africa art

Terracotta Statuettes from Mali Author(s): Roderick J. McIntosh and Susan Keech McIntosh Source: African Arts, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Feb., 1979), pp. 51-53+91 Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3335485 Accessed: 28-01-2020 03:38 UTC

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Terracotta Statuettes from Mali

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The first discovery of terracotta stat- uary from the Inland Delta of Mali

was reported over thirty-five years ago (Vieillard 1940). Fully fifteen statuettes in related styles have subsequently been described in print, all the result of chance surface discoveries in the region stretch- ing from Jenne' to Mopti, and at least one hundred more are housed in Euro-

pean museums or private collections. The importance of this group of terracot- tas lies in the fact that they constitute one of several major West African terracotta traditions, including Nok, Ife and Sao, which have been revealed primarily through archaeological pursuits (legiti- mate or otherwise!). Unfortunately, little could be said, until recently, of the tem- poral placement or cultural context of the Inland Delta figures. In reviewing an exhibition at which several of these ter-

racottas were displayed, Labelle Prussin summed up the problem for the readers of African Arts several years ago: "There is . . . presently no basis on which to establish any datings or provenance for these so-called Djenne and Mopti terra cottas .... Only a controlled archeolog- ical investigation in the area may ulti- mately reveal the nature and extent of terra cotta art history in the area" (Prussin 1973:67). Such an archaeological project was recently undertaken in the Inland Niger Delta. In the course of it, a statuette was recovered from a secure

archaeological context for which a radiocarbon determination was sub-

sequently obtained (Fig. 4). The excavations were carried out from

February to May, 1977, at the large mound of Jenne-jeno, which rises above the flood plain three kilometers south- east of the present city of Jenne. Justly famed for her pre-eminent position as a trading entrep6t in the Middle Ages, Jenne was intimately linked with Tim- buktu in the commercial networks that

extended from the Akan forest region across the Sahara Desert to North Africa.

Oral tradition claims Jennd-jeno (literally "ancient Jenn&" in Songhai) to be the

ancestral site of the present town. The archaeological richness of this vast site is attested to by the thick scattering of sur- face remains that blanket the 900-meter

length of Jenne-jeno. Hundreds of mud-brick house foundations and

funerary urns have been exposed by ero- sion, and segments of the city wall can be traced at many points on the periphery of the mound. Several 3 x 3 meter pits were excavated, revealing 5 meters of unbroken Iron Age deposits. Early radiocarbon results indicate that the

mound of Jenne-jeno was built up dur- ing the course of more than a millenium of continuous human occupation, and that abandonment of the site was in

progress by A.D. 1500. These dates im- mediately imply that the urban dwellers of Jenne-jeno witnessed, and possibly contributed to, the rise of the great Em- pire of Mali. Unlike the early forest civili- zations of Ife and Benin, little is known of

the art produced by the succession of Sudanic empires that held sway over the

Inland Niger Delta from the eighth to the sixteenth century. For this reason, the recovery of a terracotta statuette from our final excavation unit constituted an

important art historical as well as ar- chaeological discovery.

This final pit was sunk in a relatively high section of the mound, in what ap- peared to be a residential quarter. Sur- face features in the area excavated in-

cluded the intersecting foundations of a round and a square house (Fig. 1), and a large, spherical painted pot, which was unusual for the region. Excavation was made difficult by the fact that both house foundations were made of djennifre, the mud bricks shaped into truncated cones that were considered the trademark of

masons from Jenne. Surface erosion had caused all bricks, those in walls as well as those collapsed to the side, to merge in a confused mass. Only patient excavation and exposure of each individual brick allowed us to trace the foundations.

It was at the eastern edge of the round

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house that the terracotta statuette was

found, its base resting 0.875 meter below the surface. Physically, the statuette was in only fair condition; the base had bro- ken and partially crumbled prior to ex- posure, probably due to the extremely coarse fabric of the terracotta and poor firing. Stylistically, the statuette showed strong affinities to the wide-eyed, prog- nathic style that is well known from the Inland Niger Delta. The figure is in a kneeling posture with the legs forming part of the rectangular base. The limbs on several of the other statuettes from

the area are represented in a similar two-dimensional style that was achieved by incising the outlines of legs into the modeled clay base (Malzy 1967:18; Monod 1943:11; Haselberger 1966:144). Some kind of covering from the waist to just above the knees is suggested by a series of incised parallel lines. The arms are crossed over the chest with hands rest-

ing on the shoulders, a statuette posture reported by Szumowski (1955:67). A large torque hangs about the neck, and a number of deep incisions at the wrist and lower arm undoubtedly represent bracelets. The head is markedly prog- nathous and flattened along the axis of the chin. Bulging "cowrie shell" eyes are found on the majority of the published statuettes, although they are often more

exaggerated than those of the Jenn&-jeno find. The terracotta was slipped a deep reddish-brown.

The curious spherical pot, mentioned earlier, which was found within both the round and rectilinear foundations, had lain immediately above the statuette. A number of other ceramic objects were found in direct association with the

statuette. To the immediate south and

west of the terracotta were a round object with multiple serpent motifs in relief, a deep, narrow pot with horizontal flanges (similar pots are today used as water beakers), a ceramic mortar and pestle with traces of a red substance (ochre?), and a large carinated bowl containing carbonized rice (Oryza glaberrima) and purslane (Portulaca oleracea). Several ob- jects resembling these have been re- ported in association with terracotta statuettes at other sites in the Inland

Delta (Masson-Detourbet 1953:100-102). At the same depth as the base of the

statuette and within the fill of the round

house, we collected a large sample of charcoal. Radiocarbon dating of this sample has given a result of A.D. 1150+ 140 (Lab # RL 806: 830+ 140 B.P.), which must be statistically interpreted as mean- ing that there is a 66% probability that the actual date of the charcoal falls be-

tween A.D. 1010 and A.D. 1290. The

statuette, therefore, was probably placed in the position in which we found it sometime between A.D. 1000-1300.

As far as we are able to tell, the statuette was not placed in a pit and buried. Rather, it appears that all the ceramic pieces were placed together in a round structure, the walls of which were then deliberately collapsed so that what remained was a pile of mud-brick rubble about a meter high. The square wall and unusual spherical pot may have functioned to mark the site, but it is en-

tirely possible that their close spatial rela- tionship to the statuette is purely coinci- dental.

It may be that the statuette and as- sociated pottery were deposited in the course of a ritual directed toward ances-

tor worship. Ancestral cults continued to flourish in Jenne as late as 1910, when Monteil recorded their existence. At that

time, a small ancestral "altar" could be found in the entryway of many Jenne houses, consisting of a platform on which was placed a human representa- tion of the revered ancestor. Sacrifices

were made to the deceased through the medium of the statuette (Monteil 1971:136-137). The use of human figurines in ancestral cults is historically and ethnographically documented over a wide area in West Africa, including the Akan region of Ghana, the Kissi of Guinea and Sierra Leone, the Ibibio of Nigeria and the Dogon of Mali. A number of archaeologists have claimed that terracottas recovered in excavation

once functioned in the rituals of ancestral

cults (e.g., Lebeuf 1950:120-141; 1966), although it must be remembered that conclusive proof of an artifact's pre- sumed ritual function is extremely hard to come by. Ritual use is often ascer- tained by the simple lack of any other available explanation for the presence and context of an excavated object or series of objects. The evidence for any claim advanced for the ritual or religious significance of an artifact should be criti- cally examined. Statements elaborating the precise type of ritual involved (an- cestral worship, circumcision rites, etc.) should be regarded with a particularly jaundiced eye! In the case of the Jenn&- jeno statuette, evidence supporting the ancestral cult hypothesis includes documented evidence of local tradition, as well as the existence of a generalized West African tradition involving the use of human representation in such rituals.

There is, however, another equally persuasive explanation for the context of the terracotta. It will be remembered that

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2 & 3 FEMALE AND MALE STATUETTES FOUND IN THE VICINITY OF JENNE

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the statuette was discovered near the

base of the foundation of a round brick

structure. Old men living in Jenne today claim that statuettes, along with grain offerings, were placed in the founda- tions of houses in the past as a symbolic re-enactment of the legend of Tapama, a young virgin who was long ago im- mured, while still alive, in Jenne's city wall to ensure that the mud-brick houses

of the city would remain standing.2 Higher than normal annual floodwaters could easily threaten mud buildings, and it is likely that the Tapama legend was an earlier ritual response to such occasions. To this day, young girls in the town are kept indoors during months of unusu- ally high flooding.

The recovery of two other statuettes from wall foundation contexts would

appear to support this alternative expla- nation (Figs. 2, 3). These terracottas were

discovered eroding out of the surface of a site we have rather inelegantly labeled 293-23-A, located to the northwest of Jenne. The heads of both statuettes were already missing, presumably knocked off by passing herds of goats and sheep. It was decided to excavate the statuettes

before further damage could be done. The terracottas are a male/female pair, similar in style to the statuette from Jenne-jeno, although differing dramati- cally in the surface treatment of the clay. Here, dots of clay have been applied all over the surface of the figures. The varia- tion may have been purely stylistic, or it may have been intended to indicate body painting or even a disease, such as the lesions of filariasis. Like the Jennd-jeno figure, these two statuettes had been placed immediately next to a house foundation but were excavated from

under the hard layer that must have been

the house floor. At Jenne-jeno, however, it appeared that house walls had been toppled (with care) onto the statuette. The significance of these differences in the circumstances of statuette deposition is unknown. Clearly, more terracottas need to be excavated from secure ar-

chaeological contexts. A great deal remains to be learned

about the various styles and functions of terracottas in the Inland Niger Delta of Mali. Future radiocarbon dates may show that stylistic and contextual differ- ences between statuettes are chronologi- cal in nature. Although art historical and archaeological studies of this area are in their infancy, the discovery at Jenne-jeno of a ritual terracotta in situ, dating to the period immediately before the Empire of Mali, provides a firm foundation for fu- ture research. O

Notes, page 91

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1. There are generally three Urhobo female age grades (otu) although their names may vary in different areas. Otu emete includes girls from birth to young teens. Their duties include sweeping the compound and light communal labor. Otu eweya is made up of all married women of child-bearing age. In some areas this grade is further divided into women born of a particular Urhobo group and women who married into that group. Duties focus on farm, family, childbirth and re- ated religious responsibilities. Otu okpako is made up of women past child-bearing age. They settle quarrels among women and see that ritual duties are met.

2. I refer to the operation as circumcision, as that is how the Urhobo speak of it. During an operation I witnessed in 1971, the tips of the labia minora were excised, but it is impossible to say if the skin hood of the clitoris was cut off or if the clitoris itself was excised. It was my impression that only the hood was excised. One woman's account while looking at dia- grams of female genitalia supports this impression. Onogirorhena Odeghe Ezieke, an oyanvwemete, told me the operation was done to make a woman's genitals look less like a man's. Welch tells of an Isoko man whose wife was uncir-

cumcised: ". . . the common gibe against him being 'I have a penis and my wife has a penis' " (1937:110). 3. Formerly the wound was dressed with the leaves ofowzewe, an unidentified plant. Iodine has replaced it. Several days later, oil is used to soothe the taut skin. 4. If a girl is pregnant, the operation is performed in the odd-numbered months (third, fifth and seventh) of preg- nancy because it is said to be less dangerous. No woman questioned knew if anyone who had delivered a child before she had been circumcised; that was unthinkable. 5. The expenses for the celebration and incidentals in 1972 were $100-300 (200-500 Nairas). If the girl is betrothed, her fiance negotiates his share of the costs. A rich man might foot the bill, while a man of lesser means sends presents of cloth- ing to his bride and her messengers. 6. Matweavers are usually from the Udu or Ughievwe groups, though bridal mats are sold in distant markets. Bridal mats, called ewhere opha, are used only at these celebrations. For more information on these mats, see my article in African Arts (1978). 7. Boys are circumcised at age seven or eight. During recup- eration, they do not work, and camwood on their hands and feet indicates unusual status. Boys, however, are not honored with the extended privilege given girls at their circumcision celebrations.

8. The Bini word for bride is oha (Melzian 1937:163). If bet- rothed, a young man is addressed as opha when his bride is honored. He rubs camwood on his hands and feet and, like a bride, does not use the deferential salutation with elders. 9. Urhobo brides grow plump during their leisure. This is encouraged as a sign of strength and health. The Urhobo know of similar traditions among the Efik and prize photo- graphs of brides from the area, who grow immense during their seclusion, in full regalia; unlike the Efik, however, the Urhobo emphasize strength, not obesity. 10. For a discussion of Urhobo kings see Ikime (1969: chap. 1). 11. These spirits, generically known asedjo, are considered in more detail by Perkins Foss (1976:12-23). 12. Expressions linking opha to the king are frequent. Parents often say, "I have circumcised my child, who is sitting down like the king" ("Me vwo omo me kidia uvie"). If opha by mistake says "miguo" to her elders, she is addressed directly as a king: "Greetings, King. Don't kneel down!" ("Oviedo, wo digwe!"). 13. In Egwhu and other areas, the Ade society provides protection for brides. 14. For a discussion of eshe see Perkins Foss (1976). 15. Camwood (isene) comes from Pterocarpus soyauxii. Opha's mother glides a camwood block over a camwood stump in a circular motion until a pile of red powder accumulates. She must blend it properly with palm kernel oil, or oily red lines will trickle down the body. Some prefer to use camwood on the body only; for the face they use imisiawhe, which is made by mixing the seeds of an unidentified plant (u musiahwe) with pomade until it is the desired shade of red. Camwood is also used by a newly delivered mother. Like opha, she is accorded respect. 16. Previously, silver coins with a central hole were sewn to the border of the cloth. Today, Christian families sometimes use Catholic medals as decoration.

17. A 1949 photograph by K. C. Murray (Nigerian Archives, 11.98.6 and 7) of an Urhobo bride in silver crown was the first recorded hint of rich bridal traditions in Urhobo areas.

18. These leaves, worn as well by mothers and their female relatives to advertise a recent birth, are another link between brides and new mothers.

19. Parallel bridal traditions exist among the Isoko, eastern neighbors. Welch reports, "The special emphasis laid on... the necessity of sleeping on a special bed (girls sleep on a mat on the floor) raised from the ground, are all necessary to a true circumcision, my informants said" (1937:112). Of special interest is the reference Welch makes to the term esirogbo in a

different context: "The period of seven days following birth is called ESIROGBO and is accompanied by many dangers and therefore taboos . . ." (p. 62). When questioned about this, Urhobo women were surprised. This period is not called esirogbo; rather, a new mother is called omiovwon. 20. Customs vary regionally. At Ekiugbo, near Ughelli, prayers are said as the bed is taken down. 21. This woman, known as okpako aeweya, is chosen from the eldest age grade. Her duties include settling disputes, fulfil- ling ritual obligations and informing the town of bridal celeb- rations. She receives the largest share of any gift to the

town's women.

22. In return for his help he is given up to one Naira, a few plantain, palm oil, a fish and drink. 23. Representatives of men's and women's groups receive gifts, called emi emu r'epha ("collection of food from the brides"). Two women just younger than okpako eweya are given a small fish, plantain and a yam. Two male messengers (the olokpa and the odibo) sent by the king receive two yams, one bunch of plantain, and one fish. The food is collected from all families of brides and is cooked and eaten at a sepa- rate men's and women's feast. This tithe is not paid by the bride who was sponsored by the king. 24. This mixture of red dye and oil is called oyibo isene, or "white man's camwood."

25. Perkins Foss has discussed ivwri in more depth (1975:133-143). 26. This means "cloth of house, hello hello," which may refer to the move opha will soon make to her husband's house. 27. Accounts of traditions honoring girls as they become women are frequently found in passing through a larger work, such as Talbot's In the Shadow of the Bush (1912). There are many articles reporting specific traditions. See Onuora Nzekwu (1959:340-352); Malcolm (1925:113-14); A. J. Udo Ema (1940:386-9). Welch describes Isoko traditions in depth (1937). Only the Itsekiri, western neighbors of the Urhobo, do not circumcise their daughters (see Lloyd 1957). FOSS, Bibliography Ema, A. J. Udo. 1940. "Fattening Girls in Oron, Calabar

Province," Nigeria 21. Foss, Perkins. 1975. "Images of Aggression: Ivwri Sculpture

of the Urhobo," African Images: Essays in African Iconology, edited by E. F. McCall and E. G. Bay. New York: Africana Publishing Co.

Foss, Perkins. 1976. "Urhobo Statuary for Spirits and Ances- tors," African Arts 10, 4.

Foss, Susan. 1978. "Urhobo Mats in Praise of Daughters," African Arts 12, 1.

Ikime, Obaro. 1969. Niger Delta Ritalry: Itsekiri-Urhobo Rela- tions and the European Presence 1884-1936. Ibadan: Humanities Press.

Lloyd, P. C. 1957. "The Itsekiri," in R. E. Bradbury and P. C. Lloyd, The Benin Kingdom and the Edo-speaking People of Southwestern Nigeria, Together with a Section on the Itsekiri. London: International African Institute.

Malcolm, L. W. G. 1925. "Note on the Seclusion of Girls among the Efik at Old Calabar." Man 25.

Melzian, Hans. 1937. A Concise Dictionary of the Bini Language of Southern Nigeria. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co.

Nzekwu, Onuora. 1959. "Iria Ceremony." Nigeria 63. Simmons, Donald C. 1960. "Sexual Life, Marriage and

Childhood among the Efik," Africa 30. Talbot, P. A. 1912. In the Shadow of the Bush. London:

Heinemann.

Welch, J. W. 1937. "The Isoko Clans of the Niger Delta." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge.

MCINTOSH, Notes, from page 53 The authors would like to gratefully thank the Minister of Culture of the Republic of Mali for permission to excavate at

Jenn6-jeno and Dr. A. Konard for his aid, without which our task would have been considerably more difficult. We wish to acknowledge the support and continued inspiration of Pro- fessor B. M Fagan, Dr. J. Alexander and Mr. H. Bocoum. Thanks are extended to Professor J. Harlan for his analysis of botanical remains from the site and to Professor D. Brokensha

for his comments on an early draft of this paper. We would also like to thank the staff at the Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles, for restorative work on the statuettes. Funding for research in Mali was generously provided by the National Science Foundation, the American Association of University Women, and the Crowther-Benyon Fund of the University of Cambridge. 1. The orthography of the city's name is somewhat confused; the spelling Djenn? prevailed in the French colonial era, but Malians today prefer to drop the initial D. 2. Ousman Ciss6, personal communication. MCINTOSH, Bibliography Evrard, J. 1977. Archhologie Ouest-Africaine. Les figurines en

terre cuite du Mali: discription morphologique et essai de typologie. 3 vols. Master's thesis, Universit6 Catholique de Louvain.

Haselberger, H. 1966. "Deux statuettes en terre cuite de Podo," Notes Africaines 112:143-144.

Lebeuf, Jean-Paul. 1950. La Civilisation du Tchad. Paris:Payot. Lebeuf, Jean-Paul. 1966. "Nouvelle d6couvertes ar-

chbologiques A Fort Lamy (RCpublique du Tchad)", West African Archaeological Newsletter 4:29-30.

Ligers, Z. 1957. "Tetes sculpties en terre cuite trouvies au Soudan sur les bords du Niger," Notes Africaines 74:43-46.

Malzy, Pierre. 1967. "A propos d'une statuette fundraire," Notes Africaines 113:17-19.

Masson-Detourbet, A. 1953. "Terres cuites de Mopti (Soudan)," Notes Africaines 60:100-102.

Mauny, R. 1949. "Statuettes de terre cuite de Mopti," Notes Africaines 43:70-72.

Monod, Th. 1943. "D6couverte archdologique A Dj~nn6," Notes Africaines 20:10-11.

Monteil, Ch. 1971. Djinn?: une CitW Soudanaise. Paris: Editions Anthropos.

Prussin, L. 1973. "Review of African Terracottas South of the Sahara (Exhibition)," African Arts 6, 3:66-68.

Szumowski, G. 1955. "Fouilles a Kami et d6couvertes dans la region de Mopti," Notes Africaines 67:65-69.

Vieillard, G. 1940. "Sur quelques objets en terre cuite de Djenn6," Bulletin de II.F.A.N. 3:347-350.

NICKLIN, Notes, from page 59 My visit to Cameroon, sponsored by the Nigerian Federal Department of Antiquities, took place in February 1974. I am most grateful to the Director, Ekpo Eyo, who supported by application for research. This material was gathered while I was an employee of the Department of Antiquities and an external doctoral student of the University of London. The staff of the museum at Bamenda gave me much assistance. I am also grateful to the Museum of Mankind (London), the Royal Scottish Museum (Edinburgh), the Pitt Rivers Museum (Oxford) and the Field Museum of Natural History (Chicago), where I was allowed access to collections and records. I

would not have completed this article without the benefit of

CONTRIBUTORS

EZIO BASSANI is a consultant in African art for the Centro di Studi per la Museologia in Flor- ence, and a contributor to the art review Critica d'Arte.

SUSAN MOORE FOSS, a freelance writer and photographer, graduated from Sarah Lawrence College in 1966. She lived and worked in Nigeria in 1966-68 and 1971-72.

NATALIE KNIGHT holds degrees in art history, drama and law from the University of Witwater- srand and is currently working as a freelance critic and writer in Johannesburg.

RODERICK J. MCINTOSH and SUSAN KEECH MCINTOSH conducted their research in Mali

as doctoral candidates at, respectively, the University of Cambridge and the University of Cali- fornia, Santa Barbara. The latter is now Visiting Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Washing- ton University, St. Louis.

PATRICK R. MCNAUGHTON, Assistant Professor in the Department of Art History at the Uni- versity of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, lived and worked with Bamana sculptor-smiths in 1972-73.

FISHER H. NESMITH, JR., is an associate of the Museum of African Art, Washington, D.C., where he is deputy director for special projects. He has published work on symbolism in early book ornament and has conducted research on West African bronzes for several years.

KEITH NICKLIN, a doctoral candidate at the University of London, is currently on leave as Senior Ethnographer from the Nigerian Federal Department of Antiquities.

ALBIN BENNEY OELMANN is a graduate in painting and art history from Newcastle upon Tyne University. He obtained an M.A. in African studies at the University of Birmingham, where he is now a Ph.D. candidate.

SUZANNE PRIEBATSCH received a B.A. in art history from Smith College and an M.A. in comparative religion from Harvard University. She is a freelance writer and lecturer.

JACK PRITCHETT recently taught sociology at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and is complet- ing a doctorate in anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley.

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