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Dissertations

Summer 8-2019

Overparenting and Young Adult Narcissism: Psychological Control Overparenting and Young Adult Narcissism: Psychological Control

and Interpersonal Dependency as Mediators and Interpersonal Dependency as Mediators

Nathan Alexander Winner University of Southern Mississippi

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Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Winner, Nathan Alexander, "Overparenting and Young Adult Narcissism: Psychological Control and Interpersonal Dependency as Mediators" (2019). Dissertations. 1483. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/1483

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OVERPARENTING AND YOUNG ADULT NARCISSISM:

PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTROL AND INTERPERSONAL

DEPENDENCY AS MEDIATORS

by

Nathan Alexander Winner

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Graduate School,

the College of Education and Psychology,

and the Department of Psychology

at The University of Southern Mississippi

in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

August 2019

OVERPARENTING AND YOUNG ADULT NARCISSISM:

PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTROL AND INTERPERSONAL

DEPENDENCY AS MEDIATORS

by Nathan Alexander Winner

August 2019

Approved by:

________________________________________________

Dr. Bonnie C. Nicholson, Committee Chair

Associate Professor, Psychology

________________________________________________

Dr. Eric R. Dahlen, Committee Member

Associate Professor, Psychology

________________________________________________

Dr. Ashley B. Batastini, Committee Member

Assistant Professor, Psychology

________________________________________________

Dr. Richard S. Mohn, Committee Member

Associate Professor, Educational Research and Administration

________________________________________________

Dr. D. Joe Olmi

Chair, Department of Psychology

________________________________________________

Dr. Karen S. Coats

Dean of the Graduate School

COPYRIGHT BY

Nathan Alexander Winner

2019

Published by the Graduate School

ii

ABSTRACT

OVERPARENTING AND YOUNG ADULT NARCISSISM: PSYCHOLOGICAL

CONTROL AND INTERPERSONAL DEPENDENCY AS MEDIATORS

by Nathan Alexander Winner

August 2019

Overparenting, or “helicopter parenting,” is a unique style of parenting

characterized by parents’ well-intentioned but age-inappropriate over-involvement and

intrusiveness in their children’s lives. Recent research has linked overparenting to the

development of narcissistic traits in young adults, although the mechanisms of this

relationship remain unclear. Two plausible mechanisms include the parenting behavior of

psychological control and the increased interpersonal dependency of the child.

Psychological control is a construct that overlaps with overparenting and has been linked

to both dependent and narcissistic traits. Similarly, interpersonal dependency is a key

predictor of narcissistic traits. Therefore, the present study sought to examine

psychological control and interpersonal dependency as sequential mediators in the

relationship between overparenting and young adult narcissistic traits. It was

hypothesized that greater levels of overparenting would be mediated by both greater

levels of parental psychological control and greater levels of interpersonal dependency

among young adult children in predicting narcissistic traits. Additionally, it was predicted

that these mediating relationships would be more pronounced when examining vulnerable

narcissistic traits compared to grandiose narcissistic traits. Results supported these

hypotheses. These findings highlight the mechanisms by which overparenting predicts

narcissistic traits, as well as shed light on the multifaceted nature of narcissism.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This project could not have been accomplished without the support and

encouragement of my major professor, Dr. Nicholson, as well as the members of my

committee, including Dr. Dahlen, Dr. Batastini, and Dr. Mohn. Finally, I wish to thank all

of my peers and colleagues for their support, and especially those on the Positive

Parenting Research Team, who have encouraged me throughout this process.

iv

DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, for their unwavering love,

encouragement, and support.

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................ ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................. iii

DEDICATION ................................................................................................................... iv

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ vii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ........................................................................................... viii

CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 1

CHAPTER II - METHODOLOGY .................................................................................. 22

Measures ....................................................................................................................... 23

Demographic Questionnaire ..................................................................................... 23

Helicopter Parenting Instrument (HPI) ..................................................................... 24

Pathological Narcissism Inventory (PNI) ................................................................. 24

Psychological Control Scale- Youth Self-Report (PCS-YSR) ................................. 26

Interpersonal Dependency Inventory (IDI) ............................................................... 27

CHAPTER III - RESULTS ............................................................................................... 29

CHAPTER IV – DISCUSSION........................................................................................ 37

Limitations .................................................................................................................... 39

Areas for Future Research ............................................................................................ 40

Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 41

APPENDIX A – IRB Approval Letter .............................................................................. 43

vi

APPENDIX B – Electronic Informed Consent ................................................................. 44

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................. 46

vii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Means, Standard Deviations, and Bivariate Correlations for Study Measures .... 29

viii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1. Differences in Effect of Overparenting on Narcissistic Phenotypes. ................ 30

Figure 2. Mediation of Parental Psychological Control between Overparenting and

Narcissistic Phenotypes. ................................................................................................... 32

Figure 3. Mediation of Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting

and Narcissistic Traits. ...................................................................................................... 33

Figure 4. Mediation of Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting

and Narcissistic Phenotypes. ............................................................................................. 34

Figure 5. Parallel Mediation of Parental Psychological Control and Young Adult

Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting and Narcissistic Traits. .................... 35

Figure 6. Parallel Mediation of Parental Psychological Control and Young Adult

Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting and Narcissistic Phenotypes. ........... 36

1

CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION

Narcissism, broadly defined as an interpersonal pattern characterized by a sense

of entitlement, an unhealthy need for admiration, and a general lack of empathy (Miller &

Campbell, 2008; Pincus, 2013), has undergone conceptual scrutiny in recent years (Cain,

Pincus, & Ansell, 2008), including researchers arguing for the existence of different

narcissistic phenotypes (Miller et al., 2011; Pincus, 2013). More specifically, grandiose

narcissism is regarded as narcissism manifesting as more overt, domineering, and

arrogant behavior in interactions with others (Miller et al., 2011; Ronningstam, 2009),

while vulnerable narcissism appears to characterize individuals who exhibit more shame,

defensiveness, oversensitivity, and low self-esteem (Dickinson & Pincus, 2003; Miller et

al., 2011). Additionally, a number of etiological theories on the development of

narcissism have been posited over the last several decades, and these theories suggest

different pathways in regards to the development of predominantly grandiose (Capron,

2004; Imbesi, 1999) and vulnerable (Horton, Bleau, & Drwecki, 2006; Rothstein, 1979)

narcissistic traits.

Overparenting, or “helicopter parenting,” is a construct which has garnered a

great deal of recent media attention (e.g., Kantrowitz & Tyre, 2006), and is regarded as

parenting which is over-involved (i.e., “hovering”), albeit well-intentioned, in the lives of

young adult children (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012; Schiffrin et al., 2014). Recent

research has also noted a number of problematic outcomes related to overparenting

(Bradley-Geist & Olson-Buchanan, 2014; LeMoyne & Buchanan, 2011; Schiffrin et al.,

2014), including the development of narcissistic traits (Segrin, Woszidlo, Givertz, Bauer,

& Murphy, 2012; Segrin, Woszildo, Givertz, & Montgomery, 2013). There are a number

2

of plausible mechanisms by which overparenting may predict narcissistic traits, including

the mediating roles of psychological control and interpersonal dependency. Psychological

control, a category of parenting behaviors related to overparenting (Padilla-Walker &

Nelson, 2012), is indicative of parenting which is over-involved, intrusive, and fostering

of dependence (Barber, 1996). Relatedly, interpersonal dependency among young adult

children, which has recently been linked to both overparenting (Odenweller, Booth-

Butterfield, & Weber, 2014) and narcissism (Sonnenberg, 2013), is a pattern of

interpersonal behavior characterized by overreliance on others (Bornstein, 2012), which

is a trait related to an external locus of self, typical of narcissism (Pincus, 2013).

Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to examine the mediating roles of

psychological control and interpersonal dependency in the relationship between

overparenting and narcissistic traits. It was hypothesized that greater levels of both

parental psychological control and young adult child interpersonal dependency would

mediate the relationship between overparenting and pathological narcissism among

young adults. Additionally, given the mechanism by which overparenting was

hypothesized to predict narcissism (i.e., over-involvement rather than permissiveness;

Horton, Bleau, & Drwecki, 2006), it was also hypothesized that these mediating

relationships would be more pronounced among vulnerable (rather than grandiose)

narcissism. This study helps clarify the manner in which overparenting may lead to

narcissistic traits in young adults (Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013), as well as cast light on

the societal implications of this emerging style of parenting.

3

Narcissism

While the clinical definition of narcissism has been subject to a great deal of

scrutiny and evolution (Cain, Pincus, & Ansell, 2008), researchers broadly characterize

narcissism as consisting of a pattern of entitlement, a strong desire for admiration from

others, and a dearth of empathy resulting in a generally dysfunctional interpersonal

pattern (Cain, Pincus, & Ansell, 2008; Miller et al., 2011; Miller & Campbell, 2008;

Pincus, 2013; American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Similarly, while the Diagnostic

and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders has undergone a number of changes over the

decades (Cain et al., 2008), Narcissistic Personality Disorder is currently defined as “a

pattern of grandiosity, need for admiration, and lack of empathy,” with an estimated

prevalence rate ranging 0% to 6.2% in non-clinical populations (American Psychiatric

Association, 2013, p. 645). However, given that everyone possesses some degree of

narcissistic traits (Cain et al., 2008; Raskin & Hall, 1979), research examining narcissism

typically conceptualizes this personality pattern as occurring along a continuum, where it

is unnecessary to meet formal criteria for a personality disorder.

Recently, research has begun to explore different subtypes of narcissism (i.e.,

grandiose narcissism and vulnerable narcissism; Miller et al., 2011; Pincus, 2013).

Grandiose narcissism is characterized by a greater degree of interpersonal domination

and aggression (Miller et al., 2011), with these individuals often perceived as more brash,

arrogant, and overt in their domineering patterns with others (Ronningstam, 2009).

Grandiose narcissistic individuals have even been regarded as “oblivious” (Gabbard,

1989), given their propensity for denying their own weaknesses and shortcomings, in

order to sustain their exaggerated, yet fragile sense of self (Gabbard, 1989; Kernberg,

4

1974; Kernberg, 1998). This conceptualization is consistent with research demonstrating

grandiose narcissistic individuals as less likely to report distress related to their relational

patterns, despite acknowledging interpersonal difficulties related to their domineering

behavior (Dickinson & Pincus, 2003). Furthermore, some researchers have noted that

aspects of this type of narcissism may be perceived as adaptive given the positive

association between grandiose narcissism, trait self-esteem (Horton et al., 2006) and

subjective well-being (Sedikides, Rudich, Gregg, Kumashiro, & Rusbult, 2004). Of

course, these seemingly adaptive traits serve to belie an underlying instability in the self-

image of grandiose narcissistic individuals (Ronningstam, 2009).

Conversely, vulnerable narcissism manifests in a socially avoidant manner

(Dickinson & Pincus, 2003), with these individuals better characterized as “shame-ridden

and hypersensitive” (Ronningstam, 2009; p. 113). These individuals often exhibit an

exaggerated defensiveness, which serves to obfuscate a low self-esteem and feelings of

insecurity (Miller et al., 2011). Whereas grandiose narcissistic individuals are able to

compensate for their insecurity through their own overt and domineering behavior,

vulnerable narcissistic individuals are more dependent on the explicit validation of others

(Dickinson & Pincus, 2003). Given this distinction, vulnerable narcissists have been

shown to be more likely than grandiose narcissists to acknowledge distress related to

their interpersonal difficulties (Dickinson & Pincus, 2003). This chronic pattern of

distress in interpersonal relationships leads to a larger pattern of hypersensitivity, and

even anxious-avoidant tendencies (Miller et al., 2011; Dickinson & Pincus, 2003).

Furthermore, while grandiose and vulnerable narcissism differ in their expressions of

self-esteem, both of these constructs can be characterized by self-esteem that is unstable

5

and oversensitive, and dependent on external sources of validation (Pincus 2013;

Ronningstam, 2009).

The presence of narcissistic traits varies along a continuum (Raskin & Hall,

1979), and some narcissistic characteristics may even be viewed as adaptive in certain

circumstances (e.g., when paired with trait self-esteem; Horton et al., 2006). This has

created some inconsistencies in the conceptualization of this construct, which is further

compounded by variability in the method of assessment used by researchers (e.g., Miller

et al., 2011; Pincus, 2013; Raskin & Hall, 1979). However, generally speaking,

narcissistic traits are considered pathological. In fact, Pincus (2013) has distinguished

pathological narcissism from more normative narcissistic traits by an emphasis on

“intense needs for validation and admiration” which are “extreme and coupled with

impaired regulatory capacities,” and “that energize the person to seek out self-

enhancement experiences” (Pincus, 2013, p. 95). This understanding of pathological

narcissism has been associated with a range of negative outcomes (Cain et al., 2008),

including alcohol and substance abuse (Ronningstam, 1996; Vaglum, 1999), delinquency

among adolescents (Barry, Grafeman, Adler, & Pickard, 2007; Barry & Wallace, 2010),

and maladaptive relational styles among adolescents and young adults (Campbell, Foster,

& Finkel, 2002; Dickinson & Pincus, 2003; Grafeman, Barry, Marcus, & Leachman,

2015; Lamkin, Clifton, Campbell, & Miller, 2014). Pathological narcissism has also been

linked to antisocial traits and behaviors in adults more broadly (Book, Visser, & Volk,

2015; Paulhus & Williams, 2002), including sexual coercion and violence specifically

(Baumeister, Catanese, & Wallace, 2002; Bushman, Bonacci, van Dijk, & Baumeister,

2003). Psychiatric patients exhibiting pathological narcissism have even demonstrated

6

unpredictable suicidal behavior, including suicidal behavior without the presence of

depressive symptoms (Links, Gould, & Ratnayake, 2003; Ronningstam & Maltsberger,

1998). The overlap between narcissistic traits and other problematic personality patterns,

including antisocial, histrionic, and borderline traits, has also been well-documented

(American Psychiatric Association, 2013).

A number of studies have also examined outcomes associated with narcissism

among young adults specifically. In assessing college students, Campbell, Foster, and

Finkel (2002) found individuals endorsing greater narcissistic traits to be more likely to

view romantic relationships as a “game,” and display less commitment. Finzi-Dottan and

Cohen (2011) demonstrated that narcissism among young adults is predictive of greater

conflict among siblings, with this conflict most profound when combined with

disfavorable treatment from fathers. In examining differences between vulnerable and

grandiose narcissistic subtypes, Ksinan and Vazsonyi (2016) found a preference for

online social interactions to mediate the relationships between vulnerable narcissism and

social anxiety and inefficacy. Similar mediations were not found for grandiose

narcissism. Studies have also linked narcissistic traits among young adults with a

childhood history of abuse and neglect (Bachar et al., 2015; Van Buren & Meehan,

2015), as well as aggressive driving behavior (Edwards, Warren, Tubré, Zyphur, &

Hoffner-Prillaman, 2013) and aggressive retaliation (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998).

However, while emerging research has begun to distinguish between grandiose

and vulnerable narcissistic subtypes in exploring correlates (e.g., Ksinan & Vazsonyi,

2016; Lamkin et al., 2014; Van Buren & Meehan, 2015), due in large part to recent

advances in assessment of these traits (Pincus, 2013), progress in examining this

7

distinction is still lacking. Further exploration of this distinction is likely warranted, due

to the phenotypic variation and hypothesized differences in associated outcomes between

these two subtypes (Miller et al., 2011). Furthermore, while researchers differ in their

understanding of the etiology of narcissism (e.g., the role of multiple interacting social

systems; Washburn & Paskar, 2011), several studies have implicated specific parenting

practices in the development of narcissistic traits, including parenting practices which

may differ relative to narcissistic phenotypes (Horton et al., 2006).

Parenting and Narcissism

A great deal of research has examined the impact of parenting and childhood

experiences on the development of narcissism (Norton, 2011). In fact, Horton et al.

(2006) outlined a number of views of parenting on the etiology of narcissism, two of

which are particularly relevant for the present study. Both of these theories have their

foundation in Kohut’s (1977) self-psychology. Kohut (1977) theorized that a child’s

development of self-identity is dependent upon: 1) parental responsiveness to the child’s

desires, emotions, and behaviors, as well as 2) the child’s idealizing of their parents as a

model of interpersonal behavior to be emulated. So long as parents respond appropriately

and empathically to their children, and children idealize this pattern of interaction, a

healthy sense of self, including a sense of self distinct from their parents’ self, may be

developed. Kohut (1977) also emphasized the role of “optimal frustrations” (i.e.,

occasions where the child is forced to confront challenges independently from their

parents), which he theorized were necessary for the child to limit his/her sense of

grandiosity to an appropriate level. Therefore, the failure to appropriately experience

8

“optimal frustrations” can lead to the expression of narcissistic traits; however, this

failure can be achieved in multiple ways, and with different results.

One view of the etiology of narcissism, posited by Imbesi (1999), emphasizes the

role of parental permissiveness, which is a style of parenting characterized by a low level

of parental control, involvement, and discipline (Baumrind, 1966; 1967; 1971). Imbesi

(1999) theorized that permissive parents fail to ensure sufficient opportunities for

“optimal frustrations” for their children, due to their relative lack of discipline and

control. This failure to ensure “optimal frustrations” results in an unrealistically elevated

grandiose self by the child, as the child is not given appropriate feedback as to their own

limits and responsibilities. The resulting exaggerated grandiosity is a key component of

pathological narcissism, and specifically of grandiose narcissism (Miller et al., 2011;

Pincus, 2013). Additionally, this theoretical understanding of the etiology of narcissism

converges with other theories, including social learning theory, which argues that

children learn from permissive parenting that they are superior and deserving of

preferential treatment (Horton, 2011; Millon & Everly, 1985), and Young’s (1990)

Schema-Focused Cognitive Approach, which emphasizes the need for children to

internalize their own “limits,” which can only result from appropriate parental discipline.

Therefore, while theories on the development of narcissism may differ as to the specific

mechanism of action, there appears to be convergence in implicating permissive

parenting as an important mechanism in the development of these grandiose traits

(Horton et al., 2006). In fact, research has supported this perspective, including linking

permissive parenting (Baumrind, 1967) and “pampering” to the development of

grandiose narcissistic traits in adolescents (Mechanic & Berry, 2015) and young adults

9

(Capron, 2004; Ramsey, Watson, Biderman, & Reeves, 1996; Watson, Little, &

Biderman, 1992). However, the present study will more closely examine a second

theoretical understanding of the development of narcissism, which focuses on excessive

parental control, rather than permissiveness.

Whereas Imbesi (1999) emphasized parenting so permissive that it leads to

uninhibited grandiosity, a second perspective emphasizes parenting so restrictive that it

inhibits the development of an independent sense of self. In keeping with Kohut’s (1977)

self-psychology theory, these parents also fail to provide “optimal frustrations” for their

children; however, this failure is instead due to inappropriate and intrusive over-

involvement, rather than permissiveness, on the part of the parent. This style of

“overinvolved enmeshment” (Horton et al., 2006; p. 350), rather than leading to

unimpeded grandiosity, leads to children who are dependent on external sources for their

sense of identity and worth, which is a pattern also consistent with pathological

narcissism, and especially vulnerable narcissism (Miller et al., 2011; Pincus, 2013).

This theoretical approach also converges with additional theoretical perspectives

(e.g., Millon & Everly, 1985; Rothstein, 1979), and research examining excessive

parental control practices (e.g., authoritarian parenting; Baumrind, 1966; 1967; 1971),

have demonstrated a link with narcissistic traits (Watson et al., 1992), including

vulnerable narcissistic traits specifically (Cramer, 2015). Additionally, parenting

practices related to psychological control (e.g., withholding love and approval in order to

influence and manipulate children), have been empirically linked in several studies to

unhealthy narcissism in adolescents and young adults (Givertz & Segrin, 2014; Horton, et

al., 2006; Horton & Tritch, 2014).

10

Where these two theories appear to diverge is in their explanation of narcissism as

it relates to either the grandiose or vulnerable type. While parental permissiveness

appears to predict children’s unimpeded grandiosity (Capron, 2004; Imbesi, 1999),

parental over-control and intrusiveness appears more closely linked to individuals’

narcissistic dependency and insecurity (Horton et al., 2006; Rothstein, 1979), which are

traits more closely associated with narcissistic vulnerability (Miller et al., 2011;

Dickinson & Pincus, 2003). Given the degree to which these phenotypes of narcissism

may differ in their presentation and related outcomes, future research should distinguish

between these related, but distinct constructs (Miller et al., 2011). Additionally, more

contemporary patterns of parenting behavior should be examined, including

overparenting (i.e., “helicopter parenting”), which is a style of parenting that exhibits

well-intentioned over-control and intrusiveness (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012), and

which has recently been linked to pathological narcissism among young adults (Segrin et

al., 2012; Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013). Therefore, the present study will seek to build

on the research exploring parenting and narcissism, by examining the emerging body of

research on overparenting, including its relationship to both grandiose and vulnerable

narcissistic phenotypes.

Overparenting

Overparenting, often referred by media as “helicopter parenting” (e.g., Kantrowitz

& Tyre, 2006), is a distinct style of parenting characterized by parental over-involvement

(i.e., “hovering”) in young adult children’s lives (Schiffrin et al., 2014). This includes

parents’ withholding of autonomy and excessive doling of support (Padilla-Walker &

Nelson, 2012; Segrin, Givertz, Swaitkowski, & Montgomery, 2013). Researchers have

11

argued that this style of parental intrusiveness may stem from parents’ excessive fears

and anxiety that, while well-intentioned, may ultimately impede appropriate child

development (Nelson, 2010; Segrin, Givertz et al., 2013). While parental involvement has

traditionally been conceptualized as positive (Combs-Orme, Wilson, Cain, Page, &

Kirby, 2003; Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991), recent research has

highlighted the risks of developmentally inappropriate parental over-involvement on

individuals’ emotional health (Gar & Hudson, 2008; Marano, 2008) and adjustment upon

entering adolescence (Grolnick, Kurowski, Dunlap, & Hevey, 2000). In fact, researchers

have noted the similarity of overparenting among young adults to overprotective, or over-

solicitous parenting, in young children (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012). For example,

over-solicitous parents often intrude in their children’s play activities, and exhibit an

excess of affection incongruent with the situational context (Rubin, Hastings, Stewart,

Henderson, & Chen, 1997). Similar research has also linked over-solicitous parenting

practices with anxiety and depressive symptoms among young children (Bayer, Sanson,

& Hemphill, 2006; McShane & Hastings, 2009) and social inhibition among toddlers

(Rubin, Burgess, & Hastings, 2002). Taken together, these studies suggest that parental

over-involvement, despite being well-intentioned, may prove detrimental at any stage of

development (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012).

However, in some ways parental over-involvement may be uniquely problematic

during young adulthood, given the growing independence and maturity expected of

individuals as they enter adulthood (Arnett, 2004; Nelson & Barry, 2005; Padilla-Walker

& Nelson, 2012). For example, many experts argue that the difficulties associated with

overparenting manifest in an occupational setting, as young adults leave college and enter

12

the workforce (Ludden, 2012; Tyler, 2007). It should be noted that, similar to over-

solicitous parenting of young children, the risks associated with overparenting young

adults pertain to the nature of parental involvement (Schiffrin et al., 2014), with

involvement that inhibits the development of autonomy in young adults being especially

problematic (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012). Additionally, while overparenting shares

aspects of various other forms of parental control, including behavioral control (e.g.,

monitoring and behavior regulation) and an authoritarian parenting style (Odenweller et

al., 2014), overparenting tends to be uniquely characterized by a high level of parental

warmth and age-inappropriate, albeit well-intentioned, parental intrusiveness (Padilla-

Walker & Nelson, 2012; Schiffrin et al., 2014).

While research is yet emerging, overparenting has been linked to a variety of

negative outcomes among young adults, including poorer psychological and emotional

health (Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013; Schiffrin et al., 2014), and potentially even the

abuse of prescription medication for depression and anxiety (LeMoyne & Buchanan,

2011). Various other studies have drawn links between overparenting and young adult

neuroticism, maladaptive coping (Odenweller et al., 2014; Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013),

lower levels of self-efficacy (Bradley-Geist & Olson-Buchanan, 2014; van Ingen et al.,

2015), and interpersonal difficulties (Segrin, Givertz et al, 2013). Additionally, while

classical theoretical formulations of the etiology of narcissism (e.g., Kohut, 1977) did not

address overparenting explicitly, researchers have recently linked overparenting with

narcissistic traits, including entitlement specifically (Segrin et al., 2012) and pathological

narcissism broadly (Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013) among young adults. However, neither

of these studies measured overparenting using well-established measures, nor did either

13

of these studies make a distinction between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism when

examining the predictive ability of overparenting. Given the mechanism by which

overparenting may plausibly lead to pathological narcissism (i.e., parental over-

involvement leading to dependence in young adults), which is broadly consistent with

Kohut’s (1977) etiological formulation and has been suggested by overparenting

researchers (Locke, Campbell, & Kavanagh, 2012), the distinction between narcissistic

phenotypes may be warranted. Additionally, research has yet to account for mediators in

the relationship between overparenting and narcissistic traits, which is an important next

step for researchers to consider. An exploration of mediators between overparenting and

narcissism ought to lend further support to a causal link between the two constructs, as

well as help clarify the manner by which overparenting leads to narcissistic traits.

Psychological Control

One potential mediator in the relationship between overparenting and young adult

narcissism is parental psychological control, defined by Barber (1996, p. 3296) as

“control attempts that intrude into the psychological and emotional development of the

child.” Research has conceptualized psychological control as the parents’ exploitation of

the child’s emotional bond with the parent (Barber, 1996; Becker, 1964), and parenting

practices associated with psychological control, including forms of emotional

manipulation such as the withholding of love and the use of guilt tactics (Horton et al.,

2006), are generally considered to be malevolent and invasive in nature (Baumrind,

1991), dissimilar to overparenting. However, overparenting and psychological control

share key similarities, including the withholding of appropriate autonomy and an

unhealthy over-involvement in young adult children’s lives, although these constructs

14

nevertheless remain theoretically distinct (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012).

Psychological control also differs from behavioral control (i.e., parents’ monitoring

activity and use of rules in regulating children’s behavior), although these constructs also

appear related (Li, Li, & Newman, 2013; Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012). Overall,

established parenting research suggests that a promotion of independence and autonomy

is an important component of development across childhood (Grolnick, 2003; Peterson,

2005), and that parental involvement which does not ultimately aim to foster

independence may prove to be counterproductive (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012;

Steinberg, 1990; Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992).

In regards to outcomes, failure for parents to foster appropriate autonomy,

including the utilization of psychological control practices, has been shown to be

predictive of emotional difficulties in children (Barber, 1996; Barber, Olsen, & Shagle,

1994; Allen et al., 2015), preadolescents (Kunz & Grych, 2013), and adolescents

(Murray, Dwyer, Rubin, Knighton-Wisor, & Booth-LaForce, 2014; Herman, Dornbusch,

Herron, & Harting, 1997). The risks associated with psychological control may also

persist into young adulthood, with studies linking psychological control to outcomes

associated with relational aggression (Wagner & Abaied, 2016), emotion dysregulation

(Manzeske & Stright, 2009), and impaired identity development (Luyckx, Soenens,

Vansteenkiste, Goossens, & Berzonsky, 2007). Researchers have also linked

psychological control practices to dependent traits among adolescents (Steinberg, 1990)

and young adults (Kins et al., 2012; Kins, Soenens, & Beyers, 2011), although research in

examining these specific outcomes is still lacking.

15

Furthermore, psychological control has been linked to the development of

unhealthy narcissistic traits in young adults (Givertz & Segrin, 2014; Horton et al., 2006),

consistent with Kohut’s (1977) theoretical formulation of the etiology of narcissism.

Specifically, Givertz and Segrin (2014) found young adults’ reports of their parents’

psychological control practices were associated with scores on the Psychological

Entitlement Scale (Campbell, Bonacci, Shelton, Exline, & Bushman, 2004). Similarly,

studies have shown young adults’ reports of their parents’ psychological control practices

to be linked with scores on the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (Horton & Tritch,

2014), including when extracting variance associated with trait self-esteem from these

scores (Horton et al., 2006), which suggests that psychological control may be predictive

of both grandiose and vulnerable narcissistic subtypes. However, a direct comparison of

the predictive value of psychological control on these narcissistic subtypes has yet to be

explored.

While overparenting and psychological control appear related, they nevertheless

remain distinct constructs (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012). Additionally, both

overparenting and psychological control have been linked to narcissistic traits among

young adults (Segrin et al., 2012; Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013; Sonnenberg, 2013).

Therefore, examining psychological control as a mediator between overparenting and

narcissism appears theoretically consistent.

Interpersonal Dependency

Another mechanism by which overparenting may plausibly predict narcissism is

through the facilitation of interpersonal dependency. Given that overparenting is

characterized by parental over-involvement (Schiffrin et al., 2014) which may predict

16

children’s reliance on external validation and direction (Kohut, 1977; Rothstein, 1979)

and failure to obtain age-appropriate independence (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012),

young adult dependency may serve a pivotal role in the relationship between

overparenting and narcissism.

Interpersonal dependency has been defined as a pattern of “thoughts, beliefs,

feelings, and behaviors which revolve around the need to associate closely with, interact

with, and rely upon valued other people” (Hirschfeld et al., 1977, p. 610). While

subsequent research and theoretical frameworks have differed subtly in the

conceptualization of interpersonal dependency (e.g., Bornstein & Languirand, 2003;

Pincus & Gurtman, 1995), these approaches converge on their distinction of unhealthy

interpersonal dependency from more adaptive interpersonal patterns by an unhealthy

overreliance on valued others, with dependent individuals perceiving themselves as

incapable or powerless (Bornstein, 2012; McClintock, Anderson, & Cranston, 2015), and

possessing maladaptive self-perceptions rooted in the perceived need for others’ support

and affirmation (Bornstein, 2016). Moreover, unhealthy dependency is thought to

manifest broadly across contexts, rather than remaining specific to certain appropriate

situations (e.g., in sickness; Bornstein, 2005).

A dependent interpersonal pattern has been linked to greater levels of adult

depression across gender (Dinger et al., 2015; Brewer & Olive, 2014; Nuns & Loas,

2005), and social anxiety in romantic relationships among young adults (Darcy, Davila,

& Beck, 2005). Furthermore, interpersonal dependency has been shown to be predictive

of elevated fears of abandonment, due to dependent individuals’ overemphasis on

external sources of support, rather than an intrinsic sense of self and security (Blatt,

17

2004). In fact, interpersonal dependency is a trait related to various cluster B personality

disorders, including borderline (Bornstein, Becker-Matero, Winarick, & Reichman, 2010;

Bornstein, Hilsenroth, Padawer, & Fowler, 2000), histrionic (Bornstein, 1998), and

narcissistic traits (Barber & Morse, 1994; Ekselius, Lindstrom, Knorring, Bodlund, &

Kullgren, 1994), although the link between dependent and narcissistic traits has

demonstrated mixed results (Meyer, Pilkonis, Proietti, Heape, & Egan, 2001; Sinha &

Watson, 2001). For example, while Bornstein et al. (2000) failed to find a link between

dependency and narcissism when utilizing projective measures, Sonnenberg’s (2013)

utilization of the objective Interpersonal Dependency Inventory (Hirshfeld et al., 1977)

demonstrated a positive relationship with narcissistic traits among young adults. These

findings are consistent with research which has linked dependent and narcissistic traits

among young adults using objective measures (Tomoko, 2013). Therefore, these

somewhat inconsistent results may be attributable to the varied means by which

researchers assess these traits, including the assessment or non-assessment of subclinical

levels of dependency (Bornstein, 2005).

Additionally, dependent traits may manifest differently across grandiose and

vulnerable narcissism, given grandiose narcissists’ failure to recognize their own

dependent interpersonal patterns (Bornstein, 1998a). In fact, a recent study by Luyten,

Crowley, Janssen, and Mayes (2014) offered support for this hypothesis, as these

researchers found vulnerable narcissism, but not grandiose narcissism, to mediate the

relationship between dependency and sensitivity to social exclusion among adolescents.

Alternately, Sonnenberg (2013) found interpersonal dependency to be predictive of both

grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. Therefore, additional research appears necessary,

18

and particularly among young adults, who experience shifting social roles and

responsibilities in young adulthood (Bornstein, 2005; Tanner, 2006). In fact, researchers

have noted the unique risks of interpersonal dependency upon entering adulthood,

including its relationship to loneliness and maladaptive social functioning (Mahon, 1982;

Pritchard & Yalch, 2009). Given these concerns, it is imperative to better understand the

role of parenting in predicting interpersonal dependency, in order to attenuate the risks

associated with this problematic interpersonal pattern.

Consistent with Kohut (1977) and Rothstein’s (1979) view on the implication of

parental over-involvement in the etiology of narcissism, researchers have linked parental

psychological control to the emergence of dependent traits in adolescence and young

adulthood (Kins, Soenens, & Beyers, 2012; Soenens, Vansteenkiste, & Luyten, 2010).

Various other forms of excessive control, including parenting practices associated with

parental overprotection and an authoritarian parenting style, have also traditionally been

linked to the emergence of dependent personality characteristics (Bornstein, 1992), which

may even put individuals at risk for negative mental health outcomes, including social

anxiety (Spokas & Heimberg, 2009) and depression among young adults (McCranie &

Bass, 1984). Given the noted overlap between overparenting and various forms of

parental over-control, including psychological and behavioral control (Padilla-Walker &

Nelson, 2012), as well as the emphasis of overparenting on parental intrusiveness and

decreased child perceptions of autonomy (Schiffrin et al., 2014), the link between

overparenting and interpersonal dependency appears theoretically consistent.

In fact, Odenweller et al. (2014) recently implicated overparenting in the

development of interpersonal dependency among young adults. Given this finding, as

19

well as the noted link between interpersonal dependency and pathological narcissism

(Barber & Morse, 1994; Ekselius et al., 1994; Sonnenberg, 2013; Tomoko, 2013),

interpersonal dependency appears to be a plausible mediator between overparenting and

narcissism. Therefore, the current study sought to test the mediating effect of

interpersonal dependency between overparenting and young adult narcissism.

Statement of Purpose

Emerging research has linked overparenting with narcissistic traits among young

adults (Segrin et al., 2012; Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013), although mediating variables in

this relationship have remained largely unexplored. While research has also linked

interpersonal dependency with both overparenting (Odenweller et al., 2014) and

narcissism (Sonnenberg, 2013; Tomoko, 2013) in college students, no study has yet

examined interpersonal dependency as a mediator between the two. Previous research has

found that dependent traits may mediate the relationship between parental over-control

and problematic mental health outcomes within these populations (McCranie & Bass,

1984; Spokas & Heimberg, 2009).

Parental psychological control has also remained unexplored as a mediator,

despite research linking this construct to overparenting (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012)

and pathological narcissism (Givertz & Segrin, 2014; Horton et al., 2006), as well as

interpersonal dependency among young adults (Kins et al., 2012; Kins et al., 2011).

Therefore, the present study sought to examine parental psychological control and

interpersonal dependency as mediators between overparenting and narcissistic traits in

young adults. Given the growing concern within research and the media regarding the

consequences of overparenting, or “helicopter parenting” (Kantrowitz & Tyre, 2006;

20

LeMoyne & Buchanan, 2011; Ludden, 2012; Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012; Schiffrin et

al., 2014; Tyler, 2007), this study sought to further clarify the risks associated with this

parenting style to the mental health outcomes of young adults. Additionally, differences

between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism were explored, with the mediating effects

of psychological control and interpersonal dependency predicted to be more robust

between overparenting and vulnerable narcissism. This hypothesis was appropriate, given

emerging research suggestive of the role of excessive parental control and over-

involvement in the development of vulnerable narcissistic traits (Cramer, 2015; Horton et

al., 2006; Rothstein, 1979). This research should therefore help clarify the various

phenotypical variations of narcissism and their respective etiologies (Horton et al., 2006;

Miller et al., 2011; Pincus, 2013).

Research Questions and Hypotheses

Question 1: Will parental psychological control mediate the relationship between

overparenting and pathological narcissism among college students?

Hypothesis 1: Parental psychological control will mediate the relationship

between overparenting and pathological narcissism among college students.

Question 2: Will the mediation of psychological control between overparenting and

pathological narcissism differ across vulnerable narcissism and grandiose narcissism?

Hypothesis 2: The mediation of psychological control between overparenting

and pathological narcissism will be more robust across vulnerable narcissism

compared to grandiose narcissism.

Question 3: Will interpersonal dependency mediate the relationship between

overparenting and pathological narcissism among college students?

21

Hypothesis 3: Interpersonal dependency will mediate the relationship between

overparenting and pathological narcissism among college students.

Question 4: Will the mediation of interpersonal dependency between overparenting and

pathological narcissism differ across vulnerable narcissism and grandiose narcissism?

Hypothesis 4: The mediation of interpersonal dependency between

overparenting and pathological narcissism will be more robust across

vulnerable narcissism compared to grandiose narcissism.

Question 5: Will both parental psychological control and interpersonal dependency

sequentially mediate the relationship between overparenting and pathological narcissism

among college students?

Hypothesis 5: Both parental psychological control and interpersonal

dependency will sequentially mediate the relationship between overparenting

and pathological narcissism among college students, such that greater levels

of overparenting will predict greater levels of parental psychological control,

which will predict greater interpersonal dependency, which in turn will predict

greater pathological narcissism.

Question 6: Will the sequential mediation between overparenting and pathological

narcissism differ across vulnerable narcissism and grandiose narcissism?

Hypothesis 6: The sequential mediation between overparenting and

pathological narcissism will be more robust across vulnerable narcissism

compared to grandiose narcissism.

22

CHAPTER II - METHODOLOGY

Participants and Procedure

This study was approved by The University of Southern Mississippi’s

Institutional Review Board Human Subjects Protection Review Committee (see

Appendix A). All participants were recruited through the Department of Psychology’s

research participation program (http://usm/sona-systems.com/). Participants

acknowledged their informed consent (see Appendix B), before completing the remaining

questionnaire measures through Qualtrics, a secure online survey system. Following

completion of the informed consent, participants completed a brief demographic

questionnaire followed by randomly ordered measures of parenting behaviors,

interpersonal dependency, and narcissistic traits. Completion of the study lasted

approximately 15-20 minutes.

Quality assurance checks included two directed response items, which instructed

participants to answer in a specific way (e.g., Answer “agree” to this question).

Participants who answered incorrectly to either item were removed from further analyses

(N = 44). Additionally, participants who completed study measures within a

predetermined amount of time (i.e., 80 seconds for PNI, 60 seconds for IDI, 30 seconds

for HPI, and 30 seconds for PCS), suggesting inattentiveness to item content, were also

removed from further analyses (N = 48; Huang, Curran, Keeney, Poposki, & DeShon,

2012).

Four hundred thirty-one participants initially responded to the online survey. A

total of 92 failed at least one validity check, an additional 20 participants did not

complete each study measure, and 18 participants fell outside the age range of 18 to 26.

23

Therefore, a total of 301 participants were retained for further analyses. None of the

remaining participants missed more than 75% of any measure items, and therefore all

missing values were replaced with linear trend-at-point imputation, which predicts a

value based on the trend for that specific item (Field, 2013).

Participants for the present study included 258 female (85.7%), 41 male (13.6%),

and 2 other (i.e., “agender” and “Transgender FTM”; 0.7%) young adult college students.

The average age for participants was 19.80 years (SD = 1.904), and included mostly

Freshmen (N = 120; 39.9%), followed by Sophomores (N = 73; 24.3%), Juniors (N = 53;

17.6%), Seniors (N = 54; 17.9%), and one “other” (N = 1; 0.3%). The racial breakdown

of the sample consisted of 191 White/non-Hispanic (63.5%), 98 Black/African-American

(32.6%), 5 Asian-American (1.7%), 1 Native American (0.3%) and 6 “other” (2%)

students. The majority of participants identified their mother as their primary caregiver

(N = 257; 85.4%), followed by fathers (N = 31; 10.3%), grandmothers (N = 9; 3%), aunts

(N = 2; 0.7%), and “other” (N = 2; 0.7%). Socioeconomic status (SES) was assessed by

having participants rank themselves based on their perceived social standing on a 9-point

scale (Adler et al., 1994). Results of this item approximated a normal distribution (M =

4.98, SD = 1.39).

Measures

Demographic Questionnaire

In addition to completion of study measures, a demographic questionnaire was

used for participants to self-report basic demographic information. Participants also

24

identified a “primary caregiver,” and were asked to refer to this primary caregiver when

answering subsequent questionnaires related to parenting.

Helicopter Parenting Instrument (HPI)

The Helicopter Parenting Instrument (HPI; Odenweller et al., 2014) is a 15-item

measure used to assess participants’ reports of their parents’ use of overparenting

behaviors. In response to inadequate development of previous overparenting measures,

Odenweller (2014) created the HPI items using verbiage from previous research and

popular media. Each item is rated on a 7-point Likert, with a score of 1 indicating “Very

strongly disagree” and a score of 7 indicating “Very strongly agree.” Items are summed

(with items 2 and 14 reverse-coded) to form a total score ranging from 15 to 105, with

higher scores indicative of greater perceived overparenting behaviors. Example items

include, “My parents tried to make all of my major decisions,” and “My parent overreacts

when I encounter a negative experience;” however, the term “parent” in this study was

replaced with “primary caregiver” for each item. The HPI has demonstrated adequate

reliability among a sample of college students (α = .78), and evidence of concurrent

validity with LeMoyne and Buchanan’s (2011) Helicopter Parenting Scale (Odenweller et

al., 2014). The HPI demonstrated a coefficient alpha of .77 for the present study.

Pathological Narcissism Inventory (PNI)

The Pathological Narcissism Inventory (PNI; Pincus et al., 2009) is a 52-item

measure used to assess participants’ self-reported narcissistic characteristics. Each item is

rated on a 6-point Likert scale, with a score of 0 indicating “Not at all like me” and a

score of 5 indicating “Very much like me.” The PNI includes two higher-order scales of

Narcissistic Grandiosity and Narcissistic Vulnerability, which represent the two primary

25

phenotypical manifestations of pathological narcissism (Pincus, 2013; Pincus et al.,

2009). Narcissistic Grandiosity is further comprised of three subscales (i.e., Grandiose

Fantasy, Exploitativeness, and Self-Sacrificing Self-Enhancement), and Narcissistic

Vulnerability is comprised of four subscales (i.e., Contingent Self-Esteem, Hiding the

Self, Devaluing, and Entitlement Rage). Narcissistic Grandiosity has a range of 0 to 90,

and Narcissistic Vulnerability has a range of 0 to 170, with higher scores on each scale

indicative of greater levels of their respective phenotypical variations of pathological

narcissism. Example items for Narcissistic Grandiosity include, “I often fantasize about

being admired and respected,” and “Everybody likes to hear my stories.” Example items

for Narcissistic Vulnerability include, “It’s hard to show others the weaknesses I feel

inside,” and “I can get pretty angry when others disagree with me.”

The PNI has demonstrated evidence of internal consistency, with coefficients

ranging from .84 to .93 in a sample of young adult college students (Wright, Lukowitsky,

Pincus, & Conroy, 2010). Pincus et al. (2009) also displayed evidence of concurrent

validity for the PNI, with correlations between the PNI and the Narcissism-

Hypersensitivity Scale (NHS; Serkownek, 1975) and the Hypersensitivity Narcissism

Scale (HSNS; Hendin & Cheek, 1997) ranging from .51 to .62, respectively, despite

modest coefficient alphas for the NHS (α = .65) and the HSNS (α = .75). Furthermore,

Thomas, Wright, Lukowitsky, and Donnellan (2012) have provided evidence of criterion

validity of the PNI among college students, while Wright et al. (2010) demonstrated a

similar factor structure for the PNI across gender among college students, suggesting that

PNI scores do not significantly vary across male and female young adults. For the present

study, reliability coefficients for the total PNI total score, Narcissistic Grandiosity

26

subscale score, and Narcissistic Vulnerability subscale score were .96, .89, and .95,

respectively.

Psychological Control Scale- Youth Self-Report (PCS-YSR)

The Psychological Control Scale- Youth Self-Report (PCS-YSR; Barber, 1996) is

a 16-item measure used to assess participants’ reports of their parents’ use of parenting

practices related to psychological control. The PCS-YSR was developed to build upon

the utility of previous measures of psychological control (Schaefer, 1965), and was also

found to be compatible with observational measures (Barber, 1996). Each item of the

PCS-YSR is rated on a 3-point Likert scale (i.e., 1 = not like him/her; 3 = a lot like

him/her) with items summed to create a total score ranging from 16 to 48. Higher scores

are indicative of greater parental usage of psychological control tactics. Example items

for the PCS-YSR include, “my mother/father changes the subject, whenever I have

something to say,” and “my mother/father acts like he/she knows what I am thinking or

feeling;” however, the term “parent” was replaced with “primary caregiver” for each

item.

Originally constructed among a sample of adolescents (Barber, 1996), the PCS-

YSR has also demonstrated adequate reliability among a sample of young adult college

students (α = .91; Givertz & Segrin, 2014). Additionally, the PCS-YSR has shown

evidence of discriminant validity when compared to a measure of behavioral control

(Barber, 1996; Brown, Mounts, Lamborn, & Steinberg, 1993), and has been shown to

demonstrate superior predictive validity compared to other measures of psychological

control (Barber, 1996; Schaefer, 1965). An internal consistency coefficient of .91 was

found for the present study.

27

Interpersonal Dependency Inventory (IDI)

The Interpersonal Dependency Inventory (IDI; Hirshfeld et al., 1977) is a 48-item

measure used to assess participants’ self-reported interpersonal dependency. Preliminary

scale development began by examining 98 items, either uniquely created or revised from

previous measures, among both a sample of college students and psychiatric patients.

Factor analysis led to the retention of three main subscales, composed of 48 items total.

Each item is rated on a 4-point Likert scale, with a score of 1 indicating “Not

characteristic of me” and a score of 4 indicating “Very characteristic of me.” The IDI is

composed of three subscales (i.e., Emotional Reliance on Another Person, 18 items; Lack

of Social Self-Confidence, 16 items; Assertion of Autonomy, 14 items), which are

summed (with the Assertion of Autonomy subscale reverse-scored) to form a total score

ranging from 48 to 192, with higher scores indicating a greater degree of interpersonal

dependency. Example items include, “I would be completely lost if I didn’t have

someone special” for Emotional Reliance on Another Person, “When I have a decision to

make, I always ask for advice” for Lack of Social Self-Confidence,” and “I don’t need

other people to make me feel good” for Assertion of Autonomy. This total IDI score was

utilized for the present study.

The IDI has demonstrated adequate reliability among a diverse sample of college

students, with coefficient alphas ranging from .72 to .91 on each subscale (Cogswell,

Alloy, Karpinski, & Grant, 2010), comparable to additional studies which have examined

this measure among college students (e.g., Shahar, 2008; Wigman, Graham-Kevan, &

Archer, 2008). Bornstein (1997) also demonstrated adequate test-retest reliability (r =

.71) for the IDI over an 84-week period. Additionally, the IDI has demonstrated evidence

28

of convergent validity when compared to the Dependency subscale of the Depressive

Experiences Questionnaire (Cogswell et al., 2010), and has been shown to be predictive

of dependent behaviors and symptoms of Dependent Personality Disorder (Bornstein,

2005; Loas et al., 2002). A coefficient alpha of .79 was obtained for the total IDI score in

the present study.

29

CHAPTER III - RESULTS

Means, standard deviations, and bivariate correlations for all study measures can

be seen in Table 1. As noted, all variables were correlated at the p < .01 level, with the

exception of parental psychological control and young adult interpersonal dependency,

which were not significantly correlated. There were no significant differences for male

and female primary caregivers for either overparenting (F (1, 297) = 1.17, p = .51) or

psychological control (F (1, 297) = 0.25, p = .76). Additionally, there were no significant

gender differences for PNI total scores (F (1, 297) = 1.11, p = .40), Narcissistic

Grandiosity scores (F (1, 297) = 0.24, p = .93), or Narcissistic Vulnerability scores (F (1,

297) = 1.16, p = .23); however, there were significant gender differences for interpersonal

dependency (F (1, 297) = 3.5, p = .014), with females (M = 116.34, SD = 14.67)

demonstrating higher mean scores than males (M = 110.38, SD = 11.38).

Table 1

Means, Standard Deviations, and Bivariate Correlations for Study Measures

Measure M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6

1. HPI 53.66 13.19 - .35** .23** .27** .25** .23**

2. PCS 23.66 6.98 - .11 .27** .27** .22**

3. IDI 115.46 14.40 - .46** .52** .21**

4. PNI 120.83 42.87 - .96** .81**

5. VN 71.04 31.64 - .62**

6. GN 49.79 15.39 -

Note: HPI = Helicopter Parenting Inventory; PCS = Psychological Control Scale- Youth Self-Report; IDI = Interpersonal Dependency

Inventory; PNI = Pathological Narcissism Inventory (total score); VN = Narcissistic Vulnerability subscale of PNI; GN = Narcissistic

Grandiosity subscale of PNI; ** p < .01

Structural equation modeling using MPlus software (Muthén & Muthén, 2012)

was utilized to examine the mediating roles of parental psychological control and

interpersonal dependency between overparenting and pathological narcissism.

Bootstrapping was utilized to assess indirect effects, which included 10,000 resamples of

30

the data set (Preacher & Hayes, 2008). This process was intended to provide an estimate

of indirect effects which was not constrained by a non-normal distribution, and statistical

significance was indicated by confidence intervals which did not cross zero. Model fit

was examined by the comparative fit index (CFI), the Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), and the

root mean square of error approximate (RMSEA). Adequate CFI and TLI are regarded as

values >.90, and adequate RMSEA is considered values <.05 (Cheung & Rensvold,

2002).

A preliminary analysis was conducted to examine whether the effect of

overparenting differed between vulnerable and grandiose narcissism. A chi-square

difference test was utilized for this analysis (see Figure 1). Results indicated that the chi-

square value of the model when constraining the paths between overparenting and

narcissistic phenotypes (χ² (1, 1) = 10.01, p = .002) was significantly greater than the chi-

square value of the unconstrained model (χ² (1, 0) = 0.00, p < .001), indicating that these

paths were significantly different (Δχ21 = 10.01, p < .005). As predicted, the R² value of

vulnerable narcissism (R² = .066, p = .035) was found to be greater than the value for

grandiose narcissism (R² = .052, p = .036), although both values were significant.

Figure 1. Differences in Effect of Overparenting on Narcissistic Phenotypes.

op = Overparenting; vn = Vulnerable Narcissism; gn = Grandiose Narcissism.

31

Hypotheses 1 stated that parental psychological control would mediate the

relationship between overparenting and pathological narcissism. Results supported this

hypothesis (see Figure 2). Specifically, the total effect (β = .271, p < .001) of

overparenting on narcissistic traits was found to be significant. When examining the

mediating role of psychological control, both the relationships between overparenting and

psychological control (β = .345, p < .001), and psychological control and narcissistic

traits (β = .205, p < .001) were significant, as well as the direct effect of overparenting (β

= .200, p = .001) and the indirect effect of psychological control (β = .071, 95% CI [.033-

.119]). Therefore, the results supported the present hypotheses that psychological control

would partially mediate the relationship between overparenting and pathological

narcissism, with this mediation accounting for approximately 26.2% of this relationship.

Mediation of Parental Psychological Control between Overparenting and Narcissistic

Traits.

op = Overparenting; pcs = Parental Psychological Control; pni = Pathological Narcissism.

Next, to examine Hypothesis 2, the mediating role of psychological control was

examined separately across vulnerable and grandiose narcissism (see Figure 3). The

indirect effects of psychological control between overparenting and vulnerable narcissism

32

and between overparenting and grandiose narcissism were then compared across

constrained versus unconstrained versions. A chi-square difference test determined that

the constrained version (χ² (1, 1) = 6.78, p = .009) was significantly greater than the

unconstrained version (χ² (1, 0) = 0.00, p < .001) of this model, which indicates that the

indirect paths were significantly different (Δχ21 = 6.78, p < .01). More specifically, the

indirect effect of psychological control on vulnerable narcissism (indirect effect = .069,

95% CI [.032-.119]) was greater than the indirect effect of psychological control on

grandiose narcissism (indirect effect = .054, 95% CI [.015-.100]). As the total effect of

overparenting differed between vulnerable narcissism (total effect = .256) and grandiose

narcissism (total effect = .229), psychological control accounted for 27% (% mediated =

.069/.256) of the mediation between overparenting and vulnerable narcissism, and 23.6%

(% mediated = .054/.229) of the mediation between overparenting and grandiose

narcissism.

Figure 2. Mediation of Parental Psychological Control between Overparenting and Narcissistic Phenotypes.

op = Overparenting; pcs = Parental Psychological Control; vn = Vulnerable Narcissism; gn = Grandiose Narcissism.

.187 pcs .345

.175 .157

.201

.581

.187

33

Hypothesis 3 predicted that interpersonal dependency would also mediate the

relationship between overparenting and narcissistic traits. Similarly to Hypothesis 1, both

the relationships between overparenting and interpersonal dependency (β = .234, p <

.001) and between interpersonal dependency and pathological narcissism (β = .420, p <

.001) were significant (see Figure 4). The indirect effect of interpersonal dependency (β =

.098, 95% CI [.048-.157]), and the direct effect of overparenting were also both

statistically significant (β = .173, p = .001), with interpersonal dependency mediating

approximately 36.2% of this relationship.

Figure 3. Mediation of Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting and Narcissistic Traits.

op = Overparenting; idi = Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency; pni = Pathological Narcissism.

The next phase of analyses examined Hypothesis 4, which predicted that

interpersonal dependency would mediate vulnerable narcissism more robustly than

grandiose narcissism (see Figure 5). Similar to analyses for Hypothesis 2, a chi-square

difference test determined that the chi-square value when constraining the indirect paths

(χ² (1, 1) = 89.12, p < .001) was significantly greater than the value when leaving the

paths unconstrained (χ² (1, 0) = 0.00, p < .001). Therefore, these indirect paths differ

significantly (Δχ21 = 89.12, p < .005). In examining these paths, the indirect effect of

34

interpersonal dependency for vulnerable narcissism (indirect effect = .114, 95% CI [.056-

.180]) was greater than for grandiose narcissism (indirect effect = .038, 95% CI [.013-

.078]). Furthermore, interpersonal dependency accounted for a greater proportion of the

mediation between overparenting and vulnerable narcissism (% mediated = indirect effect

/ total effect = .114/.256 = 44.5%) compared to overparenting and grandiose narcissism

(% mediated = .038/.229 = 16.6%).

Figure 4. Mediation of Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting and Narcissistic Phenotypes.

op = Overparenting; idi = Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency; vn = Vulnerable Narcissism; gn = Grandiose Narcissism.

The next step in the present study was to assess both psychological control and

interpersonal dependency together as parallel mediators (Hypothesis 5; see Figure 6). In

this model, both the indirect effects of psychological control (β = .066, 95% CI [.030-

.112]) and interpersonal dependency (β = .097, 95% CI [.047-.154]) were significant, and

together these variables accounted for 59.9% of the total effect of overparenting on

pathological narcissism. Additionally, the direct effect of overparenting on narcissism

was no longer significant once these mediators were included in the model (β = .109, p =

.051), indicating that psychological control and interpersonal dependency fully mediated

35

the relationship between overparenting and narcissistic traits. Fit indices included a CFI

and TLI of 1.00, and an RSMEA of 0.00 (90% CI [.000-.127]), indicating an excellent fit.

Figure 5. Parallel Mediation of Parental Psychological Control and Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting and Narcissistic Traits.

op = Overparenting; pcs = Parental Psychological Control; idi = Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency; pni = Pathological

Narcissism.

Finally, Hypothesis 6 aimed to examine differences in the parallel mediation of

psychological control and interpersonal dependency between overparenting and

vulnerable narcissism and between overparenting and grandiose narcissism (see Figure 7

in Appendix I). A chi-square difference test determined that the parallel mediation paths

between overparenting and grandiose narcissism and overparenting and vulnerable

narcissism differed significantly between constrained (χ² (1, 2) = 38.44, p < .001) and

unconstrained (χ² (1, 1) = 0.34, p < .001) versions of the model, which demonstrates that

these mediation paths differ significantly (Δχ21 = 38.10, p < .005). Fit indices for the

unconstrained version of the model also indicate an excellent fit (i.e., CFI = 1.00, TLI =

1.00, and RMSEA = 0.00 (90% CI [.000-.127])). While both parallel mediations

36

remained statistically significant, the mediation for vulnerable narcissism (% mediated =

.177/.257 = 68.9%) was found to be more robust than the mediation for both grandiose

narcissism (% mediated = .090/.229 = 39.3%). In fact, the mediation for vulnerable

narcissism was found to be a full mediation, as the direct effect of overparenting was no

longer significant (β = .080, p = .170), while a partial mediation was found for grandiose

narcissism (β = .139, p = .018). Moreover, each specific indirect effect of psychological

control on grandiose (β = .052, 95% CI [.014-.098], 22.7% mediated) and vulnerable

narcissism (β = .064, 95% CI [.028-.111], 24.9% mediated), as well as each specific

indirect effect of interpersonal dependency on grandiose (β = .037, 95% CI [.012-.076],

16.2% mediated) and vulnerable narcissism (β = .113, 95% CI [.056-.178], 44.0%

mediated) were found to be significant.

Figure 6. Parallel Mediation of Parental Psychological Control and Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency between Overparenting and Narcissistic Phenotypes.

op = Overparenting; pcs = Parental Psychological Control; idi = Young Adult Interpersonal Dependency; vn = Vulnerable Narcissism;

gn = Grandiose Narcissism.

37

CHAPTER IV – DISCUSSION

The findings of the present study demonstrated that parental psychological control

and young adult interpersonal dependency both mediate the relationship between

overparenting and narcissistic traits among young adults. Additionally, these two

mediators accounted for a full parallel mediation when examined together, which offers

further support for psychological control and interpersonal dependency as key

mechanisms in the relationship between overparenting and narcissistic personality traits.

In addition to a parallel mediation, the present study also found differences in the

relationships between overparenting and vulnerable-, and overparenting and grandiose-

narcissistic phenotypes. Specifically, while overparenting predicted both grandiose and

vulnerable narcissism, this relationship appeared to be more robust for vulnerable

narcissism. Moreover, the mediating roles of both psychological control and interpersonal

dependency were more robust between overparenting and vulnerable narcissism (and

particularly for interpersonal dependency), as compared to the relationship between

overparenting and grandiose narcissism. In fact, when examining the parallel mediation

separately between vulnerable and grandiose narcissistic phenotypes, only the mediation

for vulnerable narcissism indicated a full mediation, while the mediation for grandiose

narcissism remained partial.

Findings from the present study are consistent with past research which has linked

overparenting to narcissistic traits (Segrin et al., 2012; Segrin, Woszildo et al., 2013),

although this is the first study to examine mediators of this relationship. While both

psychological control and interpersonal dependency have been linked to the development

of narcissistic traits (Givertz & Segrin, 2014; Horton et al., 2006; Sonnenberg, 2013),

38

results from the present study suggest that these variables also play a mediating role

between overparenting and narcissism. Thus, the present findings suggest overparenting,

and particularly aspects of overparenting associated with intrusive control and the

withholding of appropriate independence and autonomy (LeMoyne & Buchanan, 2011;

Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012), lead to greater dependency among young adult children.

This characterization of the effects of overparenting on young adult children appears

consistent with critics of this parenting style, who have lamented an apparent increase in

dependent traits among millennials, including in the classroom and work settings

(Ludden, 2012; Tyler, 2007). In turn, the present findings suggest that the dependent

traits resulting from overparenting appear to be a key mechanism in the development of

narcissism. Given the conceptualization of narcissism as resulting from an unhealthy

need for external validation (i.e., dependency; Pincus, 2013), this interpretation appears

theoretically consistent. However, given the cross-sectional nature of the study,

speculation regarding causality should obviously remain tentative.

Additionally, results from the current study suggest that overparenting may be

more predictive of vulnerable narcissistic traits, as opposed to grandiose narcissistic

traits. While this study is the first to examine the differential predictive ability of

overparenting on separate narcissistic phenotypes, these results are nonetheless consistent

with historical conceptualizations of narcissism, which emphasize the manner in which

over-controlling and intrusive parenting behaviors may lead to young adult children

becoming overly dependent on the validation of others (Kohut, 1977). This pattern of

overdependence and insecurity is more consistent with vulnerable narcissism, compared

to grandiose narcissism (Miller et al., 2011; Dickinson & Pincus, 2003). Nonetheless,

39

overparenting appears to also be predictive of grandiose narcissistic traits (Horton &

Tritch, 2014), albeit to a lesser degree. Moreover, results indicate that both psychological

control and interpersonal dependency play a mediating role in the relationships between

overparenting and both narcissistic phenotypes. Therefore, these findings likely speak to

the related and overlapping nature of both grandiose and vulnerable narcissistic

phenotypes (Pincus, 2013; Ronningstam, 2009), as well as the complex manner in which

parenting may lead to the development of narcissistic traits (Horton et al., 2006).

Limitations

The present study includes a number of pertinent limitations. First, the sample

was limited to young adult college students (mostly freshmen and sophomores) residing

in the southeastern United States, which may not be generalizable to broader populations.

Additionally, the sample of the present study was predominantly female. Given that

significant gender differences were observed in examining dependent traits, this

limitation appears noteworthy. A majority of participants also identified their “primary

caregivers” as their mothers, which further limits the generalizability of the results to

other childrearing figures.

Another limitation of the study pertains to the cross-sectional, correlational nature

of the data. As previously noted, while causal relationships may be implied in a

mediation analysis, no conclusive statements regarding causality can be made. Relatedly,

the causal role of overparenting on personality characteristics appears somewhat unclear.

While overparenting is considered to be a unique type of parenting style seen in late

adolescence and young adulthood (Padilla-Walker & Nelson, 2012), personality

characteristics (e.g., dependency, narcissistic traits) are generally considered to have their

40

origin earlier in childhood (Kohut, 1977). Therefore, parenting practices involving over-

control may be more pertinent earlier in childhood, rather than later. In this way,

overparenting may be conceptualized as a later manifestation of parental overcontrol,

which is assumed to have appeared earlier in childhood. However, this hypothesis should

clearly remain tentative.

Additionally, it should be noted that all study measures were self-report measures,

including participants’ reports of their parents’ parenting behaviors. Limitations

regarding the validity of the study are therefore relevant, given the indirect assessment of

parenting. It should also be noted that self-report measures which pertain to potentially

undesirable behaviors and traits (e.g., narcissism) may be somewhat underreported.

Finally, assumptions regarding the direction of the relationships between variables

is limited. While parenting practices plausibly predict outcomes in young adults, these

relationships may be bidirectional, in that particular parenting practices may develop in

response to certain personality traits among young adult children (Van den Akker,

Deković, Asscher, & Prinzie, 2014). This possibility cannot be ruled out given the cross-

sectional design of the present study.

Areas for Future Research

While psychological control and interpersonal dependency were found to fully

mediate the relationship between overparenting and narcissistic traits, additional

mediators should also be explored. More specifically, given potential links between

authoritarian parenting and narcissism (Cramer, 2015; Watson et al., 1992), parenting

practices which are shared by both overparenting and authoritarian parenting (e.g., over-

involvement, withholding of autonomy; Baumrind, 1971; Padilla-Walker & Nelson,

41

2012) should be examined as potential mediators between overparenting and narcissistic

traits. Additionally, moderators in the relationship between overparenting and narcissism

should also be explored. For example, sex may be a potential moderator in the

relationship of interpersonal dependency between overparenting and narcissistic traits.

Given the composition of the current sample as primarily female, this possibility could

not be explored within the present study. Race may also be explored as a potential

moderator, and it should be noted that research has yet to explore racial differences in

overparenting. Therefore, future studies should account for greater cultural variability in

examining overparenting as a predictor of narcissistic traits. Additionally, alternate

personality constructs which may also be associated with interpersonal dependency (e.g.,

borderline features) should be examined in relation to overparenting. Finally, future

research should include procedures which attempt to measure overparenting directly, and

the development of parental over-control across childhood development more broadly, in

order to provide greater evidence for a causal link between overparenting and the

development of narcissism.

Conclusion

The results of the present study suggest that an over-controlling and intrusive

parenting approach, particularly when combined with dependent traits among young

adults, appears to explain the manner in which “helicopter parenting” predicts narcissistic

traits, and particularly traits more commonly associated with vulnerable narcissism (e.g.,

insecurity, anxious-avoidant tendencies). These findings speak to the importance of

accounting for parenting when assessing the etiology of narcissistic traits among college

students, and interventions focused on parenting young adult children (e.g., orientations

42

upon transitioning to college) should look to incorporate the results of these findings. The

findings of the present study build on a growing body of research implicating

overparenting in the development of narcissistic traits, and future research should look to

confirm and expand on these findings.

43

APPENDIX A – IRB Approval Letter

44

APPENDIX B – Electronic Informed Consent

PURPOSE: The present study seeks to better understand the relationship between

parenting and personality functioning among college students.

DESCRIPTION OF STUDY: The present study will consist of completing several brief

questionnaires on the internet. Completion of the study should take approximately 20-30

minutes, and participants will receive .5 points of SONA credit. Questions will be asked

regarding your thoughts, feelings, and experiences. Quality assurance checks are being

used in this study to make sure that participants read each question before answering.

Participants who do not pass these quality assurance checks will not receive research

credit.

BENEFITS: Participants are not expected to directly benefit from this research.

However, the researchers hope this study will lead to a greater understanding of families,

race, and parenting.

RISKS: There are no foreseeable risks, beyond those already present in routine daily life,

involved in the present study. If a participant at any time feels distressed while answering

any of the study’s questions, they should contact the researcher immediately.

CONFIDENTIALITY: All data collected from the study will be stored in aggregate

form with no identifying information to ensure confidentiality. Data will be stored in a

secure location for six (6) years, after which time it will be destroyed.

PARTICIPANT’S ASSURANCE: This project has been reviewed by the Institutional

Review Board, which ensures that research projects involving human subjects follow

federal regulations. Any questions or concerns about rights as a research participant

should be directed to the Chair of the Institutional Review Board, The University of

45

Southern Mississippi, Box 5147, Hattiesburg, MS 39406, (601) 266-6820. Participation

in this project is completely voluntary, and participants may withdraw from this study at

any time without penalty, prejudice, or loss of benefits. Questions concerning the

research should be directed to the primary researcher Nathan Winner

([email protected]) or the research supervisor, Dr. Bonnie Nicholson

([email protected]).

If you experience distress as a result of your participation in this study, please notify the

primary researcher Nathan Winner ([email protected]) or the research

supervisor, Dr. Bonnie Nicholson ([email protected]). A list of available

agencies that may able to provide services for you are provided below:

Community Counseling and Assessment Clinic (601) 266-4601

Student Counseling Services (601) 266-4829

Pine Belt Mental Healthcare (601) 544-4641

Forrest General Psychology Service Incorporated (601) 268-3159

Consent is hereby given to participate in this study

46

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