Huenergardt, 2010). To understand marriage decline among Black men and women, one must focus on sociohistorical, sociocultural, and so- ciostructural factors, and on the emotional eff ects of these factors on Black male– female romantic relationships. Th is article reviews literature on how theorists and researchers studied heterosexual Black- coupling processes, highlighting the need to explore emotional processes in Black male– female coupling processes and relationships.

Conceptual Framework: Theorizing about Black Male– Female Romantic Relationships To understand the complexity of heterosexual intimate pair bonding among Blacks in the United States, one must critically examine the sociostructur- al, sociohistorical, and sociocultural contexts of Blacks. Social scientists have used social- exchange theory to expound on ways the sociostructural factor of shortage of mate availability and eligibility due to sex- ratio and educational imbalances between Black men and women may infl uence mate- selection dynamics and romantic commitment (Bryant et al., 2010;

27Socioemotional Factor

Davis, Williams, Emerson, & Hourd- Bryant, 2000). Social- exchange the- ory posits that members of a scarcer gender have a negotiation advantage in male– female romantic relations because more alternative relationships are available to them (Elliott, Krivickas, Brault, & Kreider, 2012). Among Blacks, women tend to compete for the small pool of eligible men, whereas men tend to require noncommittal relationships from women, eroding the quality of romantic relationships (Barr, Simons & Simons, 2015; Pinder- hughes, 2002).

Th e infl uence of structural factors on such mate- selection behaviors and romantic relational dynamics provides evidence that changes in marital trends among Black men and women may be a collective function of mate eligibility, availability, and selection. Empirical studies examined ways sex- ratio imbalance, mate- selection standards, mate availability, and mate eli- gibility infl uenced marriage decline and the rise of singlehood among het- erosexual Blacks (Davis, Williams, Emerson & Hourd- Bryant, 2000; Marsh, Darity, Cohen, Casper, & Salters, 2007). However, researchers failed to ex- amine how attitudes and beliefs about sociostructural, sociohistorical, and sociocultural factors may impact the emotional experiences of Black men and women in the mate- selection processes and in eff orts to sustain roman- tic relationships.

Sociostructural Factors Sex- Ratio Imbalance between Black Men and Women To understand the decline in marriage and rise in singlehood among Blacks, scholars theorize about the eff ects of economic and demographic structur- al factors (Dixon, 2009; Elliott et al., 2012). Th e ratio of men to women in a particular geographical unit is a major social consequence of high rates of divorce, nonmarital childbearing, singlehood, man- sharing, aff airs, and transient relationships across all races (Tucker & Mitchell- Kernan, 1995). Among Blacks, since 1920, a precipitous decline ensued in the sex ratio of men to women (Guttentag & Secord, 1983). Lower sex ratio at birth, the dis- proportionate number of Black men in prison, and high mortality rates of Black male infants, children, adolescents, and young adults may explain the historical trend of low sex ratio among Blacks (King & Allen, 2009).

Although declining sex ratios are not the main cause of reduced marriage rates among Blacks, they have contributed to lower marriage rates, higher

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marital dissolution, more nonmarital births, and possibly the rise in single- hood among Blacks. A sex- ratio imbalance contributes to the emotionally loaded matter of “the shortage of Black men,” particularly among hetero- sexual single Black women who wish to marry or commit to a romantic relationship with a Black man (Boyd- Franklin, 2003). Higher Black male mortality rates across the life cycle and imprisonment exacerbate the short- age of Black men, particularly among adolescents and young adults (Charles & Luoh, 2010). Th ese factors eliminate large numbers of Black men from involvement in committed long- term heterosexual romantic relationships. Specifi cally, 8.2% of Black men between the ages of 25 and 54 are in pris- on, compared to 1.6% of non- Black men (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2010); 900,000 missing Black men have died, leaving 83 Black men to 100 Black women in the general population (Wofl ers, Leonhardt, & Quealy, 2015).

Between 1980 and 2000, during the War on Drugs, incarceration rose and marriage for women fell (Charles & Luoh, 2010). National Judicial Re- porting Program Series data indicated increased male incarceration in these 3 decades coincided with a 13% decline in marriage for women of all racial groups; between 10% and 25% for Black and Latina women. Also, a decline in male labor was critical in the decline of marriage among women. (Th e number of Black men missing from the marriage market, either by death or incarceration, are not all heterosexual).

Th e imbalanced sex ratio— the “marriage squeeze” (Tucker & Mitchell- Kernan, 1999)— plays a critical role in marriage patterns of Black women who experience restricted numbers of men available for marriage who are unburdened with criminal records or limited economic resources; men who possess the social or economic characteristics Black women seek in a po- tential marriage partner (King & Allen, 2009). Compared to women of oth- er races, particularly college- educated women, Black women tend to mar- ry men with lower educational attainment or previous marriages (Ellman, 2007) and some date or marry men with criminal records (Banks, 2011). Th e shortage of marriageable Black men may force many Black women to retreat from marriage, contributing to declining marriage rates among het- erosexual Blacks (Dixon, 2009). A sex- ratio interpretation of restricted mate availability supports the concept that Black men are three times more likely to marry or date interracially than Black women, and the rise in the number of visibly affi rming gay Black men contributes to the sex- ratio imbalance (Dixon, 2009).

29Socioemotional Factor

Socioeconomic Status A group or individual’s income, education, and occupation determines their social standing or socioeconomic status. Th e retreat from marriage and in- stability in romantic committed relationships may be more pronounced among Black women and men of lower socioeconomic status (Wilcox, Mar- quardt, Popenoe, & Whitehead, 2010). However, increasing unemployment of Black men and commensurate economic problems link to the rise in marital dissolution and romantic- relationship instability among heterosex- ual Blacks across socioeconomic classes (Bulanda & Brown, 2007; Wilcox et al., 2010).

Due to Black men’s endorsement of the provider role, most Black men do not marry until they can fulfi ll the role of economic provider (Johnson, & Loscocco, 2015). Equally, Black women oft en embrace a man as the main economic provider; men who cannot perform provider functions may not be viewed as potential partners (King & Allen, 2009). In assessing mate- selection preferences among Black men and women in an exploratory cross- sectional survey of single men and women, King and Allen (2009) found signifi cant diff erences in demographic variables (e.g., income) between ide- al marriage partners and respondents.

Th e interplay of sex- ratio imbalance and low economic viability among Black men increases the shortage of potential “marriageable” Black male partners (Banks, 2011). In clinical work, for many single Black women with or without children, across socioeconomic status, the shortage of “marriage- able” Black men appeared to be a critical issue (Boyd- Franklin, 2003; Chap- man, 2007). Black women who are pessimistic about their chances of fi nd- ing a suitable marital partner may forgo marriage and have children alone or adopt (Marsh, Darity, Cohen, Casper & Salters, 2007; Chapman, 2007). Marriage rates have declined for educated and less educated Black women due to the sex- ratio imbalance, poor economic viability, and the lack of eli- gible Black men (Wilcox et al., 2010). Some educated and professional Black women remain single, whereas others date or marry men who have less edu- cation and hold blue collar jobs (Marsh et al., 2007). Th e “shortage” of Black men and dating or marrying below one’s educational and socioeconomic class may engender emotional, personal and relational confl icts for Black women and men (Boyd- Franklin, 2003; Chapman, 2007).

No recent empirical studies examined how restricted availability of marriageable Black men adversely impacts the mental and emotional well-

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being of Black women (particularly those who desire Black men as part- ners), and how the restricted availability of marriageable Black men infl u- ences men’s and women’s attitudes, beliefs, and experiences in cultivating intimate romantic relationships. Little literature addresses how employment and economic issues among Blacks, particularly Black men, impacts cur- rent declines in marriage and increases in singlehood among Black men and women. Empirical examination of the availability of marriageable partners is critical to understanding how such factors inform Black men’s and wom- en’s emotions, attitudes, beliefs, and experiences as potential mates or ro- mantic partners.

Employment Status Sex- ratio imbalance and potential mate availability may be unrelated and do not comprehensively explain declining Black marriages in past decades (D. Franklin, 2000; Patterson, 1998). Although low sex ratio aff ects mate availability among Blacks, the number of employed men per 100 women for individuals aged 25 to 44 has a more specifi c eff ect (Marsh et al., 2007). Spe- cifi cally, the shortage of marriageable (i.e., employed) Black men impacts Blacks’ marital status (Boyd- Franklin, 2003; Charles & Luoh, 2010; Dixon, 2009). Sex- ratio imbalances impact the marital behaviors of Blacks fi ve times more than Whites, whereas employment has an eff ect that is 20 times greater (Tucker & Mitchell- Kernan, 1995).

Decline in economic fortunes of young U.S. men of all races contrib- utes to overall U.S. marital patterns (Blau, Kahn, & Waldfogel, 2000). Blacks’ marital feasibility has declined because of the historical and increasing eco- nomic marginality of Black men in the labor force (Blau et al., 2000; Charles & Luoh, 2010). Economic marginalization of Black men may infl uence mate selection; most Black men are constrained in their ability to perform the provider role in marriage (Johnson, & Loscocco, 2015). Th ese men may feel inadequate or reluctant to marry because they cannot provide a suffi cient fi nancial contribution to their families (Dixon, 2009), rendering them unat- tractive to potential marriage partners.

Black men’s economic status and labor- force participation strongly and positively related to marriage prevalence, and the percentage of Black chil- dren who live in married households (Marsh et al., 2007). Additionally, Black men’s high rates of unemployment and underemployment signifi cant- ly infl uence their willingness to marry (Quane, Wilson, & Hwang, 2015).

31Socioemotional Factor

Black single men in stable employment were twice as likely to marry than unemployed single men (Testa & Krogh, 1995). It is important to empirically examine ways economic marginalization of Black men informs the coupling process for Black men and women.

Th e unique impact of racism and socioeconomic oppression on Black male– female relationships have produced gestalt eff ects that may diff er from relationships of other racial groups. Also, global economic restructur- ing and lack of employable skills and education to meet the new demands may contribute to employment issues among Black men (Dixon, 2009). As a result of racism, most Black men experience a number of periods of unem- ployment or underemployment (i.e., working in lower paying jobs for which they are overqualifi ed) regardless of their educational or socioeconomic sta- tus (Boyd- Franklin, 2003).

Higher education credentials do not attenuate racial discrimination (Gaddis, 2015). Th e romanticized notion that education is the great equal- izer belies the experiences of Black job candidates with college degrees who are less likely than White candidates to receive responses from employers. Potential jobs available to Black candidates have 10% lower starting salaries and job titles than those for White candidates; racial discrimination plays a detrimental role in low- wage and high- wage jobs (Pager, Western, & Bon- ikowski, 2009). In 2008, the overall unemployment rate for Black college graduates was nearly double that of Whites (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statis- tics, 2009). Nationally, full- time Black and Latino workers earned less than Whites with comparable levels of education (D. R. Williams & Williams- Morris, 2000), and in 2007 the median annual household income for a Black male college graduate aged 25 or older was $55,000, compared to $71,000 for his White counterpart (U.S. Department of Commerce, 2008).

Although the rise in singlehood may refl ect changes in cultural values, the primary cause of Black singlehood is that many Black men lack jobs or adequately paying jobs to support a family (Quane, Wilson, & Hwang, 2015). In 1960, when 75% of Black households included a husband and wife and 75% of Black men were working, 21% of all Black families were headed by a Black woman. Th e number of Black families headed by women rose by 700,000 between 1976 and 1983 when 700,000 Black men were removed from the labor force. In 1982, when only 54% of Black men had jobs, 42% of Black families were headed by a Black woman. Ubiquitous unemployment, underemployment, and sporadic employment among Black men may aff ect

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their male– female relationships. Marriage rates of Blacks declined following increased unemployment among Black men (U.S. Census Bureau, as cited in Bryant et al., 2010).

Given the importance placed on men’s employment and economic sta- tus in the characterization of manhood and the culture of mate selection, despite educational or socioeconomic status, economic marginalization of Black men in U.S. society may infl uence virtually every aspect of their lives, including romantic experiences and attempts to couple in heterosexual re- lationships. Black men and women, more than other racial groups, strong- ly believe that adequate fi nances are critical for relational success (Tucker, 2000, 2003; Helm & Carlson, 2013). Black men’s unemployment has been double that of White men since 1640 (Dixon, 2009). Currently, unemploy- ment among Blacks is 9.0% compared to the national rate of 5.2%, with Black men at 9.8% (compared to 4.8%, 5.9%, and 3.6% for White, Latino, and Asian men, respectively) and 8.3% for Black women (compared to 4.3%, 6.3%, and 4.1% for White, Latina, and Asian women, respectively; U.S. Bu- reau of Labor Statistics, 2016).

Single, never- married Black men aged 25 and older had the highest un- employment rate (11.9%) in 2015, compared to Latino (7.00%), White (6.2%), and Asian (4.4%) men in their peer groups, and compared to Black mar- ried (4.9%), widowed, divorced, or separated Black men (9.5%) of similar age (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2016). At the age of fi rst- time marriage, unemployment rates were higher for single, never- married Black men; high unemployment may reduce marriage or coupling likelihood and undermine the stability of existing relationships.

Education Unequal educational attainment between Black men and women also in- fl uences the restricted pool of suitable available Black men as potential ro- mantic partners for Black women (Banks, 2011). In the past 40 years, wom- en signifi cantly surpassed men in educational attainment across all racial groups (U.S. Department of Commerce, 2011). In 2008, Black women had the largest gender diff erence compared to women of other racial groups in the number of undergraduate and graduate enrollments, accounting for 64% of Black undergraduate enrollment and 71% of graduate enrollment. In 2009, among the 1.5 million Blacks aged 25 and older who had advanced degrees, 879,000 were women and 610,000 were men (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Among the 22 million Blacks aged 25 and older who had bachelor’s

33Socioemotional Factor

degrees in 2009, 1,709,000 were women and 1,169,000 were men (U.S. Cen- sus Bureau, 2010), signifying the pervasive disparity of educational attain- ment between genders. Th us, educational attainment does not necessarily equate to economic attainment for Blacks and Latinos and more specifi cally for Black women and Latinas. Literature rarely discusses the infl uence of the above quantitative data on the qualitative experiences of coupling and maintenance of romantic relationships among Blacks.

A large proportion of Black women are unable to fi nd suitable Black male partners (i.e., higher or comparable educational status) and thus, may fo- cus on their education to counterbalance the harsh realities of the restricted pool of educationally and economically viable men and to ensure their eco- nomic independence (Chapman, 2007). Women’s increase in educational at- tainment and economic independence are a possible reason for the decline in marriage across all racial groups (Marsh et al., 2007) and may be one reason for marital decline among heterosexual Blacks.

In elucidating how higher educational attainment of Black women com- pared to Black men may impact declining marriage, some scholars postu- lated that Blacks’ endorsement of traditional mate- selection expectations may cause Black men to perceive that more educated Black women are less attractive potential partners (Camp, 2002; Chapman, 2007). At the highest level of education, Black women tend to marry at younger ages than their White female counterparts (Dixon, 2009), but anecdotal evidence indicates that many Black women believe Black men are uncomfortable dating or marrying women whose education or income exceeds theirs (King & Allen, 2009). Social norm seems to penalize Black women for their educational or economic achievements in dating and marriage (Staples, 2007). Some men may perceive educated women to be too assertive and independent, or may feel inadequate or intimidated to be in romantic partnerships with these women (Chapman, 2007). Th e disparity in educational attainment between Black women and men may create emotional and relational confl ict in cou- pling processes and relationships of this population. Given that society still adheres to patriarchic notions that the man in a heterosexual relationship must have a higher educational degree than his female partner, a lacuna persists in the literature on how patriarchy and the reality of Black women’s education and income informs the current dating process.

Th e imbalance in gender educational attainment, unequal sex ratio, gen- der socialization in the mate- selection process, substantial rates of unem- ployment and underemployment among Black men, and the shortage of

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marriageable men may breed power struggles, distrust, resentment, disap- pointment, and frustration due to unmet expectations between Black men and women (Boyd- Franklin, 2003; Camp, 2002; Chapman, 2007). Such con- fl icts may impede the opportunity and ability of Black men and women to cultivate and experience intimate enduring romantic relationships with one another, thereby decreasing the likelihood of marriage and undermining the opportunity for romantic involvement or stability in existing relationships.

Sociohistorical Factors Th e Eff ects of Slavery on Black Male– Female Relationships Conceptualization of the sociohistorical context of Blacks in the United States have allowed scholars to underscore the ways residual eff ects of slav- ery and institutionalized racism impact the attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors that inform Black man– woman relationships (Watson, 2013). Al- though a few researchers investigated the infl uence of sex- ratio imbalance, mate- selection standards, and mate availability on marital trends among Blacks, these studies failed to account for how attitudes, beliefs, and emo- tional processes, transmitted from slavery, may obstruct intimacy among Black men and women (Awosan, 2014). Focusing on demographic factors may obscure understanding of deeper problems that distress and hinder cultivation and maintenance of intimate romantic relationships.

To understand mounting confl icts in Black man– woman relationships, the factor in the rise in singlehood and decline in marriage among Blacks, it is imperative to examine the institution that enslaved African people for labor and economic profi t from the beginning of the 15th century until 1865 (E. Williams, 1994). Th e crucible of the distrust and confl icts in Black male– female relationships traces to almost 3.5 centuries of the holocaust of slavery and its historical lineaments of peonage of sharecropping, neoslavery of Jim Crow, racial- segregation eras, and remnants observed in society today (De- Gruy Leary, 2005; Patterson, 1998).

Th e slavery era was a “great disaster”— Maafa (Swahili) on the mind, body, and soul of Blacks— described as the African holocaust (Kambon, 1998). Generations of oppression and slavery of Black people greatly im- pacted past and contemporary Black Americans’ lives. Maafa had profound multigenerational consequences on the cultural, spiritual, relational, emo- tional, and mental beings of Blacks (Boyd- Franklin, 2003). Maintaining healthy and secure relationships, valued in African culture, was destroyed

35Socioemotional Factor

by slavery, undermining Africans’ ability and those of their progeny to es- tablish and sustain healthy new relationships (DeGruy Leary, 2005). Slavery systematically devastated the relational bonds of enslaved Africans and psy- chologically enforced practices and beliefs that made them believe that they were less than human.

Using the concept of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), DeGruy Leary (2005) coined the term posttraumatic slave syndrome, explaining how slavery’s residual traumas transmitted generationally. Th e Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders IV, Revised (DSM- IV) described con- ditions that manifest as mental or emotional traumas (DeGruy Leary, 2005). Th ose exposed to traumatic conditions oft en have a diagnosis of PTSD by mental health professionals.

• A serious threat or harm to one’s life or physical integrity; • A threat or harm to one’s children, spouse or close relative; • Sudden destruction of one’s home or community; • Seeing another person injured or killed as result of accident or

physical violence; • Learning about a serious threat to a relative or a close friend being

kidnapped, tortured or killed; • Stressor is experienced with intense fear, terror and helplessness; and • Stressor and disorder is considered to be more serious and will last

longer when the stressor is of human design. (DeGruy Leary, 2005, p. 118)

A great preponderance of enslaved Africans were subjected to several or all of these traumatic experiences repeatedly for many generations, from captivity in Africa, through enslavement, and following slavery. Individuals exposed to one of these traumatic events exhibit the following symptoms of PTSD:

• Intense psychological distress at exposure to internal or external cues that symbolize or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event;

• Physiological reactivity on exposure to internal or external cues; • Marked diminished interest or participation in signifi cant activities; • Feeling of detachment or estrangement from others; • Restricted range of aff ect;

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• Sense of foreshortened future (e.g. does not expect to have a career, marriage, children or normal life span.);

• Irritability or outbursts of anger; • Hypervigilance; and • Clinically signifi cant distress or impairment in social, occupational,

or other important areas of functioning. (DSM- IV as cited in DeGruy Leary, 2005, p. 119)

Many enslaved Black men and women experienced and exhibited many symptoms of PTSD for more than 4 centuries of enslavement and racial oppression (DeGruy Leary, 2005). Decades aft er slavery was abolished in 1865, Blacks experienced cruel assaults through lynching of men and wom- en, raping of women without legal repercussions, and widespread attitudes and practices of racial oppression, humiliation, and discrimination, rem- iniscent of the traumatic ordeals they endured during slavery. More than 10 generations of enslaved Blacks experienced physical, mental, emotional, spiritual, and relational traumatic events designed by another human being. Generations of enslaved Blacks must have exhibited several symptoms of PTSD, and the eff ects of the mental and emotional trauma must have been passed down through the generations. It is plausible that the symptoms of PTSD had a grave infl uence on the emotional and relational connectedness between Black women and men (Hardy, 2016; Watson, 2013).

Posttraumatic slave syndrome is the legacy of trauma that infl uences be- haviors, beliefs, and attitudes of contemporary Black people (DeGruy Leary, 2005). Th ese behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes were necessary to adopt to survive; yet now, these same attributes undermine the ability of Blacks to succeed in many aspects of their personal and social lives. Given the racial climate of current society and the countless brutal killings of Black men and women by law enforcement, some of these behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes may still serve as survival mechanisms in a society that holds practices and ideology of Black inferiority and oppression of Black people.

Posttraumatic slave syndrome (DeGruy Leary, 2005) is consistent with the fi eld of Marriage and Family Th erapy’s Bowen theory of multigenera- tional emotional process or multigenerational transmission process (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). Family- systems theory assumes multigenerational trends in functioning refl ect orderly and predictable processes that connect the functioning of family members across generations through relationships and emotional processes. Processes include emotions, feelings, subjective-

37Socioemotional Factor

ly determined attitudes, values, and beliefs transmitted across generations, infl uenced by internal and external pressures (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). Th e traumatic holocaust of slavery and oppression generated catastrophic exter- nal pressures that disrupted and altered the balance of emotional and rela- tionship processes in Black family systems, leaving residual eff ects of slavery (RES): the ways “the racist treatment of African Americans, during and aft er slavery has impacted multiple generations of African Americans” (Wilkins, Whiting, Watson, Russon, & Moncrief, 2013, p. 15).

Th e eff ects of slavery and internalized racism created “severe psycholog- ical and social shock in the minds of ” Blacks (Akbar, 1996, p. 3). Gener- ations of Blacks continue to carry the mental and social scars of brutality and unnatural experiences from slavery. Some scars reinjure and reopen due to eff ects of daily racial tensions and discrimination in current soci- ety. Scholars emphasized the brutal eff ects of trauma incurred through the institution of slavery and racism, particularly with regard to male– female relationships (D. Franklin, 2000; hooks, 2001) imposed detrimental trau- ma on Black marriage, fatherhood, and motherhood (Akbar, 1996). Slavery destroyed the aff ective bonds of care, nurturance, protection, and support among Black men, women, and children because every aspect of their lives was controlled and manipulated by white slaveholders (Lawrence- Webb, Littlefi eld, & Okundaye, 2004).

Slave wives could not rely on their husbands for protection from physi- cal, sexual, and emotional exploitation by slaveholders or other white men, nor could slave men provide such care and protection (D. Franklin, 2000). Unsuccessful attempts to prevent such physical, sexual, and emotional abuse may have generated feelings of humiliation, shame, and helplessness. Such emotions may have caused feelings of degradation, devaluation, and worth- lessness, denigrating the emotional and relational intimacies between Black men and women. Humans’ response to shame or humiliation compels peo- ple to withdraw from relationships, silence themselves, or make themselves invisible in relationships (Dorahy et al., 2013). Many enslaved men and women experienced and adopted such human reactions to survive for more than 3 centuries of hideous acts against their minds, bodies, and souls.

Powerlessness over the right, opportunity, and capability to depend on one another for protection and care was likely the most detrimental aspect of the eff ects of slavery on gender relations (D. Franklin, 2000). Th e inabili- ty to rely on one another laid the foundation for the anger and distrust that persists between the genders today. Enslaved men and women were separate

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emotionally and physically. Th eir lack of control over their personal lives and romantic unions, the meaning and experience of intimacy and love in male– female relationships, was altered. Hare and Hare (1989) powerfully highlight- ed the eff ects of slavery on the emotional, relational, and physical bonds of Blacks: “As Black people were transformed into commodities to be bought and sold on the slave block or subjugated as workers along with animals in plantation production, normal love relations were denounced” (p. 4).

Marital Status of Blacks aft er Slavery Some scholars disputed that the enslavement of Blacks altered the dynamics of marriage and intimate romantic relationships (Gutman, 1976; Wilson & Neckerman, 1987). Gutman (1976) speculated that the high rates of mar- riage among Blacks directly following emancipation from slavery implied slavery did not negatively aff ect Black male– female relationships. Gutman and others claimed that Black families consisted mainly of married couples directly aft er slavery, infl uencing contemporary assumptions that if slavery alone negatively infl uenced relationships between men and women, mar- riage rates aft er slavery would increase, subsequent to the period of slavery. However, the opposite is true: present marital rates among Blacks are dra- matically declining with a commensurate dramatic increase in singlehood (Bryant et al., 2010; Elliot et al., 2012). Rather, Black men and women may have married in record numbers because they highly valued marriage and desired to reconnect with African values of family cohesion. In the postbel- lum era, many former slaves desperately searched for lost families and went to great lengths to legalize conjugal arrangements established during slav- ery (Dixon, 2009; D. Franklin, 2000).

Gutman’s (1976) widely contested work maintained that the majority of Black families were headed by two parents. Some disputed Gutman’s asser- tion and that of others (e.g., J. Jones, 1985; White, 1985), who conceded that the majority of slave and ex- slave families, on emancipation, “had two par- ents, and most older couples lived together in long- lasting unions” (Steven- son, 1995, p. 9). Gutman aimed to perpetuate the notion that slavery did not negatively impact Black marital and familial lives, challenging the histori- cal characterization of Black families as weak, unstable, and disorganized (Stevenson, 1995). In contrast to Gutman’s interpretation of post emanci- pation documents such as the Union Army population census data from 1865 and 1866 and the Freeman’s Bureau marriage registers, these may have refl ected the social expectation of those recording these data and the imme-

39Socioemotional Factor

diate response of slaves to their “freedom” rather than a clear indication of their marital and familial ideals and realities. Aft er slavery, Black people’s attempts to overcome the atrocities imposed on their heterosexual unions during slavery were further jeopardized by institutionalized racism: Jim Crow laws and the ubiquitous presence of racism in today’s society (Helm & Carlson, 2013; Watson, 2013).

To survive the insidious era of slavery, many slave men and women pro- tected themselves psychologically from the horror infl icted on them by masking their emotional selves from their oppressors (D. Franklin, 2000). Such psychological disguise of real feelings of anger, shame, helplessness, and powerlessness may have been useful in interactions with Whites; how- ever, it was destructive to the establishment and sustainment of secure at- tachment in interpersonal relationships among Blacks. Residual eff ects of slavery persist in the justice, education, economic, law enforcement, policy, and even healthcare systems (Alexander, 2012; Coates, 2015; D. R. Williams & Williams- Morris, 2000). In recent decades, theoretical understanding of the vestiges of slavery on intrapersonal and interpersonal levels has emerged (Wilkins et al., 2013). However, few describe empirical understanding of the ways the residual eff ects of slavery have impacted the romantic pair- bonding unions and processes among Black men and women. Given social scien- tists’ assertions that residual trauma of losses, powerlessness, devaluation of manhood and womanhood, and destruction of interdependence and in- timate bonds in male– female relationships during slavery continues to im- pact Black male– female relationships, it is critical to understand Black men’s and women’s attitudes about the eff ects of slavery on their pair- bonding pro- cesses and emotional attunement as potential or current romantic partners. It is also critical to understanding the ways Blacks may experience or per- ceive these residual eff ects of slavery in eff orts and attempts to establish and sustain heterosexual intimate romantic unions.

Sociocultural Factor Internalized Racism and Negative Racial Stereotypes of Black Men and Women Lingering eff ects of slavery left deep wounds in the nurturing of intimate relationships between Black men and women. Th e historical impact of slav- ery, economic instability, and structural inequalities in the workforce, the justice system, health system, and education continue to contribute to un-

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stable relationships between Black men and women (Pinderhughes, 2002; Watson, 2013). Indeed, the collective eff ects of the vestiges of slavery and institutionalized racism have propagated hostility, disappointment, and alienation. Historical and political- structural factors continue to perpetu- ate deep- rooted emotional and relational injuries that plague the formation and maintenance of intimacy in Black male– female relationships.

Slavery destroyed the self- image and perceptions of Black men and wom- en. Stereotypes are a negative or positive set of beliefs about the characteris- tics of another group of people (Burrell, 2010). Stereotypes of Blacks in the United States have historically been negative, oft en propagating the mar- ginalization of Blacks. Stereotypic views of Black men from the era of slav- ery regarded men as oversexed, lazy, promiscuous, and incapable of marital commitment; women as sexually aggressive, unfeminine, and emasculators of male identity (Watson, 2013). Denial of access, inequality, and instability in jobs, education, the economy, healthcare, and housing helped perpetuate these stereotypes in the larger society and among Blacks.

From a young age, Black men and women learn to internalize negative stereotypes about themselves from the larger society and in Black commu- nities (Burrell, 2010). Th ese negative racial stereotypes may infl uence con- sequent mate selection, increasing the likely proliferation of problems in developing and maintaining romantic relationships (Gillum, 2007). Distor- tions of Black sexuality and gender roles as “the ‘controlling’ Black woman who is supposed to be ‘super strong,’ undesirable, totally independent, ag- gressive and hostile to Black men and the ‘shift less,’ oversexed Black male that cannot be counted on because he neglects the needs of women and chil- dren” (Rodgers- Rose, 1980, p. 189) continue to dictate the ways many Black men and women are seen and perceive themselves and each other (Dixon, 2009). White supremacy perpetuates these stereotypic views of Black men and women (hooks, 2001).

White supremacy is covert and overt racial aggression through social or political means to promote the belief that White people or things White are superior to people of other racial backgrounds (hooks, 2001). Negative ste- reotypes ensure the social/racial hierarchical structure. A dominant group may require a subordinate group to be a certain way to survive: Th e pow- erless group may take on those characteristics to confi rm and reinforce the relational dynamic of superiority and inferiority in society (hooks, 2001). Racism rests in the historical and continuing oppression of people perceived as inferior, deviant, or undesirable, initiated by the chattel slavery institution

41Socioemotional Factor

(Lipsitz, 2011). Th rough historical analysis and clinical work with Black cli- ents, Willis (1990) posited that due to the eff ects of racism, some Blacks feel inferior to Whites.

Blacks have unique socialization stemming from systematic and traumat- ic programming of inferiority over many centuries (DeGruy Leary, 2005). From the beginning, “Africans were taught that they were inferior physical- ly, emotionally, intellectually and spiritually, thus rendering them ineff ectu- al in their own eyes and in the eyes of the society around them” (DeGruy Leary, 2005, p. 142). Th e notion of the inferiority of Blacks or things Black was hardly dispelled aft er slavery and is still prevalent in contemporary so- ciety. Th e psychic wound infl icted on Blacks to justify perceived inferior- ity to whites has not healed; today, many Blacks still suff er from this un- just emotional injury (hooks, 2001): “Th e minds of our citizens have never been freed” from the notions, attitudes, and practices of the white domi- nant group, which categorically held beliefs about the biological, physical, spiritual, or cultural inferiority of Blacks (Grier & Cobbs, 1968, p. 26). Even 1.5 centuries removed from slavery, many citizens, consciously and uncon- sciously, endorse the inferiority of Blacks and superiority of Whites.

Th e belief that Blacks and all things Black are inferior is another symp- tom of posttraumatic slave syndrome (DeGruy Leary, 2005). Most U.S. Blacks adopt Eurocentric standards of beauty, heterosexual courtship pro- cesses, and gender roles (womanhood and manhood) while opposing or embracing the ubiquitous negative societal racial sexual and gender ste- reotypes of Black men and women (Burrell, 2010; Hudson- Weems, 2008). Adult development and coupling processes have become “a process of con- solidating self- defi nition in spite of, because of, and the inclusion of white superiority and black inferiority” (A. J. Franklin & Boyd- Franklin, 2000, p. 35). Th e prevalence of positive White male– female relationships and images compares and contrasts Black male– female relationships and images as neg- ative among Whites and Blacks. Authentic and harmonious interpersonal relationships are impeded by internalized negative myths about blackness and positive myths about whiteness, disrupting the dynamics of intimacy. Critical examples are skin- color bias (colorism) and the defi nition of physi- cal attractiveness on Black coupling processes (Parmer, Arnold, Natt, & Jan- son, 2004; Watson, 2013).

Th e disparity between high rates of singlehood among Blacks and the de- sire to engage in intimate relationships requires exploration of the ways inter- nalization of negative racial stereotypes of Blacks inform behaviors, attitudes,

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beliefs, emotional processes, and experiences of men and women in attempts to cultivate and maintain romantic relationships (Belgrave & Allison, 2010; Camp, 2002). Internalization of cultural stereotypes by stigmatized groups can generate expectations, anxieties, and reactions that adversely aff ect social and psychological functioning (D. R. Williams & Williams- Morris, 2000). In a study with 298 African American women, internalized racism positive- ly correlated with alcohol consumption (Taylor & Jackson, 1990). Another study that analyzed data from the National Survey of Black Americans found that endorsement of negative racial stereotypes among Blacks positively re- lated to chronic health issues and psychological distress (D. R. Williams & Chung, 2002). A few studies found that internalized racism negatively im- pacts physical health, mental health, and self- esteem (Schulz et al., 2000; Tucker, 2003; D. R. Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003), but few explored the social and emotional eff ects of racism in the interpersonal relationships among Blacks (Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 2002). Th is marked gap in the literature means much empirical research should investigate how in- ternalized racism and negative racial stereotypes infl uence relationship well- being among Blacks (Chestnut, 2009). Given the signifi cance of race and rac- ism in the United States, it is imperative to conduct systematic explorations of the links between the functioning of marital and non- marital romantic relationships and the eff ects of racial stigmatization on Black coupling pro- cesses and relationships (Bryant et al., 2010).

Racial stereotypes persevere from the days of slavery in U.S. society and some Blacks embrace these stereotypes (Watson, 2013). Chestnut (2009) found that Black women endorsed higher negative stereotypes of Black women and men compared to men. In assessing the eff ects of internalized negative racial stereotypes among distressed and non- distressed Black cou- ples, distressed husbands and wives agreed signifi cantly with items that in- dicated Blacks are cognitively inferior to Whites and are more sexual than Whites, compared to non- distressed couples (Taylor & Zhang, 1990). Simi- larly, women who endorsed strong beliefs of negative racial stereotypes had partners who reported limited relationship trust (Kelly & Floyd, 2001). Al- though studies focused on internalized racial stereotypes in marital rela- tionships, fi ndings from empirical investigations implied that internalized negative racial stereotypes negatively impact Black male– female romantic relationships in general. It is important to explore ways internalized neg- ative racial stereotypes infl uence Black people’s evaluation of potential ro-

43Socioemotional Factor

mantic mates, as well as their level of emotional engagement, investment, commitment, and attunement to one another.

Th eoretical analyses of sociostructural, sociohistorical, and sociocultural factors indicate critical infl uences of these factors on coupling processes and romantic relationships of heterosexual Black men and women. Given the diffi culties Black men and women seems to experience in cultivating and maintaining romantic relationships, coupled with the importance of emo- tional attunement in establishing and maintaining romantic relationships, a great need exists to examine and understand the eff ects of the sociostructur- al, sociohistorical, and sociocultural factors on the emotional context and experiences of coupling among this population.

Future Terrain: Theorizing and Studying Black Romantic Relationships as a Socioemotional Factor Many have written about the connection between relational satisfaction and well- being in heterosexual romantic relationships, particularly mari- tal unions and cohabitations (Blackman, Clayton, Glen, Malone- Colon, & Roberts, 2005; Brock & Lawrence, 2008; Kim & McKenry, 2002). Th e de- cline in Black marriages and the prevalence of singlehood among Blacks may have great consequences for the mental, emotional, and relational well- being and functioning of Black male– female relationships as well as Black families and communities (Blackman et al., 2005; Pinderhughes, 2002). In- creased well- being in intimate unions links to the ability to form and main- tain happy and stable relationships (Bryant & Conger, 2002; Bryant et al., 2010). In contrast, the inability to form and maintain happy and stable in- timate unions may result in negative mental, social, behavioral, emotional, relational, and fi nancial outcomes (Graham, Keneski, & Loving, 2014). Giv- en the potential benefi ts and disadvantages entailed in forming and main- taining intimate unions, theoretical analyses and empirical research on the interplay of the sociohistorical, sociostructural, and sociocultural factors on emotional processes and contexts in the coupling process and romantic re- lationships of Black men and women are gravely needed.

Th e reviewed literature highlighted a critical gap in theorization and em- pirical studies of Black male– female romantic relationships in sociohistori- cal, sociostructural, and sociocultural contexts. Th eoretical analyses of the ef- fects of these factors on Black romantic relationships oft en omit their impact

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and infl uence on the socioemotional aspects of coupling and maintaining committed romantic relationships among Black men and women. Although many have explicated the economic, social, and political eff ects of racism on the lives of Black individuals and families, much research is needed on the mental, emotional, and relational eff ects of racism on the lives of Black men and women, particularly on their romantic lives (Awosan, Sandberg, & Hall, 2011; Wilkins et al., 2013). An essential need exists to understand the ways that residual eff ects of slavery, daily experiences with racism, internal- ized racial stereotypes, and gender imbalance in educational/employment attainment adversely impact the emotional processes and contexts of Black men and women’s dating experiences and coupleship. What are the ways in which sociohistorical, sociocultural, and sociostructural factors impact the mutual infl uence, support, emotional attunement and engagement that are critical in relational well- being and satisfaction of romantic relationships?

Research and theoretical analyses of Black coupling processes and ro- mantic relationships need to fi ll the dearth of understanding in the literature regarding the impact of racism and what some experts call race- based trau- matic stressors or sociocultural oppression on these romantic unions (Car- ter, 2007; Hardy, 2016). “Sociocultural oppression is a pervasive and debili- tating condition that systemically ‘suppresses’ the emotional, psychological, spiritual and interpersonal life experiences of those who are aff ected” (Hardy, 2016, p. 7). To emphasize that present- day sociocultural oppression of rac- ism connects with sociohistorical eff ects of slavery, still adversely impacting the emotional and relational lives of Blacks, DeGruy Leary (2005) asserted,

while the direct relationships between slave experience of African Amer- icans and the current major social problems facing them is diffi cult to empirically substantiate, we know from research conducted on other groups who experienced oppression and trauma that survivor syndrome is pervasive in the development of the second and third generations. Th e characteristics of the survivor syndrome include stress, self- doubt, prob- lem with aggressions, and a number of psychological and interpersonal problems with family members and others. (p. 124)

Th us, understanding the emotional context and process of establishing a ro- mantic relationship in a sociohistorical context of residual eff ects of slav- ery (RES) will aid in understanding ways multigenerational transmission of issues such as colorism and internalized racial stereotypes infl uence Black male– female romantic relationships and coupling processes in mate-

45Socioemotional Factor

selection process, appraisal of potential or current partner, and emotional connection (Chestnut, 2009; Parmer et al., 2004; Watson, 2013).

Exploration and examination of the infl uences of multigenerational racial trauma, oppression of RES, and present- day experiences with racism will increase the depth of understanding regarding ways the invisible wounds of sociocultural oppression infi ltrate the socioemotional context of Black coupling experiences and relationships (Hardy, 2016). Invisible wounds of sociocultural oppression— devaluation, self- doubt, psychological homeless- ness, voicelessness, assaulted sense of self, and internalized oppression— can undermine Black men and women’s abilities and commitment to cultivate and sustain romantic relationships (Hardy, 2016). Expanding knowledge on the infl uence of invisible wounds of sociocultural oppression on the early stages of the coupling process will provide valuable information on the emo- tional and relational outcomes of Black male– female romantic relationships.

Scholars and researchers need to explore the daily eff ects of implicit and explicit racism on the romantic experiences of Black men and women. Par- ticularly, what are the ways daily experiences of racism— direct or vicarious, such as employment discrimination, the high rate of killings, racial assaults by law enforcement, or racial cyberbullying— impact the emotional and in- terpersonal coupling experiences of Black men and women? Additionally, how do Black men and women address, communicate, and support each oth- er with regard to the shame and humiliation that comes from experiencing these daily racial abuses, assaults and injuries in their coupling relationships.

Furthermore, exploring ways Black men and women emotionally nego- tiate and navigate the diffi cult realities of gender imbalance in employment/ underemployment, education, and a sex- ratio imbalance in their dating processes and experiences will provide critical insights to the challenges and resilience of cultivating and sustaining intimate romantic relationships. It is also essential to examine and recognize the positive emotional tools and strengths Black men and women use to cultivate and maintain romantic re- lationships in spite of the invisible wounds of sociocultural oppression and trauma (Watson, 2013; Wilkins et al., 2013).

Conclusion Th is review presents a conceptual framework of theorizing and study- ing heterosexual Black romantic relationships. Few studies have explored the emotional processes in the coupling process of Black male– female re-

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lationships and how they impact cultivation of successful relationships. Th eorization and empirical investigations of Black male– female romantic relationships need to expand beyond examining the sociostructural, socio- historical, and sociocultural factors that challenge the complexities of these relationships, and include the socioemotional processes of these factors on Black men and women’s ability to cultivate and maintain intimate romantic relationships with each other.

Emotions constitute a powerful and important role in the coupling pro- cess due to feelings that aff ect and shape behaviors, points of view, and re- lations to others. Addressing the role of emotions in a relationship is ide- al in understanding the complexities Black men and women experience in cultivating relationships and in living as marginalized persons in society, working to fulfi ll gender roles embedded in a white dominant patriarchal heterosexual coupling culture, thereby making it diffi cult to pursue or sus- tain a romantic relationship. Given the value of strong kinship bonds and collectivism as essential elements of survival, healing, and support in Black communities (Wilkins et al., 2013), it is important to continue to explore ways to protect the emotional context of Black romantic relationships of heterosexual and same- sex couples from the invisible wounds of sociohis- torical, sociocultural, and sociostructural oppression and trauma.

Christiana I. Awosan, PhD., LMFT, is an Assistant Professor of Marriage and Family at Seton Hall University. She holds a PhD in Couple and Family Th erapy from Drexel University and an MA in Marriage and Family Th erapy from Syracuse University. Dr. Awosan’s research interests include Black never married romantic processes and multi- cultural training in clinical practices.

Ijeoma Opara, MPH, MSW, is a Family Studies Doctoral student at Montclair State Uni- versity. She holds a Master of Public Health in Epidemiology from New York Medical College and a Master of Social Work from New York University. She is also a licensed social worker and practices in New York and New Jersey. Ms. Opara’s research interests include African American families and racial health disparities.

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