Two Analysis Papers

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Your last project is an Ethics Case Report. It is assigned the first day of class and due the last day of class because it is designed to be cumulative for the whole course, covering all lectures, readings, slides, Ethics MiniModules, Canvas information, documentaries, debates, etc.

(Please include sources I attached, and choose one of the companies in the article “7 the worst companies to work for 2016” as the topic)

 For your final project, you will select a modern day, corporate or organizational ethical issue and prepare it as a case for study by future business leaders and students to learn from. Spend the first few weeks of this course identifying what you want to write about and gathering research for the facts of the case. As long as it presents at least one ethical issue in regards to an organization, it will be suitable for analysis – if you have any doubts, come see me. I suggest that you pick an incident or a pattern and practice that means something to you in your chosen field of study or in an area of your interest.

 

Essentially, you are writing up the facts of the case situation, doing the analysis, and offering solutions to avoid similar cases in the future. Like you did in your mini-case analysis, you will identify stakeholders involved and explain what their interests are. Like you did in the full case analyses, you will identify ethical issues and explain how these are linked to ethical frameworks (like utilitarianism or deontology) in how they should be solved. As with your debate and your individual white paper, you will be asked to advocate on behalf of a position – your presented solution for such issues should they arise in the future. You will need to do your own research on the relevant facts, citing your sources in any coherent, consistent format. You may use visuals in the form of attached slides or embed them throughout your Report.

(Here is the information you may use from the course schedule.)

WEEK 8 – THE EMPLOYEE AS A STAKEHOLDER

Debate #2 – Beyond paying a fair market salary, do corporations have a duty to accommodate their employees' human needs (examples: stress issues, privacy, work-life issues)?

1. “The Spy Who Fired Me”

2. "Your boss and your Blackberry" http://roomfordebate.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/12/21/your-boss-and-your-blackberry/

3. "The only one: Being black in the white working world" http://www.alternet.org/story/12661/the_only_one%3A_being_black_in_the_white_working_world 4. "The sorry lives and confusing times of today's young men" http://www.phillymag.com/articles/the-sorry-lives-and-confusing-times-of-today-s-young-men/

5. "Why women still can't have it all" http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/07/why-women-still-can-8217-t-have-it-all/9020/

6. "The best and worst countries for work-life balance"

http://mic.com/articles/104712/the-best-and-worst-countries-for-work-life-balance-the-u-s-doesn-t-rank-well

7. "The worst companies to work for"

http://247wallst.com/special-report/2015/06/29/the-worst-companies-to-work-for/

Criteria

1

2

3

4

5

Suitability of the example for the creation of the case analysis for this assignment

This was not a good choice for this assignment because of unavailability of information or lack of significant ethical issues

This example would have been a good choice for this assignment if information was available to properly lay out the case analysis

This example would have been a good choice for this assignment if there were multiple ethical issues presented in the corporate or organizational forum

This was a good choice for this assignment because there were multiple ethical issues and available resources to find the relevant facts

This was a great choice for this assignment because there were ethical issues present, there was available information to discuss relevant facts, and this issue is likely to “have long legs” in the corporate or organizational world in the future

5

Identification and Explanation of The Case at Hand

– The who, what, why, and why do we care?

Need to do a much better job of laying out the case to support the following analysis; very unclear

Need to do a better job of laying out the case to support the following analysis; more facts, more research, more clarity

Pretty good job of laying out the case to support the following analysis; more facts, more research would have been helpful

Very good job of laying out the case to support the following analysis; what’s there is good; could still use a bit more facts, more research, more clarity

Excellent job of laying out the case to support the following analysis; very thorough presentation of facts supported by research and clarity of the ethical issues

15

Identification and Explanation of Various Ethical Issues Involved and

Underlying Relevant Ethical Frameworks

There were ethical issues and frameworks presented?

Identifies some of the relevant ethical issues in a given problem/case. Some important ethical issues are missing, and frameworks were not discussed

Identifies some of the relevant ethical issues and relevant frameworks in a given problem/case; needed more on these to convey the ethical ramifications of the case

Identifies most of the relevant ethical issues and relevant frameworks in the given case; more depth would have been helpful

Completely and thoughtfully identifies the relevant ethical issues and relevant frameworks in the given case in depth so that the project fully conveys the ethical dilemmas involved

15

Identification and Explanation of Various Stakeholders and their Stakes

There were stakeholders?

Identifies some of the relevant stakeholders in a given problem/case. Some important stakeholders are missing, and the ones who are there need their stakes presented more convincingly

Identifies some of the relevant stakeholders in a given problem/case. Some important stakeholders are missing, as are detailed explanations of their stakes

Identifies and explains most of the relevant stakeholders in the given case; could have gone a bit further in explanation of stakeholder interests

Completely and thoughtfully identifies and explains all relevant and important stakeholders and their interests in a given problem/case

15

Quality and Clarity of Arguments on various stakeholders’ sides

Arguments were weak in persuasive value

Not bad, but arguments aren’t that persuasive

Somewhat persuasive arguments (to a friendly audience)

Very good and persuasive arguments

Excellent and very compelling, persuasive arguments

 15

Quality of Research and Sources to Support Arguments

*How well did you use and cite sources?

No research evident; conclusory

Some research to support case and arguments, but it is not clearly linked

Some research to support case and arguments, more would have been helpful

Very good research to support case and arguments

Thorough and outstanding research in support of case and arguments

 10

Professionally Presented

(Layout, grammar, writing, etc.)

Looked like a college project

Looked like a graduate level project

Looked like a good junior associate did this

Looked like a hotshot, midlevel associate did this

What? The senior partner didn’t do this?

Get out …

5

Your Proposed Solution Presented

*How well did you consider both sides’ arguments and stakeholders’ interests in crafting a proposed solution?

Solution was weak in persuasive value and/or support

Not bad, but solution didn’t adequately balance both sides (too biased toward one side)

Decent solution in terms of opposing viewpoints, but not convincing it would work for those involved

Very good and well argued solution; would likely work with some snags

Excellent and very compelling solution – wish you were running the world on this issue

20

 

 

 

Total Score

(Possible 100)

 

__MACOSX/paper 1/._Paper 1 assignment.docx

paper 1/.DS_Store

__MACOSX/paper 1/._.DS_Store

paper 1/sources/1 The Spy Who Fired Me.pdf

HARPER’S MAGAZINE/MARCH 2015 $6.99

A GRAND JUROR SPEAKS The Inside Story of How Prosecutors Always Get Their Way

by gideon lewis-kraus

GIVING UP THE GHOST The Eternal Allure of Life After Death

by leslie jamison

THE SPY WHO FIRED ME The human costs of workplace monitoring

BY esTHer kaPlan

u

A Lost Story by Vladimir Nabokov

Garry Wills on the Future of Catholicism

William T. Vollmann Visits Fukushima

u u

REPORT 31

R E P O R T

THE SPY WHO FIRED ME The human costs of workplace monitoring

By Esther Kaplan

Last March, Jim Cramer, the host of CNBC’s Mad Money, devoted part of his show to a company called Cornerstone OnDemand. Corner- stone, Cramer shouted at the camera, is “a cloud-based-software- as-a-service play” in the “talent- management” field. Companies that use its platform can quickly assess an em- ployee’s performance by analyzing his or her on- line interactions, in- cluding emails, instant messages, and Web use. “We’ve been manag- ing people exactly the same way for the last hundred and fi f ty years,” Cornerstone’s CEO, Adam Miller, told Cramer. With the rise of the global workforce, the re- mote workforce, the smartphone and the tablet, it’s time to “manage people differently.” Clients include Virgin Media, Barclays, and Starwood Hotels.

Cornerstone, as Miller likes to tell investors, is positioning itself to be “on

the vanguard of big data in the cloud” and a leader in the “gamification of per- formance management.” To be assessed by Cornerstone is to have your collab- orative partnerships scored as assets and your brainstorms rewarded with elec- tronic badges (genius idea!). It is to have scads of information swept up about what you do each day, whom you com- municate with, and what you communi- cate about. Cornerstone converts that

data into metrics to be factored in to your per- formance reviews and decisions about how much you’ll be paid.

Miller’s company is part of an $11 billion industry that also includes workforce- management systems such as Kronos and “enterprise social” plat- forms such as Micro- soft’s Yammer, Sales- force’s Chatter, and, soon, Facebook at Work. Every aspect of an office worker’s life can now be measured, and an increasing number of corporations and institutions—from cosmetics companies to car-rental agencies— are using that informa- tion to make hiring and firing decisions.

Cramer, for one, is bullish on the idea: investing in companies like Corner- stone, he said, “can make you boatloads of money literally year after year!”

A survey from the American Management Association found that 66  percent of employers moni- tor the Internet use of their employ- ees, 45 percent track employee key- strokes, and 43  percent monitor employee email. Only two states,

Esther Kaplan is the editor of the Investiga- tive Fund at the Nation Institute and was a 2013–2014 Alicia Patterson Fellow.

Illustrations by John Ritter

32 HARPER’S MAGAZINE / MARCH 2015

Delaware and Connecticut, require companies to inform their employ- ees that such monitoring is taking place. According to Marc Smith, a sociologist with the Social Media Research Foundation, “Anything you do with a piece of hardware that’s provided to you by the em- ployer, every keystroke, is the prop- erty of the employer. Personal calls, private photos—if you put it on the company laptop, your company owns it. They may analyze any elec- tronic record at any time for any purpose. It’s not your data.”

With the advent of wireless con- nectivity, along with a steep drop in the price of computer processors, electronic sensors, GPS devices, and radio-frequency identification tags, monitoring has become common- place. Many retail workers now clock in with a thumb scan. Nurses wear badges that track how often they wash their hands. Warehouse workers carry devices that assign them their next task and give them a time by which they must complete it. Some may soon be outfitted with augmented- reality devices to more efficiently locate products.

In industry after industry, this data collection is part of an expen- sive, high-tech effort to squeeze ev- ery last drop of productivity from corporate workforces, an effort that pushes employees to their mental, emotional, and physical limits; claims control over their working and nonworking hours; and com- pensates them as little as possible, even at the risk of violating labor laws. In some cases, these new sys- tems produce impressive results for the bottom line: after Unified Gro- cers, a large wholesaler, implement- ed an electronic tasking system for its warehouse workers, the firm was able to cut payroll expenses by 25 percent while increasing sales by 36  percent. A 2013 study of five chain restaurants found that elec- tronic monitoring decreased em- ployee theft and increased hourly sales. In other cases, however, the return on investment isn’t so clear. As one Cornerstone report says of corporate social- networking tools, “There is no generally accepted model for their implementation or

standard set of metrics for measuring R.O.I.” Yet this has hardly slowed adoption.I first got interested in the data- driven workforce not long after I moved from a dilapidated apartment in Brooklyn that had a live-in super to a slightly more solid walk-up that does not. I began to notice something frus- trating about my UPS deliveries. They never arrived. When I wasn’t home, I’d leave a note asking for packages to be left at the laundromat on the cor- ner. I’d get an attempted- delivery note instead. The same thing sometimes happened even when I was home—I’d find an attempted-delivery note, but no one had rung my doorbell. Packag- es were routinely returned to sender. Then I learned about UPS’s use of something called telematics.

Telematics is a neologism coined f rom two other neologisms— tele communications and informatics— to describe technologies that wire- lessly transmit data from remote sensors and GPS devices to computers for analysis. The telematics system that now governs the working life of a driv- er for UPS includes handheld DIADs, or delivery- information acquisition devices, as well as more than 200 sen- sors on each delivery truck that track everything from backup speeds to stop times to seat-belt use. When a driver stops and scans a package for delivery, the system records the time and loca- tion; it records these details again when a customer signs for the package. Much of this information flows to a supervisor in real time. The Teamsters, the union that represents UPS employ- ees, won contract language that says drivers can’t be fired based solely on the numbers in their telematics re- ports, but supervisors have found work- arounds, and telematics- related firings have become routine.

One warm day last fall I met with a man I’ll call Jeff Rose, who for the past fifteen years has driven a UPS delivery route in a working-class neighborhood in one of New York City’s outer boroughs. He was taking his two o’clock lunch break at a din- er on the corner of a modest com- mercial strip and a leafy residential street. Rose, who asked that I not use his real name, said that telematics

was introduced as a safety measure when it was rolled out in New York six or seven years ago. Lists were posted at distribution centers to shame the biggest seat-belt scofflaws. But safety is not the reason given for telematics on UPS investor calls. On those, executives speak instead about the potential for telematics to save the firm $100  million in operating efficiencies, including reductions in fuel, maintenance, and labor.

Indeed, around the time telematics was being introduced in New York, UPS began to increase the number of stops on each route. At morning meet- ings at the distribution center, Rose told me, supervisors would announce, “Hey, your stop count is going up by ten.” As recently as a decade ago, a driver’s stop count might be eighty-five, but in re- cent years it rose to ninety-five, then a hundred. These numbers are reflected in UPS corporate filings, which show that daily domestic package deliveries grew by 1.4 million between 2009 and 2013, the years in which telematics was being rolled out—and these addition- al packages were delivered by a thou- sand fewer drivers. Total domestic employees shrank during the same period by 22,000.

These days, on an average shift, Rose makes 110 stops and delivers 400 pack- ages. He leaves his house at seven in the morning and seldom gets home before nine-thirty at night, when he is so ex- hausted that he rarely makes it to bed— he grabs dinner and passes out on the couch. “If you go to one of these UPS facilities at shift-change time, you’d think you were at a football game, the way people are limping, bent over, with shoulder injuries, neck injuries, knee injuries,” said David Levin, an orga- nizer with Teamsters for a Democratic Union, a reform caucus within the Teamsters. “It’s fifteen years of rushing, rushing, rushing, working when you’re exhausted, working those long days, running up and down stairs with boxes.”

Rose told me he knows at least ten drivers at his facility who have had knee or shoulder surgery. He suffers from chronic back pain, but a sur- geon told him there was no point in operating—he has so many different injuries that surgery won’t help. UPS coaches drivers to follow eight rules for safe lifting, which Rose rattled off

REPORT 33

by heart: “Get close to the object; have your feet shoulder-width apart; bend your knees; test the package for shifting weight; grab at opposite cor- ners; lift in one fluid motion; keep it within your power zone; pivot, don’t twist.” But, he said, “if I did those eight things for each box, how pro- ductive would I be?”

Thanks to telematics, Rose’s super- visor can answer that question min- ute by minute. For every driver with- in his purview, he can monitor a neighborhood map with the driver’s route traced in teal and the stops marked and numbered. Another win- dow shows a complete list of address- es on the route and the number of packages per address. A third window shows the driver’s speed, whether the engine is off or on, whether the

bulkhead—the massive, rolling rear door—is open or closed, whether the seat belt is engaged, whether the driver is backing up, and more. In the center of the screen, a fourth window shows the number of minutes allotted per stop and whether the driver is under or over that target.

I saw a video capture of a telematics report from a facility in Queens that made clear just how unrealistic those allotments are. Every few stops the driver beats his time by a second, or by nineteen seconds, or even by a minute. But more often than not, the driver goes over, by three minutes, or four, or even ten. As I watched, the driver’s cumula- tive over/under number kept creeping up, until it was north of four hours over. At the same time, safety measures, like seat-belt use, got spotty. A printout of

the data from a single driver’s shift can be up to forty pages long. There might be a page dedicated to backing-up events, another for stop times, and so on. But sprinting to an apartment and slapping a delivery- attempt notice on the door without ringing the bell or waiting for someone to make it down a three-story walk-up—well, that’s a shortcut UPS’s telematics system would have no way of catching.

After lunch, I trailed Rose on his route for a few hours. He told me that he refuses to sprint anymore—“This job is the long haul”—but from the moment he swung into his seat, he was con- stantly in motion. I lost him im- mediately, on the way to his first stop, when he zipped through an intersection just before the light turned. At his third stop, he pulled a small box from the front of the truck; once he was buzzed in, he bounced up a steep flight of stairs. At the next stop, the boxes were larger, so he had to come around back, pull up the heavy bulkhead, and use a hand truck.

At another stop, Rose had to make multiple trips, with a mix of small and large packages. We were nearing rush hour, and many of the cars around us were honking aggressively. With each new batch of boxes, Rose jaywalked across the street; walking to the corner and crossing at the light would have

cost far too much time. It was a balmy day, with a clear sky. I tried to imag- ine him doing this when the streets were icy and the gutters running with slush. I recalled one driver I’d read about who’d been hit by a car while making deliveries during the 2012 holiday rush and ended up in a ten-day coma.In recent years, many companies have followed UPS’s lead: telematics is expected to become a $30 billion industry by 2018. David Cozzens is the CEO of Telogis, a company that provides telematics to commercial- trucking fleets, including those of AT&T and Coca-Cola. He recalled the thrill he felt entering the field only seven years ago: “It was big data. It was the Internet of things. It was

34 HARPER’S MAGAZINE / MARCH 2015

cloud computing; it was mobile; it was really a new market, with low penetration.” He champions the technology as a way to boost work- force productivity while also being environmentally friendly. UPS claims that in 2010 telematics saved 1.7 mil- lion driving miles, 15 million minutes of idling time, and 103,000 gallons of gas. (Total daily gas usage in the United States is 368 million gallons.) Cozzens said some Telogis clients have realized efficiencies that al- lowed them to eliminate as many as 10 percent of their vehicles. “Project that on a broad scale. Those are big numbers in terms of sustainability.”

A Telogis system plugs into a vehi- cle’s electronic control system, where it pulls information on everything from braking time to windshield-wiper use; this is combined with GPS and weather data, current and historical traffic information, and specific no- tices about, say, tunnel height or washed-out bridges that are collected from the 140,000 vehicles using the company’s navigation software. Some Telogis clients use the systems to save fuel, by reducing idling time and op- timizing routes; others seek to maxi- mize use of their fleet. Still others are looking for productivity improve- ments from their drivers. Industry adoption of telematics, a Telogis spokeswoman estimates, is around 20 percent to date. “Now it’s starting to be, ‘I have to have it,’ ” Cozzens said. “ ‘How are we going to harness this data? We’re not going to be suc- cessful if we don’t do it, because our competitors are going to.’ ”

In workshops at a National Associ- ation of Fleet Administrators confer- ence in Minneapolis last spring, the rush to adopt telematics was apparent. Firms that had already installed the systems had done it so quickly that managers were struggling with imple- mentation. Forty-four telematics ven- dors were exhibitors at the expo, and there were entire workshops devoted to “K.P.I.’s”—key per formance indicators—in which fleet managers gathered in the hope of learning how to adapt to these new systems. “You can’t manage what you can’t mea- sure,” a slide in one workshop ex- plained. After a list of dozens of po- tential K.P.I.’s flashed on the screen,

the presenter said, “As you can see, there are a lot.” Another presenter said that managers are exerting “more pressure for more detail. More, more, more!” Someone expressed a wish for a “killer K.P.I.,” a supermetric that could boil all of the data down into a single big, shiny, decisive number.

At one point the conversation shifted to drivers’ reactions to the new technology, which surveys have shown to be overwhelmingly nega- tive. One poll of fleet managers in the U.K. found that almost 80  per- cent had experienced resistance when implementing telematics; half of them had experienced a “signifi- cant amount.” I spoke with one wom- an at the conference who was a fleet manager for a firm that supplies hos- pitals with rental equipment such as ventilators. When she introduced telematics to her fleet, she said, driv- ers worried that they’d get fired for going to the bathroom or stopping for lunch or speeding. Many were. Some supervisors, who were now able to see real-time data on speed and idle time, “probably watched it more than they needed to,” she said, and responded “with a harshness.”

Another woman told a workshop that at her firm, drivers got paid by how many jobs they delivered. “So we’re telling them to produce as much as you can—but don’t speed. It’s a catch-22.” Steve Jastrow, a con- sultant at GE Capital Fleet Services, advised managers to descr ibe telematics as a safety initiative, just as UPS had done. “How you present it to the driver may be different than how you present it to senior manage- ment,” he said.

“The important thing is where the power lies,” said Zingha Lucien, an- other fleet consultant. “Drivers might not be happy being measured, but in the end they will yield.”

Jeff Rose saw evidence of this in a Daily Recap I obtained from a UPS center in New York. The document contains a summary of each driver’s metrics. He pointed out that all of the drivers were over their allotted times by at least an hour or two, ex- cept for a handful of trainees, some of whom came in as much as two hours under. Rose told me that there’s no way drivers could be beat-

ing their time quotas by that much without sprinting the entire day and recklessly cutting corners on safety.

A UPS spokesperson told me that telematics has improved safety over- all and lifted seat-belt compliance to an “almost perfect” 98.8 percent. But UPS drivers tell a different story. One wrote on an online forum about a new hire who was beating his quota by an hour and a half to two hours every day. “This guy has literally told me he will buckle the seat belt be- hind him and not wear it,” he wrote, saying the driver also has high back- ing speeds, an “absurd amount of bulkhead door events”—driving with the back door open—and many mis- delivered packages.

“People get intimidated and they work faster,” Rose told me. “It’s like when they whip animals. But this is a mental whip.”Whenever you drive up to a McDonald’s window, or push your grocery cart to a Stop & Shop checkout line, or head to the register at Uniqlo with a blue lambswool sweater in hand, you, too, are about to be swept up into a detailed system of metrics. A point-of-sale (P.O.S.) system connected to the cash register captures the length of time between the end of the last customer’s trans- action and the beginning of yours, how quickly the cashier rings up your order, and whether she has sold you on the new Jalapeño Double. It re- cords how quickly a cashier scans each carton of milk and box of cere- al, how many times she has to rescan an item, and how long it takes her to initiate the next sale. This data is being tracked at the employee level: some chains even post scan rates like scorecards in the break room; others have a cap on how many mistakes an employee can make before he or she is put on probation.

Until recently, most retail and fast-food schedules were handmade by managers who were familiar with the strengths of their staff and their scheduling needs. Now an algorithm takes the P.O.S. data and spits out schedules that are typically pro- grammed to fit store traffic, not em- ployees’ lives. Scheduling software systems, some built in-house, some

REPORT 35

by third-party firms, analyze histori- cal data (how many sales there were on this day last year, how rain or a Yankees game affects revenue) as well as moment-by-moment updates on the number of customers in the store or the number of sweaters sold in the past hour or the pay rate of each employee on the clock—what Kronos, one of the leading suppliers of these systems, calls “oceans of valuable workforce data.” In the world of retail, all of this information points toward one killer K.P.I.: labor cost as a percentage of revenue.

In postwar America, many retail- ers sought to increase profits by max- imizing sales, a strategy that pushed stores to overstaff so that every cus- tomer received assistance, and by of- fering generous bonuses to star sales- people with st rong customer relationships. Now the trend is to keep staffing as lean as possible, to treat employees as temporary and re- placeable, and to schedule them ex- actly and only when needed. Charles DeWitt, a vice president at Kronos, calls it “the era of cost.”

Workforce-management technolo- gies make productivity visible and measurable, allowing employers to distinguish between labor time that generates profits and labor time— down to the minute—that does not. Kronos systems promise to “optimize the workforce” to deliver “the lowest cost schedule.” The system doesn’t necessarily lead to clients cutting employees’ hours, DeWitt told me. “If they don’t have these tools, they’ll understaff, which will lead to customer dissatisfaction. It only takes two to three bad experiences for a customer to leave a brand for- ever.” But he said that overstaffing can be a bigger problem: “If you have chronic overstaffing, you’re just not going to be competitive and you’ll drive yourself out of business.” A large company can easily pay $1  million a year for a third-party service. Kronos, whose client roster includes retail giants such as Star- bucks, Stop & Shop, and Payless, brought in $1 billion last year. Occa- sionally such software systems are customized: at Macy’s it is My Schedule Plus; at McDonald’s it is called R2D2.

Carrie Gleason, a former union organizer who now runs a national campaign called the Fair Workweek Initiative, recalled that back in 2005, when she first began organizing retail workers, employees at stores like JCPenney were still mostly full-time, and many had health insurance. “Over the years I heard more and more workers talk about how they weren’t getting enough hours,” she said, “and how their managers ignored their availability.” The news filtered in from the retail workers she spoke with: the Gap was scheduling four- hour shifts; DSW salespeople were getting only twelve hours of work a week; at some stores Zara was chang- ing employees’ schedules without no- tice, leading many to snap photos of posted schedules to avoid getting dis- ciplined for missing a shift they weren’t aware they had; Abercrombie & Fitch employees started receiving entire schedules composed of on-call shifts that never materialized. Face- book pages began to crop up for work- ers desperate to pick up extra hours— or to get someone to cover a shift they’d been saddled with on little or no notice. Employees were slowly be- ing turned into day laborers. The fed- eral Bureau of Labor Statistics has reported that the number of retail employees involuntarily working part- time more than doubled between 2006 and 2010, from 644,000 to 1.6 million.

The experience of Allison Santana, a mother of four in Chester, Pennsyl- vania, illustrates the new normal. She was hired as a Starbucks barista two years ago. The starting wage was low—$7.60 an hour—but she thought she could scrape by with the twenty- eight to thirty-eight hours a week she was promised. She got far fewer, how- ever, usually eighteen hours, made up entirely of four- or five-hour shifts. “Instead of having four people work seven a.m. to three p.m., like at a regu- lar job, it would be me and someone else opening the store at four  a.m., then at six another person, then may- be at seven-thirty another person comes in. And most of them wouldn’t stay till three,” she said. “It’s cutting that labor, saving that labor, that’s the whole deal of the software.”

Santana supplemented her Star- bucks earnings by working nights at a

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36 HARPER’S MAGAZINE / MARCH 2015

hotel. Her manager knew about the job, but that didn’t stop the software from spitting out shifts that started while she was still at the hotel. She used state-subsidized day care for her children, but the facility required her to specify her schedule in advance, and Starbucks rarely gave her enough notice to do so. Plus the day care was only open Monday to Friday, and Star- bucks mostly gave her weekend hours. She lost her spot at the facility and ended up leaving her kids with her mom, who was juggling three young children of her own. Santana’s child- care troubles were not considered an acceptable excuse for missing a shift. Her manager wouldn’t even excuse co-workers who missed work for a child’s graduation or a loss in the fam- ily. In exchange for twenty hours of low-wage work each week, staffers gave up control over their lives. (Last Au- gust, in the wake of a New York Times exposé, Starbucks announced a new policy that will give employees a week’s notice of their schedules; mean- while, Santana has been promoted and her hours have stabilized. A spokesperson said that company poli- cy allows up to four days of bereave- ment leave and that store managers “work hard to give partners the hours they want.”)A 2010 management survey led by Susan Lambert of the University of Chicago found that 62 percent of retail jobs are now part-time and that two thirds of retail managers prefer to maintain a large workforce, to maxi- mize scheduling flexibility, rather than increase hours for individual workers. In 2012, a study of retail workers conducted by the Retail Ac- tion Project and Stephanie Luce of the City University of New York found that unstable scheduling, with radical changes from week to week, was common, as was extremely short notice. Only 17  percent of surveyed workers—and just 10 percent of those who were part-time—had a set sched- ule; only 30  percent received their schedule more than a week in ad- vance. Schedules often had set start times, but many shifts ended abruptly as soon as business declined. One in five workers had to keep her schedule free for “call-in” shifts that rarely ma-

terialized. An employee at Club Mo- naco told researchers that if sales weren’t high enough, managers would give workers a single guaranteed shift each week—plus four on-call shifts. A third of the employees in the study had dependent children and were forced, like Santana, to piece togeth- er child care to cover their increas- ingly erratic working lives.

Most low-wage workers juggle two to three jobs just to get by, said Allen Mayne, director of collective bar- gaining at R.W.D.S.U., a retail work- ers’ union that helped found the Re- tail Action Project. But it’s almost impossible to get a second job if you’ve already promised away a claim on each of your waking hours. I asked Mayne whether an employee could get fired for missing a shift that she was given at the last minute. “In a nonunion environment?” he said. “Oh, yeah. Fine. See you.”

Labor costs have long been a pres- sure point in retail, but the impact of data-driven software systems is dra- matic. In August 2013, less than two weeks after the teen-fashion chain Forever 21 began using Kronos, hun- dreds of full-time workers were noti- fied that they’d be switched to part- time and that their health benefits would be terminated. Something similar happened last year at Centu- ry 21, the high-fashion retailer in New York to which people make pil- grimages for discount Versace, Kate Spade, and Burberry. I spoke with two saleswomen who had worked at the flagship store near the World Trade Center for a combined forty- four years. They said they had always had consistent and full-time sched- ules until the chain expanded and implemented a Kronos system. With- in the space of a day, Colleen Gib- son’s regular schedule went up in smoke. She’d been selling watches from seven in the morning to three- thirty in the afternoon to accommo- date evening classes, but when that availability was punched in to Kro- nos, the system no longer recognized her as full-time. Now she was getting no more than twenty-five hours a week, and her shifts were erratic. “They said if you want full hours, you have to say you’re flexible,” she told me.

Larry Mentzer, Century 21’s chief revenue officer, said such problems were rare. “We’re a big believer in the Kronos electronic scheduling system,” he told me. “We had a few small glitches when we rolled it out, and by a few I mean you could count them on your two hands. But we fixed it and we’re very happy with it.” Max Bruny, president of U.F.C.W. Local 888, which represents Century 21 workers, told me the problems were more widespread: “With Kronos, they organize it in terms of buckets. They ask for your availability. Say you have one hundred percent availability, they put you in the bucket of thirty-five to forty hours. If you say you can’t work weekends, you’re put in another buck- et, where you get maybe twenty-five to thirty hours. And that was the nightmare. So people who used to get forty hours —because you have re- strictions, now you’re not.” Bruny’s union filed several grievances in the first year Kronos was implemented and even filed charges with the Na- tional Labor Relations Board. Under pressure from the union, Gibson’s manager overrode the Kronos sched- uler and gave her back her old hours, and the union ultimately won the right to a fixed forty-hour schedule for anyone with at least ten years’ seniori- ty. But most shops where Kronos has been implemented—including Star- bucks and the Gap—are not union- ized, which makes it far more difficult for employees to push back. “We took a different path from other stores,” Mentzer said, “because we chose to retain our workforce.”

Lisa Disselkamp, a consultant with Deloitte, is the author of three manuals on workforce-management technology. “I think it’s natural that it will start to change behaviors,” she said of the scheduling software. “It focuses people on a metric. And there’s a fear, right? I need to make that number. But if you meet that number, and only that number, what does it cost?”

Kronos’s promotional videos em- phasize the risk of time theft by employ ees—“In a few minutes late? Taking a few extra minutes on a break? It adds up”—and some of the firm’s most invasive systems, which require employees to clock in with

REPORT 37

a finger scan, are meant to prevent “buddy punching,” when an em- ployee clocks in a co-worker who hasn’t yet arrived.

John Durkalski, an attorney who has represented union workers with wage and schedule complaints against Kroger, Safeway, and Super- valu, said that time theft by employ- ees is far less common than wage theft by employers. “Store managers change time sheets, lop off overtime, tell people to clock out and keep working, and fine, if you don’t, you’ll be on the manager’s bad side,” he told me. If the software subtracts thirty minutes for an unpaid meal break regardless of whether a worker took one or not, or fails to properly account for paid sick leave, it can be extremely difficult for an employee to detect. The scheduling systems also increase the pressure on supervisors to break the rules, Durkalski said. “That pressure is that buzzer that goes, ‘Ding, ding, ding, ding, ding, you’ve hit your costs!’ If you hit your costs on the twenty-first day of the month and you’ve got nine days left, what are you going to do? The pres- sure is to cook the books or get the employees to work off the clock.” In industries where workers typically work three- or four-hour shifts, he said, “if you can get everyone to work fifteen minutes off the clock, you’re gaining almost a whole shift! Over the course of the week that will real- ly keep costs down.”

Last March, workers filed class- action lawsuits against McDonald’s stores in California, Michigan, and New York, alleging systematic wage theft. Some of the practices listed in the legal complaints are closely linked to the stores’ in-house data- collection systems. The software it- self was not telling managers to vio- late the law, said David Dean, the lead attorney in the Michigan suit. But every fifteen minutes, the soft- ware calculates labor costs as a per- centage of revenue—the “labor num- ber”—and reports whether you’re under or over your target. “The vio- lations result from managers being told, ‘You have to get your labor costs under control: you’re over, you’re over,’ ” he said. “The problem is, if they send somebody home and

business picks up in a half hour, they’re screwed.” According to the plaintiffs, McDonald’s managers would routinely tell employees to clock out and wait in the break room for minutes or hours without pay, un- til revenue picked up enough for the workers to clock back in. Or manag- ers would tell employees to clock out before the end of their shifts but in- sist they finish certain tasks before going home. (A company spokes- person told me, “When McDonald’s learns of pay concerns in restau- rants which we own and operate, we review the concerns and take ap- propriate action to resolve them. . . . [W]e caution against drawing broad conclusions based on a small num- ber of lawsuits.”)

Though the plaintif fs in the McDonald’s cases are not talking to the press, Larika Harris, a McDonald’s employee who lives in Memphis, Ten- nessee, described a similar work ex- perience. Harris was typically as- signed to the overnight shift, when there’s just one person at the win- dow and one person on the grill. “We couldn’t take breaks,” she said, not even to run to the bathroom, “but the breaks got put in.” She was often paid only for her official eight- hour shift, even when her supervisor didn’t let her leave on time. If she was scheduled for seven in the eve- ning to three in the morning, she was rarely out of the door till three- thirty; on her eight-to-four overnight shifts, she was usually not allowed to leave until five-thirty. One pay- check, she said, was missing eleven hours of compensation. With an in- fant and a toddler at home, she had to pay her babysitter for those extra hours even though McDonald’s wasn’t paying her.

“You’re told to ‘manage the labor,’ ” said Kwanza Brooks, a former shift manager who worked at several McDonald’s restaurants in Baltimore and in Charlotte, North Carolina, over twelve years. “Your labor, that’s what McDonald’s calls it, is your main focus.” Managers are supposed to give out unpaid thirty-minute breaks, Brooks said, but the staffing is too lean to make that possible. After she’d been at McDonald’s about five years, an assistant manager showed Brooks

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38 HARPER’S MAGAZINE / MARCH 2015

how he fixed that problem. He no- ticed that her labor number for one shift was high, 23 or 24, rather than 17 or 18. So he said to go in and man- ually add in breaks, and showed her how to scroll down the list of employ- ees and add “break in” and “break out” times for each one. When one employee challenged the practice and started asking for a printout of her hours at the end of each shift, Brooks was instructed not to release any more printouts.

I asked Brooks about other methods managers used to hit their numbers. “Say you’re supposed to come in at four o’clock and you get there early. They might tell you to help but not clock in. Or they might clock you out on a break but keep you working. Or they might say, ‘I’ll send you home,’ and then there’s a rush, and they’re going to make sure you help get those customers out whether you are on the clock or not.” Managers, she said, “might have half the people working for free.” They don’t just want a low labor number, she said, “they want their number to be the lowest and best in their area.” A 2014 survey of fast-food workers by Hart Research found that 89  percent said they had been victims of some form of wage theft.John Aiello of Rutgers Universi- ty is a veteran of the small academ- ic community that researches the electronic monitoring of workers. He started studying call-center workers in the early 1990s, after numbers began to appear at the bottom of their screens to count how many seconds they’d been on the line, along with the call-time quotas they had to meet. Aiello asked the workers, “How do you cheat to get to your goals?” He learned that many of them would hang up whenever a call got too long; the computer couldn’t tell whether they’d ended the call or the customer had. Aiello was inter- ested in the potential productivity gains of monitoring, as well as the workarounds it inspired—like the seat-belt-avoidance techniques at UPS. He also wondered whether it increased stress. “In virtually every study it was the case that people felt greater stress in a monitored environ-

ment than not,” he said. “And the more closely they were monitored, the greater the stress.” As far back as 1990, a major study by the Commu- nications Workers of America found that electronic performance monitor- ing was associated with anxiety, de- pression, anger, severe fatigue, head- aches, and musculoskeletal injuries.

Another effect was the evapora- tion of collegiality. “If you monitor someone very closely, and previously they had the feeling that you trusted them, they may no longer have that feeling,” he said. Managers who were once able to supervise employee per- formance in a way that was per- ceived as positive “now spend half their time monitoring.” Aiello also found that if a task being monitored was difficult or complex—such as, say, a UPS driver navigating heavily trafficked streets—employees “actu- ally show, under monitoring, impair- ment of performance, because a bit of their attention is diverted to the fact that someone is watching them.” Finally, Aiello’s studies suggest that electronic monitoring is often associ- ated with work speedup. Once em- ployers have metrics, managers use them to increase the goals—and they keep doing so even after the in- creases become unrealistic.

Aiello’s most recent research fo- cuses on telecommuters. There are some 3 million Americans who tele- commute full-time, and a far larger number who work remotely one or two days a week. Usually, Aiello said, a company computer is sent home with the teleworker, and su- pervisors “have the opportunity to look in on it anytime they want.” He said companies typically use moni- toring software at least part of the time, simply because they can. “There are no federal laws that gov- ern this,” he pointed out. “The orga- nization can pretty much do whatev- er it wants.” Studies show that people tend to work more hours at home than when they’re in the of- fice, he said, but watching their em- ployees work gives managers “a sense of security.”

This sense of security is one of the features on offer at oDesk, which merged with Elance last year to form the world’s largest online

freelance marketplace. The site links 9.7 million freelance computer programmers, marketers, graphic designers, copywriters, and transla- tors with 3.8  million businesses looking for part-time employees. According to a September survey commissioned by Elance-oDesk and the Freelancers Union, 53  million American workers, a third of the U.S. workforce, are now engaged in contract, temporary, or freelance work. Gary Swart, the former CEO of oDesk, calls the company part of a “profound revolution in the work- place” resulting from the rise of out- sourcing and remote work. “In this economy, buyers are looking for more cost-ef fective ways to get things done,” Swart said in 2010. “They have to do more with less.” That year, he said, while hiring at American companies was stagnant, oDesk job postings nearly quintu- pled; the firm’s freelancers earned $900 million in 2014.

The signature feature of oDesk is what it calls the Work Diary. If you, as a f reelancer, agree to work hourly—as opposed to on a project basis—and to have your hours tracked in the Work Diary, oDesk will guarantee payment. “It’s really about building trust on both sides,” Rich Pearson, a senior vice president at oDesk, told me. For workers scrap- ing by on irregular freelance in- come, who can spend months trying to collect on an invoice, oDesk’s guarantee is well worth the 10  per- cent fee it costs to use the site. But to get that guarantee, you must al- low the company deep inside your personal computer.

Pearson described the Work Diary as “the equivalent of being able to walk up to someone’s desk and see how they’re doing.” But it is much more than that. Once every ten minutes while you’re logged in, the program takes a snapshot of your computer’s desktop. It’s a detailed image that shows, for example, all the tabs open on your Web browser. The program also records minute-by- minute keystroke and mouse data, along with a productivity rating. The exact timing of the snapshot is unpredictable. It could happen at the moment you open iTunes to

REPORT 39

start a new playlist. Or when your boyfriend sends you an instant mes- sage. An icon pops up on your screen whenever a screenshot is cap- tured, and you can review them and delete any troubling images. “The application is not a surveillance sys- tem,” oDesk’s online Help Center says. “You have full control over what it records  . . . deleting those [screen- shots] you choose not to share with your client.” But the Help Center fails to note that for each screenshot you delete, you sacrifice ten minutes of guaranteed pay.

I spoke to a few high-volume oDesk freelancers to find out what it was like to work inside what looks, indeed, like a surveillance system. A man I’ll call Sean Nolan, a graphic designer and illustrator based in up- state New York, has been freelancing for nine years, his entire working life. (He asked that I not use his real name for this article.) Over the past year oDesk has become the primary way he finds clients. He got his B.F.A. at a small art school in Vir- ginia and said he’s told all his class- mates about oDesk because he loves it so much. But he described the Work Diary as “something akin to the devil.”

“Being a creative, so much of my work is not in front of the computer,” he said. “So I had a really tough time getting used to it. It feels like some- one is always looking over your shoulder. You can’t really produce good work that way. Part of my mind is worried about how people are go- ing to perceive the work I’m doing. A lot of the work I’m doing is messy; it’s not client-ready, and knowing that someone’s watching the process, it’s harder to take risks.” He also misses taking his sketchbook out to the park for inspiration.

When Nolan goes to the bathroom or to get a cup of coffee, he said, he gets an inactivity alert. The same happens whenever he does work in the nondigital world, like taking a moment to leaf through a book of photographs. Nolan said that “oDesk makes the business aspect incredibly easy. But you lose all of the freedom that comes with being a work-at- home, self-employed freelance artist.” He said he tries to move his clients

over to project-based fees as soon as possible, to escape the Work Diary’s watchful eye.

The Work Diary poses a real risk of wage theft too. If no screenshot is taken, you don’t get credit for that work increment. “This isn’t a prob- lem on a small scale,” he said, “but over the course of a week it can be a big problem. If I do a five-minute fix for six different clients, then I’m not getting paid for a half hour of work.” If Nolan thinks something’s going to take only five minutes, he often won’t bother logging in. And then it takes fifteen. Last summer he kept a stopwatch on his desk to see how many hours he was really working— mainly on oDesk jobs—versus how many he was billing. By week’s end there was a ten-hour gap.

I decided to try oDesk myself and posted that I needed some transcrip- tion work for this article. Within a day, I got several responses, from freelancers in India, Serbia, Saint Lucia, the Philippines, and through- out the United States. I hired a woman from Texas with a five-star rating, who had logged 1,300 hours of oDesk work. We had a quick email exchange about the deadline and her rate before I uploaded sever- al audio files to Dropbox.

Then I began to spy on her. The first time I opened her Work

Diary, it was empty. But the follow- ing evening, sitting in bed with my laptop, I opened it again, and there it was: a series of eight screenshots, snapped between 8:41 and 10:12 p.m. As I clicked on each image, it filled my screen. I could watch the tran- scription unfold, from a few lines to a full page and beyond. For each screenshot, her activity level was rat- ed by a green bar on a scale of one to ten. She had almost all tens.

I was reminded, uncomfortably, of a not very proud night some years ago when I clicked through the open email account of a boy- friend I suspected of cheating. Now I clicked on the Work Diary’s green bar, which showed me my tran- scriber’s keyboard strokes and mouse clicks in one-minute incre- ments: from 8:42 to 8:43, 256 key- strokes, no mouse clicks. 8:43 to 8:44, 226 keystrokes. 8:44 to 8:45,

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264 keystrokes. It was eerie. I could see her desktop background, I could see the transcription program with its volume setting, I could see the open Word document, and I could see a list of her other oDesk clients. I was pricked by feelings of guilt, but monitoring her became addic- tive. For the next few days, until she finished the job, I’d find myself pulling up the Work Diary every few hours.

In academic papers about big data and electronic monitoring, Mi- chel Foucault’s metaphor of the panopticon, from Discipline and Punish, often comes up, and I thought of it again here. “He is seen, but does not see; he is the ob- ject of information, never a subject in communication.” My transcriber, like the inmate in the panopticon, was potentially observable at all times. I suppose that put me in the position of the prison guard.

After the job was done and I’d closed the account, I emailed the transcriber to ask her about oDesk. Katrina—she asked that I use only her first name—used to work in re- tail, but she moved around a lot be- cause her husband was a defense contractor. She had trained as a transcriber so that she wouldn’t have to quit her job every time they moved. When I asked about the Work Diary, whether she found the experience of being so minutely ob- served strange, she shrugged it off. “I don’t have a problem with it whatso- ever,” she said, “because I don’t have anything to hide.”

But as we spoke it became clear why she had nothing to hide, and why her activity meter almost al- ways posted a ten: any work that scored low on the metrics she sim- ply did off the clock. Katrina said that when you log in to the Work Diary, the first screenshot is always taken before a full ten minutes have elapsed, so the activity meter associated with that slot registers lower productivity. “I always delete that,” she said. This means that ev- ery time she sits down to work—and with four kids at home, she usually works in short increments—she starts by sacrificing as many as nine minutes of pay.

Whenever Katrina finishes a transcript, she proofreads it without logging in to oDesk. She figures that when she’s proofing, her key- board activity is so minimal the tracker would probably log her out for inactivity anyway. So she typi- cally takes four hours to transcribe an hour of audio, which she does on the clock, and about an hour and ten minutes to proofread it, which she does on her own time. She says that while her $15-an-hour rate doesn’t compensate her for off-the- clock hours, “it saves any misunder- standings, which is important.” It also keeps her competitive with freelancers from Pakistan and the Philippines who are ready to work for less than minimum wage.

“It ’s an optional prog ram,” oDesk’s Rich Pearson says about the Work Diary, which is true: freelanc- ers can opt for manual time sheets if they’re willing to work for a stranger halfway around the world with no guarantee that they’ll be paid. Technically, Katrina volunteered to be surveilled, and then, to optimize her metrics, she chose to steal her own time.

She said that oDesk recently selected her as an “all- star” freelancer.The current mythology of big data,” according to Kate Crawford, who holds research positions at MIT, NYU, and Microsoft, “is that with more data comes greater accuracy and truth.” Big data in the workplace holds out the promise of true equality of opportunity, in which Moneyball- style analytics unearth hidden talent. Yet Kronos’s metrics-based hiring soft- ware is currently under investigation by the Equal Employment Opportu- nity Commission for discriminating against people with disabilities. Even the knowledge-sharing metrics used by companies like Cornerstone to as- sess elite knowledge workers may re- produce inequity. As Marc Smith, the sociologist from the Social Media Research Foundation, pointed out, “The diversity of your connections is a proxy for your wealth.” In other words, firms that reward their opti- mally networked employees risk fur- ther increasing inequality.

But these systems are still new; their biases may not be locked in yet. Susan Lambert, the retail- industry researcher, told me that the most so- phisticated software- scheduling sys- tems have the capacity to reduce, rather than exacerbate, volatility in the lives of retail workers. These sys- tems use elaborate regression equa- tions that predict sales volume for any hour of the day on any day of the year, as well as how much staff- ing will be required. Store managers often get those numbers several days before the start of the month, she said, yet they’re often afraid to fully assign the hours because they might get adjustments from their regional manager based on actual foot traf- fic. To play it safe, managers keep workers on call, send workers home the moment there’s a lull, or wait till the last moment to announce their employees’ schedules.

Lambert’s most recent study in- volves a national chain of women’s clothing stores that gave her complete access to payroll data for eighty stores. When her team looked at the adjust- ments made to the initial labor alloca- tions, they were minuscule—two to three staff hours per store per week. The algorithms, they discovered, were predicting labor needs with 90 percent accuracy, yet that 10 percent variation was driving enormous instability in workers’ lives. “We’re trying to say, ‘Just look at those original predic- tions,’ ” she said.

As Zeynep Ton wrote in the Har- vard Business Review, companies such as Costco and Trader Joe’s that invest in higher pay, more training, and more convenient schedules bring in far more revenue per employee than competitors that do not. Both companies are Kronos clients. Charles DeWitt, the Kronos execu- tive, said that retailers are better served when they see employees as potential profit centers, and not just as “a big bucket of costs” to be cut. Still, the dominant paradigm re- mains what Lisa Disselkamp, the Deloitte consultant, calls “the high- ly optimized system,” one organized around minimizing labor costs. Per- haps you can’t manage what you can’t measure. But the measuring has taken on a life of its own. n

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EIGHTEEN MONTHS INTO my job as the first woman director of policy planning at the State Department, a foreign-policy dream job that traces its origins back to George Kennan, I found myself in New York, at the United Nations’ annual assemblage of every foreign minister and head of state in the world. On a Wednesday evening, President and Mrs. Obama hosted a glamorous

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ANNE-MARIE SLAUGHTER | JULY/AUGUST 2012 ISSUE | U.S.

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reception at the American Museum of Natural History. I sipped champagne, greeted foreign dignitaries, and mingled. But I could not stop thinking about my 14-year-old son, who had started eighth grade three weeks earlier and was already resuming what had become his pattern of skipping homework, disrupting classes, failing math, and tuning out any adult who tried to reach him. Over the summer, we had barely spoken to each other—or, more accurately, he had barely spoken to me. And the previous spring I had received several urgent phone calls—invariably on the day of an important meeting—that required me to take the first train from Washington, D.C., where I worked, back to Princeton, New Jersey, where he lived. My husband, who has always done everything possible to support my career, took care of him and his 12-year-old brother during the week; outside of those midweek emergencies, I came home only on weekends.

As the evening wore on, I ran into a colleague who held a senior position in the White House. She has two sons exactly my sons’ ages, but she had chosen to move them from California to D.C. when she got her job, which meant her husband commuted back to California regularly. I told her how difficult I was finding it to be away from my son when he clearly needed me. Then I said, “When this is over, I’m going to write an op-ed titled ‘Women Can’t Have It All.’”

She was horrified. “You can’t write that,” she said. “You, of all people.” What she meant was that such a statement, coming from a high-profile career woman—a role model—would be a terrible signal to younger generations of women. By the end of the evening, she had talked me out of it, but for the remainder of my stint in Washington, I was increasingly aware that the feminist beliefs on which I had built my entire career were shifting under my feet. I had always assumed that if I could get a foreign-policy job in the State Department or the White House while

my party was in power, I would stay the course as long as I had the opportunity to do work I loved. But in January 2011, when my two-year public-service leave from Princeton University was up, I hurried home as fast as I could.

A rude epiphany hit me soon after I got there. When people asked why I had left government, I explained that I’d come home not only because of Princeton’s rules (after two years of leave, you lose your tenure), but also because of my desire to be with my family and my conclusion that juggling high-level government work with the needs of two teenage boys was not possible. I have not exactly left the ranks of full-time career women: I teach a full course load; write regular print and online columns on foreign policy; give 40 to 50 speeches a year; appear regularly on TV and radio; and am working on a new academic book. But I routinely got reactions from other women my age or older that ranged from disappointed (“It’s such a pity that you had to leave Washington”) to condescending (“I wouldn’t generalize from your experience. I’ve never had to compromise, and my kids turned out great”).

The first set of reactions, with the underlying assumption that my choice was somehow sad or unfortunate, was irksome enough. But it was the second set of reactions—those implying that my parenting and/or my commitment to my profession were somehow substandard—that triggered a blind fury. Suddenly, finally, the penny dropped. All my life, I’d been on the other side of this exchange. I’d been the woman smiling the faintly superior smile while another woman told me she had decided to take some time out or pursue a less competitive career track so that she could spend more time with her family. I’d been the woman congratulating herself on her unswerving commitment to the feminist cause, chatting smugly with her dwindling number of college or law- school friends who had reached and maintained their place on the highest rungs of their profession. I’d been the one telling young women at my lectures that you can have it all and do it all, regardless of what field you are in. Which means I’d been part, albeit unwittingly, of making millions of women feel that they are to

blame if they cannot manage to rise up the ladder as fast as men and also have a family and an active home life (and be thin and beautiful to boot).

VIDEO: Anne-Marie Slaughter talks with Hanna Rosin about the struggles of working mothers.

Last spring, I flew to Oxford to give a public lecture. At the request of a young Rhodes Scholar I know, I’d agreed to talk to the Rhodes community about “work-family balance.” I ended up speaking to a group of about 40 men and women in their mid-20s. What poured out of me was a set of very frank reflections on how unexpectedly hard it was to do the kind of job I wanted to do as a high government official and be the kind of parent I wanted to be, at a demanding time for my children (even though my husband, an academic, was willing to take on the lion’s share of parenting for the two years I was in Washington). I concluded by saying that my time in office had convinced me that further government service would be very unlikely while my sons were still at home. The audience was rapt, and asked many thoughtful questions. One of the

!

first was from a young woman who began by thanking me for “not giving just one more fatuous ‘You can have it all’ talk.” Just about all of the women in that room planned to combine careers and family in some way. But almost all assumed and accepted that they would have to make compromises that the men in their lives were far less likely to have to make.

The striking gap between the responses I heard from those young women (and others like them) and the responses I heard from my peers and associates prompted me to write this article. Women of my generation have clung to the feminist credo we were raised with, even as our ranks have been steadily thinned by unresolvable tensions between family and career, because we are determined not to drop the flag for the next generation. But when many members of the younger generation have stopped listening, on the grounds that glibly repeating “you can have it all” is simply airbrushing reality, it is time to talk.

I still strongly believe that women can “have it all” (and that men can too). I believe that we can “have it all at the same time.” But not today, not with the way America’s economy and society are currently structured. My experiences over the past three years have forced me to confront a number of uncomfortable facts that need to be widely acknowledged—and quickly changed.

BEFORE MY SERVICE in government, I’d spent my career in academia: as a law professor and then as the dean of Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. Both were demanding jobs, but I had the ability to set my own schedule most of the time. I could be with my kids when I needed to be, and still get the work done. I had to travel frequently, but I found I could make up for that with an extended period at home or a family vacation.

I knew that I was lucky in my career choice, but I had no idea how lucky until I spent two years in Washington within a rigid bureaucracy, even with bosses as understanding as Hillary Clinton and her chief of staff, Cheryl Mills. My workweek started at 4:20 on Monday morning, when I got up to get the 5:30

train from Trenton to Washington. It ended late on Friday, with the train home. In between, the days were crammed with meetings, and when the meetings stopped, the writing work began—a never-ending stream of memos, reports, and comments on other people’s drafts. For two years, I never left the office early enough to go to any stores other than those open 24 hours, which meant that everything from dry cleaning to hair appointments to Christmas shopping had to be done on weekends, amid children’s sporting events, music lessons, family meals, and conference calls. I was entitled to four hours of vacation per pay period, which came to one day of vacation a month. And I had it better than many of my peers in D.C.; Secretary Clinton deliberately came in around 8 a.m. and left around 7 p.m., to allow her close staff to have morning and evening time with their families (although of course she worked earlier and later, from home).

In short, the minute I found myself in a job that is typical for the vast majority of working women (and men), working long hours on someone else’s schedule, I could no longer be both the parent and the professional I wanted to be—at least not with a child experiencing a rocky adolescence. I realized what should have perhaps been obvious: having it all, at least for me, depended almost entirely on what type of job I had. The flip side is the harder truth: having it all was not possible in many types of jobs, including high government office—at least not for very long.

I am hardly alone in this realization. Michèle Flournoy stepped down after three years as undersecretary of defense for policy, the third-highest job in the department, to spend more time at home with her three children, two of whom are teenagers. Karen Hughes left her position as the counselor to President George W. Bush after a year and a half in Washington to go home to Texas for the sake of her family. Mary Matalin, who spent two years as an assistant to Bush and the counselor to Vice President Dick Cheney before stepping down to spend more time with her daughters, wrote: “Having control over your schedule is the only way that women who want to have a career and a family can make it work.”

Yet the decision to step down from a position of power—to value family over professional advancement, even for a time—is directly at odds with the prevailing social pressures on career professionals in the United States. One phrase says it all about current attitudes toward work and family, particularly among elites. In Washington, “leaving to spend time with your family” is a euphemism for being fired. This understanding is so ingrained that when Flournoy announced her resignation last December, TheNew York Times covered her decision as follows:

Ms. Flournoy’s announcement surprised friends and a number of Pentagon officials, but all said they took her reason for resignation at face value and not as a standard Washington excuse for an official who has in reality been forced out. “I can absolutely and unequivocally state that her decision to step down has nothing to do with anything other than her commitment to her family,” said Doug Wilson, a top Pentagon spokesman. “She has loved this job and people here love her.

Think about what this “standard Washington excuse” implies: it is so unthinkable that an official would actually step down to spend time with his or her family that this must be a cover for something else. How could anyone voluntarily leave the circles of power for the responsibilities of parenthood? Depending on one’s vantage point, it is either ironic or maddening that this view abides in the nation’s capital, despite the ritual commitments to “family values” that are part of every political campaign. Regardless, this sentiment makes true work-life balance exceptionally difficult. But it cannot change unless top women speak out.

Only recently have I begun to appreciate the extent to which many young

professional women feel under assault by women my age and older. After I gave a recent speech in New York, several women in their late 60s or early 70s came up to tell me how glad and proud they were to see me speaking as a foreign- policy expert. A couple of them went on, however, to contrast my career with the path being traveled by “younger women today.” One expressed dismay that many younger women “are just not willing to get out there and do it.” Said another, unaware of the circumstances of my recent job change: “They think they have to choose between having a career and having a family.”

A similar assumption underlies Facebook Chief Operating Officer Sheryl Sandberg’s widely publicized 2011 commencement speech at Barnard, and her earlier TED talk, in which she lamented the dismally small number of women at the top and advised young women not to “leave before you leave.” When a woman starts thinking about having children, Sandberg said, “she doesn’t raise her hand anymore … She starts leaning back.” Although couched in terms of encouragement, Sandberg’s exhortation contains more than a note of reproach. We who have made it to the top, or are striving to get there, are essentially saying to the women in the generation behind us: “What’s the matter with you?”

They have an answer that we don’t want to hear. After the speech I gave in New York, I went to dinner with a group of 30-somethings. I sat across from two vibrant women, one of whom worked at the UN and the other at a big New York law firm. As nearly always happens in these situations, they soon began asking me about work-life balance. When I told them I was writing this article, the lawyer said, “I look for role models and can’t find any.” She said the women in her firm who had become partners and taken on management positions had made tremendous sacrifices, “many of which they don’t even seem to realize … They take two years off when their kids are young but then work like crazy to get back on track professionally, which means that they see their kids when they are toddlers but not teenagers, or really barely at all.” Her friend nodded, mentioning the top professional women she knew, all of whom essentially relied

on round-the-clock nannies. Both were very clear that they did not want that life, but could not figure out how to combine professional success and satisfaction with a real commitment to family.

I realize that I am blessed to have been born in the late 1950s instead of the early 1930s, as my mother was, or the beginning of the 20th century, as my grandmothers were. My mother built a successful and rewarding career as a professional artist largely in the years after my brothers and I left home—and after being told in her 20s that she could not go to medical school, as her father had done and her brother would go on to do, because, of course, she was going to get married. I owe my own freedoms and opportunities to the pioneering generation of women ahead of me—the women now in their 60s, 70s, and 80s who faced overt sexism of a kind I see only when watching Mad Men, and who knew that the only way to make it as a woman was to act exactly like a man. To admit to, much less act on, maternal longings would have been fatal to their careers.

But precisely thanks to their progress, a different kind of conversation is now possible. It is time for women in leadership positions to recognize that although we are still blazing trails and breaking ceilings, many of us are also reinforcing a falsehood: that “having it all” is, more than anything, a function of personal determination. As Kerry Rubin and Lia Macko, the authors of Midlife Crisis at 30, their cri de coeur for Gen-X and Gen-Y women, put it:

What we discovered in our research is that while the empowerment part of the equation has been loudly celebrated, there has been very little honest discussion among women of our age about the real barriers and flaws that still exist in the system despite the opportunities we inherited.

I am well aware that the majority of American women face problems far greater than any discussed in this article. I am writing for my demographic—highly educated, well-off women who are privileged enough to have choices in the first place. We may not have choices about whether to do paid work, as dual incomes have become indispensable. But we have choices about the type and tempo of the work we do. We are the women who could be leading, and who should be equally represented in the leadership ranks.

Millions of other working women face much more difficult life circumstances. Some are single mothers; many struggle to find any job; others support husbands who cannot find jobs. Many cope with a work life in which good day care is either unavailable or very expensive; school schedules do not match work schedules; and schools themselves are failing to educate their children. Many of these women are worrying not about having it all, but rather about holding on to what they do have. And although women as a group have made substantial gains in wages, educational attainment, and prestige over the past three decades, the economists Justin Wolfers and Betsey Stevenson have shown that women are less happy today than their predecessors were in 1972, both in absolute terms and relative to men.

The best hope for improving the lot of all women, and for closing what Wolfers and Stevenson call a “new gender gap”—measured by well-being rather than wages—is to close the leadership gap: to elect a woman president and 50 women senators; to ensure that women are equally represented in the ranks of corporate executives and judicial leaders. Only when women wield power in sufficient numbers will we create a society that genuinely works for all women. That will be a society that works for everyone.

The Half-Truths We Hold Dear

Let’s briefly examine the stories we tell ourselves, the clichés that I and many other women typically fall back on when younger women ask us how we have

managed to “have it all.” They are not necessarily lies, but at best partial truths. We must clear them out of the way to make room for a more honest and productive discussion about real solutions to the problems faced by professional women.

It’s possible if you are just committed enough.

Our usual starting point, whether we say it explicitly or not, is that having it all depends primarily on the depth and intensity of a woman’s commitment to her career. That is precisely the sentiment behind the dismay so many older career women feel about the younger generation. They are not committed enough, we say, to make the trade-offs and sacrifices that the women ahead of them made.

Yet instead of chiding, perhaps we should face some basic facts. Very few women reach leadership positions. The pool of female candidates for any top job is small, and will only grow smaller if the women who come after us decide to take time out, or drop out of professional competition altogether, to raise children. That is exactly what has Sheryl Sandberg so upset, and rightly so. In her words, “Women are not making it to the top. A hundred and ninety heads of state; nine are women. Of all the people in parliament in the world, 13 percent are women. In the corporate sector, [the share of] women at the top—C-level jobs, board seats—tops out at 15, 16 percent.”

Can “insufficient commitment” even plausibly explain these numbers? To be sure, the women who do make it to the top are highly committed to their profession. On closer examination, however, it turns out that most of them have something else in common: they are genuine superwomen. Consider the number of women recently in the top ranks in Washington—Susan Rice, Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall, Michelle Gavin, Nancy-Ann Min DeParle—who are Rhodes Scholars. Samantha Power, another senior White House official, won a Pulitzer Prize at age 32. Or consider Sandberg herself, who graduated with the prize given to Harvard’s top student of economics. These women cannot possibly be

the standard against which even very talented professional women should measure themselves. Such a standard sets up most women for a sense of failure.

What’s more, among those who have made it to the top, a balanced life still is more elusive for women than it is for men. A simple measure is how many women in top positions have children compared with their male colleagues. Every male Supreme Court justice has a family. Two of the three female justices are single with no children. And the third, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, began her career as a judge only when her younger child was almost grown. The pattern is the same at the National Security Council: Condoleezza Rice, the first and only woman national-security adviser, is also the only national-security adviser since the 1950s not to have a family.

The line of high-level women appointees in the Obama administration is one woman deep. Virtually all of us who have stepped down have been succeeded by men; searches for women to succeed men in similar positions come up empty. Just about every woman who could plausibly be tapped is already in government. The rest of the foreign-policy world is not much better; Micah Zenko, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, recently surveyed the best data he could find across the government, the military, the academy, and think tanks, and found that women hold fewer than 30 percent of the senior foreign-policy positions in each of these institutions.

These numbers are all the more striking when we look back to the 1980s, when women now in their late 40s and 50s were coming out of graduate school, and remember that our classes were nearly 50-50 men and women. We were sure then that by now, we would be living in a 50-50 world. Something derailed that dream.

Sandberg thinks that “something” is an “ambition gap”—that women do not dream big enough. I am all for encouraging young women to reach for the stars. But I fear that the obstacles that keep women from reaching the top are rather

more prosaic than the scope of their ambition. My longtime and invaluable assistant, who has a doctorate and juggles many balls as the mother of teenage twins, e-mailed me while I was working on this article: “You know what would help the vast majority of women with work/family balance? MAKE SCHOOL SCHEDULES MATCH WORK SCHEDULES.” The present system, she noted, is based on a society that no longer exists—one in which farming was a major occupation and stay-at-home moms were the norm. Yet the system hasn’t changed.

Consider some of the responses of women interviewed by Zenko about why “women are significantly underrepresented in foreign policy and national security positions in government, academia, and think tanks.” Juliette Kayyem, who served as an assistant secretary in the Department of Homeland Security from 2009 to 2011 and now writes a foreign-policy and national-security column for The Boston Globe, told Zenko that among other reasons,

the basic truth is also this: the travel sucks. As my youngest of three children is now 6, I can look back at the years when they were all young and realize just how disruptive all the travel was. There were also trips I couldn’t take because I was pregnant or on leave, the conferences I couldn’t attend because (note to conference organizers: weekends are a bad choice) kids would be home from school, and the various excursions that were offered but just couldn’t be managed.

Jolynn Shoemaker, the director of Women in International Security, agreed: “Inflexible schedules, unrelenting travel, and constant pressure to be in the office are common features of these jobs.”

These “mundane” issues—the need to travel constantly to succeed, the conflicts

between school schedules and work schedules, the insistence that work be done in the office—cannot be solved by exhortations to close the ambition gap. I would hope to see commencement speeches that finger America’s social and business policies, rather than women’s level of ambition, in explaining the dearth of women at the top. But changing these policies requires much more than speeches. It means fighting the mundane battles—every day, every year—in individual workplaces, in legislatures, and in the media.

It’s possible if you marry the right person.

Sandberg’s second message in her Barnard commencement address was: “The most important career decision you’re going to make is whether or not you have a life partner and who that partner is.” Lisa Jackson, the administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, recently drove that message home to an audience of Princeton students and alumni gathered to hear her acceptance speech for the James Madison Medal. During the Q&A session, an audience member asked her how she managed her career and her family. She laughed and pointed to her husband in the front row, saying: “There’s my work-life balance.” I could never have had the career I have had without my husband, Andrew Moravcsik, who is a tenured professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton. Andy has spent more time with our sons than I have, not only on homework, but also on baseball, music lessons, photography, card games, and more. When each of them had to bring in a foreign dish for his fourth-grade class dinner, Andy made his grandmother’s Hungarian palacsinta; when our older son needed to memorize his lines for a lead role in a school play, he turned to Andy for help.

Still, the proposition that women can have high-powered careers as long as their husbands or partners are willing to share the parenting load equally (or disproportionately) assumes that most women will feel as comfortable as men do about being away from their children, as long as their partner is home with them.

In my experience, that is simply not the case.

Here I step onto treacherous ground, mined with stereotypes. From years of conversations and observations, however, I’ve come to believe that men and women respond quite differently when problems at home force them to recognize that their absence is hurting a child, or at least that their presence would likely help. I do not believe fathers love their children any less than mothers do, but men do seem more likely to choose their job at a cost to their family, while women seem more likely to choose their family at a cost to their job.

Many factors determine this choice, of course. Men are still socialized to believe that their primary family obligation is to be the breadwinner; women, to believe that their primary family obligation is to be the caregiver. But it may be more than that. When I described the choice between my children and my job to Senator Jeanne Shaheen, she said exactly what I felt: “There’s really no choice.” She wasn’t referring to social expectations, but to a maternal imperative felt so deeply that the “choice” is reflexive.

Men and women also seem to frame the choice differently. In Midlife Crisis at 30, Mary Matalin recalls her days working as President Bush’s assistant and Vice President Cheney’s counselor:

Even when the stress was overwhelming—those days when I’d cry in the car on the way to work, asking myself “Why am I doing this??”—I always knew the answer to that question: I believe in this president.

But Matalin goes on to describe her choice to leave in words that are again uncannily similar to the explanation I have given so many people since leaving

the State Department:

I finally asked myself, “Who needs me more?” And that’s when I realized, it’s somebody else’s turn to do this job. I’m indispensable to my kids, but I’m not close to indispensable to the White House.

To many men, however, the choice to spend more time with their children, instead of working long hours on issues that affect many lives, seems selfish. Male leaders are routinely praised for having sacrificed their personal life on the altar of public or corporate service. That sacrifice, of course, typically involves their family. Yet their children, too, are trained to value public service over private responsibility. At the diplomat Richard Holbrooke’s memorial service, one of his sons told the audience that when he was a child, his father was often gone, not around to teach him to throw a ball or to watch his games. But as he grew older, he said, he realized that Holbrooke’s absence was the price of saving people around the world—a price worth paying.

It is not clear to me that this ethical framework makes sense for society. Why should we want leaders who fall short on personal responsibilities? Perhaps leaders who invested time in their own families would be more keenly aware of the toll their public choices—on issues from war to welfare—take on private lives. (Kati Marton, Holbrooke’s widow and a noted author, says that although Holbrooke adored his children, he came to appreciate the full importance of family only in his 50s, at which point he became a very present parent and grandparent, while continuing to pursue an extraordinary public career.) Regardless, it is clear which set of choices society values more today. Workers who put their careers first are typically rewarded; workers who choose their families are overlooked, disbelieved, or accused of unprofessionalism.

In sum, having a supportive mate may well be a necessary condition if women are to have it all, but it is not sufficient. If women feel deeply that turning down a promotion that would involve more travel, for instance, is the right thing to do, then they will continue to do that. Ultimately, it is society that must change, coming to value choices to put family ahead of work just as much as those to put work ahead of family. If we really valued those choices, we would value the people who make them; if we valued the people who make them, we would do everything possible to hire and retain them; if we did everything possible to allow them to combine work and family equally over time, then the choices would get a lot easier.

It’s possible if you sequence it right.

Young women should be wary of the assertion “You can have it all; you just can’t have it all at once.” This 21st-century addendum to the original line is now proffered by many senior women to their younger mentees. To the extent that it means, in the words of one working mother, “I’m going to do my best and I’m going to keep the long term in mind and know that it’s not always going to be this hard to balance,” it is sound advice. But to the extent that it means that women can have it all if they just find the right sequence of career and family, it’s cheerfully wrong.

The most important sequencing issue is when to have children. Many of the top women leaders of the generation just ahead of me—Madeleine Albright, Hillary Clinton, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sandra Day O’Connor, Patricia Wald, Nannerl Keohane—had their children in their 20s and early 30s, as was the norm in the 1950s through the 1970s. A child born when his mother is 25 will finish high school when his mother is 43, an age at which, with full-time immersion in a career, she still has plenty of time and energy for advancement.

Yet this sequence has fallen out of favor with many high-potential women, and understandably so. People tend to marry later now, and anyway, if you have

children earlier, you may have difficulty getting a graduate degree, a good first job, and opportunities for advancement in the crucial early years of your career. Making matters worse, you will also have less income while raising your children, and hence less ability to hire the help that can be indispensable to your juggling act.

When I was the dean, the Woodrow Wilson School created a program called Pathways to Public Service, aimed at advising women whose children were almost grown about how to go into public service, and many women still ask me about the best “on-ramps” to careers in their mid-40s. Honestly, I’m not sure what to tell most of them. Unlike the pioneering women who entered the workforce after having children in the 1970s, these women are competing with their younger selves. Government and NGO jobs are an option, but many careers are effectively closed off. Personally, I have never seen a woman in her 40s enter the academic market successfully, or enter a law firm as a junior associate, Alicia Florrick of The Good Wife notwithstanding.

These considerations are why so many career women of my generation chose to establish themselves in their careers first and have children in their mid-to-late 30s. But that raises the possibility of spending long, stressful years and a small fortune trying to have a baby. I lived that nightmare: for three years, beginning at age 35, I did everything possible to conceive and was frantic at the thought that I had simply left having a biological child until it was too late.

And when everything does work out? I had my first child at 38 (and counted myself blessed) and my second at 40. That means I will be 58 when both of my children are out of the house. What’s more, it means that many peak career opportunities are coinciding precisely with their teenage years, when, experienced parents advise, being available as a parent is just as important as in the first years of a child’s life.

Many women of my generation have found themselves, in the prime of their

careers, saying no to opportunities they once would have jumped at and hoping those chances come around again later. Many others who have decided to step back for a while, taking on consultant positions or part-time work that lets them spend more time with their children (or aging parents), are worrying about how long they can “stay out” before they lose the competitive edge they worked so hard to acquire.

Given the way our work culture is oriented today, I recommend establishing yourself in your career first but still trying to have kids before you are 35—or else freeze your eggs, whether you are married or not. You may well be a more mature and less frustrated parent in your 30s or 40s; you are also more likely to have found a lasting life partner. But the truth is, neither sequence is optimal, and both involve trade-offs that men do not have to make.

You should be able to have a family if you want one—however and whenever your life circumstances allow—and still have the career you desire. If more women could strike this balance, more women would reach leadership positions. And if more women were in leadership positions, they could make it easier for more women to stay in the workforce. The rest of this essay details how.

Changing the Culture of Face Time

Back in the Reagan administration, a New York Times story about the ferociously competitive budget director Dick Darman reported, “Mr. Darman sometimes managed to convey the impression that he was the last one working in the Reagan White House by leaving his suit coat on his chair and his office light burning after he left for home.” (Darman claimed that it was just easier to leave his suit jacket in the office so he could put it on again in the morning, but his record of psychological manipulation suggests otherwise.)

The culture of “time macho”—a relentless competition to work harder, stay later, pull more all-nighters, travel around the world and bill the extra hours that the

international date line affords you—remains astonishingly prevalent among professionals today. Nothing captures the belief that more time equals more value better than the cult of billable hours afflicting large law firms across the country and providing exactly the wrong incentives for employees who hope to integrate work and family. Yet even in industries that don’t explicitly reward sheer quantity of hours spent on the job, the pressure to arrive early, stay late, and be available, always, for in-person meetings at 11 a.m. on Saturdays can be intense. Indeed, by some measures, the problem has gotten worse over time: a study by the Center for American Progress reports that nationwide, the share of all professionals—women and men—working more than 50 hours a week has increased since the late 1970s.

But more time in the office does not always mean more “value added”—and it does not always add up to a more successful organization. In 2009, Sandra Pocharski, a senior female partner at Monitor Group and the head of the firm’s Leadership and Organization practice, commissioned a Harvard Business School professor to assess the factors that helped or hindered women’s effectiveness and advancement at Monitor. The study found that the company’s culture was characterized by an “always on” mode of working, often without due regard to the impact on employees. Pocharski observed:

Clients come first, always, and sometimes burning the midnight oil really does make the difference between success and failure. But sometimes we were just defaulting to behavior that overloaded our people without improving results much, if at all. We decided we needed managers to get better at distinguishing between these categories, and to recognize the hidden costs of assuming that “time is cheap.” When that time doesn’t add a lot of value and comes at a high cost to talented employees, who will leave when the personal cost becomes unsustainable—well, that is clearly a bad outcome for

everyone.

I have worked very long hours and pulled plenty of all-nighters myself over the course of my career, including a few nights on my office couch during my two years in D.C. Being willing to put the time in when the job simply has to get done is rightfully a hallmark of a successful professional. But looking back, I have to admit that my assumption that I would stay late made me much less efficient over the course of the day than I might have been, and certainly less so than some of my colleagues, who managed to get the same amount of work done and go home at a decent hour. If Dick Darman had had a boss who clearly valued prioritization and time management, he might have found reason to turn out the lights and take his jacket home.

Long hours are one thing, and realistically, they are often unavoidable. But do they really need to be spent at the office? To be sure, being in the office some of the time is beneficial. In-person meetings can be far more efficient than phone or e-mail tag; trust and collegiality are much more easily built up around the same physical table; and spontaneous conversations often generate good ideas and lasting relationships. Still, armed with e-mail, instant messaging, phones, and videoconferencing technology, we should be able to move to a culture where the office is a base of operations more than the required locus of work.

Being able to work from home—in the evening after children are put to bed, or during their sick days or snow days, and at least some of the time on weekends— can be the key, for mothers, to carrying your full load versus letting a team down at crucial moments. State-of-the-art videoconferencing facilities can dramatically reduce the need for long business trips. These technologies are making inroads, and allowing easier integration of work and family life. According to the Women’s Business Center, 61 percent of women business owners use technology to “integrate the responsibilities of work and home”; 44

percent use technology to allow employees “to work off-site or to have flexible work schedules.” Yet our work culture still remains more office-centered than it needs to be, especially in light of technological advances.

One way to change that is by changing the “default rules” that govern office work —the baseline expectations about when, where, and how work will be done. As behavioral economists well know, these baselines can make an enormous difference in the way people act. It is one thing, for instance, for an organization to allow phone-ins to a meeting on an ad hoc basis, when parenting and work schedules collide—a system that’s better than nothing, but likely to engender guilt among those calling in, and possibly resentment among those in the room. It is quite another for that organization to declare that its policy will be to schedule in-person meetings, whenever possible, during the hours of the school day—a system that might normalize call-ins for those (rarer) meetings still held in the late afternoon.

One real-world example comes from the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a place most people are more likely to associate with distinguished gentlemen in pinstripes than with progressive thinking about work-family balance. Like so many other places, however, the FCO worries about losing talented members of two-career couples around the world, particularly women. So it recently changed its basic policy from a default rule that jobs have to be done on-site to one that assumes that some jobs might be done remotely, and invites workers to make the case for remote work. Kara Owen, a career foreign- service officer who was the FCO’s diversity director and will soon become the British deputy ambassador to France, writes that she has now done two remote jobs. Before her current maternity leave, she was working a London job from Dublin to be with her partner, using teleconferencing technology and timing her trips to London to coincide “with key meetings where I needed to be in the room (or chatting at the pre-meeting coffee) to have an impact, or to do intensive ‘network maintenance.’” In fact, she writes, “I have found the distance and quiet

to be a real advantage in a strategic role, providing I have put in the investment up front to develop very strong personal relationships with the game changers.” Owen recognizes that not every job can be done this way. But she says that for her part, she has been able to combine family requirements with her career.

Changes in default office rules should not advantage parents over other workers; indeed, done right, they can improve relations among co-workers by raising their awareness of each other’s circumstances and instilling a sense of fairness. Two years ago, the ACLU Foundation of Massachusetts decided to replace its “parental leave” policy with a “family leave” policy that provides for as much as 12 weeks of leave not only for new parents, but also for employees who need to care for a spouse, child, or parent with a serious health condition. According to Director Carol Rose, “We wanted a policy that took into account the fact that even employees who do not have children have family obligations.” The policy was shaped by the belief that giving women “special treatment” can “backfire if the broader norms shaping the behavior of all employees do not change.” When I was the dean of the Wilson School, I managed with the mantra “Family comes first”—any family—and found that my employees were both productive and intensely loyal.

None of these changes will happen by themselves, and reasons to avoid them will seldom be hard to find. But obstacles and inertia are usually surmountable if leaders are open to changing their assumptions about the workplace. The use of technology in many high-level government jobs, for instance, is complicated by the need to have access to classified information. But in 2009, Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg, who shares the parenting of his two young daughters equally with his wife, made getting such access at home an immediate priority so that he could leave the office at a reasonable hour and participate in important meetings via videoconferencing if necessary. I wonder how many women in similar positions would be afraid to ask, lest they be seen as insufficiently committed to their jobs.

Revaluing Family Values

While employers shouldn’t privilege parents over other workers, too often they end up doing the opposite, usually subtly, and usually in ways that make it harder for a primary caregiver to get ahead. Many people in positions of power seem to place a low value on child care in comparison with other outside activities. Consider the following proposition: An employer has two equally talented and productive employees. One trains for and runs marathons when he is not working. The other takes care of two children. What assumptions is the employer likely to make about the marathon runner? That he gets up in the dark every day and logs an hour or two running before even coming into the office, or drives himself to get out there even after a long day. That he is ferociously disciplined and willing to push himself through distraction, exhaustion, and days when nothing seems to go right in the service of a goal far in the distance. That he must manage his time exceptionally well to squeeze all of that in.

Be honest: Do you think the employer makes those same assumptions about the parent? Even though she likely rises in the dark hours before she needs to be at work, organizes her children’s day, makes breakfast, packs lunch, gets them off to school, figures out shopping and other errands even if she is lucky enough to have a housekeeper—and does much the same work at the end of the day. Cheryl Mills, Hillary Clinton’s indefatigable chief of staff, has twins in elementary school; even with a fully engaged husband, she famously gets up at four every morning to check and send e-mails before her kids wake up. Louise Richardson, now the vice chancellor of the University of St. Andrews, in Scotland, combined an assistant professorship in government at Harvard with mothering three young children. She organized her time so ruthlessly that she always keyed in 1:11 or 2:22 or 3:33 on the microwave rather than 1:00, 2:00, or 3:00, because hitting the same number three times took less time.

Elizabeth Warren, who is now running for the U.S. Senate in Massachusetts, has

a similar story. When she had two young children and a part-time law practice, she struggled to find enough time to write the papers and articles that would help get her an academic position. In her words:

I needed a plan. I figured out that writing time was when Alex was asleep. So the minute I put him down for a nap or he fell asleep in the baby swing, I went to my desk and started working on something— footnotes, reading, outlining, writing … I learned to do everything else with a baby on my hip.

The discipline, organization, and sheer endurance it takes to succeed at top levels with young children at home is easily comparable to running 20 to 40 miles a week. But that’s rarely how employers see things, not only when making allowances, but when making promotions. Perhaps because people choose to have children? People also choose to run marathons.

One final example: I have worked with many Orthodox Jewish men who observed the Sabbath from sundown on Friday until sundown on Saturday. Jack Lew, the two-time director of the Office of Management and Budget, former deputy secretary of state for management and resources, and now White House chief of staff, is a case in point. Jack’s wife lived in New York when he worked in the State Department, so he would leave the office early enough on Friday afternoon to take the shuttle to New York and a taxi to his apartment before sundown. He would not work on Friday after sundown or all day Saturday. Everyone who knew him, including me, admired his commitment to his faith and his ability to carve out the time for it, even with an enormously demanding job.

It is hard to imagine, however, that we would have the same response if a mother

told us she was blocking out mid-Friday afternoon through the end of the day on Saturday, every week, to spend time with her children. I suspect this would be seen as unprofessional, an imposition of unnecessary costs on co-workers. In fact, of course, one of the great values of the Sabbath—whether Jewish or Christian—is precisely that it carves out a family oasis, with rituals and a mandatory setting-aside of work.

Our assumptions are just that: things we believe that are not necessarily so. Yet what we assume has an enormous impact on our perceptions and responses. Fortunately, changing our assumptions is up to us.

Redefining the Arc of a Successful Career

The American definition of a successful professional is someone who can climb the ladder the furthest in the shortest time, generally peaking between ages 45 and 55. It is a definition well suited to the mid-20th century, an era when people had kids in their 20s, stayed in one job, retired at 67, and were dead, on average, by age 71.

It makes far less sense today. Average life expectancy for people in their 20s has increased to 80; men and women in good health can easily work until they are 75. They can expect to have multiple jobs and even multiple careers throughout their working life. Couples marry later, have kids later, and can expect to live on two incomes. They may well retire earlier—the average retirement age has gone down from 67 to 63—but that is commonly “retirement” only in the sense of collecting retirement benefits. Many people go on to “encore” careers.

Assuming the priceless gifts of good health and good fortune, a professional woman can thus expect her working life to stretch some 50 years, from her early or mid-20s to her mid-70s. It is reasonable to assume that she will build her credentials and establish herself, at least in her first career, between 22 and 35; she will have children, if she wants them, sometime between 25 and 45; she’ll

want maximum flexibility and control over her time in the 10 years that her children are 8 to 18; and she should plan to take positions of maximum authority and demands on her time after her children are out of the house. Women who have children in their late 20s can expect to immerse themselves completely in their careers in their late 40s, with plenty of time still to rise to the top in their late 50s and early 60s. Women who make partner, managing director, or senior vice president; get tenure; or establish a medical practice before having children in their late 30s should be coming back on line for the most demanding jobs at almost exactly the same age.

Along the way, women should think about the climb to leadership not in terms of a straight upward slope, but as irregular stair steps, with periodic plateaus (and even dips) when they turn down promotions to remain in a job that works for their family situation; when they leave high-powered jobs and spend a year or two at home on a reduced schedule; or when they step off a conventional professional track to take a consulting position or project-based work for a number of years. I think of these plateaus as “investment intervals.” My husband and I took a sabbatical in Shanghai, from August 2007 to May 2008, right in the thick of an election year when many of my friends were advising various candidates on foreign-policy issues. We thought of the move in part as “putting money in the family bank,” taking advantage of the opportunity to spend a close year together in a foreign culture. But we were also investing in our children’s ability to learn Mandarin and in our own knowledge of Asia.

Peaking in your late 50s and early 60s rather than your late 40s and early 50s makes particular sense for women, who live longer than men. And many of the stereotypes about older workers simply do not hold. A 2006 survey of human- resources professionals shows that only 23 percent think older workers are less flexible than younger workers; only 11 percent think older workers require more training than younger workers; and only 7 percent think older workers have less drive than younger workers.

Whether women will really have the confidence to stair-step their careers, however, will again depend in part on perceptions. Slowing down the rate of promotions, taking time out periodically, pursuing an alternative path during crucial parenting or parent-care years—all have to become more visible and more noticeably accepted as a pause rather than an opt-out. (In an encouraging sign, Mass Career Customization, a 2007 book by Cathleen Benko and Anne Weisberg arguing that “today’s career is no longer a straight climb up the corporate ladder, but rather a combination of climbs, lateral moves, and planned descents,” was a Wall Street Journal best seller.)

Institutions can also take concrete steps to promote this acceptance. For instance, in 1970, Princeton established a tenure-extension policy that allowed female assistant professors expecting a child to request a one-year extension on their tenure clocks. This policy was later extended to men, and broadened to include adoptions. In the early 2000s, two reports on the status of female faculty discovered that only about 3 percent of assistant professors requested tenure extensions in a given year. And in response to a survey question, women were much more likely than men to think that a tenure extension would be detrimental to an assistant professor’s career.

So in 2005, under President Shirley Tilghman, Princeton changed the default rule. The administration announced that all assistant professors, female and male, who had a new child would automatically receive a one-year extension on the tenure clock, with no opt-outs allowed. Instead, assistant professors could request early consideration for tenure if they wished. The number of assistant professors who receive a tenure extension has tripled since the change.

One of the best ways to move social norms in this direction is to choose and celebrate different role models. New Jersey Governor Chris Christie and I are poles apart politically, but he went way up in my estimation when he announced that one reason he decided against running for president in 2012 was the impact

his campaign would have had on his children. He reportedly made clear at a fund-raiser in Louisiana that he didn’t want to be away from his children for long periods of time; according to a Republican official at the event, he said that “his son [missed] him after being gone for the three days on the road, and that he needed to get back.” He may not get my vote if and when he does run for president, but he definitely gets my admiration (providing he doesn’t turn around and join the GOP ticket this fall).

If we are looking for high-profile female role models, we might begin with Michelle Obama. She started out with the same résumé as her husband, but has repeatedly made career decisions designed to let her do work she cared about and also be the kind of parent she wanted to be. She moved from a high-powered law firm first to Chicago city government and then to the University of Chicago shortly before her daughters were born, a move that let her work only 10 minutes away from home. She has spoken publicly and often about her initial concerns that her husband’s entry into politics would be bad for their family life, and about her determination to limit her participation in the presidential election campaign to have more time at home. Even as first lady, she has been adamant that she be able to balance her official duties with family time. We should see her as a full-time career woman, but one who is taking a very visible investment interval. We should celebrate her not only as a wife, mother, and champion of healthy eating, but also as a woman who has had the courage and judgment to invest in her daughters when they need her most. And we should expect a glittering career from her after she leaves the White House and her daughters leave for college.

Rediscovering the Pursuit of Happiness

One of the most complicated and surprising parts of my journey out of Washington was coming to grips with what I really wanted. I had opportunities to stay on, and I could have tried to work out an arrangement allowing me to spend

more time at home. I might have been able to get my family to join me in Washington for a year; I might have been able to get classified technology installed at my house the way Jim Steinberg did; I might have been able to commute only four days a week instead of five. (While this last change would have still left me very little time at home, given the intensity of my job, it might have made the job doable for another year or two.) But I realized that I didn’t just need to go home. Deep down, I wanted to go home. I wanted to be able to spend time with my children in the last few years that they are likely to live at home, crucial years for their development into responsible, productive, happy, and caring adults. But also irreplaceable years for me to enjoy the simple pleasures of parenting—baseball games, piano recitals, waffle breakfasts, family trips, and goofy rituals. My older son is doing very well these days, but even when he gives us a hard time, as all teenagers do, being home to shape his choices and help him make good decisions is deeply satisfying.

The flip side of my realization is captured in Macko and Rubin’s ruminations on the importance of bringing the different parts of their lives together as 30-year- old women:

If we didn’t start to learn how to integrate our personal, social, and professional lives, we were about five years away from morphing into the angry woman on the other side of a mahogany desk who questions her staff’s work ethic after standard 12-hour workdays, before heading home to eat moo shoo pork in her lonely apartment.

Women have contributed to the fetish of the one-dimensional life, albeit by necessity. The pioneer generation of feminists walled off their personal lives from their professional personas to ensure that they could never be discriminated against for a lack of commitment to their work. When I was a law

student in the 1980s, many women who were then climbing the legal hierarchy in New York firms told me that they never admitted to taking time out for a child’s doctor appointment or school performance, but instead invented a much more neutral excuse.

Today, however, women in power can and should change that environment, although change is not easy. When I became dean of the Woodrow Wilson School, in 2002, I decided that one of the advantages of being a woman in power was that I could help change the norms by deliberately talking about my children and my desire to have a balanced life. Thus, I would end faculty meetings at 6 p.m. by saying that I had to go home for dinner; I would also make clear to all student organizations that I would not come to dinner with them, because I needed to be home from six to eight, but that I would often be willing to come back after eight for a meeting. I also once told the Dean’s Advisory Committee that the associate dean would chair the next session so I could go to a parent- teacher conference.

After a few months of this, several female assistant professors showed up in my office quite agitated. “You have to stop talking about your kids,” one said. “You are not showing the gravitas that people expect from a dean, which is particularly damaging precisely because you are the first woman dean of the school.” I told them that I was doing it deliberately and continued my practice, but it is interesting that gravitas and parenthood don’t seem to go together.

Ten years later, whenever I am introduced at a lecture or other speaking engagement, I insist that the person introducing me mention that I have two sons. It seems odd to me to list degrees, awards, positions, and interests and not include the dimension of my life that is most important to me—and takes an enormous amount of my time. As Secretary Clinton once said in a television interview in Beijing when the interviewer asked her about Chelsea’s upcoming wedding: “That’s my real life.” But I notice that my male introducers are

typically uncomfortable when I make the request. They frequently say things like “And she particularly wanted me to mention that she has two sons”—thereby drawing attention to the unusual nature of my request, when my entire purpose is to make family references routine and normal in professional life.

This does not mean that you should insist that your colleagues spend time cooing over pictures of your baby or listening to the prodigious accomplishments of your kindergartner. It does mean that if you are late coming in one week, because it is your turn to drive the kids to school, that you be honest about what you are doing. Indeed, Sheryl Sandberg recently acknowledged not only that she leaves work at 5:30 to have dinner with her family, but also that for many years she did not dare make this admission, even though she would of course make up the work time later in the evening. Her willingness to speak out now is a strong step in the right direction.

Seeking out a more balanced life is not a women’s issue; balance would be better for us all. Bronnie Ware, an Australian blogger who worked for years in palliative care and is the author of the 2011 book The Top Five Regrets of the Dying, writes that the regret she heard most often was “I wish I’d had the courage to live a life true to myself, not the life others expected of me.” The second-most-common regret was “I wish I didn’t work so hard.” She writes: “This came from every male patient that I nursed. They missed their children’s youth and their partner’s companionship.”

Juliette Kayyem, who several years ago left the Department of Homeland Security soon after her husband, David Barron, left a high position in the Justice Department, says their joint decision to leave Washington and return to Boston sprang from their desire to work on the “happiness project,” meaning quality time with their three children. (She borrowed the term from her friend Gretchen Rubin, who wrote a best-selling book and now runs a blog with that name.)

It’s time to embrace a national happiness project. As a daughter of

Charlottesville, Virginia, the home of Thomas Jefferson and the university he founded, I grew up with the Declaration of Independence in my blood. Last I checked, he did not declare American independence in the name of life, liberty, and professional success. Let us rediscover the pursuit of happiness, and let us start at home.

Innovation Nation

As I write this, I can hear the reaction of some readers to many of the proposals in this essay: It’s all fine and well for a tenured professor to write about flexible working hours, investment intervals, and family-comes-first management. But what about the real world? Most American women cannot demand these things, particularly in a bad economy, and their employers have little incentive to grant them voluntarily. Indeed, the most frequent reaction I get in putting forth these ideas is that when the choice is whether to hire a man who will work whenever and wherever needed, or a woman who needs more flexibility, choosing the man will add more value to the company.

In fact, while many of these issues are hard to quantify and measure precisely, the statistics seem to tell a different story. A seminal study of 527 U.S. companies, published in the Academy of Management Journal in 2000, suggests that “organizations with more extensive work-family policies have higher perceived firm-level performance” among their industry peers. These findings accorded with a 2003 study conducted by Michelle Arthur at the University of New Mexico. Examining 130 announcements of family-friendly policies in The Wall Street Journal, Arthur found that the announcements alone significantly improved share prices. In 2011, a study on flexibility in the workplace by Ellen Galinsky, Kelly Sakai, and Tyler Wigton of the Families and Work Institute showed that increased flexibility correlates positively with job engagement, job satisfaction, employee retention, and employee health.

This is only a small sampling from a large and growing literature trying to pin

down the relationship between family-friendly policies and economic performance. Other scholars have concluded that good family policies attract better talent, which in turn raises productivity, but that the policies themselves have no impact on productivity. Still others argue that results attributed to these policies are actually a function of good management overall. What is evident, however, is that many firms that recruit and train well-educated professional women are aware that when a woman leaves because of bad work-family balance, they are losing the money and time they invested in her.

Even the legal industry, built around the billable hour, is taking notice. Deborah Epstein Henry, a former big-firm litigator, is now the president of Flex-Time Lawyers, a national consulting firm focused partly on strategies for the retention of female attorneys. In her book Law and Reorder, published by the American Bar Association in 2010, she describes a legal profession “where the billable hour no longer works”; where attorneys, judges, recruiters, and academics all agree that this system of compensation has perverted the industry, leading to brutal work hours, massive inefficiency, and highly inflated costs. The answer—already being deployed in different corners of the industry—is a combination of alternative fee structures, virtual firms, women-owned firms, and the outsourcing of discrete legal jobs to other jurisdictions. Women, and Generation X and Y lawyers more generally, are pushing for these changes on the supply side; clients determined to reduce legal fees and increase flexible service are pulling on the demand side. Slowly, change is happening.

At the core of all this is self-interest. Losing smart and motivated women not only diminishes a company’s talent pool; it also reduces the return on its investment in training and mentoring. In trying to address these issues, some firms are finding out that women’s ways of working may just be better ways of working, for employees and clients alike.

Experts on creativity and innovation emphasize the value of encouraging

nonlinear thinking and cultivating randomness by taking long walks or looking at your environment from unusual angles. In their new book, A New Culture of Learning: Cultivating the Imagination for a World of Constant Change, the innovation gurus John Seely Brown and Douglas Thomas write, “We believe that connecting play and imagination may be the single most important step in unleashing the new culture of learning.”

Space for play and imagination is exactly what emerges when rigid work schedules and hierarchies loosen up. Skeptics should consider the “California effect.” California is the cradle of American innovation—in technology, entertainment, sports, food, and lifestyles. It is also a place where people take leisure as seriously as they take work; where companies like Google deliberately encourage play, with Ping-Pong tables, light sabers, and policies that require employees to spend one day a week working on whatever they wish. Charles Baudelaire wrote: “Genius is nothing more nor less than childhood recovered at will.” Google apparently has taken note.

No parent would mistake child care for childhood. Still, seeing the world anew through a child’s eyes can be a powerful source of stimulation. When the Nobel laureate Thomas Schelling wrote The Strateg y of Conflict, a classic text applying game theory to conflicts among nations, he frequently drew on child-rearing for examples of when deterrence might succeed or fail. “It may be easier to articulate the peculiar difficulty of constraining [a ruler] by the use of threats,” he wrote, “when one is fresh from a vain attempt at using threats to keep a small child from hurting a dog or a small dog from hurting a child.”

The books I’ve read with my children, the silly movies I’ve watched, the games I’ve played, questions I’ve answered, and people I’ve met while parenting have broadened my world. Another axiom of the literature on innovation is that the more often people with different perspectives come together, the more likely creative ideas are to emerge. Giving workers the ability to integrate their non-

work lives with their work—whether they spend that time mothering or marathoning—will open the door to a much wider range of influences and ideas.

Enlisting Men

Perhaps the most encouraging news of all for achieving the sorts of changes that I have proposed is that men are joining the cause. In commenting on a draft of this article, Martha Minow, the dean of the Harvard Law School, wrote me that one change she has observed during 30 years of teaching law at Harvard is that today many young men are asking questions about how they can manage a work- life balance. And more systematic research on Generation Y confirms that many more men than in the past are asking questions about how they are going to integrate active parenthood with their professional lives.

Abstract aspirations are easier than concrete trade-offs, of course. These young men have not yet faced the question of whether they are prepared to give up that more prestigious clerkship or fellowship, decline a promotion, or delay their professional goals to spend more time with their children and to support their partner’s career.

Yet once work practices and work culture begin to evolve, those changes are likely to carry their own momentum. Kara Owen, the British foreign-service officer who worked a London job from Dublin, wrote me in an e-mail:

I think the culture on flexible working started to change the minute the Board of Management (who were all men at the time) started to work flexibly—quite a few of them started working one day a week from home.

Men have, of course, become much more involved parents over the past couple

of decades, and that, too, suggests broad support for big changes in the way we balance work and family. It is noteworthy that both James Steinberg, deputy secretary of state, and William Lynn, deputy secretary of defense, stepped down two years into the Obama administration so that they could spend more time with their children (for real).

Going forward, women would do well to frame work-family balance in terms of the broader social and economic issues that affect both women and men. After all, we have a new generation of young men who have been raised by full-time working mothers. Let us presume, as I do with my sons, that they will understand “supporting their families” to mean more than earning money.

I HAVE BEEN BLESSED to work with and be mentored by some extraordinary women. Watching Hillary Clinton in action makes me incredibly proud—of her intelligence, expertise, professionalism, charisma, and command of any audience. I get a similar rush when I see a front-page picture of Christine Lagarde, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, and Angela Merkel, the chancellor of Germany, deep in conversation about some of the most important issues on the world stage; or of Susan Rice, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, standing up forcefully for the Syrian people in the Security Council.

These women are extraordinary role models. If I had a daughter, I would encourage her to look to them, and I want a world in which they are extraordinary but not unusual. Yet I also want a world in which, in Lisa Jackson’s words, “to be a strong woman, you don’t have to give up on the things that define you as a woman.” That means respecting, enabling, and indeed celebrating the full range of women’s choices. “Empowering yourself,” Jackson said in her speech at Princeton, “doesn’t have to mean rejecting motherhood, or eliminating the nurturing or feminine aspects of who you are.”

I gave a speech at Vassar last November and arrived in time to wander the

campus on a lovely fall afternoon. It is a place infused with a spirit of community and generosity, filled with benches, walkways, public art, and quiet places donated by alumnae seeking to encourage contemplation and connection. Turning the pages of the alumni magazine (Vassar is now coed), I was struck by the entries of older alumnae, who greeted their classmates with Salve (Latin for “hello”) and wrote witty remembrances sprinkled with literary allusions. Theirs was a world in which women wore their learning lightly; their news is mostly of their children’s accomplishments. Many of us look back on that earlier era as a time when it was fine to joke that women went to college to get an “M.R.S.” And many women of my generation abandoned the Seven Sisters as soon as the formerly all-male Ivy League universities became coed. I would never return to the world of segregated sexes and rampant discrimination. But now is the time to revisit the assumption that women must rush to adapt to the “man’s world” that our mothers and mentors warned us about.

I continually push the young women in my classes to speak more. They must gain the confidence to value their own insights and questions, and to present them readily. My husband agrees, but he actually tries to get the young men in his classes to act more like the women—to speak less and listen more. If women are ever to achieve real equality as leaders, then we have to stop accepting male behavior and male choices as the default and the ideal. We must insist on changing social policies and bending career tracks to accommodate our choices, too. We have the power to do it if we decide to, and we have many men standing beside us.

We’ll create a better society in the process, for all women. We may need to put a woman in the White House before we are able to change the conditions of the women working at Walmart. But when we do, we will stop talking about whether women can have it all. We will properly focus on how we can help all Americans have healthy, happy, productive lives, valuing the people they love as much as the success they seek.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

ANNE-MARIE SLAUGHTER is the president of the New America Foundation and the Bert G. Kerstetter '66 University Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. She was previously the director of policy planning for the U.S. State Department and the dean of Princeton's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs.

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The Only One: Being Black in the White Working World

In fourth grade I sat in the back of the class with the other girls in our pressed plaid uniforms. We passed notes and giggled, while our teacher droned on and on at the front of the room, a ruler in one hand and a Kleenex in the other. One spring day, Mrs. Shapiro began a new chapter in our history book, the one on slavery. I'd been dreading this chapter. I knew it was coming, and I knew about slavery; my parents had told me. One by one, as Mrs. Shapiro spoke, everyone in the class turned eyes away from her to peer at me, sheepishly -- as though they were seeing me for the first time, as if I hadn't played tag and done homework and taken the bus with these kids all year. Mrs. Shapiro snapped her fingers. Their little heads whipped back into place, facing forward. I was the Only One. The first black person some of them had ever had a chance to get to know up close. It was the first time I was aware that others were aware that I was the only black kid in the middle school. I was the point of reference. Some of them liked me because I was black. Some of them didn't like me because I was black. For some of them, it didn't even matter. Not much has changed as I write this. I am still the Only One. I am the lone black employee in my workplace, in a city full of ethnic culture and diversity. At my last job, where close to 300 employees worked, I was one of a few African-Americans, excluding the janitorial staff. None of us worked together. I looked forward to making photocopies so I could chat for five minutes with Dorothy at the front desk. When we spoke it was briefly, and in hushed tones. We were hyper-aware of our positions. At large department meetings, I was the only black person, sometimes the only person of color, in the room. In every position I've held, I've felt valued for my qualifications, and highly prized for being black in a sea of whiteness. I've sometimes felt like what James Baldwin once described as the fly in the buttermilk. Token and expendable. I am constantly aware of my loneness, of how I am being treated, of how I am treating others and how I am perceived. There are others like me, white-collar and blue-collar workers who are single-handedly diversifying our workplaces and classrooms. The receptionist at the law firm, the executive shot-caller, the teacher at a predominantly white school, the school administrator, the surgeon. I talked recently with several black women who are also "Only Ones" in workplaces taking baby steps toward diversification. I discovered that being the "Only One" is a balancing act that takes practice. Being an "Only One" leaves you without a witness if anything racist happens. Back in the day, being an Only One was more likely to get you killed, or at least framed. These days, being an Only One may be considered a diversity success. But it leaves us "Only Ones" with a challenge: We must integrate without compromising ourselves or our beliefs. We must retain our cultural selves and run the risk of scaring the white folks we work with and for. We must constantly filter our experiences, screening for racism in each moment, while still being a team player. We must be able to culturally navigate both worlds, working side-by-side with folks who are only vested in their own white world. We must teach tolerance or suffer being misunderstood. We must put up with ignorant comments, always picking our battles. We must reach out to other people of color for reality checks. We must prove that we are more than a dark body the white company brings in to sit behind a desk. And we must perform twice as well as our peers and look twice as good doing it. Always with a smile and always with flair. No exceptions. I'm used to being the Only One, so at this point in my professional life it's almost second nature. Still, it often leaves me feeling numb, defeated. I go home at times exhausted from the effort. I feel cheated out of being who I am in my workplace, where I spend nearly half my waking life. Other "Only Ones" experience being "Only Ones" a little differently. Teresa Younger, executive director of the Connecticut Civil Liberties Union, is one of a handful of black executive directors in the nationwide organization. Younger grew up as an "only" in North Dakota before heading East. "I've never had a person of color more senior than me" in the workplace, she says. She recognizes when she is the Only One at a meeting or in the room right away. "I definitely scan the room when I walk in," she says. "If there's another black face in the room I will introduce myself. When there's a multitude, I'm impressed." That happens rarely, she says, and usually it's a church function or an event geared to urban dwellers. Sarah (not her real name) is the only African-American administrator at a local arts organization. She knows she was brought in to diversify, and she's been tapped to sit on a number of committees that seek to diversify the larger arts community. She's connected to a small network of "Only Ones" in the area. "There are some triumphs and some tragedies," she says. Ife Michelle Gardin works for a regional theater company. An artist, she wears materials that flow with an Afrocentric theme, carrying herself with a regal air. She sits on local arts committees. She's often the Only One, too. Sociologist Dena Wallerson is a top college administrator. She remembers her 10 years as one of a few African-Americans in the graduate sociology program at a state university. She wrote a paper there titled "Minority Among Minorities," which examined how women of color cope in a white-dominated workplace. She found that it was important for the women to network with other people of color outside of their workplace. In these networks, the women could let down their guard and strip themselves of the mask. Wearing the Mask While the folks here at my alternative newsweekly are pretty progressive, I often feel like that lone black kid who was Photoshopped onto the cover of his Midwest college's recruitment brochure. As at the other places I've worked, here I teach about my culture and my place in society. Here, I've encountered ignorance and fear. I've had a co-worker lean over during lunch and tell me that Haitians reek of body odor. Here, I've been frustrated by how I am perceived. But each day, I take a deep breath and don the mask as I leave my black world and merge. The mask gives you more access to the white world. It is that corporate, professional thing you take off when you get home, put your feet up, pick up the phone, and say, "Girl you wouldn't believe the kind of day I've had. *" It can change daily, depending on who will see it. What doesn't change is how heavy it is. It weighs so much, it's numbing. We get used to the transition -- on and off, on and off. I used to date a guy who was an insurance salesman by day, thugged-out rapper by night. Tattooed biceps and all. I called him at work one day and listened to his voice mail -- he sounded like a straight-up white guy. His deep voice was nasal, his words crisper than normal. With this voice, his co-workers probably had no idea who he really was. I didn't either. When I worked in a more corporate environment, I remember feeling exhausted at the end of the day from continuously putting on the front. Jealous that my white co-workers could let loose and blow off steam while I fronted 'til the end. Some days I was relieved just to make it to my car where I could finally breathe and play my soul music, returning to my black world. "It's part of playing the game -- you wear the game face," Wallerson says. Right. Without the mask, I couldn't do my job well. It keeps me in check so that I don't go off when the owner of a diner I've written about tells me, over the phone, that "sometimes colored people are a problem." The mask helped me keep my composure a couple of jobs ago when one of my company's partners greeted me in the morning with, "What's up, my sister?" and a fist. Or the time another partner invited me to a luncheon meeting to pull me aside and profess his attraction to black women. The mask allows me to react seamlessly, but it's still me underneath. Instead of talking black, I speak the Queen's English. I don't drop verb endings. I speak slow, enunciate. I am extra clear. I don't use the full range of facial expressions black folks rely on for meaning because my white co-workers won't get it. I don't hold back my thoughts, but I finesse my response, making myself more palatable. I surprise myself with how well I wear it. Without it, I would have been fired many times over. I'm resentful. It hides my frustration at fearing that my white bosses think I never work hard or long enough. But at least I can still take the mask off. Some black folks can't. Some refuse to put it on. Arts administrator Sarah totally refuses to front. "My work is Afrocentric, even in the midst of Eurocentricity," she says. Some black folks get hung up on the duality and leave their jobs because they can't handle it, she says. "Give [white co-workers] who you are because they give you who they are," she says. "It's not like it's not me that goes to work," says Younger of her game face. For her, the mask is that internal strength that you muster when it's time to perform, just before you walk into the room and all eyes are on you. Although she maintains a front, no matter if she's heading a meeting with white colleagues or addressing a crowd at a NAACP conference, she says she doesn't conform. Distance The slings and arrows of racism can't get you if you're not emotionally present. In addition to the mask, tuning out white co-workers is one way of coping. That black woman in your office who isn't so friendly? The one who doesn't hang out with the rest of the gang? The one who doesn't join in on the water-cooler talk? She's most likely using the only tool she knows to deal with being the Only One. She's keeping a safe distance and double-checking her work. She knows that if something goes wrong, she'll be blamed and fulfill a stereotype of the shiftless Negro. By keeping low profiles, we can inadvertently become part of the problem. Wallerson worked at a school that was actively trying to recruit more minority students. The black students at the school didn't want to have their photos taken for the brochure cover. However, their parents would complain about the lack of diversity in the school. Sarah breaks down the way black students sit with each other in cafeterias. "What's interesting is that they don't realize they're all white," she says of the people who complain about blacks seeking each other out. "Stop looking at the black table and turn around and start looking at all the other tables." We hear about the black table all the time because we are visibly identifiable. But, adds Sarah, there is an Italian table, a Jewish table, an Irish table. A friend remembers a white professor using slurs to describe her and another student of color. One nudged the other; neither knew how to respond. Ultimately they each had to suck it up for the rest of the semester. They needed the credit. The Only Spokesperson At this job and other jobs, I've had to suck it up. During meetings, I've had well-meaning white folks jump at the chance to rephrase or translate my ideas before I've had a chance to finish my thought. It feels like they have a need to come to my rescue. Somehow, in ways I still don't understand, it seems like the other white folks at the table understand each other better than me, no matter how "articulate" they say I am. Younger can relate. "They'll say to me, 'I'm not sure you're saying that the way you mean it.'" She attributes this to the white males in her arena having a hard time working with strong black females. "Males need to take care [of somebody]," she explains, "but black people have a strength that's undefined. We don't need our professional counterparts to take care of us." One time, Younger confronted the white male president of a company where she used to work. The man had been shirking management duties; Younger had been picking up the slack. "One day I marched into his office and told him that some things were going to have to change," she says, her voice taking on an executive tone. She detailed the changes, then she announced that she would be leaving the company. The boss walked on eggshells around her until her parting date. To her, it was a victory to flip the status quo in her favor. "I try not to be overly aggressive because it is a teaching experience," she says. One thing she has had to "teach" white folks is that being black and middle class should not be confused with the upper-class lifestyles blacks portray in popular culture. Buppies are not drinking Cristal and attending designer fashion shows on the weekends. But they probably own a home and mow the lawn. Another big problem for "Only Ones": being the spokesperson for the race. We're not a monolithic group. Black folks come from as many different backgrounds as white people. Within the community, we are more attuned to the differences, but white folks have a tendency to just see black and make general assumptions. It's tiring being the teacher all the time, but Younger believes it is an integral part of black professionalism. The more black professionals there are, the less isolated we are, and the more diversity there is, the less each one has to teach. Those white folks with little to no exposure to people of color, who are over eager to seem "down," need to be taught a lot. In an effort to seem cool and supportive of the black cause, they adopt urban slang, expressions, manners of dress and style. Then they shuffle it off on the only black person in the office with an exaggerated "What's up?" or by regularly calling us "sister" or "girlfriend." It's a transparent act. A white person may have the best intentions of helping "the Only One" feel more comfortable. But when black folks work hard to maintain a professional front, it feels condescending when coworkers call you "homegirl." It's never a good idea, but especially not in the workplace. Wallerson describes the practice of "trying on race" -- when white folks test out black colloquialisms on black folk to see if they're authenticated. "Next it's going to be, 'You my nigga.'" Strategies For Preserving Your Sanity (Or: How Not to Lose It) If you're an "Only One," you probably have already figured out a strategy for those times when you need support. I know of one young woman who keeps a powerful piece of black history on her desk -- shackles. Seeing them each day renews her purpose. Younger keeps quotes and books of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in her office to remind her of her goals and what has been overcome. Networking helps. "I think the good news is that we have e-mail," says Wallerson of the small network of sociologists of color she communicates with regularly. Younger, too, has developed a network of black professionals. In her last job, Sarah was an "Only One" in her department, but there were a handful of black females scattered throughout the company. None of them worked with each other. Yet they maintained a network, met socially and knew each others' families. When one of them was suffering from work-related problems, they provided a support network, meeting for lunch. And when the company unfairly criticized one of the women, they all lobbied on her behalf, helping each other write responses to Human Resources. They eventually all left. The group still occasionally gets together. Sarah enjoys the sisterhood networking. She finds that "bonding is minimal and forced [with white folks]. It shouldn't be. There are more things that tie people together than color." Camille Jackson  ([email protected])  is a staff writer at the New Haven Advocate.

__MACOSX/paper 1/sources/._3 The Only One.docx

paper 1/sources/2 Want to Keep Your Millennial Employees.docx

Want to Keep Your Millennial Employees? You Have to Be Willing to Offer Them This 1 Thing

Pretty soon, this will be the standard.

By Nicolas Cole

Companies and their senior leadership are asking the wrong question. It's not about how to hire or attract  Millennial talent. And it's not even about how you keep them engaged. The real question is: What can you offer them that they can't get anywhere else? What can you do to nurture loyalty--and how does that ladder up to solving tangential issues like employee engagement?

A 2016 survey by Jobvite cited that in the entire work force, 18 percent of the total changes jobs every one to three years.  For Millennials, it's 42 percent.

This means that by the time you get Millennial employees trained and actively providing value for your team and company, they're on to the next one. They're looking for the next job, which typically comes with a promotion, a pay raise, a new blend of benefits, and (they hope) a more attractive day-to-day routine.

Here's the truth of the matter: It's really not about Millennials at all. It's about people: human-to-human interaction, and the underlying issues with running a business that tend to run opposite of personal development. It's just that Millennials are the most vocal generation thus far, unafraid to speak up along the way about what they're feeling.

Managers want productivity; Millennials want to be judged on results, not hours clocked. Older business owners want them to follow their rules, their way; Millennials want to change how things are done to be more efficient, through using and interacting with technology. The list goes on and on.

What has happened is that the entire Millennial generation seems to have been chalked up as a bunch of kids who just need some new toys to keep them entertained. Which has led to the installation of ridiculous props in the workplace to make it seem like the work environment is something that it's not: an arcade machine in the corner, a bar and barista by the far wall, big chalkboards or dry erase boards around the office for Millennial employees to write inspirational quotes on. And sure, all those things are great. They can certainly make a work environment feel more playful. But how impactful is an arcade machine, really, when the manager you report to every day continues to operate like an hour-chasing conductor?

Companies need to start asking themselves how they can impact every employee's personal development

It's astounding to me how many people, business leaders included, seem to have "pinpointed" the issues plaguing the Millennial generation. I am a Millennial myself, and here's what I have been reduced to: impatient, entitled, naive to the way the world works, uninterested in paying my dues, expecting everything to happen overnight, and most of all, filled with a false sense of confidence because I "received too many participation awards growing up."

And yet the irony is that after all the conviction backing these sweeping generalizations of the Millennial generation, the proposed solutions have been to order a few Ping-Pong tables for the office, put together a Frisbee team, and serve beer on Fridays.

How, in any capacity, does that address the underlying issues (and coinciding reasons) for Millennials to seem to be job hopping like crazy?

They don't--and that's why so many companies are struggling to keep their Millennial employees engaged. And not just engaged, but keep them at all.

If you want to keep your Millennial employees over the long term, you have to be willing to offer them this one thing

Guidance.

You say Millennials are impatient? How many of you--whether you're the business owner or the vice president or even just a middle manager--make the time to nurture and mentor that Millennial you call so impatient?

You say Millennials are entitled? How many of you make an effort to listen and understand where that perceived entitlement is coming from?

You say Millennials expect everything to happen overnight? How many of you see that as a positive opportunity to play the mentor and give them some guidance as to life's journey?

Not very many. And that's the root of the root, the real reason so many companies struggle with loyalty. Because loyalty isn't found in a Ping-Pong table, or at the bottom of a red Solo cup on a Friday afternoon.

Loyalty is the way you treat, nurture, and help someone else grow--friend, significant other, or, dare we say, employee.

Loyalty is the impact you have, as a person, on someone else, with the awareness that the other person has his or her own life, desires, hopes, and aspirations.

Loyalty is the exchange that happens beyond the paycheck. The conversations you have and the guidance you provide employees, teaching them, empowering them, showing them not just how to perform their jobs better but how to be the best they can be in life.

"What are Millennials searching for?" you ask.

They're searching for that.

Someone willing to show them the way, but give them enough freedom to also figure things out on their own.

The moment you start thinking of your Millennial employees as mentees, people you can teach and impact as a human being, is the moment you begin to build real loyalty and longevity.

It's just, most people don't want to do that.

And buying a Ping-Pong table is a whole lot easier.

__MACOSX/paper 1/sources/._2 Want to Keep Your Millennial Employees.docx

paper 1/sources/7 The Worst Companies to work for 2016.pdf

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Source: Thinkstock

The Worst Companies to Work For June 10, 2016 by Evan Comen

Keeping employees happy can only improve a company’s bottom line. Employee satisfaction can significantly impact the productivity, sales, and reputation of any company. Despite its importance, many companies struggle to keep their employees content. While some companies have policies specifically designed to boost employee morale, others seem to prioritize it far less.

For the fifth consecutive year, 24/7 Wall St. identified the nation’s worst companies to work for. 24/7 Wall St. analyzed thousands of employee reviews from jobs and career website Glassdoor. The site maintains a growing database of more than 8 million employee reviews for more than 540,000 companies worldwide.

The worst rating any U.S. company received is 2.5 stars out of five, significantly lower than the 3.2 average company rating on Glassdoor. Three companies — Family Dollar Stores, Express Scripts and Forever 21 — received this lowest rating and top the list of the worst companies to work for.

Click here to see the worst companies to work for.

In an interview with 24/7 Wall St., Scott Dobroski, a Glassdoor spokesperson, explained that the three leading drivers of long-term employee satisfaction include: “culture and values, career opportunities, and trust in senior leadership.” For Dobroski, any company can improve these features by listening to employee feedback and addressing them in a timely manner.

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Many complaints about the companies with the lowest ratings concern the lack of those leading drivers. According to some employee reviews of RadioShack, for example, sales associates believe upper management is out of touch; they see little room for professional growth; and they are unimpressed by the company’s culture.

Many employees at the worst companies to work for also cite poor work-life balance, low pay, and poor leadership as major reasons for their discontent. By contrast, technology companies such as Google and Facebook, which are some of the best rated companies, are notorious for high pay and generous perks.

Tech companies are not the only ones that manage to take care of their employees. Wholesale grocery store Costco, for example, has some of the best employee reviews of any company. There are numerous highly rated companies such as Costco where pay is by no means the only factor in employee satisfaction.

However, most of the worst-rated companies are customer-facing, low-paying businesses with high employee turnover rates. For nine of the 10 companies, the most commonly reported annual compensation on Glassdoor is lower than the national average annual wage of $48,320. The majority of these 10 companies operate in the retail trade sector, which has an above-average turnover rate, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The high turnover rates at these companies suggest employers treat employees as easily replaceable. With low- skilled workers readily available, employees at some of these companies may indeed be disposable. However, many companies with the lowest employee satisfaction are also not doing especially well financially, which may suggest that low employee satisfaction is but a symptom of poor management overall. The Employment Policy Foundation also estimates it costs a company an average of $15,000 each time a an employee leaves

Just as employee satisfaction can impact profits, a company’s financial performance can impact employee satisfaction. Many major retailers are losing ground to online giants such as Amazon.com, and their in-store sales are falling. As a result, employees working on commission may find it more difficult to earn commission wages. Similarly, as many of these businesses close stores and implement other cost cutting measures, employees may be assigned shorter shifts and consequently earn less. In Kmart, for example, where cashiers frequently complain about the difficulty of working on commission at a failing retailer, all full-time positions were recently switched to part-time.

To identify the 10 worst companies to work for, 24/7 Wall St. independently examined employee reviews on Glassdoor — this is not a Glassdoor.com commissioned report. To be considered, a company needed to have a minimum of 1,500 reviews and be currently operating and headquartered in the United States. Employee counts are from the most recent financial documents for each company. For subsidiaries, head counts are for the parent company.

These are the 10 worst companies to work for.

10. Kraft Heinz Company (NASDAQ: KHC) >Rating: 2.6

> CEO approval rating: 24% > Employees: 42,000

> Industry: Food manufacturer

Kraft Heinz produces some of the most popular consumer brands in the country, including Kraft, Heinz, Oscar Mayer, Jell-O, Planters, and Lunchables. The company was formed in 2015 as the result of a merger between Kraft Foods Group and H.J Heinz Holding Corporation.

Many employees cite the merger as having had a negative impact on the company’s culture. The merger resulted in numerous layoffs and plant closures across the United States. Employees also commonly complain about the company’s cost cutting measures and their difficulty in maintaining work-life balance. One former employee from Pennsylvania echoed many other complaints by writing “corporate leaders don’t truly respect or care about their employees. They only care about making money off of them.”

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The average employee rating of Kraft Heinz is 2.6 stars out of five, tied for the second lowest rating of any U.S. company.

9. Dillard’s (NYSE: DDS) > Rating: 2.6

> CEO approval rating: 37% > Employees: 40,000

> Industry: Department stores

Founded in 1938 by William T. Dillard, Dillard’s department store chain has nearly 300 locations across 29 states. Despite going public in 1969, Dillard’s is still something of a family business. Currently, four of CEO Bill Dillard II’s siblings work as company executive officers, and William Dillard III, the CEO’s son, is a senior vice president.

While the Dillard family may be happy with their jobs, the typical Dillard’s employee is not. With a 2.6 job satisfaction rating on Glassdoor, for the fifth consecutive year, Dillard’s ranks among the worst companies to work for. Dissatisfied workers frequently cite unrealistic sales quotas and poor management practices. Not only is employee morale suffering at Dillard’s, but it seems business is as well. In keeping with a nationwide trend among department stores, profits are down. The company posted net income of $269.4 million in its fiscal 2015, down from $331.9 million the previous year.

8. RadioShack > Rating: 2.6

> CEO approval rating: 40% > Employees: N/A

> Industry: Consumer electronics retail

After filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in February 2015, RadioShack announced plans to close about half of its stores and lay off thousands of employees. Many complaints about the company are the result of its decline. As in- store sales fell over the past few years, numerous sales associates found it more difficult to earn commission. Many employees have reported working shifts without a single customer entering the store. Employees frequently cite low pay and incompetent upper management as major drawbacks of working at the company.

After the bankruptcy, most of RadioShack’s stores were salvaged through a deal to co-brand locations with cellular phone provider Sprint. While the deal saved thousands of jobs, however, it has not meaningfully improved employee satisfaction. One of the most common complaints from employees is the heavy pressure to sell cell phones.

7. DISH (NASDAQ: DISH) > Rating: 2.6

> CEO approval rating: 42% > Employees: 18,000

> Industry: CATV systems

As is the case with many of the worst companies to work for, a large share of jobs at DISH are customer service oriented. Also similar to many companies on the list, dissatisfied employees at the company regularly cite long hours and poor work-life balance as the reason for their discontent.

The subscription television service industry is notorious for poor customer relations. The customer experience of DISH’s 13 million-plus subscribers is not likely helped by low employee morale.

Low employee morale may also be having an impact on the company’s bottom line as well as investor relations. The company’s stock price has fallen by roughly 25% in the past year, significantly underperforming the market. In addition, net income is down to $769.3 million in 2015 from $928.9 million the previous year.

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6. Kmart (NASDAQ: SHLD) > Rating: 2.6

> CEO approval rating: 20% > Employees: 178,000 (including Sears employees)

> Industry: Department stores

Kmart is another retailer with declining sales and low employee satisfaction. The chain is owned by Sears Holdings Corporation, which also owns Sears — also among the worst companies to work for. Kmart’s sales have fallen drastically over the past decade and a half, and lower sales mean lower wages for cashiers working on commission. On Glassdoor, employees often complain about low pay, long hours, and out of touch management.

Like many other department stores, Kmart is hurting, and the number of store locations is dwindling. The number of U.S. Kmart locations fell from 1,152 at the end of fiscal 2013 to 941 at the end of fiscal 2015.

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  5. Xerox (NYSE: XRX)

> Rating: 2.6 > CEO approval rating: 36%

> Employees: 143,600 > Industry: Information technology services

Xerox employees are far more likely to be dissatisfied with their jobs than employees at most other major U.S. companies. Frequent employee complaints include stagnant pay and poor management. CEO Ursula Burns, who worked her way up from an intern position with the company 36 years ago and is the first African American woman to lead a Fortune 500 company, is approved of by only 36% of employees.

In addition to low employee morale and a lack of confidence in company leadership among employees, Xerox sales have declined in recent years. Annual revenue is down to $18.0 billion from $19.5 billion the year before and from $20.0 billion in 2013.

Earlier this year, Xerox announced it would split into two distinct companies, one for business processes, including accounting and customer care, and another for document processing. The split is scheduled to be completed by the end of 2016, and has already spurred thousands of layoffs.

4. Sears (NASDAQ: SHLD) > Rating: 2.6

> CEO approval rating: 19% > Employees: 178,000 (including Kmart employees)

> Industry: Department stores

A large share of Sears Holdings Corporation’s 178,000 employees work at one of 705 Sears department store locations spread across all 50 states. For the second year in a row, department store chain Sears ranks as one of the worst companies to work for. A disproportionate number of company workers complain about earning minimum wage and frequently declining commission rates. The company’s CEO, Edward Lampert, is also among the least popular in the country. Less than one in five Sears employees approve of Lampert — and likely with good reason. The company has posted a net loss of at least $1.1 billion every year since he took over in 2013.

Low employee morale is likely affecting customers’ shopping experience. According to the American Customer Satisfaction Index, Sears ranks as the second worst department store for customer satisfaction. Sears Holdings also

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owns Kmart, an equally unpopular company to work for.

3. Family Dollar Stores (NYSE: FDO) > Rating: 2.5

> CEO approval rating: 36% > Employees: 60,000

> Industry: Discount stores

With 8,042 stores in 46 states, Family Dollar is nearly ubiquitous across the nation. It also ranks among the worst U.S. companies to work for. The majority of positions at the company are in customer service, which many employees cite as the best part of their job. The customer service aspect of working at Family Dollar is also often part of negative employee reviews, however. Unqualified managers and poor work-life balance are the most commonly cited complaints on Glassdoor. One Family Dollar worker in Michigan complained succinctly, “low pay, long hours, unrealistic expectations.”

Family Dollar was acquired by its former competitor Dollar Tree in July 2015. After the transaction, Gary Philbin was named CEO of Family Dollar, replacing Howard Levine. So far Philbin has not made a great impression on his employees, receiving an approval rating of just 36% on Glassdoor.

2. Express Scripts (NASDAQ: ESRX) > Rating: 2.5

> CEO approval rating: 79% > Employees: 25,900

> Industry: Health care plans

Express Scripts is a third-party administrator of prescription drugs for various commercial and government health plans, and is the largest pharmacy benefit management company in the country. The average employee rating of Express Scripts is 2.5 stars out of five, tied for the lowest rating of any U.S. company. Employees commonly cite incompetent management, difficulty maintaining work-life balance, and long hours as major drawbacks for working at the company. Many employees report working 10-hour days.

Though this is not the first time Express Scripts has ranked among the worst companies to work for, the company may be trying to turn things around. Earlier this year, Tim Wentworth took over as CEO. Chief executives can have an outsized impact on company culture, and some negative employee sentiment may have left with former CEO George Paz.

1. Forever 21 > Rating: 2.5 > CEO approval rating: 30%

> Employees: 30,000 > Industry: Retail apparel

The average employee rating of Forever 21 is just 2.5 stars out of five, tied for the lowest rating of any company based in the United States. Many employees cite inadequate benefits and strict company policies as drawbacks to working at Forever 21.

Over the years, the store has been hit with several high profile lawsuits, including several filed by employees. In 2012, five Forever 21 employees filed a class action lawsuit against the company. The plaintiffs claimed that they and their co-workers were routinely detained in the store during lunch breaks and after their shifts without overtime pay so managers could search their bags for stolen merchandise — a part of the company’s former loss-prevention policy. Indeed, many employees on Glassdoor complain of not getting to leave the store until 2:00 a.m. or later, hours after the stores close, often receiving no overtime pay for the extra hours.

Tags: Dillard's, Inc. (NYSE:DDS), DISH Network Corporation (NASDAQ:DISH), Express Scripts (NASDAQ:ESRX), Family Dollar Stores (NYSE:FDO), Sears Holdings (NASDAQ:SHLD), Xerox Corp

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The Sorry Lives and Confusing Times of Today’s Young Men

Sandy HingstonFebruary 20, 2012

THE WOMEN ARE IRATE. The women are talking about men, young men, the men they’d like to date and marry, and are they ever pissed. Here’s what they’re saying:

“All they want is sex. They don’t care about relationships.”

“They’re so lazy.”

“All they do is play video games.”

“They aren’t men. They’re boys.”

The women are a little bewildered. They’re good girls. They followed the script: did well in high school, got into college, worked hard there, got out, got jobs, started looking around for someone special to share life with, and …

“I met a guy the other night. Good-looking, smart. Twenty-eight years old. He still lives at home. With his mom.” Young men are now nearly twice as likely as young women to live with their parents; 59 percent of guys ages 18 to 24 and 19 percent of 25-to-34-year-olds live at home. Based on those Census Bureau stats, 64,000 young Philly men have returned to or never left the nest—and they all have mothers, ex-girlfriends, grandmothers, dads and other friends and relations worrying about their plight.

The women know what everybody’s saying: It’s the economy, stupid. Young men have been whacked particularly hard in this “mancession.” The statistics are scary: From 1960 to 2009, the number of working-age men with full-time jobs fell from 83 percent to 66 percent. In Philadelphia, half of all young adults are unemployed. But three in 10 young men ages 25 to 34 had stopped looking for work before the recession hit. So it’s not just the economy. There’s something more at play.

Sociologists cite five “markers” or “milestones” that have traditionally defined our notion of adulthood: finishing school, moving away from the parental home, becoming financially independent, getting married, and having a child. In 1960, 65 percent of men had ticked off all five by age 30; by 2000, only a third had. The experts have plenty of explanations for what’s come to be called “extended adolescence” or “emerging adulthood”—or what New York Times columnist David Brooks calls the “Odyssey Years.” They blame helicopter parents, the burden of student loan debt, much higher poverty rates among young people (nearly half of all Americans ages 25 to 34 live below the national level), and a dearth of vo-tech training and manufacturing jobs. Almost 60 percent of parents are now giving money to their grown kids—an average of $38,340 per child in the years between ages 18 and 34. Whatever happened to the son looking after his mom?

But those are the grousings of an older generation. We’ve always complained that those following after us are shiftless, goal-less, unmotivated. Remember walking 10 miles to school, uphill both ways? What’s different now is that half of one generation is complaining about the other half.

“The majority of the guys my age that I meet are immature,” says Jessica ­Claremon, a blunt, outspoken 24-year-old who grew up in Fort Washington and now lives in New York City, where she works for Nickelodeon. “I would never call them ‘men.’” Bruno Mars seems to have articulated an entire gender’s worldview in last summer’s hit “The Lazy Song”:

Today I don’t feel like doing anything

I just wanna lay in my bed

Don’t feel like picking up my phone

So leave a message at the tone

’Cause today I swear I’m not doing anything

Why has doing anything become so ­difficult for today’s young men?

MEET CONNOR.*

Connor, 24, graduated from Penn State in May of last year. It took him five years instead of four to finish his journalism degree, so he has about a hundred thou in student loans. “Scholarship was the ball I dropped more often than work or my social life,” he says. When I spoke to him late last year, he was living at home with his parents, working part-time—30 hours a week—as a blogger. It wasn’t enough to live on, and he didn’t get health benefits. He was sure he could get a different job: “If I wanted to support myself, I would. But I’m lucky enough to have parents who are well off. We’re all just waiting it out for a while.”

The move from Happy Valley back to his childhood bedroom wasn’t entirely smooth. “My dad struggles to get it a little,” Connor says. “He’s an engineer. He went to a military academy. He had a wife and kid by the time he was my age.” When Connor took an unpaid internship a few years back, “He was like, ‘What is the plan?’ I said, ‘I know what the plan is. You just don’t like the plan.’” The unpaid internship grew into a part-time job. If it hadn’t, “I would have gotten a job as a waiter somewhere. I wasn’t going to take something I didn’t want to do.”

Connor rides the train home every workday from the city to his parents’ house in West Chester. He’ll have dinner with Mom and Dad, watch TV with them. West Chester nightlife doesn’t really cut it for him now: “I’m a Farmers’ Cabinet guy. I have expensive tastes.” He doesn’t pay rent or buy groceries, but he does his own laundry. “It’s not like they’re giving me $10 for the movies,” he says.

There are challenges. “I have no option but celibacy,” says Connor, who’s outgoing and athletic and handsome. “I don’t really approach women, even. I’m not going to take someone home and sleep with her in my parents’ house.” He gets away to visit friends on weekends every chance he can. His mom, he says, wants him to text her when he arrives safely. He doesn’t. “I’m 24 years old. I shouldn’t have to check in with Mommy.”

When Connor was still in school, sometimes he’d encounter friends of his parents who’d press their business cards on him: “They’d say, ‘I’m in insurance—call me when you get out of school.’” Connor threw the cards away. He says he’d rather wait tables for the rest of his life than work in sales. Besides, he has a buddy from college who’s made it in L.A., in films. The buddy’s success validates Connor’s approach to life: “You have to have faith in your intangible abilities.”

CONNOR’S A CLASSIC ALL-AMERICAN GUY, CIRCA 2012. He’s also a prime example of the attributes that experts say are crippling him and his peers. He hasn’t proven particularly successful, yet he’s absolutely sure he will be successful. He’s got more than enough self-esteem. And he’s living with his mom.

“I’m astonished, just astonished, that kids are moving back home,” says Barry Schwartz, a longtime psychology professor at Swarthmore College who studies happiness and satisfaction. “My kids never came home once they left. They would have seen coming home to live as an absolute failure—the worst thing in the world.” But it’s part of a continuum, he says: “It’s also astonishing to me that kids are in touch with their parents five times a day on their cell phones.” Those parents, he says, have cocooned their children all their lives. They’re too eager to be their kids’ friends and too reluctant to exert authority. As a result, “They don’t do much to nudge fledglings out of the nest.” Connor can see that in his mom: “She’d like me to leave, but not because she wants me to leave.” He thinks she’d pretty much be cool with him living with her for the rest of his life.

And why wouldn’t he want to? We’ve made home so comfortable. “When you had six or seven kids in a family,” says Kathleen Bogle, a sociology professor at La Salle and author of the campus-sex book Hooking Up, “young people were dying to have their own place. Now they’re living in a big house, not paying any rent, and they can come and go as they please.” Sex is awkward, sure, but young men are having bromances with their guy friends instead, modeling themselves on Entourage, Jersey Shore and The Hangover. “Popular culture in general values singlehood,” says Bogle. “In the 1950s, the stigma was not getting married. Now it’s reversed.”

Bogle mentions the “unintended consequences of inventions” and posits that extended adolescence may be the accidental offspring of the Pill. The upper-class norm now, she says, is not to have kids until you’re in your 30s. The median age of male marriage keeps getting pushed further back—more than three years (which is an eon to sociologists) since 1980, to 28.2. That leaves young men with a long, long stretch of sowing wild oats—while young women tap their feet impatiently. (And not nearly as many people are marrying at all; in 1960, more than half of all 18-to-29-year-olds were wed; today, it’s around 20 percent.)

Bogle thinks Facebook may also be contributing to perpetual boyhood. Prior generations of men, she says, would leave their tight-knit communities of college friends, move to new cities, and become isolated. That made relationships with women more attractive, since women typically organized social life. “Now, Facebook makes it so easy to keep in touch with your old friends, to make plans and coordinate,” Bogle says. Guys can actually do it ­themselves.

Speaking of do-it-yourself, more than one academic cites porn as a reason young men are content to climb back into the family nest. “When I was a boy,” says Shaun Harper, a professor at Penn’s Graduate School of Education who studies how young men live and learn, “you had to work to find porn. And hide it! It was only available in an underground way.” Today, it’s as close as any website ending in .xxx. Researchers conducting a recent large study on porn and prostitution had trouble finding non-users to serve as a control group. An article in New York magazine last year described how young men have come to expect the “Porn Star Experience” from women, and find themselves faking orgasms when the real thing proves less satisfactory than the video version. No less than rock god John Mayer, whose girlfriends have included Jessica Simpson, Kim Kardashian and Taylor Swift, told Playboy that he prefers masturbation to “real” sex: “Once I have to deal with someone else’s desires, I cut and run.” If you don’t even have to leave the house to find sexual ­gratification—much less put on a tie, make small talk and pay for dinner—why would you bother? That this forces young women to compete for men’s attention not just with one another but also with Jesse Jane and Lexi Belle explains a lot of contemporary ­evening wear.

*Names, but nothing else, have been changed.

“I CAME TO WIN,” RIHANNA SINGS in “Fly,” her recent hit with Nicki Minaj: “To fight, to conquer, to thrive; I came to win, to survive, to prosper, to rise. … ” She doesn’t exactly sound like Bruno Mars’s dream date, does she?

“Men are lagging behind young women in the push forward,” says Barbara Ray, co-author of a book, Not Quite Adults, based on research conducted by the MacArthur Research Network on Transitions to Adulthood. “Women are surpassing men in a lot of indicators of success.” Men, the network’s research suggests, have become marginalized: The skills women have—they’re better listeners, they work better in teams—are what’s needed in the modern work-world. “Women see a clearer fit for themselves,” says Ray, “and employers do, too.”

When Barry Schwartz started teaching at Swarthmore in the ’70s and would pose a question to a class, “Someone was always interrupting before the question was finished,” he recalls, “and it was always a male.” Now, he says, guys aren’t doing that. A lot of observers say male disengagement in colleges and schools is a result of the “feminization” of our educational system: Boys are told to sit down, shut up and drill to the test; if they can’t, we put them on Adderall.

“Women are really motivated by the idea of school achievement,” says Bogle. “They’ll say, ‘I’ll get a master’s degree next!’ They want to climb that ladder.” But men who are into school are seen as wimpy and nerdy. That helps explain why current college enrollment nationwide is about 60 percent female and only 40 percent male. “Young men are having trouble at institutions of higher learning and in the labor force,” says Temple psychology professor Laurence Steinberg, who just published an updated third edition of his classic You and Your Adolescent: The Essential Guide for Ages 10-25—with the age range extended from 20 in the prior edition. “There’s more competition from women.” What happens when women outperform men? Men withdraw from the field. Women, Schwartz says, are invested in economic success, but it doesn’t define them: “The stakes are still higher for men. If you lose your job, you’re a failure.” And what if you can’t get a job in the first place, like so many young men?

“The world tells us that white American men are extremely powerful,” says Harper. “Statistics show they are disproportionately advantaged in all sorts of ways. But individual white men don’t feel privileged or advantaged. People pay more attention to women, to minorities, and white men feel, ‘Nobody is paying attention to me.’”

That’s where video games come in. Like porn, they provide a sense of mastery. Research shows males prefer games in which they feel “emotions that sustain dominant masculine identity”—in which they drive fast, blow things up, kill things, and sometimes batter women. But it’s not the content that’s the biggest problem; it’s the time commitment. Half of all college students say video games keep them from studying “some” or “a lot.” A few years back, a disgruntled ­co-ed told the New York Times she’d sworn off ­gamers for good because “they’re choosing to do something that wastes their time and sucks the life out of them.”

Something, it seems, is sucking the life out of guys quite literally. One-third of male college students say they’ve experienced erectile dysfunction. Leonard Sax, a family physician for nearly 20 years who authored the book Boys Adrift, saw more and more of them in his Maryland office, asking for Viagra and Cialis. Constant access to porn has desensitized them; they can’t get it up with live girls. “We’re seeing the replacement of penile sex with oral sex,” says Sax, “with the girl on her knees, servicing the boy. Boys and girls both end up losers.” One in five men ages 18 to 25 are now classified as “sub-­fertile” because of low sperm count and quality, both of which have been dropping in the developed world for the past 50 years. Curiously, 50 years ago, around 64 percent of all college students were male.

You’d think boys would be feeling bad about their lack of puissance. They’re not, especially, because we’ve painstakingly taught them never to be judgmental. When the authors of the book Lost in Transition: The Dark Side of Emerging Adulthood polled young adults, 47 percent agreed that “morals are relative, there are not definite rights and wrongs for everybody.” If you want to lie in bed all day and beat up virtual hookers—dude, hey, that’s cool.

Irvin Schorsch is the founder of Jenkintown’s Pennsylvania Capital Management, which provides investment advice for 160 wealthy families. More and more of those families have offspring who are failing to launch into successful lives. He worries about the ramifications: “The most important asset any investor has is time. If you want to save a million dollars, I can make that happen—with enough time.” With no head start, the men—and families—of tomorrow will always be playing catch-up. Schorsch takes a hard-core approach to emptying the nest. Many of his clients have children who are in their 50s and still living at home: “People say, ‘It’s for their own good. I can afford it.’ But has that child done well?”

RESEARCHERS AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY not long ago asked 20,000 young men and women across the United States how they self-identified sexually. Of the men in the sample, 5.6 percent said they were gay or bisexual. Of the women, 14.4 percent did. Leonard Sax offers a possible explanation for why three times as many young women as young men now say they’re gay: The guys they know are losers.

Meet James.

James graduated a decade ago from a big state college out West. “I was not the greatest student in high school,” he admits, “so my options weren’t Ivy League. I decided to go for the weather.” He majored in business. Why? “I got to a point where I just wanted to get out, and that’s what I chose.”

When he graduated, he worked for an Internet software company, then at a magazine owned by a guy he knew in college. The magazine work was hard, and his parents, he says, “definitely saw some lack of motivation.” He moved back East to take a job in the family business: “Looking back is always 20/20, but you should not take a job because it’s family.” He broke up with the girlfriend he’d had for a decade. It was the start of the recession. “She was spoiled,” James says. “She wanted things. It was a difficult time.” Two years ago, he moved back home. He’s trying to start up an energy consulting firm.

Living at home in Penn Valley wasn’t so bad at first. He spent much of the first summer at his grandfather’s place down the Shore. He met a girl, a teacher his age, and she had an apartment. But he broke up with her after a year and a half: “I came to realize she cared for me more than I would ever be able to return.”

Now, life with his parents is wearing on him. “If you want to watch TV, there’s just the den,” he says. “And they’re in there.” I ask whether he thinks his parents might have imagined themselves doing something at this point in their lives other than sharing their home with him. “They’re not really doing anything,” he says, sounding a little surprised. “They enjoy me being there.”

James is 31. He always figured he’d be married at 31. He certainly thought he’d have a place of his own. He doesn’t have a plan for the future: “Plans change, and the plan has to change really quick.” His outlook on life has become simpler: “I like being near my family, near my friends. I don’t need to make $10 million. I’d like to be successful, have a house, have kids. But how I get there … ”

I ask if, looking back, he would have done anything differently. “You want to say no,” he says, “that you have no regrets. But I could have tried harder in school. It would have built up a work ethic, you know? I felt I was okay not doing any work. But that carries over into life.”

James has a new girlfriend now: “I guess I’m kind of a catch.” She just graduated from college. The teacher he broke up with? “I didn’t want a girl who was getting older and pressuring to get married. I’m not at that point in my life.”

Leonard Sax writes and lectures on how to change the American education system so boys will become more engaged. But for guys like James, from here on out? Sax offers an analogy: If you’re baking a cake and you just put it in the oven and realize you forgot to add the vanilla, you can still pull the cake out and stir some in. Pouring vanilla extract over a cake that’s already baked isn’t going to make it better, though. “When a family calls and says their 30-year-old son spends his days watching porn and playing video games,” Sax says, “my response is, ‘I have nothing to offer you.’”

A 30-year-old man is baked.

THERE ARE MEN—AND WOMEN, TOO—who say the sorry state of American men is women’s fault: Screech all that feminist propaganda long enough, and of course you’ll wind up with low-sperm-count losers trolling the Internet for porn. And there are, mostly, women who are celebrating what journalist and Philly native Kay S. Hymowitz has anointed “the New Girl Order.” Even Hymowitz, though, called the guys out in a Wall Street Journal opinion piece:

Relatively affluent, free of family responsibilities, and entertained by an array of media devoted to his every pleasure, the single young man can live in pig heaven—and often does. Women put up with him for a while, but then in fear and disgust either give up on any idea of a husband and kids or just go to a sperm bank and get the DNA without the troublesome man.

An article by Hanna Rosin in the Atlantic, “The End of Men,” postulated that modern, post-industrial society is simply more suited to women than it is to men. As my 22-year-old daughter puts it, “Maybe it’s just our time.”

But while they’re perfectly willing to rule the world, women still yearn to get married and have babies. Kathleen Bogle says that when she asks young women when they want to marry, they’ll frame their response as “no later than” and give an age. Ask men, and they say not before a certain age.

Despite their sturdy self-esteem, young men sense that they’re not exactly cutting it. “To say my ego is large is kind of obvious,” says Connor. “But it’s … emasculating to be home. Is that the word?” Patrick, who’s 27 and moved home almost five years ago, says, “It wasn’t something I wanted to do. It still carries a little bit of shame.”

The sad fact is, women may have doomed their own hopes by being so successful. Gender identity, sociologists say, is developed oppositionally. If boys see girls behaving in a certain way—working hard and excelling in school—they define masculinity in opposite terms: A real man doesn’t work hard at school or get good grades. The more that women try to set an example of responsible adult behavior, the more the guys shout along with the band Deer Tick: “We’re full-grown men but we act like kids!”

SHAUN HARPER’S NEW BOOK, College Men and Masculinities, is an entry in the relatively recent field of men’s studies. “For many years,” says Harper, “the term ‘gender’ was synonymous with ‘women.’” Just about every college has a women’s center and courses in women’s studies, but there are two genders, and there are problems and difficulties that seem inherent to being male. Suicide, Harper points out, is four times more common among young men than young women. In campus and high-school shoot-outs, the culprits are always male. Men are far more likely to be involved in campus judicial procedures. And yet, he says, “Colleges don’t commit their time to troubled masculinities. There are four awful words—‘Boys will be boys’—that people use for making sense of what’s happening.” And the “boys” keep getting older and older.

When Harper interviews college men, they readily talk about their drinking, the homophobic jokes they make, their sexual conquests. But they also say to him: “You know, that’s not really who I am. That’s just what guys at college do.” Gender, Harper says, is performative: Young men are simply following a script, doing what they think they’re supposed to. Take Patrick. For a guy, he’s unusually attuned to matters of gender. He’s volunteered for years at a shelter for battered women. “It’s damaging to just follow the archetypes you’ve been taught,” he says. And yet one night after a committee meeting for the shelter’s fund-raiser, he found himself in the kitchen with two fellow Penn State grads: “It was pretty amazing how quickly we fell back into the way guys talk—into that very stereotypical male vibe.”

Partly because of feminism, partly because of moral relativism, partly because of Clint Eastwood, 21st-century America has defined masculinity in negative ways: Real men don’t drink pumpkin lattes; real men don’t ask for directions; real men don’t cry. What, though, do real men do?

In Boys Adrift, Leonard Sax says American men have gone astray because we’ve failed to provide them with a social construction of masculinity—an answer to the question “What makes a man a man?” That construction can be intellectual, as for Orthodox Jews, or more physical, as for Maasai warriors. But manhood can’t just be something you age into. It has to be seen as an achievement, and aspired to. In the absence of such a construct, young men will provide their own—via street gangs or college frats or the eternal guyland of plasma TVs and fantasy football pools.

Before we as a society can offer that social construction, we have to decide: What exactly does make a man a man? Time magazine recently reported a trend in romance novels away from otherworldly vampire and werewolf heroes toward old-school firemen, cops and Special Forces veterans. It’s understandable that women long to be taken care of in a perilous economy. But William Bennett’s 2011 The Book of Man, intended to lay out a road map to masculinity with its prescribed doses of Tennyson and Longfellow and Poe (“Annabel Lee”? Really, Bill? “Annabel Lee”?), seems impossibly corny in these cynical, post-ironical times.

Shaun Harper’s had a smart idea. There are young men out there, he says, who manage somehow to navigate the harrowing voyage through American culture and come out as “good guys”—men who drink responsibly, respect women, and behave in anti-sexist, anti-racist and anti-homophobic ways. So he’s studying them: “We have a national study of mostly white, heterosexual men at large, mostly white universities with large fraternity systems”—schools like Penn State. He’s looking at how these “good men” develop and perform their masculinities in a culture where bad behavior is rewarded and admired. If he can identify what they share, he says, we can work to replicate it.

Sax, meanwhile, offers a shorthand ­definition of masculinity that seems pretty bulletproof: Real men stand up for the weak and disempowered. Imagine the changes that would wreak in Washington, D.C. But he’s not holding his breath—and he’s ­helping his five-year-old daughter learn to speak Spanish. “I don’t fear for the human spirit,” he says, “but I’m not optimistic for American men.”

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__MACOSX/paper 1/sources/._4 The Sorry Lives and Confusing Times of Today’s Young Men.docx

paper 1/sources/6 The Best and Worst Countries for Work-Life Balance (The U.S. Doesn't Rank Well).pdf

The biannual report measures work-life balance by looking at the proportion of employees who work 50 hours a week or more and the amount of time workers spend "devoted to leisure and personal care" per day.

The United States has been on the low end of the scale for years. In 2012, the OECD chided the U.S. for poor investment in child welfare and for being "the only OECD country without a national paid parental leave policy." (Although, as the Atlantic's Derek Thompson points out, this has more to do with the fact that welfare is run through the tax code, meaning "we have to work for our welfare.")

How did the rest of the world do? Denmark, where people spend five to six hours a day on leisure, comes in first. Turkey, where more than 45% of workers have work weeks of longer than 50 hours, comes in last.

There's more than a country imbalance. The report highlights gender inequality as another indicator of a poor work-life balance — while men across the world work more hours than women, they also have more leisure

time, largely because women tend to do more unpaid work around the house.

For Americans, this poor work-life balance has plenty of real-world financial and social effects. While American workers have been getting more productive in the past few decades, wages haven't increased all that much. If median household income had kept pace with our economic output, according to Mother Jones, it would be $92,000, nearly twice what it is now.

And that's just the macro view. On a personal level, working too much can have drastic health effects. Being deskbound for long hours makes you heavier, hurts your back and neck and puts you at a greater risk for heart disease and other organ problems. Not to mention, there's a mental toll, as stressful work can double your risk of depression.

So while people work longer and longer hours, slowly wrecking their bodies in the process, the only ones who benefit are those at the top. It should be more than enough to make you want to push over your desk and take a vacation to Denmark. And then maybe stay there for good.

__MACOSX/paper 1/sources/._6 The Best and Worst Countries for Work-Life Balance (The U.S. Doesn't Rank Well).pdf