Precis Seven - 400 words - Need in 7 hours

TRANSCRIPT

Sept. 6, 2006

Following is the transcript of President Bush's speech on terrorism from the White

House, as provided by CQ Transcriptions, Inc. Thank you. Thanks for the warm

welcome. Welcome to the White House. Mr. Vice President, Secretary Rice,

Attorney General Gonzales, Ambassador Negroponte, General Hayden,

members of the United States Congress, families who lost loved ones in the

terrorist attacks on our nation, my fellow citizens, thanks for coming. On the

morning of September the 11th, 2001, our nation awoke to a nightmare attack.

Nineteen men armed with box cutters took control of airplanes and turned them

into missiles. They used them to kill nearly 3,000 innocent people. We watched

the twin towers collapse before our eyes, and it became instantly clear that we'd

entered a new world and a dangerous new war. The attacks of September the

11th horrified our nation. And amid the grief came new fears and urgent

questions. Who had attacked us? What did they want? And what else were they

planning? Americans saw the destruction the terrorists had caused in New York

and Washington and Pennsylvania, and they wondered if there were other

terrorist cells in our midst poised to strike. They wondered if there was a second

wave of attacks still to come. With the twin towers and the Pentagon still

smoldering, our country on edge, and a stream of intelligence coming in about

potential new attacks, my administration faced immediate challenges. We had to

respond to the attack on our country. We had to wage an unprecedented war

against an enemy unlike any we had fought before. We had to find the terrorists

hiding in America and across the world before they were able to strike our

President Bush's Speech on Terrorism

country again. So in the early days and weeks after 9/11, I directed our

government's senior national security officials to do everything in their power,

within our laws, to prevent another attack. Nearly five years have passed since

those initial days of shock and sadness. And we are thankful that the terrorists

have not succeeded in launching another attack on our soil. This is not for the

lack of desire or determination on the part of the enemy. As the recently foiled

plot in London shows, the terrorists are still active, and they are still trying to

strike America and they are still trying to kill our people. One reason the

terrorists have not succeeded is because of the hard work of thousands of

dedicated men and women in our government who have toiled day and night,

along with our allies, to stop the enemy from carrying out their plans. And we

are grateful for these hardworking citizens of ours. Another reason the terrorists

have not succeeded is because our government has changed its policies and

given our military, intelligence and law enforcement personnel the tools they

need to fight this enemy and protect our people and preserve our freedoms. The

terrorists who declared war on America represent no nation. They defend no

territory. And they wear no uniform. They do not mass armies on borders or

flotillas of warships on the high seas. They operate in the shadows of society.

They send small teams of operatives to infiltrate free nations. They live quietly

among their victims. They conspire in secret. And then they strike without

warning. And in this new war, the most important source of information on

where the terrorists are hiding and what they are planning is the terrorists

themselves. Captured terrorists have unique knowledge about how terrorist

networks operate. They have knowledge of where their operatives are deployed

and knowledge about what plots are under way. This intelligence -- this is

intelligence that cannot be found any other place. And our security depends on

getting this kind of information. To win the war on terror, we must be able to

detain, question and, when appropriate, prosecute terrorists captured here in

America and on the battlefields around the world. After the 9/11 attacks, our

coalition launched operations across the world to remove terrorist safehavens

and capture or kill terrorist operatives and leaders. Working with our allies,

we've captured and detained thousands of terrorists and enemy fighters in

Afghanistan, in Iraq and other fronts of this war on terror. These enemy -- these

are enemy combatants who are waging war on our nation. We have a right

under the laws of war, and we have an obligation to the American people, to

detain these enemies and stop them from rejoining the battle. Most of the enemy

combatants we capture are held in Afghanistan or in Iraq where they're

questioned by our military personnel. Many are released after questioning or

turned over to local authorities if we determine that they do not pose a

continuing threat and no longer have significant intelligence value. Others

remain in American custody near the battlefield, to ensure that they don't return

to the fight. In some cases, we determined that individuals we have captured

pose a significant threat or may have intelligence that we and our allies need to

have to prevent new attacks. Many are Al Qaeda operatives or Taliban fighters

trying to conceal their identities. And they withhold information that could save

American lives. In these cases, it has been necessary to move these individuals

to an environment where they can be held secretly, questioned by experts and,

when appropriate, prosecuted for terrorist acts. Some of these individuals are

taken to the United States naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. It's important

for Americans and others across the world to understand the kind of people held

at Guantanamo. These aren't common criminals or bystanders accidentally

swept up on the battlefield. We have in place a rigorous process to ensure those

held at Guantanamo Bay belong at Guantanamo. Those held at Guantanamo

include suspected bombmakers, terrorist trainers, recruiters and facilitators,

and potential suicide bombers. They are in our custody so that they cannot

murder our people. One detainee held at Guantanamo told a questioner

questioning -- he said this: I'll never forget your face. I will kill you, your brother,

your mother and your sisters. In addition to the terrorists held at Guantanamo, a

small number of suspected terrorist leaders and operatives captured during the

war have been held and questioned outside the United States, in a separate

program operated by the Central Intelligence Agency. This group includes

individuals believed to be the key architects of the September the 11th attacks

and attacks on the USS Cole; an operative involved in the bombings of our

embassies in Kenya and Tanzania; and individuals involved in other attacks that

have taken the lives of innocent civilians across the world. These are dangerous

men, with unparalleled knowledge about terrorist networks and their plans of

new attacks. The security of our nation and the lives of our citizens depend on

our ability to learn what these terrorists know. Many specifics of this program,

including where these detainees have been held and the details of their

confinement, cannot be divulged. Doing so would provide our enemies with

information they could use to take retribution against our allies and harm our

country. I can say that questioning the detainees in this program has given us

information that has saved innocent lives by helping us stop new attacks, here in

the United States and across the world. Today I'm going to share with you some

of the examples provided by our intelligence community of how this program

has saved lives, why it remains vital to the security of the United States and our

friends and allies, and why it deserves the support of the United States Congress

and the American people. Within months of September 11, 2001, we captured a

man named Abu Zubaydah. We believed that Zubaydah was a senior terrorist

leader and a trusted associate of Osama bin Laden. Our intelligence community

believes he had run a terrorist camp in Afghanistan where some of the 9/11

hijackers trained and that he helped smuggle Al Qaeda leaders out of

Afghanistan after coalition forces arrived to liberate that country. Zubaydah was

severely wounded during the firefight that brought him into custody. And he

survived only because of the medical care arranged by the CIA. After he

recovered, Zubaydah was defiant and evasive. He declared his hatred of

America. During questioning, he, at first, disclosed what he thought was nominal

information and then stopped all cooperation. Well, in fact, the nominal

information he gave us turned out to be quite important. For example, Zubaydah

disclosed Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, or KSM, was the mastermind behind the

9/11 attacks and used the alias Mukhtar. This was a vital piece of the puzzle that

helped our intelligence community pursue KSM. Zubaydah also provided

information that helped stop a terrorist attack being planned for inside the

United States, an attack about which we had no previous information. Zubaydah

told us that Al Qaeda operatives were planning to launch an attack in the United

States and provided physical descriptions of the operatives and information on

their general location. Based on the information he provided, the operatives

were detained; one, while traveling to the United States. We knew that

Zubaydah had more information that could save innocent lives. But he stopped

talking. BUSH: As his questioning proceeded, it became clear that he had

received training on how to resist interrogation. And so, the CIA used an

alternative set of procedures. These procedures were designed to be safe, to

comply with our laws, our Constitution and our treaty obligations. The

Department of Justice reviewed the authorized methods extensively, and

determined them to be lawful. I cannot describe the specific methods used. I

think you understand why. If I did, it would help the terrorists learn how to resist

questioning and to keep information from us that we need to prevent new

attacks on our country. But I can say the procedures were tough and they were

safe and lawful and necessary. Zubaydah was questioned using these

procedures, and soon he began to provide information on key Al Qaeda

operatives, including information that helped us find and capture more of those

responsible for the attacks on September the 11th. For example, Zubaydah

identified one of KSM's accomplices in the 9/11 attacks, a terrorist named Ramzi

Binalshibh. The information Zubaydah provided helped lead to the capture of

Binalshibh. And together these two terrorists provided information that helped

in the planning and execution of the operation that captured Khalid Sheikh

Mohammed. Once in our custody, KSM was questioned by the CIA using these

procedures. And he soon provided information that helped us stop another

planned attack on the United States. During questioning, KSM told us about

another Al Qaeda operative he knew was in CIA custody, a terrorist named

Majid Khan (ph). KSM revealed that Khan (ph) had been told to deliver $50,000

to individuals working for a suspected terrorist leader named Hambali, the

leader of Al Qaeda's Southeast Asia affiliate known as J.I. CIA officers

confronted Khan with this information. Khan confirmed that the money had

been delivered to an operative named Zuber and provided both a physical

description and contact number for this operative.

Based on that information, Zuber (sp) was captured in June of 2003, and he soon

provided information that helped lead to the capture of Hambali. After Hambali's

arrest, KSM was questioned again. He identified Hambali's brother as the leader

of a JI cell and Hambali's conduit for communications with al Qaeda.

Hambali's brother was soon captured in Pakistan, and in turn led us to a cell of 17

Southeast Asian JI operatives. When confronted with the news that his terror

cell had been broken up, Hambali admitted that the operatives were being

groomed at KSM's request for attacks inside the United States, probably using

airplanes. During questioning, KSM also provided many details of other plots to

kill innocent Americans.

For example, he described the design of planned attacks on buildings inside the

United States and how operatives were directed to carry them out. He told us the

operatives had been instructed to ensure that the explosives went off at a point

that was high enough to prevent the people trapped above from escaping out the

windows. KSM also provided vital information on al Qaeda's efforts to obtain

biological weapons. During questioning, KSM admitted that he had met three

individuals involved in al Qaeda's efforts to produce anthrax, a deadly biological

agent, and he identified one of the individuals as a terrorist named Yazeed. KSM

apparently believed we already had this information because Yazeed had been

captured and taken into foreign custody before KSM's arrest.

In fact, we did not know about Yazid's role in al Qaeda's anthrax program.

Information from Yazid then helped lead to the capture of his two principal

assistants in the anthrax program. Without the information provided by KSM

and Yazid, we might not have uncovered this al Qaeda biological weapons

program or stopped this al Qaeda cell from developing anthrax for attacks

against the United States.

These are some of the plots that have been stopped because of the information of

this vital program.

Terrorists held in CIA custody have also provided information that helped stop

the planned strike on U.S. Marines at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti. They were

going to use an explosive-laden water tanker. They've helped stop a planned

attack on U.S. -- on the U.S. consulate in Karachi using car bombs and motorcycle

bombs. And they helped stop a plot to hijack passenger planes and fly them into

Heathrow or the Canary Wharf in London.

We're getting vital information necessary to do our jobs, and that's protect the

American people and our allies.

Information from the terrorists in this program has helped us to identify

individuals that al Qaeda deemed suitable for Western operations, many of

whom we had never heard about before. They include terrorists who were sent

to case targets inside the United States, including financial buildings in major

cities on the East Coast. Information from terrorists in CIA custody has played a

role in the capture or questioning of nearly every senior al Qaeda member or

associate detained by the U.S. and its allies since this program began.

By providing everything from initial leads to photo identifications, to precise

locations of where terrorists were hiding, this program has helped us to take

potential mass murderers off the streets before they were able to kill.

This program has also played a critical role in helping us understand the enemy

we face in this war. Terrorists in this program have painted a picture of al

Qaeda's structure and financing and communications and logistics.

They have identified al Qaeda's travel routes and safe havens, and explained

how al Qaeda's senior leadership communications with its operatives in places

like Iraq. They provide information that allows us -- that has allowed us to make

sense of documents and computer records that we have seized in terrorist raids.

They've identified voices in recordings of intercepted calls and helped us

understand the meaning of potentially critical terrorist communications.

The information we get from these detainees is corroborated by intelligence, and

we receive -- that we have received from other sources. And together this

intelligence has helped us connect the dots and stop attacks before they occur.

Information from the terrorists questioned in this program helped unravel plots

in terrorist cells in Europe and in other places. It's helped our allies protect their

people from deadly enemies.

This program has been and remains one of the most vital tools in our war

against the terrorists. It is invaluable to America and to our allies.

Were it not for this program, our intelligence community believes that al Qaeda

and its allies would have succeeded in launching another attack against the

American homeland. By giving us information about terrorist plans we could not

get anywhere else, this program has saved innocent lives.

This program has been subject to multiple legal reviews by the Department of

Justice and CIA lawyers. They've determined it complied with our laws. This

program has received strict oversight by the CIA's inspector general. A small

number of key leaders from both political parties on Capitol Hill were briefed

about this program. All those involved in the questioning of the terrorists are

carefully chosen, and they're screened from a pool of experienced CIA officers.

Those selected to conduct the most sensitive questioning had to complete more

than 250 additional hours of specialized training before they are allowed to have

contact with a -- captured terrorists. I want to be absolutely clear with our

people and the world. The United States does not torture. It's against our laws,

and it's against our values. I have not authorized it, and I will not authorize it.

Last year, my administration worked with Senator John McCain, and I signed

into law the Detainee Treatment Act, which established the legal standards for

treatment of detainees wherever they are held. I support this act. And as we

implement this law, our government will continue to use every lawful method to

obtain intelligence that can protect innocent people and stop another attack like

the one we experienced on September the 11th, 2001.

The CIA program has detained only a limited number of terrorist at any given

time. And once we have determined that the terrorists held by the CIA have little

or no additional intelligence value, many of them have been returned to their

home countries for prosecution or detention by their governments. Others have

been accused of terrible crimes against the American people, and we have a

duty to bring those responsible for these crimes to justice. So we intend to

prosecute these men, as appropriate, for their crimes.

Soon after the war on terror began, I authorized a system of military

commissions to try foreign terrorists accused of war crimes. Military

commissions have been used by presidents from George Washington to Franklin

Roosevelt to prosecute war criminals because the rules for trying enemy

combatants in a time of conflict must be different from those for trying common

criminals or members of our own military.

One of the first suspected terrorists to be put on trial by military commission

was one of Osama bin Laden's bodyguards, a man named Hamdan. His lawyers

challenged the legality of the military commission system. It took more than two

years for this case to make its way through the courts. The Court of Appeals for

the District of Columbia Circuit upheld the military commissions we had

designed, but this past June, the Supreme Court overturned that decision. The

Supreme Court determined that military commissions are an appropriate venue

for trying terrorists, but ruled that military commissions needed to be explicitly

authorized by the United States Congress.

So today I'm sending Congress legislation to specifically authorize the creation

of military commissions to try terrorists for war crimes. My administration has

been working with members of both parties in the House and Senate on this

legislation. We've put forward a bill that ensures these commissions are

established in a way that protects our national security and ensures a full and

fair trial for those accused. The procedures in the bill I am sending to Congress

today reflect the reality that we are a nation at war and that it is essential for us

to use all reliable evidence to bring these people to justice.

We're now approaching the five-year anniversary of the 9/11 attacks, and the

families of those murdered that day have waited patiently for justice. Some of

the families are with us today. They should have to wait no longer.

So I'm announcing today that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Abu Zubaydah, Ramzi

bin al-Shibh, and 11 other terrorists in CIA custody have been transferred to the

United States Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay.

They are being held in the custody of the Department of Defense.

As soon as Congress acts to authorize the military commissions I have proposed,

the men our intelligence officials believe orchestrated the deaths of nearly 3,000

Americans on September the 11th, 2001, can face justice. (Cheers, applause.)

We will also seek to prosecute those believed to be responsible for the attack on

the USS Cole, and an operative believed to be involved in the bombings of the

American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

With these prosecutions, we will send a clear message to those who kill

Americans: No longer (sic.25matter) how long it takes, we will find you and we

will bring you to justice. (Applause.)

These men will be held in a high-security facility at Guantanamo. The

International Committee of the Red Cross is being advised of their detention and

will have the opportunity to meet with them. Those charged with crimes will be

given access to attorneys who will help them prepare their defense, and they will

be presumed innocent. While at Guantanamo, they will have access to the same

food, clothing, medical care and opportunities for worship as other detainees.

They will be questioned subject to the new U.S. Army Field Manual, which the

Department of Defense is issuing today. And they will continue to be treated

with the humanity that they denied others. As we move forward with the

prosecutions, we will continue to urge nations across the world to take back their

nationals at Guantanamo, who will not be prosecuted by our military

commissions. America has no interest in being the world's jailer.

But one of the reasons we have not been able to close Guantanamo is that many

countries have refused to take back their nationals held at the facility. Other

countries have not provided adequate assurances that their nationals will not be

mistreated or they will not return to the battlefield, as more than a dozen people

released from Guantanamo already have.

We will continue working to transfer individuals held at Guantanamo and ask

other countries to work with us in this process. And we will move toward the day

when we can eventually close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay. I know

Americans have heard conflicting information about Guantanamo. Let me give

you some facts. Of the thousands of terrorists captured across the world, only

about 770 have ever been sent to Guantanamo. Of these, about 315 have been

returned to other countries so far, and about 455 remain in our custody. They are

provided the same quality of medical care as the American service members

who guard them. The International Committee of the Red Cross has the

opportunity to meet privately with all who are held there.

The facility has been visited by government officials from more than 30

countries, and delegations from international or organizations, as well. After the

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe came to visit, one of its

delegation members called Guantanamo a model prison, where people are

treated better than in prisons in his own country.

Our troops can take great pride in the work they do at Guantanamo Bay, and so

can the American people.

As we prosecute suspected terrorist leaders and operatives who have now been

transferred to Guantanamo, we'll continue searching for those who have

stepped forward to take their places. This nation's going to stay on the offense to

protect the American people. We will continue to bring the world's most

dangerous terrorists to justice, and we will continue working to collect the vital

intelligence we need to protect our country.

The current transfers mean that there are now no terrorists in the CIA program.

But as more high-ranking terrorists are captured, the need to obtain intelligence

from them will remain critical, and having a CIA program for questioning

terrorists will continue to be crucial to getting lifesaving information.

Some ask, why are you acknowledging this program now? There are two

reasons why I'm making these limited disclosures today.

First, we have largely completed our questioning of the men, and to start the

process for bringing them to trial, we must bring them into the open.

Second, the Supreme Court's recent decision has impaired our ability to

prosecute terrorists through military commissions and has put in question the

future of the CIA program. In its ruling on military commissions, the court

determined that a provision of the Geneva Conventions known as Common

Article 3 applies to our war with al Qaeda. This article includes provisions that

prohibit outrageous upon personal dignity and humiliating and degrading

treatment. The problem is that these and other provisions of Common Article 3

are vague and undefined, and each could be interpreted in different ways by an

American or foreign judges.

And some believe our military and intelligence personnel involved in capturing

and questioning terrorists could now be at risk of prosecution under the War

Crimes Act simply for doing their jobs in a thorough and professional way.

This is unacceptable. Our military and intelligence personnel go face to face with

the world's most dangerous men every day. They have risked their lives to

capture some of the most brutal terrorists on earth, and they have worked day

and night to find out what the terrorists know so we can stop new attacks.

America owes our brave men and women some things in return; we owe them

their (sic) thanks for saving lives and keeping America safe, and we owe them

clear rules so they can continue to do their jobs and protect our people.

So I'm -- today I'm asking Congress to pass legislation that will clarify the rules

for our personnel fighting the war on terror. First, I am asking Congress to list

the specific recognizable offenses that would be considered crimes under the

War Crimes Act so our personnel can know clearly what is prohibited in the

handling of terrorist enemies.

Second, I'm asking that Congress make explicit that by following the standards

of the Detainee Treatment Act, our personnel are fulfilling America's obligations

under Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions.

Third, I'm asking that Congress make it clear that captured terrorists cannot use

the Geneva Conventions as a basis to sue our personnel in courts, in U.S. courts.

The men and women who protect us should not have to fear lawsuits filed by

terrorists because they're doing their jobs.

The need for this legislation is urgent. We need to ensure that those questioning

terrorists can continue to do everything within the limits of the law to get

information that can save American lives.

My administration will continue to work with the Congress to get this legislation

enacted, but time is of the essence. Congress is in session just for a few more

weeks, and passing this legislation ought to be the top priority. (Applause.)

As we work with Congress to pass a good bill, we will also consult with

congressional leaders on how to ensure that the CIA program goes forward in a

way that follows the law, that meets the national security needs of our country,

and protects the brave men and women we ask to obtain information that will

save innocent lives.

For the sake of our security, Congress needs to act and update our laws to meet

the threats of this new era, and I know they will.

We're engaged in a global struggle, and the entire civilized world has a stake in

its outcome. America is a nation of law, and as I work with Congress to

strengthen and clarify our laws here at home, I will continue to work with

members of the international community who have been our partners in this

struggle. I've spoken with leaders of foreign governments and worked with them

to address their concerns about Guantanamo and our detention policies. I'll

continue to work with the international community to construct a common

foundation to defend our nations and protect our freedoms.

Free nations have faced new enemies and adjusted to new threats before, and

we have prevailed. Like the struggles of the last century, today's war on terror is,

above all, a struggle for freedom and liberty. The adversaries are different, but

the stakes in this war are the same. We're fighting for our way of life and our

ability to live in freedom. We're fighting for the cause of humanity against those

who seek to impose the darkness of tyranny and terror upon the entire world.

And we're fighting for a peaceful future for our children and our grandchildren.

May God bless you all.

End