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The Journal of Psychology

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An Exploratory Study of Perceived Discrimination and Homesickness: A Comparison of International Students and American Students

Senel Poyrazli & Marcos Damian Lopez

To cite this article: Senel Poyrazli & Marcos Damian Lopez (2007) An Exploratory Study of Perceived Discrimination and Homesickness: A Comparison of International Students and American Students, The Journal of Psychology, 141:3, 263-280, DOI: 10.3200/JRLP.141.3.263-280

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.3200/JRLP.141.3.263-280

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An Exploratory Study of Perceived Discrimination and Homesickness:

A Comparison of International Students and American Students

SENEL POYRAZLI Pennsylvania State University–Harrisburg

MARCOS DAMIAN LOPEZ Northern Illinois University, DeKalb

ABSTRACT. The authors examined group differences in perceived discrimination and homesickness in a sample of 439 college students (198 international and 241 U.S. stu- dents) from 2 campuses of the same university. Within the international student group, the authors also examined relationships between homesickness, discrimination, age, English proficiency, and years of residence in the United States. Results indicated that interna- tional students experienced higher levels of discrimination and homesickness than did U.S. students. Age, English proficiency, and perceived discrimination predicted home- sickness among the international students. Younger students, students with lower levels of English proficiency, and students with higher levels of perceived discrimination reported having higher levels of homesickness. Also, years of residence and race or ethnicity pre- dicted international students’ level of perceived discrimination. Being a European inter- national student predicted lower levels of perceived discrimination than did being an inter- national student from other regions of the world. The authors discuss implications for higher-education institutions and counseling personnel.

Keywords: discrimination, homesickness, international students, U.S. college students

HOMESICKNESS, A COMPONENT OF CULTURE SHOCK, is a major prob- lem for college students, particularly those new to the university system (S. Fisher & Hood, 1987; Tognoli, 2003). Homesickness is a psychological reaction to the absence of significant others and familiar surroundings (Archer, Ireland, Amos, Broad, & Currid, 1998). The effects of homesickness are typically negative and can include loneliness, sadness, and adjustment difficulties for students entering the university environment (Constantine, Kindaichi, Okazaki, Gainor, & Baden, 2005;

Address correspondence to Senel Poyrazli, Penn State Harrisburg, W-311, Middletown, PA 17057; [email protected] (e-mail).

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Stroebe, van Vliet, Hewstone, & Willis, 2002). Another problem faced by college students is ethnic and racial discrimination, which still seems to be prevalent on U.S. university campuses (Biasco, Goodwin, & Vitale, 2001; D’Augelli & Hersh- berger, 1993; Hodson, Dovidio, & Gaertner, 2002; Hurtado, 1992; Rankin & Rea- son, 2005). Although university officials have tried to reduce ethnic and racial dis- crimination, researchers have not found significant reductions (McCormack, 1995, 1998; Phenice & Griffore, 1994). This combination of ethnic and racial discrimi- nation and homesickness can produce feelings of loneliness, alienation, depression, and anxiety for college students, particularly non-White students (S. Fisher & Hood, 1987; Leong & Ward, 2000; Stroebe et al.; Zheng & Berry, 1991). Howev- er, non-White students are not the only students at risk for experiencing ethnic and racial discrimination and culture shock. International students are also at great risk (Ying, Lee, & Tsai, 2000; Zheng & Berry). Our main purpose in the current study was to determine if international students perceived more discrimination and expe- rienced more homesickness than did U.S. students. We also examined differences in levels of homesickness and perceived discrimination, age, gender, race or eth- nicity, grade point average (GPA), years of residence in the United States, and Eng- lish proficiency among international students.

Homesickness and Culture Shock

Homesickness in college students is usually discussed as a byproduct of cul- ture shock, which can induce feelings such as alienation, anxiety, depression, homesickness, rejection and loss, hopelessness, and low self-esteem (Pedersen, 1995; Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001). Homesickness is a longing and desire for familiar environments and can sometimes take the form of depressive symp- toms (Pedersen; Van Tilburg, Vingerhoets, & Van Heck, 1996, 1997).

Many researchers have found that homesickness affects individuals’ behav- iors and physical and psychological well being. S. Fisher and Hood (1987) found that college students who were homesick received low scores on adaptation to the college environment and higher scores on physical complaints, anxiety, and absentmindedness. Tognoli (2003) found that college students who lived farther away from their families experienced more homesickness and visited their fam- ilies more often than did students whose families lived closer. Students who were homesick received lower scores on self-esteem measures and internal locus of control measures as compared with students who were not homesick. Depression is also a common side effect. Several researchers (e.g., Beck, Taylor, & Robbins, 2003; Stroebe et al., 2002) found a positive correlation between homesickness and depression. Furthermore, Van Tilburg, Vingerhoets, Van Heck, and Kirschbaum (1999) reported that people who were homesick had more physical complaints, exhibited poorer mood (e.g., greater depression and anxiety), and experienced greater cognitive failures (e.g., difficulty with memory and concen- tration) than did people who were not homesick.

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Evidence indicates that age and gender are related to homesickness; that younger people tend to experience more homesickness than do older people (e.g., Kazantzis & Flett, 1998); and that women experience more homesickness than do men (Stroebe et al., 2002). However, other researchers found that age and homesickness do not have a linear relationship, but that particular age groups are more likely to experience homesickness than are others (Eureling-Bontekoe, Brouwers, & Verschuur, 2000).

Another factor related to homesickness is social support. Van Tilburg et al. (1997) indicated that individuals with plenty of social support are less likely to suffer from homesickness than are individuals who lack social support. Urani, Miller, Johnson, and Petzel (2003) conducted a path analysis and similarly found that social support was negatively related to homesickness in undergraduate stu- dents from a U.S. university.

Although culture shock and homesickness seem to affect the majority of col- lege students, some groups seem to be affected more than others. For instance, Loo and Rolison (1986) postulated that non-White U.S. students entering the university environment in the United States would experience feelings such as alienation and isolation because of their entrance into a new culture where White, middle-class values are the norm. They concluded that the academic difficulty and alienation experienced by non-White students in the university setting stemmed, in part, from culture shock (Loo & Rolison). Nora and Cabrera (1996) hinted at the same conclusion but also indicated that the level of perceived dis- crimination would likely affect the adjustment process for non-White U.S. stu- dents, increasing the difficulty of adjustment. If culture shock does occur in non- White U.S. students, as the literature suggests, then international students may experience more culture shock because of the transition into a new country that may be far from home. This is important to note because, if culture shock and discrimination elicit similar emotions (e.g., homesickness, depression, anxiety, alienation; Ward et al., 2001), they may work in conjunction with compound feelings of negativity.

International students have trouble adjusting to their new surroundings, pri- marily because of culture shock, which stems from confusion about the norms of the new culture (Chapdelaine & Alexitch, 2004; Pedersen, 1995; Ward et al., 2001). Chapdelaine and Alexitch determined that international students experi- enced more culture shock, or a greater sense of social difficulty, than did host stu- dents. In addition, students who experienced greater cultural differences had less social interaction with host students, and lower levels of social interaction with host students intensified culture shock. Chataway and Berry (1989) found the same result in a population of Chinese, French Canadian, and English Canadian students studying in Canada. They determined that Chinese students, the major- ity of whom was international, experienced the greatest cultural difference, poor- est mental and physical health, and highest acculturative stress and tended to have less social interaction with host students.

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Homesickness may be more pronounced depending on the country of origin of the sojourners. Greater differences between one’s culture and the host culture will result in more homesickness experienced (Eurelings-Bontekoe et al., 2000). Yeh and Inose (2003) found that European students reported less stress from culture shock than did Asian, African, and Latin American students. Students who were more fluent in English and had more social support also experienced less stress.

Racial and Ethnic Discrimination

Researchers have studied racial and ethnic discrimination in the United States, particularly on college campuses, since the civil rights movement (Hur- tado, 1992). Results indicate that, although the United States has become a more multicultural society, large disparities exist between White and non- White individuals’ perceptions of discrimination, its effects, and those affected by it (e.g., Biasco et al., 2001; D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Hodson et al., 2002; Hurtado; Rankin & Reason, 2005).

Gossett, Cuyjet, and Cockriel (1998) found that, compared with White stu- dents, African American students perceived significantly more discrimination from the administration, their peers, and faculty. Ancis, Sedlacek, and Mohr (2000) found that African American students perceived significantly more racial tension and separation than did White and Asian American students. African American, Asian American, and Latino participants reported more pressure than did White participants to conform to their racial and ethnic stereotypes, as well as to reduce any physical differences to gain acceptance by the campus culture. African American and Asian American students were also more likely to perceive faculty racism than were White students (e.g., faculty promoting unfair treatment toward a group of individuals or promoting a hostile and racist atmosphere). Ancis et al. (2000) also found that African American and Latino students were more comfortable with both racially similar and racially diverse situations than were White students.

McCormack (1995) studied changes over time in discrimination at a north- eastern American university. She found that about one in four non-White students experienced a direct incident of discrimination on campus. She also found that the percentage of discrimination over time increased, particularly for African American and Latino students. Other researchers have obtained similar results (e.g., McCormack, 1998; Phenice & Griffore, 1994). The major factors involved in someone being a victim of discrimination were (a) belonging to a group that has historically been discriminated against, (b) spending more time at the uni- versity, and (c) living on campus.

In another longitudinal study, McCormack (1998) found that limited lan- guage fluency in Latino participants resulted in more perceived discrimination than in participants with greater language fluency and that limited language flu- ency in Asian American participants resulted in more self-segregation than in

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participants with greater language fluency. B. J. Fisher and Hartmann (1995) also found that discrimination may lead non-White students to segregate themselves from White students.

The effects of discrimination or perceived discrimination on victimized racial and ethnic minorities are varied but are typically negative. Cabrera and Nora (1994) found that in-class discriminatory experiences (e.g., being singled out in class and treated differently from other students or being discouraged to partici- pate in class discussions), prejudiced faculty and staff, and racial climate were related to alienation in African American, Latino, and Asian American students. Suen (1983) found that alienation in African American students was significantly correlated with their dropout rates. Other effects of discrimination are lower self- esteem (Phinney, Madden, & Santos, 1998; Romero & Roberts, 2003), higher lev- els of stress (Pak, Dion, & Dion, 1991), higher levels of anxiety and depression (Phinney et al.), higher levels of identity problems (Leong & Ward, 2000), and chronic medical health problems (Williams, Spencer, & Jackson, 1999).

Similar to non-White U.S. students, immigrant and international students experience discrimination. Some researchers have suggested that both of these groups experience or perceive more discrimination than do non-White U.S. stu- dents (e.g., Ying et al., 2000). Ying et al. compared Chinese immigrant students with Chinese American students. They found that Chinese immigrant students were more likely to be separated or alienated from mainstream culture and more likely to experience discrimination than were Chinese American students. These results do not hold true only for immigrants; international students are also at risk for experiencing discrimination. Sodowsky and Plake (1992) found that Asian and South American international students spoke less English than did European international students, and Asian, African, and South American international stu- dents perceived more discrimination than did European international students. Constantine, Kindaichi, et al. (2005) found that Asian international students experienced prejudice and discrimination. In some cases, discrimination experi- enced by international students is brought on by non-White students from the host nation or other international students (e.g., Constantine, Anderson, Berkel, Caldwell, & Utsey, 2005).

Discrimination experienced or perceived by international students can be harmful to their identities. Schmitt, Spears, and Branscombe (2003) found through path analysis that, in international students, perceived discrimination led to lower self-esteem and higher identification with other international students. They also found that identification with other international students led to an increase in self-esteem, which suggests that, under the stress of feeling discrim- inated against, international students seek out identification with other interna- tional students to counteract the negative effect of discrimination on their self- esteem. Pak et al. (1991) found that discrimination was correlated with self-esteem, group attitudes, and stress; experiencing more discrimination led to lower levels of self-esteem, higher levels of in-group pride, and higher levels of

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stress. They also found that women had lower self-esteem than did men when they experienced discrimination.

Study Objectives

Although international students are important to the academic field for the different perspectives they offer, few services are typically provided to them by their host university. This situation is unacceptable because international students are very susceptible to culture shock. In a study of international students in 11 countries, Klineberg and Hull (1979) found that about 70% of international stu- dents either experienced or knew someone who experienced discrimination. Loneliness, a component of homesickness, seemed to be related to perceived dis- crimination because those who perceive more discrimination also feel lonelier. Few researchers have focused on the level of homesickness and perceived dis- crimination international students experience while in the host nation.

Our main purpose in this study was to explore discrimination and home- sickness among a group of international and U.S. college students and examine within-group differences in the international student group. We asked three research questions: (a) What are the group differences between international and U.S. students in homesickness and discrimination? (b) What are the relationships between age, English proficiency, length of residence in the United States, per- ceived discrimination, and homesickness among international students? and (c) What are the predictors of homesickness and discrimination for international stu- dents? On the basis of the literature on discrimination, culture shock, and home- sickness, we formed four hypotheses (H):

H 1 : International students would report higher levels of homesickness and perceived

discrimination than would U.S. students.

H 2 : International students who have lived in the United States longer would report

higher levels of perceived discrimination than would international students who have lived in the U.S. for less time.

H 3 : Level of perceived discrimination would predict the level of homesickness that

international students experience.

H 4 : Race or ethnicity would predict the level of discrimination that international stu-

dents experience.

Method

Participants

College students (N = 429; 198 international and 241 American) studying at two different campuses of one university participated in this study. In the U.S.

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group, 29% were men and 71% were women. Their ages ranged from 18 to 48 years (M = 23.38 years, SD = 5.33 years). The majority (81%) of students reported that they were White, 10% were African American, 4% were Asian or Pacific Islander, 2% were Latino, and 3% reported that they belonged to anoth- er racial or ethnic group. In the international group, 58% were men and 42% were women. Ages of these students ranged from 18 to 46 years (M = 26.1 years, SD = 4.78 years). Sixteen percent of the students were undergraduates, 41% were master’s students, and 42% were doctoral students. In regard to race and ethnicity, 19% were European, 65% were Asian or Pacific Islander, 4% were Middle Eastern, 3% were African, 5% were Latino, and 4% belonged to another racial or ethnic group.

Procedure

We selected random courses and advanced English-as-a-second-language courses from which to collect data. American and international students received separate survey packages. To achieve more equal samples, we contacted the pres- idents of international student clubs and asked them to distribute the survey to a randomly selected group of their members (i.e., every third person on the list of student members). We also instructed them to make sure that students had not previously received the survey through a class. Each survey packet contained a copy of the measures and a self-addressed, stamped envelope for the students to send us the completed surveys. All students had the opportunity to enter a gift certificate drawing, regardless of their decision to participate in the study. We dis- tributed 400 surveys to U.S. students and 360 surveys to international students; return rate for U.S. students was 60%, and for international students it was 55%.

Measures

Demographics. We prepared a demographics questionnaire to ask the partici- pants about several variables, including age, gender, ethnicity, grade point aver- age (GPA), and the length of time they had lived in the United States. The ques- tionnaire also contained a single item asking the students to rate their English proficiency on a scale ranging from 1 (poor) to 4 (excellent).

Homesickness. We used the Homesickness Questionnaire (Archer et al., 1998) to measure level of homesickness. Participants answer 33 items on a 5-point Likert- type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The survey mea- sures homesickness among adults and young adults. Possible scores range from 33 to 165, with higher scores indicating higher levels of homesickness. Items include, “I dream about my friends at home” and ”I get really upset when I think about home.” S. Fisher and Hood (1987, 1988) used factor analysis and found the scale to be valid and reliable. The correlation between the scale scores and a single-item

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measure of homesickness was r = .58, and internal consistency (α) of the measure was .88 (S. Fisher & Hood, 1987, 1988). In our study, internal consistency of the scale was .90 for U.S. students and .84 for international students.

Discrimination. To measure perceived discrimination experienced, we asked students to indicate their response, on a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree), to the statement, “I feel that I receive unequal treatment because of my race or ethnicity.” Higher scores indicated higher levels of perceived discrimination.

Results

Group Differences in Discrimination and Homesickness

We conducted an analysis of variance (ANOVA) to determine if international and U.S. students differed significantly on the demographic variables of age, gen- der, and GPA. We found a significant difference between international and U.S. students in age, F(1, 431) = 30.48, p < .001; gender, F(1, 434) = 40.58, p < .001; and GPA, F(1, 370) = 62.27, p < .001. Thus, we used an analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) to partial out the variables of age, gender, and GPA. To answer our first research question and test H

1 , we conducted an ANCOVA to examine group

differences between international and U.S. students. We found a statistically sig- nificant difference between these groups for homesickness, F(1, 335) = 57.59, p < .001, and discrimination, F(1, 364) = 26.57, p < .001. The following statistics are means and standard errors that we adjusted to account for the partialed-out demo- graphics variables. International students reported higher levels of homesickness (M = 81.26, SE = 1.52) than did U.S. students (M = 65.55, SE = 1.19). They also reported higher levels of perceived discrimination (M = 2.09, SE = .07) than did their U.S. counterparts (M = 1.59, SE = 0.06).

Correlational Analysis for the International Student Group

To answer our second research question and test H 2 , we conducted a Pear-

son product-moment correlational analysis for international students to examine bivariate correlations among gender, age, GPA, years of residence in the United States, English proficiency, and level of perceived discrimination and home- sickness (see Table 1). Discrimination was positively correlated with age (r = .15, p < .05), years of residence in the United States (r = .17, p < .05), and home- sickness (r = .27, p < .01). Older students and students who had lived in the United States longer reported higher levels of perceived discrimination. Stu- dents who reported higher levels of discrimination also reported higher levels of homesickness. We also found that homesickness was negatively correlated with age (r = −.23, p < .01). Younger students reported higher levels of homesickness

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Poyrazli & Lopez 271

T A

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263-280 Poyrazli May 07 4/28/07 10:41 AM Page 271

than did older students. English proficiency was correlated with gender (r = .22, p < .01), age (r = −.19, p < .01), GPA (r = .31, p < .01), and discrimination (r = −.16, p < .05). Female students, younger students, and students who had higher GPAs reported higher levels of English proficiency. Students with lower English proficiency reported higher levels of perceived discrimination.

Multiple Regression Analyses for the International Student Group

To answer our third research question and test H 3

and H 4 , we performed two

separate, simultaneous multiple regression analyses. We regressed age, years of res- idence in the United States, English proficiency, and level of perceived discrimina- tion onto the level of homesickness for international students. Table 2 presents the results of this regression analysis for variables predicting homesickness. The model predicted 15% of the variance in homesickness, F(4, 160) = 6.92, p < .001, R2 = .15. Length of residence in the United States was not a significant predictor; however, age, English proficiency, and level of perceived discrimination significantly con- tributed to the variance. Examination of the beta signs indicated that younger stu- dents, students with lower English proficiency, and students who perceived higher levels of discrimination reported higher levels of homesickness.

Next, we regressed age, years of residence in the United States, English pro- ficiency, and race or ethnicity onto the level of perceived discrimination (Table 3). The model predicted 19% of the variance in perceived discrimination, F(8, 178) = 4.83, p < .001, R2 = .19. Age and English proficiency were not significant predictors, but years of residence and race or ethnicity significantly contributed to the variance. Students who lived in the United States longer reported experi- encing higher levels of discrimination. In addition, compared to the other stu- dents, European students reported less perceived discrimination (see Table 4).

Discussion

The results supported H 1 , that international students would report higher lev-

els of homesickness and perceived discrimination than would American students. Because of cultural and language differences, international students may have a harder time adjusting to their new environments, and this could lead them to think about and miss their family and friends in their home countries. We found that, compared with their U.S. counterparts, international students are at greater risk of perceiving or experiencing discrimination. International students may per- ceive more discrimination because of their non-American status, because they may speak English with an accent, and because they may belong to a visible racial or ethnic minority group. Regardless of the reason, it is important to note that a higher level of perceived discrimination could impede students’ accultura- tion or adjustment into their new environment and negatively affect students’ mental health (e.g., lower their self-esteem).

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Poyrazli & Lopez 273

T A

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263-280 Poyrazli May 07 4/28/07 10:41 AM Page 273

In H 2 , we predicted that international students who have lived in the Unit-

ed States longer would report higher levels of perceived discrimination. This hypothesis was supported by the results: We found that international students who spent more time spent living in the United States experienced more dis- crimination. This finding is consistent with previous findings indicating that the percentage of experienced discrimination increases as the time that non- White students spent at their university increases (McCormack, 1995). Our finding can be explained by the culture shock theory (Pedersen, 1995), which

274 The Journal of Psychology

TABLE 3. Summary of Simultaneous Regression Analysis for Variables Predicting Level of Homesickness Among International Students (N = 161)

Variable B SEB β

Age −0.97 0.25 −.30** Years of residence

in United States 0.20 0.58 .03 English proficiency −3.00 1.21 −.20** Perceived discrimination 4.41 1.45 .23**

Note. R2 = .15. **p < .01.

TABLE 4. Summary of Simultaneous Regression Analysis for Variables Predicting Level of Perceived Discrimination Among International Students (N = 178)

Variable B SEB β

Age 0.01 0.01 .03 Years of residence

in United States 0.7 0.03 .19*

English proficiency −0.03 0.07 −.04 Race or ethnicity

European −0.77 0.29 −.38** Middle Eastern −0.67 0.38 −.18 African 0.06 0.42 .01 Latino −0.59 0.37 −.16 Other ethnic group −0.07 0.29 .04

Note. R2 = .19. *p < .05. **p < .01.

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states that, after a honeymoon stage that includes a sense of excitement and fas- cination, individuals start experiencing and perceiving negative aspects of a culture. Moreover, international students’ English skills at entry may not be good enough to understand discriminatory verbal behaviors. However, as they improve their language skills, their understanding of discriminatory behaviors is also likely to increase.

H 3

was also supported: Level of perceived discrimination among interna- tional students predicted their level of homesickness. This result indicates that international students who are likely to experience discrimination would be more likely to feel homesick. We also found that level of English proficiency predicted homesickness: International students with lower levels of English skills had higher levels of homesickness. This result suggests that lower Eng- lish skills may be a barrier for international students that reduces their likeli- hood of developing relationships or friendships with people from their host countries. As a result, they may feel homesick. Furthermore, students who per- ceive discrimination may isolate themselves socially, which could lead to high- er levels of homesickness.

H 4

was supported by the findings showing that race or ethnicity predicted international students’ level of perceived discrimination. European students reported lower levels of perceived discrimination than did students from other regions. This finding is consistent with previous findings indicating that non- European students perceive more discrimination than do European students (Sodowsky & Plake, 1992). One explanation for this group difference is that non-European students tend to be part of a visible racial or ethnic group and thus may be subjected to more discrimination.

We also found that older international students reported higher levels of perceived discrimination, whereas younger students reported higher levels of homesickness. Older students may be more experienced in recognizing dis- crimination. In addition, compared with younger international students, older students could have an easier time coping with homesickness because of their longer life experience and relatively higher independence level.

An interesting finding was that female international students reported hav- ing higher levels of English proficiency than did male international students. This result can be explained by the gender-role socialization process. Female students may find it easier to establish relationships and converse with others, therefore increasing their opportunity to practice English.

Last, we found that academic achievement, as measured by GPA, was related only to English proficiency and did not correlate with homesickness or perceived discrimination. However, the mean GPA for the international student group was 3.62, and 91% of them reported having a GPA of over 3.00. Thus, there was little variance in the academic achievement variable, indicating the need to reexamine this finding with a sample in which more variance exists.

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Implications

Our findings have important implications for higher education personnel, including faculty, advisers, and mental health counselors. First, the findings high- light the importance of intervention programs designed to help international stu- dents, especially the younger ones, cope with and overcome their experiences related to homesickness. Through brochures, pamphlets, Web sites, and orienta- tion programs, these students could be informed about what they may experience in the new culture and what psychological reactions they may have. Students could form or join social support groups during their initial semesters to help them gain new skills to cope with their environment. Within the support groups, students could discuss discrimination and the relationship between discrimina- tion and homesickness. These support groups could help international students transition more easily into the new environment and offer them a place to discuss or ask questions about their experiences.

Second, our results highlight the importance of multicultural training about discrimination both for U.S. groups and international students. Intervention pro- grams should target these student groups in addition to faculty and staff on cam- pus. Program administrators could educate U.S. students and campus personnel about how certain behaviors could be perceived as discriminatory and help inter- national students recognize and cope with discrimination. Third, our results fur- ther suggest that international students show within-group differences and that European students experience less perceived discrimination than do internation- al students from other regions. Therefore, these intervention programs should tar- get non-European international students. Although our results indicate that older students perceived more discrimination, we believe that both older and younger students could benefit from a training program in which they are taught how to recognize and cope with discrimination.

College officials could offer workshops during the academic year in which the campus community would learn what discrimination is and how a person know- ingly or unknowingly could discriminate against another individual. As part of these workshops, international students could volunteer to present examples of how they were discriminated against and how they felt in response. Expressing these emotions in such a way could help others empathize with presenters and bet- ter understand the consequences of their actions. To provide an opportunity for U.S. and international students to get together and increase understanding and acceptance of each other, faculty could arrange social gatherings such as multicul- tural potluck dinners or movie nights for students. Such interactions could lead to a higher level of acceptance and reduce the likelihood of discrimination. Faculty and staff could learn about the cultures represented by the international student population and how these students’ interaction styles may differ from the styles in American culture. This knowledge could reduce misunderstandings and help the faculty and staff learn to accept and value other cultural differences in interactions.

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Last, our results highlight the importance of early intervention to help inter- national students cope with discrimination. Students’ experiences or perceptions of discrimination seem to increase as they continue living in the United States. Workshops could be offered to these students shortly after their arrival, possibly during orientation, to help them gain knowledge and awareness of discrimination and obtain the necessary skills to cope with it.

Limitations and Future Directions

One of the limitations of this study was that it was exploratory and correla- tional. Thus, no causal conclusions can be made. Future researchers should con- duct longitudinal studies with international students and follow this group through their stay in a host culture. This longitudinal data could provide more valuable information about students’ experiences.

We did not study the variable of religion in relation to discrimination and homesickness. In a previous study, Sodowsky and Plake (1992) found that Mus- lims reported a greater amount of prejudice than did students from other religious backgrounds. Future researchers should examine how international students’ experiences are influenced by their religious backgrounds or degree of religiosity. Another limitation is that our U.S. sample was predominately White. Future researchers should examine racial or ethnic U.S. student groups and compare their experiences with those of international students, particularly because some results from other studies indicate that foreigners, compared with non-White U.S. stu- dents, may perceive more discrimination (e.g., Ying et al., 2000).

Conclusion

Although it would be difficult to eliminate perceptions of discrimination or homesickness on college campuses, particularly for international students, steps can be taken to reduce both. Reducing the perceptions of discrimination on cam- pus should be one of the first goals, especially because perceived discrimination has a direct relation to homesickness. As Hurtado (1992) indicated, universities that show a strong dedication to diversifying the campus and spend more money on student aid and student services report lower levels of racial tension than do universities that do not fund these programs. It is crucial that universities devote more resources to their students, particularly international students.

Programs to educate faculty, staff, and the campus community could greatly benefit universities. Programs designed to help international students understand and cope with discrimination, homesickness, and the transition to college life would make it clear to the students that the university is concerned with their well-being and wants to minimize their discomfort. Such programs may help international students to feel more comfortable, speak well of their host countries and universities, and encourage other friends from their countries to study at their

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host universities, which could promote friendlier international relations between all countries involved. Because of these potential benefits, universities should see the implementation of these programs not as an expense, but as an investment.

AUTHOR NOTE

Senel Poyrazli, PhD, is an assistant professor of counseling psychology at Pennsyl- vania State University—Harrisburg. Marcos Damian Lopez, MA, is a doctoral student in clinical psychology at Northern Illinois University, DeKalb.

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Original manuscript received March 27, 2006 Final version accepted October 23, 2006

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