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RESEARCH ARTICLE

Perceived discrimination in medical settings

and perceived quality of care: A population-

based study in Chicago

Maureen R. BenjaminsID 1,2*, Megan Middleton2

1 Sinai Urban Health Institute, Sinai Health System, Chicago, Illinois, United States of America, 2 Chicago

Medical School, Rosalind Franklin University of Medicine and Science, North Chicago, Illinois, United States

of America

* [email protected]

Abstract

Perceived discrimination in medical settings remains prevalent within the U.S. health care

system. However, the details of these experiences and their associations with perceived

quality of care are not well understood. Our study assessed multiple measures of perceived

racial/ethnic discrimination in medical settings and investigated the locations and purported

perpetrators of the discriminatory experiences within a population-based sample of 1,543

Black, White, Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Other adults. We used logistic regression to esti-

mate associations between perceived discrimination in the medical setting and three quality

of care indicators. Overall, 40% of the sample reported one or more types of perceived dis-

crimination in a medical setting, with significant differences by race/ethnicity. Discrimination

was perceived across health settings and from a variety of providers and staff. In adjusted

logistic regression models, individuals reporting discrimination had more than twice the

odds of reporting fair or poor quality of care (OR = 2.4 [95% CI: 1.4–4.3]). In addition, per-

ceived discrimination in medical settings was significantly associated with report of not hav-

ing enough time with the physician and not being as involved in decision-making as desired.

These findings expand our understanding of perceived discriminatory experiences in health

care and the consequences of it for patients, providers, and health care systems. This infor-

mation is essential for identifying future provider interventions and improving the training of

health care professionals.

Introduction

Racial and ethnic disparities in access to, and quality of, health care are pervasive and contrib-

ute to the persistent negative health outcomes seen among communities of color [1–7]. Per-

ceived discrimination may underlie both disparities in health care and health outcomes [8,9].

In particular, research is needed to better understand racial and ethnic discrimination in the

health care setting, which likely impacts health care perceptions and outcomes [10–13].

PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0215976 April 25, 2019 1 / 15

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OPEN ACCESS

Citation: Benjamins MR, Middleton M (2019)

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and

perceived quality of care: A population-based study

in Chicago. PLoS ONE 14(4): e0215976. https://

doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0215976

Editor: Leonidas G Koniaris, Indiana University,

UNITED STATES

Received: November 14, 2018

Accepted: April 11, 2019

Published: April 25, 2019

Copyright: © 2019 Benjamins, Middleton. This is an open access article distributed under the terms

of the Creative Commons Attribution License,

which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and

reproduction in any medium, provided the original

author and source are credited.

Data Availability Statement: All data underlying

the findings reported in the submitted manuscript

are publicly available through the Inter-university

Consortium for Political and Social Research (Sinai

Community Health Survey 2.0, Chicago, Illinois,

2015-2016 (ICPSR 37073)).

Funding: The Sinai Community Health Survey 2.0

was funded by The Chicago Community Trust

(www.cct.org), grants C2013-00630, C2014-

01723, and C2015-04294. The funders had no role

in the design of the current study, data collection

Patient perceptions of quality are important to study because there is a growing literature

linking them with health care outcomes [14–15]. Perceptions of quality are now being incor-

porated into value-based incentive payments from the government and other organizations, as

well as health care provider ratings [16]. Health care providers also rely on patient reports of

quality to guide continuous quality improvement efforts. Given the increasing significance of

perceived quality of care, more research is needed to understand the factors associated with it.

Despite this, only a handful of studies have examined the association between discrimina-

tion in health care and quality of care ratings, with most confirming the expected negative rela-

tionship [17–20]. More broadly, previous studies have found that perceiving discrimination

in a medical setting is associated with other health care outcomes, such as delayed or unmet

health care needs [20–23], underutilization of mental health services [24], and increased emer-

gency department visits and hospital admissions [12]. However, the literature on discrimina-

tion in medical settings has been limited by measurement issues and unrepresentative samples

[13]. For example, previous studies have commonly used a single question to assess whether or

not an individual has perceived discrimination while receiving health care [10]. In addition,

the majority of studies in this area focus on African American populations, with limited inves-

tigation into discrimination among other groups of color and between racial/ethnic popula-

tions typically combined into one group (e.g., Hispanics) [10, 13, 25].

Furthermore, there is a dearth of information about the purported perpetrators and settings

of the discriminatory event [10]. One study, focusing on discrimination due to HIV status,

assessed the perpetrators and found attributions spread among clinical staff (more than

case managers or social workers) [26]. Another study examined the location of perceived dis-

criminatory health care experiences and revealed that individuals using community clinics

rather than doctor’s offices as their source of primary care reported higher rates of discrimina-

tion [27]. However, this finding was true only for the middle socioeconomic subgroup of

participants.

To address these gaps in the literature, our study investigates the association of perceived

discrimination in medical settings with three measures of perceived quality of care within a

population-based sample from selected Chicago communities. Importantly, this sample

includes sufficient data to examine four racial/ethnic groups (Non-Hispanic Black, Mexican,

Puerto Rican, and Non-Hispanic White) and uses multiple measures of perceived discrimina-

tion, including a 7-item scale of discrimination in medical settings and questions that ask

about discrimination due to insurance status and English proficiency. Finally, we also examine

the purported perpetrators and settings of perceived discriminatory events. This new informa-

tion can be used to inform the training of health care professionals and the development of

policies within health care organizations to reduce perceived discrimination, with the goals of

improved patient experience and greater health equity.

Methods

Sample

Our analysis used data from the Sinai Community Health Survey 2.0 (Sinai Survey 2.0).

Detailed information on the sampling design and data collection methodology is available else-

where (www.sinaisurvey.org). To summarize, the Sinai Survey 2.0 was administered by trained

interviewers from the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC) Survey Research Laboratory

between March 2015 and September 2016. The sample was randomly selected from ten Chi-

cago community areas. The communities were chosen based on geographic location and

racial/ethnic composition, representing some of the most socially and economically challenged

neighborhoods in Chicago. The sampled area represented approximately 386,000 individuals.

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and quality of care

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and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of

the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have declared

that no competing interests exist.

The community areas were divided into primary sampling units (PSU). The PSUs, and

households within them, were randomly selected using Probability Proportionate to Size

methodology. Selected households were mailed an advance letter with study information

before the first contact. Following this, one or two adult(s) (18 years or older) were randomly

selected from each household. An extensive protocol was followed to maximize the number of

interviews completed, including up to ten in-person contact attempts, up to five telephone

attempts, and materials left at the door.

Interviews were conducted face-to-face, in English or Spanish (depending on respondent

preference) using computer-assisted personal interviewing software. The overall response rate,

which includes some households with unknown eligibility, was 28.4% (calculated with Ameri-

can Association of Public Opinion Research’s (AAPOR) response rate number 3) [28]. The

cooperation rate, or the proportion of respondents who completed an interview after contact,

was 53.9% (AAPOR, response rate 4). The final sample included 1,543 adults. The Sinai Survey

2.0 was approved by the IRBs of the University of Illinois at Chicago (#2014–0524) and Mount

Sinai Hospital (MSH #14–17). Interviewers explained the study to all participants, who then

had the opportunity to ask questions before signing the informed consent document. The

dataset and questionnaires are available through the Inter-university Consortium for Political

and Social Research website (Sinai Community Health Survey 2.0, Chicago, Illinois, 2015–

2016 (ICPSR 37073)).

Measures

Health Care Utilization. Our dependent variable, perceived quality of care, was measured with the following question: “Overall, how would you rate the quality of health care you received in

the last 12 months? Would you say excellent, very good, good, fair, or poor?” Those reporting

fair or poor care were dichotomized from those reporting excellent, very good, or good care.

Two other, more specific, indicators of quality of care were also asked. These were slightly

modified from the Commonwealth Fund Health Care Survey (2001) and reflect items from

the Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Systems (CAHPS) survey related to cli-

nician communication [29]. Both were prefaced with the instruction to think about one’s last

visit to a doctor. The questions were: “How much did the doctor involve you in decisions

about your care?” and “How much time did the doctor spend with you?” For both, respon-

dents were given the following response options: “as much as you wanted, almost as much as

you wanted, less than you wanted, or a lot less than you wanted.” The responses were dichoto-

mized into positive and negative categories.

Discrimination in Medical Settings. For the primary independent variable, we used a slightly modified version of the Discrimination in Medical Settings scale (DMS) [12, 19, 30, 31], which

is based on the Everyday Discrimination Scale (EDS) [32]. Questions were prefaced with the

following: “Please think about all the times in your life when you’ve gotten health care. When

getting health care, how often have any of the following things happened to you because of

your race, ethnicity, or color?” During the questionnaire development, there was interest from

several researchers in adding an item about providers acting as if they were unwilling to touch

the patient, based on conversations with community members. Given the limited space avail-

able, the difficult decision was made to make room for this item by substituting it for another

item from the scale. Because the item on being treated with less courtesy was perceived to over-

lap the most with the remaining items, it was excluded. The response scale for all items was

never, rarely, sometimes, or often. Preliminary analyses showed that the responses had highly

skewed distributions for each question, with 74–94% of responses falling in the “never”

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and quality of care

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category. Thus, the responses were dichotomized to represent never experienced discrimina-

tion vs. ever (as done in previous uses of the scale) [12, 19].

For those reporting any lifetime experience of perceived discrimination in a medical setting

(based on an affirmative answer to one or more of the DMS items), as well as a health care visit

in the past 12 months, we asked about the individual involved and the location of the most

recent time they perceived this type of discrimination. To identify the purported perpetrator,

we asked, “Was the person who treated you this way your doctor, a nurse, a receptionist, or

someone else?” Respondents could choose all that apply. The location measure assessed

whether this most recent event took place in a doctor’s office, an emergency room, a clinic, or

somewhere else. Respondents could only identify one location.

Other measures of perceived discrimination in medical settings included a question that

assessed whether respondents felt that they had been “judged unfairly” or “treated with disre-

spect” by the doctor or medical staff due to their race, ethnicity, or color in the past 12 months

using a four-point Likert-like scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4 (often). Perceived discrimina-

tion based on insurance-status and English proficiency was also assessed. Respondents were

asked to think about their experiences in health care in the last 12 months and answer yes or

no to the following questions: “Have you felt that the doctor or medical staff you saw judged

you unfairly or treated you with disrespect because of the type or health insurance you have, or

your ability to pay for care?” and “. . .because of how well you speak English?” These questions

were only asked for those with a health care visit in the past 12 months.

Demographic and Socioeconomic Characteristics. Demographic variables included age, gen- der, and race/ethnicity (non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, Mexican, and Puerto

Rican). Members of other racial/ethnic groups (including Hispanic and non-Hispanic individ-

uals) were not examined in stratified analyses due to small sample sizes. Socioeconomic vari-

ables included education, employment, and current health insurance. Unmet health care

needs measured whether or not respondents had health care needs in the past year that they

did not receive due to cost. Health care needs included: medical care or surgery; a doctor’s

appointment; prescription medicine; mental health care or counseling; dental care; and/or,

eyeglasses.

Other Covariates. Global discrimination measured personal experiences of perceived dis- crimination due to race, ethnicity, or color using a four-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4

(often). These responses were dichotomized to reflect whether or not the participants had ever

experienced discrimination. Self-rated health was assessed by asking: “Would you say that in

general your health is excellent, very good, good, fair, or poor?” This variable was dichoto-

mized into excellent, good, or very good health versus fair or poor health.

Data analyses

We first generated descriptive statistics for the total sample and for the largest four racial/eth-

nic groups. Next, we examined bivariate relationships between our primary discrimination in

medical settings outcome (DMS) and the three quality variables. Multivariate logistic regres-

sion models were also used to assess these associations, controlling for demographic, socioeco-

nomic, unmet health care needs, and other covariates. For each of the three outcomes, both

unadjusted and adjusted models were run. We also ran models with interaction terms between

race/ethnicity and discrimination in health care to explore effect modification.

The survey team also conducted a nonresponse bias analysis to better understand potential

bias due to the low response rate and sample selection (data not shown). Briefly, systematic

block and housing unit observations were added to the data, along with block-group level data

from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey. Models were then run to identify

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and quality of care

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variables that independently predicted the odds of 1) the primary respondent completing an

interview and 2) having poor health outcomes or risk factors (as assessed by at least one nega-

tive response to 16 diverse health-related questions). Finally, any identified variables were used

to re-estimate nonresponse-adjusted weights to account for potential nonresponse bias and

estimates for each health indicator were compared with those using the previously estimated

standard weights (which adjusted for gender, age, and race/ethnicity).

Statistical significance was set at p<0.05. All analyses were conducted in Stata 14.2 and

account for the complex survey design. Estimates are also weighted to be representative of the

entire population from which the sample was drawn.

Results

Descriptive statistics

Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. Sample characteristics are shown in

Table 1 for the full sample and by racial/ethnic group. The majority of the sample identified as

a racial or ethnic minority. Survey respondents were evenly split between sexes and the mean

age was 42 years. Approximately three-fourths of the sample had at least a high school degree

and the vast majority were employed. Both Whites and Blacks had a significantly higher high

school graduation rate than Mexicans, while Blacks were more likely to be unemployed than

Whites or Puerto Ricans. Twenty-one percent of respondents were uninsured and one-third

had unmet health care needs due to cost in the past year. White and Black adults were less

likely to be uninsured than Hispanics; Blacks and Mexicans had higher rates of unmet health

needs than Whites. Almost two-thirds of respondents had ever perceived discrimination in

general. Whites were significantly less likely to report this than Blacks and Mexicans. Finally,

one-third reported fair or poor health.

Health care outcomes. Fifteen percent reported receiving fair or poor quality health care

in the past year. This number was significantly lower for White respondents compared to

Blacks and Mexicans. Seven percent reported that they were involved in decisions less than

they wanted and 15% had less time with the doctor than they wanted. These numbers did not

vary significantly by race/ethnicity.

Discrimination in medical settings. Overall, 40% had ever experienced some type of

discrimination in a medical setting (DMS) (Table 2). This differed significantly by race/eth-

nicity, with Whites being less likely to report discrimination than the three groups of color

and Mexicans being less likely to report it than Blacks. The scale item “received poorer ser-

vice” was most frequently reported (29%). Again, significant racial/ethnic differences exist.

For example, only 3% of Whites reported experiencing this type of discriminatory event,

compared to 43% of Blacks. The scale item “. . .doctor or nurse acts as if he or she is afraid of

you” had the lowest overall affirmation rate (6%); however, among Blacks, 14% perceived

this type of discrimination.

Overall, a smaller percentage reported discrimination in a medical setting when it was

asked as a single question (separate from the DMS scale) and limited to experiences in the past

year. For example, only 18% reported any level of perceived discrimination in a medical setting

when asked in this manner. Affirmative responses ranged from no Whites reporting this to

one-quarter of Mexicans. Very few responded that this type of discrimination occurred

“often”.

Purported Perpetrator. Those who responded affirmatively to any of the DMS items and had a health care visit in the past year were asked to identify the perpetrator(s) of the most

recent time they perceived being discriminated against. A substantial percentage selected each

of the four potential options (i.e. doctor, nurse, receptionist, or someone else). The only racial/

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and quality of care

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ethnic difference was that Whites were significantly less likely to report perceived discrimina-

tion from a receptionist compared to Mexicans.

Location. Similar to above, respondents who reported any type of perceived discrimination in the DMS and who had a health care visit in the past year were asked about the location of

the most recent discriminatory event. Responses were evenly distributed between the four

options of a doctor’s office, the emergency room, a clinic, and elsewhere. Whites were less

likely to report such experiences in a clinic setting compared to the other groups, but no

racial/ethnic differences were seen.

Judged Unfairly. Overall, 13% of those with a health care visit in the past year reported that they had been judged or treated unfairly by a doctor or staff member because of their type of

insurance or ability to pay. Blacks were significantly more likely to report this than Whites and

Mexicans. Overall, only 2% reported being treated unfairly due to how well they spoke English.

Whites were significantly less likely to report this type of perceived discrimination compared

to other groups.

Bivariate analyses

Fig 1 displays results from the bivariate analyses. Those reporting DMS were more than twice

as likely to rate their quality of care as fair or poor compared to those with no DMS (24% [95%

CI: 18–30%] versus 9% [95% CI: 6–13%], respectively). Those reporting DMS were also signifi-

cantly more likely to be less involved in decisions than they wanted (11% [95% CI: 8–15%])

Table 1. Demographic, health, and health care characteristics by race/ethnicity a .

Total NH White NH Black Mexican Puerto Rican

Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI)

Demographics Male 50 (46–54) 54 (43–65) 45 (40–50) 54 (49–60) 49 (38–59)

Age (mean) 42 (40–44) 47 (44–50) 42 (39–45) 39 (37–41) 45 (41–49)

English as primary language 86 (81–89) 100 b

100 b

70 (62–77) 89 (74–96)

Married 38 (33–42) 51 (39–63) 20 (15–27) 45 (38–52) 34 (23–46)

Socioeconomic Status High school degree or more 73 (68–78) 99 (97–100) 78 (71–84) 62 (52–70) 68 (51–81)

Unemployed 10 (8–12) 3 (1–8) 16 (11–21) 8 (5–12) 4 (2–9)

Access to Care Health insurance 79 (75–83) 93 (87–97) 89 (84–93) 66 (58–73) 66 (58–73)

Any unmet health care needs 33 (29–38) 19 (12–27) 42 (35–49) 32 (35–49) 33 (22–47)

General Discrimination Any discrimination 64 (59–69) 37 (26–48) 73 (66–79) 67 (60–74) 63 (47–76)

Self-Rated Health Fair or poor 33 (29–37) 18 (10–28) 34 (26–43) 37 (31–42) 31 (20–45)

Health Care Quality Outcomes Perceived quality of care as fair/poor 15 (12–19) 3 (1–6) 16 (12–22) 20 (14–28) 11 (5–25)

Not involved in decisions 7 (5–9) 8 (5–14) 6 (4–9) 8 (5–13) 5 (2–12)

Little time with doctor 15 (12–19) 10 (6–17) 15 (10–22) 17 (12–25) 18 (10–32)

N 1,543 c 219 536 521 151

Notes: NH = non-Hispanic; CI = confidence interval a Sinai Community Health Survey 2.0 (2015–2016, ten Community Areas in Chicago, IL). All statistics weighted for clustered survey sampling design. b

No confidence interval. c

Total sample includes individuals in racial/ethnic groups other than those displayed separately.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0215976.t001

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and quality of care

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versus 4% [95% CI: 3–7%], respectively)) and have less time with the doctor than they wanted

compared to those reporting no DMS (21% [95% CI: 17–27%]) versus 10% [95% CI:7–16%],

respectively).

Logistic regression analyses

We report unadjusted and adjusted odds ratios in Table 3. The findings from the six logistic

regression models indicate that DMS is significantly associated with all three quality of care

outcomes (i.e. overall perceptions of health care quality as fair or poor, less involvement in

health care decisions than desired, and less time spent with one’s physician than desired). In

Table 2. Perceived discrimination in medical settings and related factors by race/ethnicity, Sinai Community Health Survey 2.0 (2015–2016, ten Community Areas in Chicago, IL)

a .

Overall NH White NH Black Mexican Puerto Rican

Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI) Percent (95% CI)

Discrimination in Medical Settings (ever)

Any Type of Discrimination in Medical Settings 40 (35–45) 13 (8–20) 56 (48–63) 39 (32–46) 44 (31–58) Doctor or nurse is not listening to you 24 (20–28) 4 (2–11) 34 (29–41) 23 (18–30) 28 (16–43)

Treated with less respect 25 (20–29) 3 (1–9) 34 (27–42) 25 (19–31) 29 (17–44)

Received poorer service 29 (24–34) 3 (1–10) 43 (35–51) 28 (22–34) 33 (21–48)

Doctor or nurse acts better than you 18 (15–22) 7 (4–11) 26 (20–32) 15 (10–20) 23 (13–39)

Doctor or nurse acts as if you are not smart 18 (14–22) 7 (3–13) 29 (23–36) 14 (10–19) 26 (14–42)

Doctor or nurse acts as if he or she is afraid of you 6 (4–9) - - b

14 (10–21) 4 (2–7) 5 (2–11)

Doctor or nurse did not want to touch you 8 (6–10) - - b

14 (11–19) 6 (4–10) 5 (2–11)

Treated Unfairly When Getting Medical Care (past year) c

Never 82 (77–85) 100 (98–100) 80 (73–85) 76 (68–83) 85 (69–93)

Rarely 11 (8–15) - - b

10 (7–15) 17 (11–24) 8 (2–22)

Sometimes 6 (4–9) - - b

8 (5–14) 6 (3–11) 7 (2–23)

Often 1 (0–3) - - b

2 (1–4) 2 (1–4) - - b

Purported Perpetrator of Most Recent Discriminatory Event de

Doctor 25 (19–33) 29 (10–58) 30 (19–45) 22 (13–36) 16 (7–31)

Nurse 30 (24–36) 21 (7–48) 31 (23–41) 24 (17–34) 39 (19–63)

Receptionist 23 (17–29) 7 (3–19) 18 (10–30) 29 (22–37) 26 (11–51)

Someone else 22 (17–28) - - b

25 (18–34) 23 (16–33) 13 (6–27)

Location of Most Recent Discriminatory Event e

Doctor’s office 29 (22–36) 19 (8–37) 33 (22–48) 25 (15–38) 34 (18–55)

Emergency room 30 (23–38) 44 (19–73) 32 (20–47) 31 (22–41) 28 (12–52)

A clinic 20 (15–25) - - b

19 (13–28) 18 (12–28) 17 (7–36)

Somewhere else 22 (17–28) 31 (12–60) 16 (10–24) 26 (18–37) 21 (7–50)

Judged or Treated Unfairly by Doctor or Staff c

Because of type of insurance or ability to pay 13 (11–17) 7 (4–12) 22 (16–29) 10 (6–15) 15 (7–32)

Because of how well you speak English 2 (0–8) - - b

4 (2–7) 11 (7–15) 5 (2–13)

N 1,543 219 536 521 151

Notes: NH = non-Hispanic; CI = confidence interval a

All statistics weighted for clustered survey sampling design. b

Insufficient cell size (n<5). c

Limited to those with a health care visit in past 12 months. d

Respondents could choose more than one answer. e

Limited to those with a health care visit in past 12 months and who reported a discriminatory event.

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the three unadjusted models, individuals who report any perceived discrimination in a medical

setting have two to three times higher odds of reporting each of the negative health care quality

outcomes.

In the three adjusted models, two of the odds ratios are slightly attenuated, but all remain

significant. Specifically, individuals reporting perceived discrimination in a medical setting

had more than twice the odds of reporting fair or poor quality of care (OR = 2.4 [95% CI: 1.4–

4.3]). Perceived discrimination in medical settings was also significantly associated with not

Fig 1. Three measures of health care quality by lifetime experience of perceived discrimination in medical settings ab

. a Sinai

Community Health Survey 2.0 (2015–2016, ten Community Areas in Chicago, IL). All statistics weighted for clustered survey sampling design.

b “Any Perceived Discrimination in Medical Settings” indicates an affirmative response to any item in the

Discrimination in Medical Setting scale.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0215976.g001

Table 3. Unadjusted and adjusted odd ratios for the association of perceived discrimination in medical settings with three health care quality outcomes a .

Perceived Quality of Care (Fair/Poor) Not Involved in Decisions Little Time with Doctor

OR (95% CI) OR (95% CI) OR (95% CI)

Discrimination in Medical Settings

Unadjusted Models 3.2 (1.9–5.3) 2.9 (1.6–5.2) 2.4 (1.4–4.2)

n = 1,397 n = 1,529 n = 1,530 Adjusted Models

b 2.4 (1.4–4.3) 2.4 (1.3–4.4) 2.6 (1.5–4.6)

n = 1,243 n = 1,362 n = 1,364

Notes: a Sinai Community Health Survey 2.0 (2015–2016, ten Community Areas in Chicago, IL). All statistics weighted for clustered survey sampling design. b

Adjusted for age, sex, race/ethnicity, marital status, education, employment, insurance, unmet health care needs, general discrimination, and self-rated health.

Excludes members of Other race/ethnic category.

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being as involved in decision-making as desired (OR = 2.4 [95% CI: 1.3–4.4]) and not having

enough time with the physician (OR = 2.6 [95% CI: 1.5–4.6]).

Results from models including the interaction terms between race/ethnicity and discrimi-

nation in health care (not shown) suggested that effect modification was likely for two of the

three quality outcomes (perceived quality of care and involvement in decisions). In these mod-

els, discrimination in health care was most strongly associated with the quality outcomes for

Blacks and Mexicans. However, the small sample sizes precluded stratifying models by race/

ethnicity.

Nonresponse bias

In the nonresponse bias analyses (not shown), two variables—concentrated economic disad-

vantage (percent unemployed, percent female-headed families with children, percent Black,

and percent below the poverty level) and concentrated immigration (percent Hispanic and

percent foreign-born)—were associated with both nonresponse and at least one of the 16

selected health measures. When comparing estimates for each health indicator using the stan-

dard weights and the nonresponse-adjusted weights, all estimates were similar (i.e. none of the

nonresponse-adjusted health indicator estimates fell outside the 95% confidence intervals of

the standard weighted estimates).

Discussion

A positive patient experience is increasingly recognized as an essential element of high quality

health care [33]. Accordingly, perceptions of quality of care are now included in determina-

tions of governmental funding and provider ratings. Emerging literature has found that per-

ceptions of low-quality care may be linked to poorer health care outcomes (such as delayed

care and non-compliance with treatment) as well as objective measures of quality of care [14,

22]. However, little is known about the predictors of patient quality ratings. Our study adds

to the evidence by exploring how frequently perceived discrimination in medical settings is

reported, who is allegedly perpetrating it, where it happens, and how it is associated with per-

ceived quality measures.

Overall, 40% of adults in this sample responded affirmatively to one or more items on the

DMS, with significant differences by race/ethnicity. Receiving poorer service was the most fre-

quently reported issue, with over 40% of Blacks reporting this type of discriminatory event.

Few patterns were seen regarding the purported perpetrators and locations identified. More

specifically, doctors, nurses, receptionists, and others were all sources of perceived discrimina-

tion. Similarly, substantial percentages of the population reported perceived discriminatory

events at each type of clinical location. Finally, in adjusted models, reporting one or more

types of discrimination in a medical setting was significantly associated with reporting fair or

poor quality of care, not having enough time with the physician, and not being as involved in

decision-making as desired.

Comparison with previous findings

Previous studies using the DMS scale reflect a wide range of prevalence rates, from 8% of

female veterans [34] to over 60% of those included in a convenience sample of African Ameri-

can adults in northern Ohio [12] and a sample of HIV patients [29]. Consistent with the cur-

rent literature, we found that the perception of race-related fear from doctors or nurses toward

patients was the least reported type of perceived discrimination [12, 30, 34, 35]. In previous

studies, perceiving that providers were “not listening” was the most commonly reported item

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on the DMS [12, 19, 29, 30, 34]; however, in our study, receiving “poorer services” was most

frequently reported.

Not surprisingly, our study found lower levels of perceived discrimination in health care

(18%) when using a single-item measure and when limiting events to the past 12 months.

Many previous cross-sectional studies on general populations (also using single-item question)

have reported far lower rates of health care discrimination, ranging from 1% to 9%, compared

to studies using the DMS [17, 22, 24, 36–44]. Most of these had predominantly White sample

populations [22, 24, 36–39]. In contrast, a cross-sectional study conducted in Chicago in 2002

yielded a higher prevalence of 22% [20].

Consistent with much of the previous literature, our study found that Blacks reported the

highest rates of health care discrimination (56%) using the DMS scale [10, 45, 39, 43, 44]; how-

ever, rates among Puerto Ricans and Mexicans far exceeded previous findings at 45% and

40%, respectively. Few studies have estimated prevalence rates within the large and diverse

Latino population [17, 41]. One study of Puerto Ricans in Boston found that 12% had experi-

enced discrimination in medical settings [46]. Another found nearly equal rates of perceived

healthcare discrimination between adults of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent, at roughly

24% [20].

Perceived discrimination and perceived quality of health care

The current study found that DMS is associated with three measures of quality of care (related

to overall perceived quality, involvement with decisions, and time spent with physician), in

line with the existing studies. For example, one study found that perceiving discrimination

while receiving health care was the primary predictor of the variance in quality of care ratings

between Black and White patients [17], while another found that perceived discrimination in

health care (not necessarily due to race/ethnicity) was related to perceived quality of care for

foreign-born (but not U.S. born) Hispanics [18]. Most existing studies on perceived discrimi-

nation in health care and quality outcomes have used single item discrimination measures [17,

18, 30, 43, 47]. As an exception, a study using a small sample of Black and White veterans

found that a multi-item scale of discrimination in health care was associated with quality of

diabetes care [19].

Strengths and limitations

The present research builds upon the literature by examining the prevalence of this type of dis-

crimination for adults of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent, which addresses recent calls to

add to the limited body of health care discrimination research on these growing populations

[25, 27, 41]. In addition, we were able to enlist the more detailed DMS tool in order to attain

more actionable and specific data regarding perceived discriminatory experiences in health

care settings. This study is also among the first to assess the locations and purported perpetra-

tors of perceived discrimination in health care. It is critical to understand that the patient expe-

rience, and perceptions of quality, are impacted at all stages of the clinical process, from ease of

scheduling to interactions with office staff (who are often a patient’s first point of contact), to

physician encounters [48]. By studying the purported perpetrators and locations reported in

the context of discriminatory events, we are able to more clearly understand the patient experi-

ence and, consequently, collectively work to improve patient care and health outcomes

through targeted interventions.

It should be noted that these data, which were collected using a probability sample of ten

diverse Chicago communities, do not represent greater Chicago or U.S. populations. As dis-

cussed above, the overall response rate was low (28.4%, AAPOR response rate type 3) [28]. We

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and quality of care

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weighted all statistics to make the results representative of the sampling frame to account for

this. Moreover, the cooperation rate, which only includes those individuals with whom inter-

viewers made contact, was almost double (53.9%, AAPOR cooperation rate type 4) [28]. These

rates reflect the general decline in response rates seen nationally. As with all surveys, we must

consider whether participants differ from non-participants in characteristics related to our

variables of interest (or the relationships between them). Our nonresponse bias analysis did

not show evidence of this type of bias in these data. However, we were unable to specifically

test for differences in levels of perceived discrimination or healthcare satisfaction between

responders and nonresponders. One might hypothesize that individuals with higher levels of

perceived discrimination in medical settings and lower levels of healthcare satisfaction would

be less likely to participate than other individuals, particularly given that our survey was con-

ducted by a research center that is part of a healthcare system. If this was the case, our numbers

underestimate the extent of perceived discrimination in our healthcare system, while overesti-

mating levels of satisfaction with care.

Another of our study’s weaknesses is intrinsic to the measure of perceived discrimination.

Self-reported discrimination measures reflect only what subjects are able to identify and recall,

and willing to report. Moreover, several measures related to discrimination in a medical setting

were limited to those who reported a health care visit in the past year. The use of odds ratios as

a measure of association may overstate the association, given that both the outcome and expo-

sure are prevalent. Finally, the cross-sectional nature of the data precluded investigation of

causal relationships.

Practical implications

By illuminating associations between patients’ perceptions of discrimination in medical set-

tings and quality of care outcomes, health care systems can be incentivized and guided in the

development of systemic improvement measures. Such interventions, including surveillance,

training, and policies, can be further informed by data regarding the types of behaviors and

clinical scenarios most commonly implicated in perceived discriminatory experiences. Aware-

ness of the need for this type of work is increasing, as highlighted by the Physicians’ Charter

which states that physicians must “work actively to eliminate discrimination in health care”

[49]. Though previous studies of the effectiveness of culturally competent care education have

shown mixed results [50], there is some evidence that completion of such interventions can

mediate greater patient satisfaction and greater follow-up appointment attendance [51]. Simi-

larly, medical schools have shown some success in reducing medical student implicit bias

through health disparities and culture competence curricula [52]. Strategies to specifically

address physician implicit bias have been proposed [53], but there is minimal implementation

of this type of training in practice [54].

Directions for future research

Larger and national studies of perceived discrimination in medical settings are needed to

assess the prevalence and consequences of this issue in the broader U.S. health care system

[10]. Future studies, following patient perceptions, health behaviors, and outcomes over time,

would help clarify which health care outcomes are most vulnerable to this type of perceived

discrimination. Learning health care systems working to reduce provider-based discrimina-

tion through professional training (such as implicit bias training) should carefully evaluate

and report on the efficacy of such systemic implementations. Ideally, objective health out-

comes from EMR data should be assessed to better understand the impact of health care dis-

crimination perceptions on health, as well as potential improvements resulting from system

Perceived discrimination in medical settings and quality of care

PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0215976 April 25, 2019 11 / 15

interventions. Ultimately, however, we must recognize that the factors contributing to health

disparities are vast, and extend far beyond the direct interactions between patients and health

professionals [2]. Further research into the influence of institutional racism and other social

determinants of health is needed to guide broader policy-making that might work synergisti-

cally with improvements in interpersonal health care experiences, with the ultimate goal of

improving health equity [10, 55].

Conclusions

Levels of perceived discrimination in medical settings over a lifetime are high for Blacks, Mexi-

cans, and Puerto Ricans in this sample from ten Chicago communities and this type of per-

ceived discrimination was strongly related to perceptions of the patient experience. While

racism is widely acknowledged (and considered a determinant of existing health disparities)

for Black populations, perceived discrimination in the medical setting represents an emerging issue to be addressed for the growing Hispanic populations and those who serve them. Our

findings further reveal that perceived discriminatory events are not limited to one type of

health care setting or role. More work is needed to identify, address, and, hopefully, prevent,

this type of interaction within our health care systems in order to improve patient experiences

and ultimately outcomes.

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to the Chicago residents who contributed to the Sinai Community Health Sur-

vey 2.0. We also thank our colleagues at the Sinai Urban Health Institute for their valuable

feedback on earlier drafts.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization: Maureen R. Benjamins.

Formal analysis: Maureen R. Benjamins.

Methodology: Maureen R. Benjamins.

Project administration: Maureen R. Benjamins.

Writing – original draft: Maureen R. Benjamins, Megan Middleton.

Writing – review & editing: Maureen R. Benjamins.

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