research paper for english writing
CICI
out.pdf
WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN THE DEATH METAL SUBCULTURE
A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the College of Education
University of Houston
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
by
Sonia Vasan
May, 2010
PR EV
IE W
UMI Number: 3411301
All rights reserved
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
UMT Dissertation Publishing
UMI 3411301 Copyright 2010 by ProQuest LLC.
All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
uest ProQuest LLC
789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
PR EV
IE W
Copyright
by
Sonia Vasan
May, 2010
PR EV
IE W
WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN THE DEATH METAL SUBCULTURE
A Dissertation for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
by
Sonia Vasan
Approved by Dissertation Committee
Dr. Avelardo Valdez, Co-Cbrairperson
Dr. Alice Cepeda, Committee Member
Dr. Ri<mard Olenchak, Committee Member
Dr. Robert \Vimpelberg, pean College of Education
May, 2010
PR EV
IE W
WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN THE DEATH METAL SUBCULTURE
An Abstract of A Dissertation Presented to the
Faculty of the College of Education University of Houston
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
by
Sonia Vasan
May, 2010
IV
PR EV
IE W
Vasan, Sonia. "Women's Participation in the Death Metal Subculture." Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation, University of Houston, May, 2010.
Abstract
The heavy metal music scene has traditionally been male territory ever since its
inception nearly four decades ago. In particular, death metal—a type of metal
characterized by guttural vocals, aggressive, downtuned guitars, and violent or macabre
thematic content—is arguably the most androcentric of any metal subgenre. Yet women,
though few, are nevertheless a presence in all aspects of the death metal subculture,
whether as fans, artists, scene leaders, or record label executives. Women are even
involved with aspects of the subculture that include misogynistic death metal acts—bands
whose albums feature lyrics and cover art glorifying the sexual and physical assault of
women.
The present study explores the ways by which female fans of death metal music
negotiate boundaries of gender identity within the death metal subculture. What attracts
women to death metal? What does death metal provide them? What is the role of
women in the death metal subculture—and does this differ from their perceived role in
the subculture? The present study seeks to explore these issues through ethnographic
analysis, including participant observation and individual interviews with female death
metal fans. Results of the study indicate that women, although marginalized in the scene,
appropriate the masculine power of the subculture to forge a stronger, non-traditional
identity for themselves.
PR EV
IE W
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter ....Page
I. INTRODUCTION 1
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 4
Theoretical Framework 4 Gender Research in Music Subcultures 8 History of Death Metal 10 Death Metal Research 12 Gender Research in Metal 13
III. PRELIMINARY STUDY 15
Hypotheses 26
IV. METHODS 26
Sampling 28 Procedures 30 Setting/Population 31 Data Management 32 NVivo Analysis 32
V. RESULTS 36
Participant Observation 36 Focus Group 39 Individual Interviews 45
VI. DISCUSSION 191
REFERENCES 200
APPENDIX A FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW GUIDE 204
APPENDIX B INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEW GUIDE 207
VI
PR EV
IE W
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1 Types of Women Present at Death Metal Shows 33
vn
PR EV
IE W
Chapter One
Introduction
"Hey, be careful when you mosh. There's girls in the audience and we don't want
anybody getting hurt. Remember, if you wanna hurt a girl, fuck her in the ass!"
Did he really say what I think he said? Did I hear that right? I wondered to
myself as I stared at the long-haired, sweat-drenched man on stage holding the
microphone. I turned to look at the few women in the audience. If they were offended,
their faces didn't show it. They didn't shout "Fuck you!" at the lead singer, they didn't
send murmurs of disapproval toward the stage.. .in fact, they literally didn't even raise an
eyebrow. They simply continued to stare at the stage as they'd done before, and when
the band finished its next song, they applauded.
The men in the audience were a different story, however. They indicated active,
rather than passive, acceptance of the lead singer's words: as soon as he said "fuck her in
the ass," many of them cheered loudly. I noticed that some of the men who'd cheered
had girlfriends in tow. And though the girlfriends didn't look disturbed by their mates'
cheers, I wondered how they really felt on the inside. Were they angry, but afraid to
speak out in a male-dominated environment? Or were they genuinely unperturbed by the
outright misogyny that often marked the death metal scene?
The above vignette is a real-life account of a heavy metal concert I attended a few
years ago as a researcher. Like the other women in the audience that night, I consider
myself a fan of metal music and a member of the global metal subculture. Yet I also
consider myself a feminist, and as such I often find myself at odds with the highly
masculinist, sometimes misogynistic attitudes that infuse metal music and its culture.
PR EV
IE W
2
Experiences such as the one I describe above make me wonder why female fans of metal
seem to passively accept misogyny, and (as I will describe later) sometimes even
celebrate it. Are female metal fans subservient to the men in the scene? Are they nothing
more than sheep, blindly obedient to the dictates of androcentrism? Or could it be
possible that women use the laws of the scene—the immutable laws of male privilege—
to beat men at their own game? I hoped to answer those questions with this study.
Any discussion of women's status in a male-dominated subculture must
necessarily begin with a glance at women's position in mainstream society. Women have
been called the Fair Sex, the Second Sex, the Weak Sex.. .marginalized by Western
society for centuries, women's position in the modern world is still haunted by the
specter of past prejudice. Though women have recently gained admittance to social
groups and environments that previously had been the exclusive domain of men, they are
often treated as outsiders or are disrespected as subordinates. This pattern may be seen in
the unequal treatment of women in the arena of rock and roll—a type of music and
performance widely regarded as the ultimate expression of hypermasculinity. Women
are particularly marginalized in the rock and roll genre of heavy metal, arguably the most
male-centered of any type of popular music. And the relegation of women to second-
class status is perhaps nowhere more apparent than in the subculture associated with
death metal music.
Death metal music is an extreme form of heavy metal music that focuses on
themes of violence, gore, and Satanism. Some death metal is overtly misogynistic, and
features lyrics and cover art that glorify violence against women (Moynihan & S0derlind,
2003; Purcell, 2003). Like the heavy metal subculture in general, the death metal
PR EV
IE W
3
subculture is strongly androcentric: it celebrates and reinforces male power while
restricting female power (Krenske & McKay, 2000; Weinstein, 2000). Accordingly,
most members of the subculture are male; however, women are also a presence in the
subculture as fans. Some women occupy leadership positions as artists, promoters,
record label executives, or scene organizers (Kahn-Harris, 2003; Purcell, 2003). Some
women are even fans of misogynistic death metal bands (Krenske & McKay, 2000;
Kahn-Harris, 2003; Thompson, 2004). Given the male-dominated nature of the death
metal scene, it seems counterintuitive that women would choose to affiliate themselves
with such a subculture. Yet little, if any, research has been devoted to probing the
reasons for women's participation in the death metal scene.
The purpose of the present study is to explore the role of women in the
androcentric death metal subculture. Specifically, this study seeks to address the
following questions: What attracts women to death metal? What does death metal
provide them? Why do women choose to participate in a male-dominated subculture? In
what ways do they participate in the subculture? Do they participate solely on men's
terms, or do they appropriate masculine power and use it to assert themselves as women?
It is hoped that an exploration of these questions will contribute to an understanding of
the position of women in masculinist or male-centered spaces. The theoretical
framework of the study is Maccoby's (1998) research on male-female interactions in
androcentric work environments, which mirror male-female interactions in the
androcentric death metal subculture. The study is based on qualitative data (participant
observation in death metal clubs and focus group and individual interviews) that will be
collected through both targeted and theoretical sampling approaches.
PR EV
IE W
Chapter Two
Review of the Literature
Theoretical Framework
This study locates issues of gender appropriation and female resistance within a
framework of cross-sex workplace interactions described by Maccoby (1998). Maccoby
(1998) summarizes decades of gender research in The Two Sexes: Growing Up Apart,
Coming Together. According to Maccoby (1998), previous gender research has sought to
determine whether differences exist between the sexes by assessing and comparing sets
of individual attributes or personality traits. Maccoby (1998) argues that such approaches
are insufficient to provide a complete picture of the two sexes. Therefore, to supplement
traditional research, she recommends a new focus on male-female social and dyadic
interactions, which she illustrates throughout the book. She notes that many of the
observed differences between the sexes only emerge when interactions are examined. In
her discussion of sex differences, Maccoby (1998) delineates the traditional argument
that such differences are the result of divergent socialization practices: males are
encouraged from birth to be aggressive, goal-oriented and dominant over females, while
females are encouraged from birth to be passive, process-oriented and dominated by
males.
According to Maccoby, "Socialization.. .has traditionally been seen as the set of
processes whereby each generation of adults passes along to the upcoming generation of
children the fund of knowledge, beliefs, and skills which constitutes the culture of the
social group" (1998, p. 4). Many researchers have considered socialization to be the
principal (if not the only) source of observed differences between the two sexes
PR EV
IE W
5
(Maccoby, 1998). Exponents of this view hold that social processes such as childrearing,
formal education, and day-to-day social interactions force males to develop traditionally
masculine personality traits and females to develop traditionally female personality traits.
Thus, a boy will be likely to exhibit a boisterous and outgoing personality if such
traditionally male behavior is encouraged throughout his childhood by parents, teachers
and peers; and a girl will be likely to exhibit a demure and nurturing personality if such
traditionally female behavior is encouraged by the socializing forces acting upon her.
Maccoby (1998) makes the distinction between direct socialization, in which social
behavior is explicitly taught (by parents or teachers, for example), and indirect
socialization, in which the individual shapes his or her own behavior in response to his or
her observations of others (such as peers or adult role models). Maccoby (1998) notes
that both forms of socialization have an impact on sex differences, and suggests that sex
roles are currently changing as contemporary social forces change. For example, the past
few decades have witnessed an influx of women into the work force and away from the
traditional role as housewife; therefore, demure and nurturing personality traits are no
longer seen as essentially female, and many young women are not as demure or nurturing
as their mothers or grandmothers, since such behavior was not encouraged in them to the
extent that it was in their forebears.
This study places observations on the death metal subculture within the
framework of Maccoby's (1998) research on gender in the workplace. Maccoby (1998)
notes that social sex segregation occurs during childhood, with males and females
gravitating toward same-sex social groups. During adolescence and adulthood, intimate
cross-sex interactions are generally limited to romantic relationships. Thus, men and
PR EV
IE W
6
women enter the workplace and are forced to work together with little psychosocial
understanding of each other (Maccoby, 1998). The difficulties presented by such an
arrangement have historically been circumvented by occupational sex segregation, with
women typically occupying subordinate, low-wage positions and men dominating them
in managerial, high-wage positions. And in the past, when women infiltrated
traditionally male professions, such professions soon became known as 'women's work'
and decreased in status as men ceased to enter them (Maccoby, 1998). In recent decades,
traditional gendered occupational structures have been challenged as increasing numbers
of women seek high-status, high-wage jobs (and to a lesser extent as some men enter
traditionally female areas, such as nursing). Maccoby (1998) describes the issues that
arise when women attempt to enter the territory of powerful males.
Maccoby (1998) identifies three main reasons for the sex segregation that occurs
in the workplace: differences in interaction styles, the presence of all-male peer groups,
and sexual issues. According to Maccoby (1998), males and females develop different
interaction styles during childhood, and these persist in adulthood; this is the source of
the popular perception that men are more direct, while women 'dance around the issue.'
The formation of all-male peer groups is another practice that has its roots in childhood
and serves to marginalize women in the workplace. Women who seek high-wage,
high-status positions often have difficulty being accepted by the powerful all-male peer
groups that are typically present in such settings. Sexual issues also contribute to sex
segregation: as in childhood, when boys and girls who play together are teased by their
peers about romantic implications, cross-sex interactions in the workplace are colored by
sexual connotations. Sexual attraction on the part of one or both parties may make it
PR EV
IE W
7
difficult for men and women to work together; in addition, sex is linked to power in
cases of sexual harassment (usually by men), or of exploitation of one's sexual
attractiveness to gain advancement (usually by women).
Many of the patterns of gender interaction that Maccoby (1998) notes in the
workplace may also be seen in the death metal subculture. For example, she notes that
women who enter male-dominated fields often have difficulty being accepted by their
male peers. To remedy this, many women attempt to 'masculinize' themselves in order
to fit in, through their style of dress or through their behavior. According to Maccoby
(1998), ".. .women and men get along more comfortably in the workplace if the women
are able to participate in male-style banter" (p. 237). This pattern also occurs in the death
metal subculture, where women often adopt a masculine persona through emulating male
clothing styles and male language. Another phenomenon observed in the workplace is
that of attractive women exploiting their sexual allure in order to gain office favors or job
promotions. This may also be seen in the death metal subculture, where some women
gain power by turning themselves into sex objects, dressing and behaving provocatively.
Maccoby (1998) also observes that".. .if men do form all-male groups in the workplace,
the implication is that they will also be likely to depersonalize their female coworkers and
treat them as members of an out-group" (p.228). This is also true of the death metal
subculture, which functions as an all-male group, despite the presence of some women;
women in death metal are depersonalized by men and are not considered part of the
group, as indicated by death metal artists addressing mixed crowds as if they were all
male: "C'mon dudes" or "I wanna see you scream your nuts off, etc. Maccoby (1998)
concludes that gender segregation and its causes are extensions of similar social patterns
PR EV
IE W
8
observed in childhood, and identifies most of these issues as arising from situations in
which women attempt to enter traditionally male spaces. For that reason, the gendered
corporate structures observed by Maccoby (1998) may be perceived as analogous to the
androcentric structures of the death metal subculture.
Gender Research in Music Subcultures
The past few decades have witnessed the emergence of a variety of music genres
associated with youth subcultures, such as rap, hardcore, and electronic dance music, in
addition to heavy metal. While all of the above genres have traditionally been the
domain of men, some women have gained entrance to them as well. Adams and Fuller
(2006) describe the misogynistic lyrics and images often found in rap music, and assert
that exposure to such music desensitizes individuals to violence against women and
undermines women's current struggle for equality. Since death metal music is also
overtly misogynistic, it may be inferred that the position of women in the death metal
scene is equally undermined by such lyrics and imagery. Haugen (2003), however, notes
resistance within the rap scene on the part of well-known female artists, whose explicit
female-centered (and at times overtly misandric) lyrics challenge the misogyny in the
scene. Though such artists may be present in the rap world, they are not in the world of
death metal: only a handful of female death metal performers achieve prominence in the
scene, and all do so by conforming to masculinist codes rather than challenging them.
Similarly, Mullaney (2007) discussed the gender inequalities present in the
straight edge hardcore scene, and notes that women in the scene who garner the most
respect from their male peers are those whose actions are considered "hard" or masculine,
such as slam dancing at concerts or having tattoos proclaiming their allegiance to the
PR EV
IE W
9
subculture. In the death metal scene, women are also judged according to a masculine
standard; for example, one death metal vocalist praised a female vocalist by saying that
"she is the equal of any man" (Nergal, personal communication, May 1, 2006). In fact,
the ethnographic work of Groce and Cooper (1990) on women in local rock bands and of
Farrugia (2004) on female DJ's in the electronic dance scene both reveal that female
performers consciously compare their abilities to those of male performers, striving to be
as good as or better than their male peers.
While not modern youth subcultures, the subcultures surrounding Mexican-
American conjunto music and traditional jazz music are also male-dominated and thus
are similar to the aforementioned music subcultures. Valdez and Halley (1996) discussed
the barriers to women's involvement in the conjunto scene as musicians, many of which
are rooted in traditional Mexican patriarchy. Some female conjunto performers conform
to conventional gender roles; however, the more successful female performers engage in
masculine behavior, mirroring the behavior of traditional male perfomers. A variation of
this pattern is also seen among female death metal artists, as well as in other music
genres, such as jazz. Dahl (1984) researched women artists in the jazz subculture from
the nineteenth century to the 1980s, and found a pattern of marginalization that mirrors
the position of women in the death metal scene. According to Dahl (1984), jazz was
traditionally considered unseemly music for women to perform, not only because of the
'masculine' nature of the instruments involved (trumpet, saxophone, drums, etc.), but
also because jazz was performed in brothels and nightclubs, where respectable women
seldom ventured. While death metal is not performed in brothels, the nightclubs that host
death metal shows are sometimes dilapidated venues located in low-income areas that
PR EV
IE W
10
may be perceived as dangerous for women. Furthermore, the instruments used in death
metal (electric guitars and drums) and the requisite deep, growled vocals are perceived as
masculine; and, as Dahl (1984) notes regarding the jazz scene, women are not perceived
by male artists as being capable of playing masculine instruments or singing with
masculine prowess.
History of Death Metal
The history of heavy metal music has been explored by Walser (1993) and
Weinstein (2000). Though Walser's (1993) work is a probing analysis of musical
discourses, virtuosity, gender constructions and postmodernism in metal, he does not
include death metal in his analysis. Weinstein (2000) includes a brief description of
death metal and its historical emergence from thrash metal, but does not comment on the
subculture or analyze the music. Death metal is explained in greater detail by Moynihan
& Soderlind (2003) and Purcell (2003), although the former are much more interested in
exploring violence in the related but different Scandinavian black metal scene. Both
Moynihan & S0derlind (2003) and Purcell (2003) describe the history of death metal, the
music itself, the subculture with which it is affiliated, and its development during the past
fifteen years.
The death metal subgenre emerged in the late 1980s, and rose to prominence in
the metal scene during the 1990s, spreading around the world (Moynihan & Soderlind,
2003). The subgenre distinguished itself from heavy metal with its dark, menacing guitar
tones and guttural, almost unintelligible vocals. Weinstein (2000) describes death
metal's unique sound:
PR EV
IE W
11
Influenced by bands like Bathory, Celtic Frost, and early Slayer, death metal has
the lowest pitch of any form of music. Its standard features are down-tuned
guitars, double-kick drums, and electronically transfigured vocals that require
phrases like "gargling with acid laced with razor blades" to give some idea of
their sound, (p. 288)
In addition, death metal's lyrics and album artwork focuses on threatening themes, such
as Satanism or violent murder and rape. Songs such as "Vengeance is Mine" by Morbid
Angel glorify Satanic violence: "Satan's sword I have become...Hellspawn in aeturnum
/ 1 burn with hate.. .My sword shall take life" (Vincent & Azagthoth, 1993, track 4).
Cannibal Corpse songs such as "Fucked With a Knife" and "Entrails Ripped From a
Virgin's Cunt" describe the violent sexual and physical assault of women ("Cannibal
Corpse Lyrics," 2010). The cover art for the eponymous Fornicator album depicts a
woman lying in a gutter with her skirt pulled up and blood on her thighs, while the cover
of the Meat Shits album Violence Against Feminist Cunts depicts a bruised woman being
held down and raped by a man (Thompson, 2004). As the death metal subgenre gained
popularity among metal fans during the 1990s, a distinct subculture began to develop that
was dominated by males—both as artists and as fans.
Although the subgenre no longer plays as large a role in the metal scene as it did
during its peak in the last decade, it has persisted with a loyal following. In 2007 albums
from death metal bands Behemoth and Nile debuted at #149 and #162 on the Billboard
200 charts; both bands also took part in Ozzy Osbourne's internationally-known annual
metal tour Ozzfest ("Behemoth Frontman Comments," 2007; "Nile: 'Drumcam'
Footage," 2007). Death metal bands are also featured on MTV2's Headbangers Ball, a
PR EV
IE W
12
weekly program that features music videos from heavy metal bands exclusively
("Headbangers Ball," 2010). Today, death metal is a global phenomenon: death metal
fans from every continent are united by their love of the music in a global scene, and
heavy metal festivals featuring death metal bands draw fans from diverse countries.
However, local scenes are also present in cities and regions around the world.
Death Metal Research
Little academic research has been devoted to the death metal subculture. While
some scholars have discussed the heavy metal subculture in general, their research does
not reflect the uniqueness of the death metal subculture. While death metal is a type of
heavy metal, the death metal scene is culturally more restricted in terms of acceptable
behavior, attire, and attitudes—all of which are strictly governed by hypermasculinist
codes. Furthermore, death metal is much more overtly masculinist and misogynistic than
heavy metal in general, and far fewer women are fans or creators of death metal music
than heavy metal. Arnett's (1996) ethnographic exploration of alienation among metal
fans included descriptions of some individuals who listened to death metal music, but did
not identify them as such or discuss the uniqueness of the death metal scene within the
broader heavy metal subculture. Baulch (2003) studied the political significance of the
death metal scene in Bali. Avelar (2003) explored nationality and cultural identity in the
work of Sepultura, a Brazilian death metal band. Purcell (2003) described the music and
its fans, but her work was more of a defense to external critics than an exploration of
identity within the scene. Kahn-Harris (2003) examined the misogynistic song "Fucked
With a Knife" by Cannibal Corpse, and discussed the extent to which death metal fans
engage in such texts; he is perhaps the only scholar to date who has explored such issues
PR EV
IE W
13
in the death metal subculture in more than a cursory fashion. Kahn-Harris (2004a,
2004b) also did ethnographic work in the related black metal scene, as well as in the
broader extreme metal scene, which includes both death and black metal fans. Kahn-
Harris (2004a, 2004b) explored reflexivity in the ideology of the black metal scene and
transgression in the ideology and practices of the extreme metal subculture. Moynihan
and Soderlind (2003) detailed acts of arson and violence within the black metal scene,
attempted to account for the rise of violence and Nazism in that scene, and included a
brief discussion of death metal and its subculture in their work.
Gender Research in Metal
Few scholarly explorations of gender in the broader metal subculture exist.
Walser (1993) discussed constructions of gender in the heavy metal subculture, noting
that the hypermasculine image projected by metal is an ideal that is seldom matched with
the reality of the scene. According to Walser (1993), the projection of the masculine
ideal is often a form of posturing that is not always matched by the behavior and personal
ideology of the members of the subculture. Walser (1993) also discussed the
marginalization of women in the metal scene, and noted that female fans tended to either
adopt a masculine persona and style of dress similar to the males, or a hyperfeminine,
highly sexualized persona and style of dress designed to be attractive to males.
Weinstein (2000) also noted the androcentric nature of the metal subculture and the
marginalization of women in the scene. Friesen and Helfrich (1998) and Sloat (1998)
analyzed representations of gender in metal lyrics.
Among those who have examined gender in metal, only a few scholars have
questioned female fans directly about gender issues. Arnett (1996) interviewed female
PR EV
IE W
14
metal fans about their position as women within the scene, and their views on
representations of women in lyrics, album covers and music videos. His subjects,
although identifying themselves as fans of metal and as members of the subculture,
expressed disgust with sexist images in metal music and music videos and condemned
both the artists and the women who chose to be featured in sexist music videos. Krenske
and McKay (2000) did ethnographic work on women in a metal music club in
Queensland, Australia, and discussed the gendered nature of interactions in the metal
subculture. They found that women participated in the metal subculture on men's terms:
their style of dress and behavior were dictated by the unwritten androcentric rules of the
subculture, and many women experienced overt verbal and physical harassment unless
they were 'protected' by boyfriends or other males. Krenske and McKay (2000) also
noted that female fans of misogynistic death metal refused to acknowledge the sexist
nature of such music.
Purcell (2003) quotes one female death metal fan as hinting at dissatisfaction with
misogyny in the music, but accepting the music regardless; Purcell also describes her
own personal adoration of Cannibal Corpse, yet does not explain how she perceives the
band's misogynistic lyrics. Kahn-Harris (2003) includes a single quotation on death
metal gender issues from a female fan. Thus, questions about female identity and power
in the death metal subculture are difficult to address with the extant literature. Leblanc
(1999) did ethnographic work on female participation in the punk subculture. She found
that women joined the punk subculture in order to escape the restraints of mainstream
society and to empower themselves; however, the freedom and power they felt as punks
was tempered by their sexist treatment and marginalization within the scene by male
PR EV
IE W
punks. Although the punk and death metal subcultures are separate entities, Leblanc's is
the only work that explores female participation in and resistance to a male-dominated
youth subculture, and therefore should be noted.
In summary, although some academic works on death metal exist, few address the
issue of gender in the music and subculture. Indeed, other than the single work of
Krenske and McKay (2000) cited above, no academic work has focused on women's
experiences even in the general heavy metal subculture in depth. Thus, the present study
aims to fill a sizeable void left by previous research. It is hoped that the present study
will provide insight into the nature of women's participation in the androcentric death
metal subculture, as well as illuminating their reasons for such participation.
Chapter Three
Preliminary Study
A preliminary study was conducted by the researcher which provided initial data
from participant observation at death metal concerts, field interviews with female death
metal fans at a concert, a telephone interview with a female death metal fan who is a
metal record label executive, and archival data culled from death metal websites, online
forums, and a record label catalog. Participant observation of death metal concert
attendees reveals that few women are involved in the death metal subculture; those who
are fall into certain 'types'. Two types have been identified through preliminary data
analysis: women who 'masculinize' themselves, or dress and behave like men, and
women who exploit their sex appeal by dressing and behaving provocatively. The former
type dress in t-shirts and jeans and adopt masculine styles of speech (such as "Aw, man"
or "Dude, that sucks") and behavior (such as slapping hands as a greeting). The latter
PR EV
IE W
16
type dress in low-cut tops and short skirts, wear makeup, and behave in a traditionally
feminine manner (holding hands with/being led by men, being waited on by men, having
drinks bought for and brought to them by men). Data from field interviews (conducted at
the Houston club Walter's on Washington on December 16, 2006) indicate that female
fans who consider themselves "true fans", i.e., women who are there because they
sincerely enjoy the music and/or subculture, make a distinction between themselves and
women whom they perceive as "groupies", who are only after sex with band members or
other men in the scene. The telephone interview was conducted on November 11, 2006.
The woman interviewed, a 27-year-old Caucasian, was also quick to describe a
dichotomy between "den mothers", or true fans, and "band whores", or groupies. She
identified herself as a true fan and "tomboy", describing the masculine attire she typically
wears to concerts, and explains how her masculinization earned her respect: "By
dressing up like one of the guys, I was treated like one of the guys." She expressed
disdain for the suggestive attire of "band whores": "If you dress like a slut, you're gonna
get treated like a slut."
Websites and online forums examined included Extreme Texas Metal (ETM), The
Adversary, Endemoniada's Warboard, Whore's MySpace page, and the official Cannibal
Corpse forum. The Moribund Cult 2004 mail-order catalog provided additional material.
ETM was founded and is run by a woman; it is a major force in the Texas death metal
scene and at the time of preliminary data collection in 2005, comprised an extensive
website, an online forum, and a MySpace page. (Although ETM remains actively
involved in booking and promotions, its online presence has been scaled down over the
past two years.) The Adversary is a Houston-based entity similar to ETM that is co-
PR EV
IE W
