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Leisure Sciences An Interdisciplinary Journal

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Older Men's Perceptions of Leisure and Aging

Toni Liechty & M. Rebecca Genoe

To cite this article: Toni Liechty & M. Rebecca Genoe (2013) Older Men's Perceptions of Leisure and Aging, Leisure Sciences, 35:5, 438-454, DOI: 10.1080/01490400.2013.831287

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01490400.2013.831287

Published online: 25 Sep 2013.

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Leisure Sciences, 35: 438–454, 2013 Copyright C© Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0149-0400 print / 1521-0588 online DOI: 10.1080/01490400.2013.831287

Older Men’s Perceptions of Leisure and Aging

TONI LIECHTY

Department of Parks, Recreation and Tourism Management Clemson University Clemson, SC, USA

M. REBECCA GENOE

Faculty of Kinesiology and Health Studies University of Regina Regina, SK, Canada

As the North American population ages, detailed research will be needed to understand the leisure experiences of older adults. The purpose of this study is to explore perceptions of leisure and aging among a sample of older Canadian men. Data were collected among 15 men aged 60–70 using individual interviews and follow-up focus groups. Data were analyzed thematically and four themes emerged: the interplay between leisure and work, the desire to “give back” to family or to the community through leisure, the individual purpose of leisure choices, and viewing constraints as a reflection of priorities rather than as barriers.

Keywords aging, leisure and work, leisure constraints, older men, purposive leisure

Introduction

Older adults comprise the most rapidly growing segment of the North American population (MacNeil & Gould, 2012). The first members of the Baby Boom generation reached the age of 65 in 2011, and by 2050 more than a quarter of the North American population will be over the age of 60 (McPherson & Wister, 2008). During their later years, leisure plays a key role in quality of life as older adults face transitions such as retirement, empty nests, and widowhood (Nimrod & Janke, 2012). Therefore, leisure researchers have called for increased exploration of the leisure experiences of older adults including their perceptions of aging, their definitions of leisure, and their activity participation (Gibson, 2006; McGuire, 2000).

Recently, researchers have begun to explore experiences and meanings of leisure among older women (e.g., Cosgriff, Little, & Wilson, 2009; Dionigi, Horton, & Bellamy, 2011; Liechty & Yarnal, 2010; Son & Yarnal, 2011; Yarnal, Chick, & Kerstetter, 2008). Although researchers have noted different leisure patterns among older men and older women, little attention has specifically addressed the leisure experiences or perspectives of older men (Scraton & Holland, 2006; Weirsma & Chesser, 2011). The research that exists suggests that, for older men, leisure experiences may be complex and that life stage and generation

Received 6 July 2012; accepted 15 November 2012. Address correspondence to Toni Liechty, Department of Parks, Recreation and Tourism Management,

Clemson University, 263 Lehotsky Hall, Clemson, SC. E-mail: [email protected]

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play a role in attitudes of leisure (Genoe & Singleton, 2006; Weirsma & Chesser). For example, retirement from paid work can affect leisure by contesting men’s traditional identities (Nimrod & Janke, 2012). As the population ages, leisure service providers and leisure theorists need to better understand the unique perceptions of older adults so as to better meet their needs. The purpose of this study was to explore perceptions of leisure and aging among a sample of older Canadian men. Specific research questions included: How do older men perceive leisure during later years? What meanings do older men associate with leisure during later years? How do older men perceive leisure during and after the transition to retirement?

Literature Review

Leisure and Aging

Participation in meaningful leisure produces benefits for older adults in terms of physical, cognitive, and psychological well-being (e.g., Cohen, 2006; Nimrod, 2007; Silverstein & Parker, 2002; Son et al., 2007). Active engagement in physically active leisure is associated with reduced risk of chronic illness (e.g., diabetes, osteoporosis) and mortality (Dupuis, 2008). Engagement in mentally stimulating activities may delay the onset of dementia among older adults (Scarmeas & Stern, 2003). Additionally, leisure is ideal for developing and maintaining emotional well-being (Mannell & Snelgrove, 2012). Those who engage in physical activity and volunteering in later life tend to report increased life satisfaction, psychological well-being, improved general health, and a sense of personal growth, purpose, and learning (Bradley, 1999; Lund & Engelsrud, 2008; Netz et al., 2005).

Beyond highlighting the benefits of leisure for older adults, researchers have considered barriers to leisure in later life, including lack of time, financial limitations, care-giving re- sponsibilities, and poor health (Alexandris & Carroll, 1997; McGuire, Norman, & O’Leary, 2004; Shaw & Spokane, 2008). Research has found that both men and women face leisure constraints related to gender socialization and stereotypes (Shaw & Henderson, 2005). For example, men are often socialized to feel pressure toward work (Bopp et al., 2007), which can exacerbate leisure constraints related to time (Loh, 2009). Even in retirement, time constraints related to family and community involvement may remain (Cardenas, Henderson, & Wilson, 2009). However, Kleiber et al. (2008) have suggested that in later life constraints should not always be interpreted negatively because they may provide ben- efits such as narrowing the overwhelming number of choices to a more manageable list as well as increasing satisfaction with remaining activities. Kleiber and colleagues sug- gest that the leisure constraints of older adults must be considered more comprehensively. Similarly, Dupuis (2008) called for researchers to more broadly define leisure and aging, moving away from a focus on exercise and physical activity, to consider other aspects of leisure activities such as the social nature of leisure and the role of gender and family in participation.

Theories of Leisure and Aging

Researchers have used theories from sociology and social psychology to better understand and explain leisure and aging, including continuity theory (Atchley, 1999), activity the- ory (Havigurst & Albrecht, 1953), socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1987), and selective optimization with compensation (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). Continuity theory suggests that as people age, they must continue habits, behaviors, and activities from ear- lier life in order to adapt (Atchley, 1989, 1999; Kleiber & Genoe, 2012). With respect

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to leisure, research shows that older adults do indeed frequently experience continuity in preferences and behavior over time (Agahi, Ahacic, & Parker, 2006; Genoe & Singleton, 2006). However, leisure research also supports activity theory, which suggests that older adults should maintain activity involvement in later life, to adapt to age-related changes (Chapman, 2005; Menec, 2003). Socioemotional selectivity theory suggests that as people age, they tend to narrow their circle of friends and social activities to account for reduced resources (Carstensen, 1992). Finally, researchers have considered leisure and aging in terms of the theory of selective optimization with compensation (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). This theory suggests that older adults may optimize selected activities by reducing the total number of activities they engage in, focusing their abilities on remaining areas, and drawing on the support of others or technology to compensate for losses. Support for this theory has been found in leisure research (Genoe, 2009; Genoe & Singleton, 2006).

Using these theories, leisure and aging researchers have provided support for seem- ingly contradictory theories of aging. However, more recently, the Innovation Theory of Successful Aging has emerged, which is the first theory to focus exclusively on leisure and aging and to have emerged from the leisure field (Nimrod, 2008; Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007). Innovation theory specifically addresses the adoption of new leisure activities in later life (leisure innovation) and “proposes to consider innovation as a growth mechanism that enables one to broaden and deepen the sense of meaning in life, which leads to greater wellbeing and satisfaction with life” (Nimrod & Rotem, 2012, p. 384). Innovation Theory posits that leisure innovation may facilitate aging well because it “can be growth promoting and liberating” (Nimrod & Kleiber, p. 1), is generally intrinsically motivated, facilitates self-renewal or self-reinvention through continuation of leisure interests or exploration of new interests, and reflects consistency of activity type among individuals.

Recent research has begun to lend support to and refine Innovation Theory. Nimrod and Hutchinson (2010) explored leisure innovation among people with chronic health con- ditions and found that despite physical constraint, many participants were innovative to preserve a “sense of continuity” (p. 21). Among older tourists, Nimrod and Rotem (2012) found that innovation could be categorized as external (related to the external environment) and generally related to self-preservation, or as internal (related to self-discovery) and generally related to self-reinvention. In a study of leisure innovation among retirement-age women, Liechty, Yarnal, and Kerstetter (2012) found that participants attributed meaning to leisure innovation when it allowed them to express values, to maintain identity though leisure interests and to take advantage of previously unavailable opportunities. These re- searchers also suggested that gender might play a role in experiences of leisure innovation; however, little research has explored innovation theory specifically among men. Further- more, research has suggested that innovation theory might complement rather than replace existing theories of aging (Liechty et al., 2012; Nimrod & Hutchinson, 2010; Nimrod & Rotem, 2012). For example, the theory of selective optimization with compensation posits that with age, adults participate in preferred activities by developing strategies to com- pensate for challenges (e.g., poor health) related to aging (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). Such strategies may also include the adoption of new leisure activities or leisure innovation. By considering these theories in tandem, we can better understand leisure in later years as a time of both losses and gains (Baltes, 1995).

Older Men’s Leisure

In general, previous research on leisure and aging indicates that leisure engagement tends to decrease with age (Janke, Davey, & Kleiber, 2006). Older adults have a propensity to choose activities that are less challenging and less physically demanding, and are less likely

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to begin new activities. Some research, however, indicates that older adults, specifically around the transition to retirement, do seek out new leisure pursuits, leading to increased life satisfaction (Liechty et al., 2012; Nimrod, 2008; Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007). This may be especially true for current retirees or those nearing retirement because they are likely to be markedly different from previous generations in terms of both social and demographic characteristics (Pruchno, 2012); they have higher education levels (Frey, 2010), more discretionary income, and fewer perceived societal constraints to leisure (Freedman, 2002; Liechty et al., 2012).

Research has suggested that meaningful leisure can play a key role for men in coping with the transition to retirement by facilitating the maintenance of valued relationships and engagement in physical and mental activity (Nimrod & Janke, 2012). However, there is little research on leisure and the transition to retirement, and especially about men’s leisure, particularly from a gendered perspective (Genoe & Singleton, 2006; Joseph, 2012; Russell, 2007). Data do show, however, that older men are more likely to choose familiar leisure activities, often similar in nature to their lifelong careers (Genoe & Singleton, 2006), although Russell (2007) notes that older men rejected seniors’ group activities, preferring to engage in leisure on their own terms. Furthermore, Naim (2009) found that for men, retirement can represent a turning point which affects identity and that engagement in meaningful leisure can serve as a replacement for work as men re-construct their identity.

Men’s perceptions and experiences of leisure in later life may be influenced by hege- monic masculinity (Genoe & Singleton, 2006), which emphasizes the importance of work, maintenance of physical strength, and the rejection of characteristics considered feminine. Standards of masculinity include strength, success, being in control, reliability, and capa- bility (Kimmel, 1994). Pressure to adhere to a rigid definition of masculinity and threats to masculinity with age may impact participation in activities such as family-oriented leisure, which is often seen as a feminine leisure choice (Scraton & Holland, 2006). Similarly, Joseph (2012) noted the influence of hegemonic masculinity among older Caribbean- Canadian men who used leisure based on alcohol to mask effects of old age and “to embrace and challenge dominant gender stereotypes” (p. 147).

Methods

The purpose of this study was to understand Canadian men’s perceptions and experiences of leisure and aging. Because little research has been done on this topic, a qualitative research design was appropriate to allow the voices of the participants to be heard (Henderson, 2006). Qualitative approaches allow a focus on the lived experiences of the participants, acknowledgement of multiple viewpoints, and privileging participants’ interpretations and meanings associated with leisure (Dionigi et al., 2011; Merriam, 2009).

Participants

We sampled men between the ages of 60 and 70, choosing this age range because research suggests that older adults in this life stage (either recently retired, nearing retirement, or transitioning to retirement) are likely to adopt new leisure activities and have an increased awareness of leisure (Liechty et al., 2012; Nimrod, 2008). To ensure a wide range of perspectives, purposive sampling was used to recruit participants who represented a diverse range in terms of work status (retired, working full-time, and working part-time as a transition to retirement), education, and previous or current career fields. Volunteers were recruited through fliers posted in recreation and senior centers, third parties known to the participant and the researcher, and through snowball sampling. Recruiting through third

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parties and snowball sampling improved access to the population of interest and assisted in developing rapport (Patton, 2002). To avoid recruiting from only one social circle, we recruited several unacquainted participants before snowballing was used.

All participants were Caucasian and married; the mean age was 65 years. Six par- ticipants were retired, six employed full-time, and three employed part-time. Participants reported education levels ranging from grade 10 to doctoral degrees and described working in careers including government, business, skilled labor, education, and finance. Although participants all lived in southern Saskatchewan at the time of data collection, five were originally from other Canadian provinces (e.g., Alberta, Ontario, Quebec), and three were from Europe. All participants spoke fluent English.

Data Collection

Data were collected using individual interviews and follow-up focus groups. The individual interviews allowed participants to freely discuss personal experiences in a private setting and to develop a relationship with the interviewer (Henderson, 2006). The follow-up focus groups facilitated verification of initial analysis, clarification of topics introduced earlier, and social interaction among the participants (Liechty et al., 2012, Ritchie & Lewis, 2003). All interviews and focus groups were conducted by the first author, who has experience conducting interviews and focus groups with older adults, to develop rapport and ensure consistency.

Phase one. Each participant completed a semi-structured interview that lasted from one to two hours and was conducted in a location of his choice (e.g., home, office, or university campus). The participant was asked to describe things he liked to do in his free time, his definition of leisure, his leisure activities across the lifecourse, attitudes about retirement (including experiences for those retired and plans for those working), and experiences and perceptions of leisure and aging. In addition, probing questions (e.g., “has your leisure changed since you retired?”) helped to clarify and elaborate responses. At the conclusion of each interview, participants were invited to attend a follow-up focus group and each responded positively.

Interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. Throughout the data collection process, we analyzed the transcripts using line-by-line initial coding in the constant comparison method (Charmaz, 2006; Wood & Danylchuk, 2011). We continued to recruit and interview participants until when coding the 12th interview no new codes emerged, suggesting that the data had reached theoretical saturation (Henderson, 2006). At this point, we conducted the three remaining scheduled interviews to confirm emerging themes and concluded phase one of data collection.

Phase two. To expand on and clarify interview data, we conducted three focus groups with the original participants. Each focus group was attended by four to six participants based on their availability. Fourteen participants completed an individual interview and attended one focus group. The 15th participant completed an interview but could not attend a focus group due to scheduling conflicts and therefore responded to focus group questions electronically. After the focus groups were complete, he was sent a file containing the focus group questions and a summary of the responses of the men present. He added his comments to the document and returned it via email.

The moderator’s guide for the focus groups was based on the initial analysis of the interview data. Several questions presented initial interpretations and data analysis. For example, “We heard some of you saying that your leisure activities are often chosen with a

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specific purpose in mind. Does this resonate with the rest of you?” This strategy engendered social dialogue and provided clarity as to the range of perspectives. The focus groups were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. The speakers of all relevant comments could be identified by voice, so participants were assigned pseudonyms to ensure confidentiality.

Data Analysis

Interview and focus group transcripts were analyzed using the constant comparison method (Merriam, 2009). After reading and re-reading each transcript, we used initial and focused coding to reduce the data to categories (Charmaz, 2006). We coded the individual interview transcripts first and then coded the focus group and email transcripts using the same framework. Because coding the phase two data did not change the nature of the original codes, we combined all transcripts into one dataset. We then used selective coding to refine and integrate categories into themes (Glaser & Holton, 2004). During this step, we compared the categories to the original transcripts, explored the diversity in the data, and searched for disconfirming evidence (Charmaz, 2006). During each stage of analysis the first author did the preliminary analysis and the second author acted as a “critical friend” to promote reflection and alternative interpretations (Marshall & Rossman, 2006; Phoenix & Griffin, 2013). Throughout the analysis process, we used memo-writing and debriefing to help generate new codes, clarify and define codes, and clarify the connections between codes (Creswell, 2009; Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

We used several strategies to ensure trustworthiness including note-taking, debriefing, memo writing, and member checks (Creswell, 2009). Collecting data through a combination of interviews and focus groups increased rapport, improved the richness of the data, and provided a means of member checking in which analysis of the interview data could be presented to participants for verification (Patton, 2002). Finally, after data analysis was complete, we conducted further member checks by sending a summary of results to each participant via email and requesting feedback. Of the nine who responded, each agreed that he was accurately represented and three provided additional comments.

Results

Participants discussed their perceptions of leisure and aging in the context of a range of activities including physical activity, volunteering, artistic pursuits, social activities, intel- lectual exercises, and outdoor recreation. Many participants viewed leisure participation during retirement years as a continuation of the lifestyle they had developed during working years. Others viewed leisure in later life as a means to a larger goal, such as beginning a new life phase or maintaining physical and mental abilities. Most participants viewed aging positively; they considered the later years as a time to increase participation in leisure, try new activities, and contribute to the community. Major themes included: the interplay between work and leisure, using skills to “give back” through leisure involvement, in- creased intentionality or purpose in leisure choices, and viewing constraints as a reflection of priorities rather than as barriers.

The Work/Leisure Interplay: “To Me, Leisure Is Anything Outside of Your Work”

For many participants, the definition and experience of leisure was heavily connected to attitudes toward work. When asked to define leisure, several participants responded that leisure was anything that was not work. Marc, who was working full-time, even commented that he considered attending the focus group to be leisure because he was “out of the office.”

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Even those who said they enjoyed their work explained that they would not generally consider it to be leisure because of work pressures, the fact that they relied upon it for income, or because of the obligation they felt. This concept is highlighted by the following focus group excerpt.

Marc (age 60): What matters is if you don’t feel that you can just walk away [from work] . . . because . . . that’s how you earn your living . . . that’s pretty important.

Nathan (68): . . .and there is no risk to your lifestyle [in leisure as compared to work] . . . to try something new . . . you can back out of it. . .

Lucas (61) . . .a key thing for me with leisure is that lack of pressure, lack of deadlines that you have with work.

Participants particularly emphasized the importance of choice in defining work and leisure. For example, Sean described his involvement in politics which began only after retirement. Although he had been paid on some occasions, he considered political involvement to be leisure because he had the choice to “say no, or quit at any time.”

Participants also discussed their perceptions of leisure during retirement by describing their increased feelings of flexibility and freedom. William, a retired warehouse worker, commented, “ . . . your definition of leisure changes because leisure . . . to me is anything outside of your work . . . unless you’ve got a job that you really like, which most of us never did have . . . So once you’re retired . . . whatever you do, you do on your own time.” Some considered the same activities done while working to be leisure when done outside of paid work. Owen, a retired commercial painter and stone mason, explained that in retirement he considered helping a friend paint her house to be leisure because it was “not tied to a schedule” and he didn’t feel pressure to “get it done in the estimated time.” Similarly, William explained that he even enjoyed his leisure activities more in retirement because he had the “flexibility” to do them when he chose.

Participants also connected leisure and work when they talked about retirement. While some described a period of adjustment as they determined how to allocate their time without full-time work, most viewed retirement as an opportunity. Several described returning to activities they had done in their youth (e.g., playing a musical instrument) or becoming engaged in activities they had not had time for while working full time (e.g., volunteering). Xavier, who was planning to retire in six months, viewed retirement as an exciting new life stage into which he had already begun transitioning. He explained, “My co-workers tell me, ‘we’ll see you within a year, you’ll be back’ . . . and I tell them, ‘I don’t think so!’ (laughter) . . . My mind is already engaging in many other things and I see this as turning point in my life.” Similarly, several participants described their retirement as filled with activity, that they were “always doing something.” Participants explained that being heavily involved in leisure activities was not only common, but desirable. Alex commented, “I really actually believe it’s more beneficial to stay busy and I know that’s kind of a new wave of thinking but I think the business keeps you fresh.”

Whether currently retired or describing future retirement, participants viewed retire- ment from full-time work as a new life stage rather than as a time to rest. This was particularly true of participants who were retired, who were less likely to describe leisure as a way to relax or relieve stress, compared to those who were working full time. Several participants described taking on part-time or contract work after retirement or becoming actively involved with community groups or volunteer work (often in the same area of their paid work). During a focus group, Lucas, who was preparing to retire, observed,

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. . . one of the things that my wife and I find . . . unexpected is the concept that others have of what we should be doing in retirement (agreement and laugh- ter) . . . Our mothers . . . cannot understand why we just don’t pull out the rocking chairs and sit on the patio and watch the robins build nests . . . that is a different generation . . . you have to identify what [leisure] means for you.

Similarly, Nathan, a retired teacher explained that during his retirement he was busy and sometimes took on contract work but that he considered all of his activities to be leisure because he did them by choice and found them enjoyable. He emphasized that he viewed retirement as a time to “choose my own path.” He commented, “ . . . my wife says I’m not retired and I just assure her that I am working on my own definition of retirement . . . I do what I want to do when I want to do it.”

Giving Something Back: “I Think We’ve Got Something to Pass On”

For many participants, leisure was seen as an opportunity to use skills and knowledge gained during working years in order to benefit family members or the community at large. Alex, a retired youth corrections officer, described volunteering with a program for at-risk youth in order to utilize his skills to improve the lives of the next generation. He remarked, “I think we’ve got something to pass on . . . that’s why I work with these boys on the weekend . . . why would I let that go to waste if it can bear some fruit?” Similarly, Sean explained that during his career as a real estate agent, he developed strong leadership and interpersonal skills. Since his retirement, he had become heavily involved in politics because he wanted to use his skills to benefit his community.

Xavier perceived that the need to utilize skills and “give back” to the community was a function of his life stage. He said that after working as a geologist and gaining skills related to nature and the outdoors, he planned to spend his retirement years sharing his knowledge with the next generation. He commented,

I don’t want to become elderly, I want to become an elder . . . an elderly is just somebody whose hair . . . turn[s] white and . . . play[s] golf . . . I want to be able to contribute . . . to society for the next 10–15 years, whatever I have left. And I want to be able to use . . . the skills I have acquired in nature . . . I want . . . to be able to share these skills.

Similarly, Steven believed that his long career working in the area of social justice gave him the “wisdom and experience” to be involved in social activism in the community during his retirement. Participants emphasized that the unique skills and experience which allowed them to “give back” was a result of their age and the work they did prior to retirement.

Nearly all participants, whether working or retired, described making leisure choices for the benefit of family members or to maintain valued familial relationships. This included activities such as traveling to visit adult children, choosing activities their wives enjoyed, or babysitting grandchildren. For example, Xavier described specifically choosing to become more involved in kayaking because it provided a meaningful annual trip he could enjoy with his adult sons. Others described becoming involved in coaching to support children or grandchildren in their preferred sports. Ben, a retired computer programmer, described becoming heavily involved in exercise with the motivation of maintaining his health and ability to be able to do things for his wife (e.g., yard work, household chores) and play with his grandchildren. He commented, “I am not only doing some things ‘just for me’ but for her and the family especially when it comes to my physical fitness. I want to live as healthy

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physically and mentally for as long as I possibly can, in order to be active not only for her but for my grandkids.”

Leisure’s Purpose: “For Me, Leisure Has to Be Mind Expanding or Body Expanding”

Many participants described leisure activities as being chosen for an intended outcome related to improving their personal lives. For example, Simon explained that immediately after retiring from his work in agri-business he spent a lot of time “feeling really bored, just sitting watching TV,” which he felt “wasn’t particularly meaningful.” After being retired for a few years, he sought out opportunities to become involved in community groups to add purpose to his life and keep from “becoming a hermit.” He commented, “[I volunteer] because I like to have some sort of structure or purpose or something that gives my life some meaningfulness. I don’t want to go back to just watching videos.” Other participants described intentionally choosing leisure activities that would improve their physical health or help them maintain mental functioning. Furthermore, participants felt that with age, they had become more aware of the purpose or intentionality of their leisure choices.

Several participants described the purpose as providing multiple benefits including status in the community and life balance. During a focus group, Owen summarized the discussion by saying,

You want to keep reasonably fit to stay alive and . . . keep you your mind ac- tive . . . it’s a whole gamut of stuff . . . And if you’ve got a wide span of activities you have a wide span of . . . experience and . . . that all contributes to yourself be- ing someone that people want to talk to . . . and feeling like a worthwhile person in the community.

For those who were still working full time, the purpose of leisure choices was often discussed as providing balance in terms of compensation for aspects of work. For example, Marty, who worked in an administrative position commented, “Most of the things I do for leisure, I do to relieve stress . . . like badminton . . . We spend a long time, at least I do . . . sitting a lot . . . in front of computer screens . . . so I like to get out and move.” Similarly, Lucas, a university professor, explained,

. . . for leisure, I like it to be mindless, because I’m mindful most of the time in what I do. But the other thing is to do just things that are totally different . . . like I read science fiction or . . . the kind of books that take me away from the ordinary world . . . so that I can think about different kinds of things or something new.

Several participants chose activities for the challenge they presented; this was particularly true for men who were retired or did not find their work challenging. For example, Marc, who had at one time worked as a mechanic but currently worked a management job, described restoring a classic car in his garage because it challenged his skills. Similarly, Simon explained that he had joined a philharmonic chorus during his retirement because he found learning a new skill demanding and engaging. He commented, “The [other singers] are a bit better than me . . . which is good because that keeps it (pause) challenging . . . its hard work . . . so my brain’s kind of buzzing when I leave there and that’s (pause) that feels good.” Several of the participants described the desire to challenge themselves through leisure (e.g., fitness walking, doing Sudoku puzzles) as they aged to seek specific physical and mental benefits and often associated these benefits with the ultimate goal of maintaining independence as they aged.

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The purpose of leisure choices varied widely across the sample. In fact, several partic- ipants stressed that the purpose of leisure participation must be defined by the individual and that the purpose might simply be to relax and enjoy oneself. When the topic was raised during a focus group, Steven, who worked part-time as a union organizer, commented,

. . . that sort of bothers me, though, when people . . . talk to me about . . . what am I doing . . . as if I have to do something . . . I think everything is purposeful but I am not sure that it is purposeful in terms of creating something . . . or achieving something . . . For me sitting in my chair and having a beer, I do that to relax.

Other participants perceived that certain activities had value judgments associated. They explained that they sometimes chose activities (such as physical activities) out of “guilt” and that the activities they “should” be doing were not always the ones they felt met their needs. For example, during his interview Simon commented, “I was kind of worried that I would come in here and you would shout at me for not doing more exercise and that stuff (laughs). I guess I do a bit, but that’s just not what gets me excited.”

Constraints as a Reflection of Priorities: “If I Want to Do Something, I’ll Do It”

When asked about constraints to participation or satisfaction in their leisure, some partic- ipants listed structural constraints such as time, cost, and weather. For example, several mentioned outdoor activities (e.g., biking, walking) that they did less often in the winter. Some described physical limitations that had forced them to modify their participation in physically demanding activities.

Upon reflection, however, most participants rejected the idea that these challenges were finite barriers and instead described them as “rationalization, just excuses” (Marty) or as simply a “reflection of priorities” (Jacob). For example, Simon, who lived in a small town outside of a larger city, commented,

I can usually find these reasons for not doing things and I think it is probably mostly excuses. I always kind of rationalize and say, ‘well, living in [small town] is not quite as convenient for some leisure activities’ . . . I kind of think I would like to swim more, but . . . if we move into [city] will I really swim more? I’m not sure I really will . . . I drive in once a week to practice with the philharmonic chorus because I just sort of make that a priority . . . I could do the same for swimming, but I haven’t, so it must be a priority issue.

Participants generally perceived constraints as “excuses” for not participating in activities that they felt pressure to do (generally physical or social activities), but were not motivated to do. Alex remarked, “People say to me, ‘well I don’t have time’ and I think you just make the time . . . so [a friend] says he can’t make the Monday night bridge lessons. I say, ‘doesn’t sound like you really want to because if you did you would make time for it’ . . . end of story.” This attitude was expressed by both retired participants and those still working.

Furthermore, participants did not view age as a barrier to trying new activities. Sev- eral participants expressed confidence in learning to use new technology such as online communication and education. Marc commented, “I’m on Skype all the time chatting with my grandkids.” Similarly, Sean described taking guitar lessons from a teacher in New Zealand through online communication. In fact, Jack, a retired stock broker, explained that he considered his age an asset rather than a barrier, as he pursued further education and

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volunteer opportunities because he felt it gave him credibility. Although some participants cited aging-related physical limitations which required adaptation, these were generally viewed as a natural part of the aging process rather than barriers to leisure. After discussing his son’s interest in kite surfing, Jacob remarked, “I probably won’t try that. (laughs) And it isn’t a barrier really, it’s more common sense . . . that would take a lot of time and some strength and stuff you’d have to develop and I’m just not stupid enough.”

Participants also described many instances of constraint negotiation through modifying the activity or changing their perspectives as to the activities they desired. For example, Jack described wanting to participate in activities with his wife and the need to accommodate her disability. He explained,

. . . my wife has very bad feet . . . she can’t go hiking, she can’t go biking etc. Those are the kinds of things that I love to do . . . but when I hiked the West Coast trail . . . my wife’s sister and her mother flew out and they spent a week doing high tea and carriage rides, whale watching, while I spent seven days hiking the west coast trail. It worked out beautifully.

Other participants described strategies to negotiate financial barriers such as traveling “in the shoulder season to get the deals” (Sean). Doug, a retired government employee, explained that his wife suffered a serious fall when walking in icy weather leaving them afraid to continue their walking routine, so they sought out and found a facility where they could walk indoors. Most participants felt that overall they experienced few constraints which could not be negotiated in relation to the activities they desired.

Participants often explained that the perceived lack of constraints was related to their attitudes about leisure: if a constraint was related to a less-prioritized activity, it was of little concern. For example, Sean commented, “I think as I’ve grown older . . . I just find that I’m thoroughly enjoying what I am doing because . . . I never think of things I can’t do, cause if I can’t do them I can always turn in my head and do something else.” Similarly, Lucas explained that although he did not feel he had much time for leisure, he simply had to “make choices about . . . what you want to do and why you want to do it.” Xavier described struggling with illness and its impact on his ability to participate in outdoor recreation, but that he decided to find joy in the leisure he could participate in. He explained, “I still go out and ski (pause) but instead of skiing for three hours . . . I ski for half an hour . . . I learned to cope with that . . . and you just love every minute of it.”

Discussion

Findings of this study suggest that men have unique attitudes and experiences of leisure and aging, based on particular connections to work experiences. Participants viewed their later years and retirement as a time to use their skills and knowledge to benefit others through activities such as family leisure and civic engagement. They also felt that as they grew older, they became more aware of their leisure choices and the benefits they desired from leisure. They felt that leisure constraints are not insurmountable barriers but rather factors to be dealt with or excuses that reflect the activities they do not prioritize.

Role of Gender in Perceptions of Leisure

Participants in this study described their perceptions and experiences of leisure in relation to work, compared their experience of leisure in retirement by making comparisons to work, and described a desire to utilize skills gained through work during retirement leisure choices.

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Participants’ experiences of and attitudes toward leisure differed from those typically expressed by older women. Research suggests that for older women, leisure provides an arena for empowerment, self-care, self-expression, developing social networks, and developing a new sense of identity (Hutchinson & Wexler, 2007; Liechty et al., 2012; Sawchuk, 2009; Wood & Danylchuk, 2011; Yarnal, Son, & Liechty, 2011). In midlife and later years, women often develop new leisure activities to fill time once filled by domestic responsibilities as they seek to “carve out time and space just for themselves and their chosen leisure pursuits” (Stalp, 2006, p. 193). In contrast, men in this study discussed maintaining a connection to their working years or participating in activities related to work even during retirement. Rather than seeing later years as “my time” to have fun through leisure (Yarnal et al., 2008), participants expressed the desire to utilize work-related abilities and skills by “giving back” to the community and to loved ones.

The findings support work by Genoe and Singleton (2006) with men in their 70s and 80s, which suggested that for older men, hegemonic masculinity played a role in their leisure choices. Participants felt that leisure should be used to maintain physical strength and expressed the desire to maintain efforts related to work in their leisure time. In our study, hegemonic masculinity was shown as the men described using leisure to maintain capacities with age and to contribute to the community through work-related skills. These participants stressed the importance of work and supporting their families, even though none of them had children living at home. Indeed, doing so was a key part of their identities, suggesting that men continue to feel pressure toward work and toward the role of breadwinner even in or nearing retirement.

However, Wiersma and Chesser (2011) caution use of hegemonic masculinity, as it may portray a “stereotypical ideal that is evident in our society and culture, but one that is lived relationally and actively constructed and reconstructed by men” (p. 244). While the men’s leisure perceptions highlighted some key aspects of hegemonic masculinity, they also diverged from the “ideal” as many also described perceptions that their leisure had an emphasis on family, a concept generally explored among women. Furthermore participants tended to view grandfatherhood as leisure, and they intentionally chose leisure activities for the purpose of visiting adult children and developing relationships with grandchildren. This contradicts research by Scraton and Holland (2006) with a group of older men living in England, in which participants often viewed grandfatherhood as an obligation. One of the possible reasons for differing results is marital status. Scraton and Holland found that those who were divorced or separated were more likely to spend time with grandchildren. All 15 participants in the current sample were married. It is possible that positive leisure experiences for grandfathers and grandchildren are facilitated through grandmothers and reduced by strained adult family relationships. These findings highlight the importance of considering the role of gender in family leisure and in coordinating meaningful leisure activities with increased age (Buswell et al., 2012; Dupuis, 2008).

Role of Aging in Perceptions of Leisure

The findings suggested that men in or nearing retirement sought out active participation in leisure activities such as volunteering, learning as leisure, and taking up new hobbies (Nazarath, 2007). Participants in this study did not view their later years as a time to “pull out the rocking chairs,” as they believed their parents did. They saw later life as a time for contributing to the community, and maintaining abilities through a wide variety of leisure activities. They viewed aging positively rather than as a barrier to leisure and used leisure to provide balance, challenge, and increased meaning in life as they redefined leisure in later years. The findings provide insight into the concept of purposive leisure (Shaw &

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Dawson, 2001). According to Shaw and Dawson, purposive leisure is planned and executed to achieve specific goals such as facilitating family cohesion or teaching children about healthy, active lifestyles. For participants in the current study, purposive leisure extended past the stage at which they had children living at home and continued into retirement, suggesting that the concept of purposive leisure may be salient for individuals across the life course.

These findings suggest that leisure contributes to the well-being of retirement-age men. Perceptions of leisure and its benefits among the participants led to engagement in activities aimed at helping to adjust to age related changes, including both aging bodies, and social changes that occur as one leaves the work place after many years of structure and routine. Some leisure activities such as civic engagement allowed participants to maintain a sense of identity and status in the community that was once facilitated by work. Leisure also provided a continued degree of structure and routine for participants, yet it allowed them to expand their perspectives of themselves by trying new activities, utilizing their skills in new ways, and having the freedom to define what was meaningful about their leisure. While these findings broaden definitions of leisure in later life, more research is needed to fully understand meanings of leisure among diverse groups as our sample of retirement aged men was relatively homogenous. Longitudinal research would lend insight into how perceptions of leisure and retirement change over time and as older men experience a range of transitions associated with later life, such as widowhood, illness, or disability.

Finally, the findings highlight the need to reconsider the role of constraints in later life. Participants viewed leisure constraints as simply factors to be negotiated, natural aspects of aging, or a reflection of priorities. Most participants believed that activities they could not do for reasons such as finances, time, weather, or physical limitations were of little concern because they could simply choose another activity or enjoy themselves in the level to which they could participate. The findings support the arguments of Kleiber et al. (2008) who suggested that leisure constraints in later life may not necessarily be negative as they may help narrow the list of choices and increase the meaning of leisure.

Implications for Theory and Future Research

Our findings have important implications for theory related to leisure and aging. Partici- pants in our sample reported experiences indicative of the tenets of several theories. Par- ticipants described continuing leisure activities past their working years as a way to adapt to changes with retirement (continuity theory), but also demonstrated support for activity theory as they replaced lost roles by adopting new activities. Participants also demonstrated support for socio-emotional selectivity theory as they focused on leisure activities engaged in with immediate family and close friends rather than a large circle of acquaintances. The theory of selective optimization with compensation was also supported, as participants focused their abilities in selected meaningful activities. Furthermore, several participants described using resources to compensate for losses, such as using technology to communi- cate with adult children living far away.

Participants described experiences of leisure innovation as they adopted new activ- ities to provide challenge, balance, meaning, and continuity to their lives. Our findings particularly highlighted the role of gender in the experiences of or motivations for leisure innovation. Campbell and Yang (2011) found that retired Chinese women, influenced by traditional cultural values, used leisure innovation to either maintain a sense of personal continuity or to establish a new identity. Liechty and colleagues (2012) found that leisure innovation was triggered by increased perceived freedom and purposive life change, and that positive outcomes of innovation included increased self-confidence, independence, and

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Men’s Perceptions of Leisure and Aging 451

improved social connections. In contrast, men in our sample often used leisure innovation to preserve a sense of identity (generally related to work), but they rarely described using innovation to re-invent or establish a new sense of identity. One possible explanation for these differences is that women may have experienced more social barriers to leisure during their youth than men. Another reason may be that men may have experienced a greater level of social status and identity related to work than women. The findings highlight the complexity of leisure and aging for men in this life stage and support the argument that Innovation Theory should continued to be developed as a unique theory of leisure and aging, but might be best used in combination with other theories to more fully understand experiences of leisure in later life (Liechty et al., 2012; Nimrod & Hutchinson, 2010; Nimrod & Rotem, 2012).

Conclusion

Our findings highlight the optimism and purpose with which retirement-age men viewed leisure and aging as well as the complexity of their experiences. The findings demonstrated the need for future research to consider different life domains to understand the leisure experiences of older men. The findings also highlight the need to re-assess and refine concepts such as leisure constraints and purposive leisure as they apply to aging populations. Finally, this study highlighted the need for leisure researchers to continue contributing to the development of theories of aging.

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