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Engaging Boys and Men in Sexual Assault Prevention. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-819202-3.00003-1 Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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5The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression: Theory, research, and implications for prevention

Julia O’Connora and Sarah McMahonb

aUniversity of Central Florida, School of Social Work, Orlando, FL, United States, bRutgers University,

School of Social Work, New Brunswick, NJ, United States

Introduction Changing problematic attitudes about sexual violence, or “rape myths,” has remained a central focus of sexual violence prevention efforts and research for a number of decades. The following chapter reviews the role of rape myth beliefs in sexual violence prevention including its conceptualization, measure- ment, correlates, and ability to predict the perpetration of sexual aggression. The chapter concludes with a review of how rape myths are addressed in the context of prevention as well as future areas needing investigation.

The definition and significance of rape myths Rape myth beliefs were first developed as a concept in the 1970s by researchers who noted that these sexist beliefs function to obscure the nature of sexual aggression against women by excusing those who perpetrate such acts, namely men, while blaming victims, women, and minimizing or justifying acts of rape (Brownmiller, 1975; Edwards, Turchik, Dardis, Reynolds, & Gidycz, 2011; Schwendinger & Schwendinger, 1974). More specifically, Burt (1980) suggested that rape myths are “prejudicial, ste- reotyped or false beliefs about rape, rape victims and rapists” (p. 217). She identified a number of individual types of rape myths, including (1) good girls do not get raped, (2) women can fight off rape if they really want, (3) women falsely accuse men of rape for revenge, (4) women ask for it, and (5) rapists are sex starved and/or mentally ill (Burt, 1980). Burt’s work came around the time that feminist scholars and activists introduced the idea of “acquaintance rape,” noting that most sexual assaults are perpetrated by assailants known to the victim (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Warshaw, 1988). This refuted a widely held, yet false, belief that rape was committed by strangers jumping out of the bushes at night (Anderson, 2007). Other long-held beliefs challenged by early feminist work include the following: rape only was perpetrated with physical force; it could not happen within marriage;

98 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

women needed to demonstrate physical resistance to rape, including evidence of injury; women could bring sexual violence on themselves by dressing in a certain manner, walking alone at night, or drink- ing; and only certain types of men committed sexual assault, such as the mentally ill, criminals, or men of color (Donat & D'Emilio, 1992; Du Mont, Miller, & Myhr, 2003; Edwards et al., 2011; Yllo, 1999). These beliefs created stereotypes about what type of person was a “real victim” of rape and under what circumstances sexual violence was considered “real rape” (Du Mont et al., 2003; Estrich, 1987; McMahon & Schwartz, 2011). Burt’s work, along with that of other scholars and activists, used feminist theory to highlight the role of power in sexual violence, challenging the long-standing notion that rape was about sexual desire and exposing the reality that sexual assault was widespread and rooted in patriarchy.

Since this early feminist work, a number of researchers have expanded our understanding of rape myths, but many argue that these early rape myth beliefs identified by Burt and others still persist today (Edwards et al., 2011). For example, the myth that women falsely accuse men of rape has persisted since it was first identified by researchers, and the proliferation of this rape myth is common in both the media and within rape trials (Edwards et al., 2011). Likewise, in analysis of media coverage of rape cases, O'Hara (2012) found that rape myths, including those that blamed the victim for using alcohol, were articulated by the media. Such beliefs are also held by law enforcement officers on campuses (Smith, Bouffard, & Wilkes, 2016) and have been found in police records (Shaw, Campbell, Cain, & Feeney, 2016) indicating that rape myth beliefs influence how rape cases are investigated and ulti- mately may affect the outcome of rape trials.

Rape myth beliefs are a significant focus for sexual violence prevention programs for several reasons. First, based on theories such as the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 2005), attitudes can act as a predictor of actual behavior. There is some evidence that rape myths function in this way, as a number of studies have demonstrated that rape myth beliefs are associated with sexual aggression perpetration (Murnen, Wright, & Kaluzny, 2002; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010; Tharp et al., 2012; Yapp & Quayle, 2018). The theory of planned behavior also suggests that in order to prevent or stop the behavior in question, in this case sexual aggression perpetration, attitudinal change is a necessary prerequisite; thus change in rape myth beliefs would be needed in order to prevent perpetration of sexual aggression.

Second, rape myth beliefs may serve as indicators of individuals’ own “scripts,” that is, a series of expected behaviors and actions about both those who perpetrate sexual aggression and victims of rape, thereby impacting how individuals understand and address the causes of sexual violence and attribute blame (Grubb & Turner, 2012). In turn, rape myth beliefs and associated scripts can impact prevention efforts. For example, rape myth endorsement has been demonstrated to reduce bystanders’ intentions to intervene in cases of sexual violence (Hust, Rodgers, Ebreo, & Stefani, 2016; McMahon, 2010). In addition, our scripts affect our ability to respond to victims. For example, research demonstrates that people who endorse rape myths are more likely blame victims for their own rape (Grubb & Turner, 2012) which in turn has implications for jury trials (Dinos, Burrowes, Hammond, & Cunliffe, 2015), may lead to police officers blaming victims for their own assaults (Parratt & Pina, 2017; Shaw et al., 2016), and even affect prosecution rates (Campbell, Wasco, Ahrens, Sefl, & Barnes, 2001). In sum- mary, research indicates that rape myths have significant real-world effects including an association with sexual aggression perpetration. Ultimately, these findings are important for sexual violence pre- vention efforts that work to reduce rape myth beliefs with the end goal of reducing sexual aggression perpetration rates.

99 Historical development of the concept

Theoretical frameworks for understanding rape myths There are several theories which may clarify rape myths’ origins. First is the just world theory (Kleinke & Meyer, 1990; Lerner & Matthews, 1967), the most commonly used theory to explain victim blaming (Grubb & Harrower, 2008). The just world theory suggests that individuals, in an attempt to maintain perceived control of their environment, believe that people “get what they deserve.” In the case of rape, women are perceived to have provoked their own rape due to some performed action (e.g., dressing provocatively) and thus people believe, victims can prevent their own sexual assault by not performing such actions. This type of thinking serves as cognitive protection for individuals who would otherwise be overwhelmed by a world in which sexual assault can happen to anyone without reason.

Another theory, sexual scripting theory (Gagnon & Simon, 1973; Simon & Gagnon, 1987) suggests that cultural guidelines around sex are gendered such that men are expected to pursue sex while women act as gatekeepers; these scripts contribute to sexual assault through the creation and maintenance of gendered cultural norms that place women in positions of relative vulnerability and men in positions of power (Bay-Cheng & Eliseo-Arras, 2008; Hust, Rodgers, & Bayly, 2017).

Finally, using the socioecological framework, some scholars and practitioners argue that rape myth beliefs also reinforce a larger “rape culture” that both excuses and condones violence against women through attitudes and beliefs, such as rape myth beliefs, and hostility toward women. Similarly, Sanday (1981) suggests that there are “rape-prone” cultures where sexual violence is more prevalent, driven by male domination, gender divisions or separation, and interpersonal violence—factors which are more present in rape-prone cultures compared to nonrape-prone cultures. Furthermore, rape-prone cultures are those in which men exert their power and control through rape. Finally, Sanday points out that such violence is culturally conditioned and can be prevented through addressing those cultural forces that promote rape culture.

Historical development of the concept Sexual violence emerged as an issue through the efforts of the feminist movement in the 1970s, as small consciousness-raising groups focused on issues such as media coverage and policies (Bevacqua, 2000). The feminist movement brought the issue of sexual violence to the public’s attention, calling for the elimination of rape, which would entail a focus on the patriarchy and action via law enforcement to hold those who perpetrate sexual aggression accountable (Bevacqua, 2000). Early scholarly work by sociolo- gists and feminists on the topic of rape myth beliefs conceptualized the idea and laid the groundwork for early empirical studies on rape myth endorsement (Brownmiller, 1975; Schwendinger & Schwendinger, 1974). Burt’s (1980) landmark study conducted on rape myths found a relationship between rape myth beliefs, sexual role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence (Burt, 1980). In the decade following Burt’s (1980) study, several researchers further refined the con- ceptualization and measurement of rape (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999). In the earliest of these papers, Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994) carefully reviewed rape myth be- liefs and expanded the conceptualization of rape myth beliefs to include the commonly held perceptions that some victims deserve to be raped and perceptions about those who perpetrate sexual aggression’s character or motivations. Payne et al. (1999) expanded the definition of rape myths to “attitudes and be- liefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male

100 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

sexual aggression against women” (p. 158). This definition is still widely used by researchers today. In addition to clarifying the definition, Lonsway and Fitzgerald suggested that rape myth beliefs measures suffered from lack of adequate psychometric investigation and proposed that improved measures might include separate domains to capture differing types of rape myth beliefs.

In the following years, Payne et al. (1999) examined rape myth beliefs’ psychometric properties through a series of six studies and developed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) as well as the short form of the IRMA, both of which are widely used today. In their study Payne and colleagues (1999), using the IRMA, identified seven types of rape myths beliefs along with the overall general component. The subscales included: (1) She asked for it; (2) It wasn’t really rape; (3) He didn’t mean to; (4) She wanted it; (5) She lied; (6) Rape is a trivial event; and (7) Rape is a deviant event. In addition to refining the wording of rape myth belief items and identifying the subscales as separate types of myths, Payne et al. (1999) also identified new types of rape myth beliefs that had not been pre- viously identified by researchers. These rape myth beliefs have to do with assumed victim enjoyment of rape, characteristics of the rape incident, and the definition of what constitutes rape. While identifying types of rape myths is important on a conceptual level, Payne and colleges (1999) suggested several applied reasons why such distinctions are needed. It might be that different types of rape myths (1) are associated with other distinct negative attitudes toward women, (2) have differing modes of transmis- sion, and/or (3) are more or less modifiable via prevention programming. Thus prevention programs targeting rape myth beliefs may have to be tailored toward subgroups who have high acceptance levels of certain types of rape myth beliefs in order to lower those specific beliefs.

Measurement In order to fully understand the impact of rape myth beliefs in the real world, researchers must investi- gate the construct using valid and reliable measures that reflect the way people think about rape myths. A major issue related to measurement of rape myth beliefs is whether the construct is unidimensional, meaning it is a single, larger construct without subtypes, or multidimensional, containing various sub- types of rape myths within the overarching construct. Feild (1978) developed the Attitudes Toward Rape Scale with eight separate domains (see Table 1). Although the Attitudes Toward Rape Scale does not only measure rape myth beliefs, as it focuses on larger attitudes surrounding rape such as percep- tions of victims after they experience rape, rape myth beliefs are present within some of these attitudes and as a result are also within the scale. Additionally, using Burt’s (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, Briere et al. (1985) conducted a factor analysis, not previously performed by Burt (1980), with male undergraduate students and found a four-factor structure. Later, both scales, the Attitudes Toward Rape Scale and Burt’s Rape Myth Acceptance Scales, were used by Payne et al. (1999) to create the IRMA (as were additional items not contained in either scale).

Understanding differing types of rape myth beliefs, as measured by subscales, is particularly im- portant given the call by scholars to further tailor sexual violence prevention programming in order to address the diverse set of attitudes, beliefs, and demographic factors of individuals who enter preven- tion programming (Anderson & Whiston, 2005; Banyard, 2014). Moreover, although many types of rape myths have been identified, researchers rarely investigate subtypes of rape myths beliefs; instead they often examine overall rates of rape myth acceptance. It is important to recognize that differing types of rape myth beliefs may be differently associated with other beliefs and attitudes linked with

101 Measurement

Table 1 Rape myth scales.

Citation Scale name Types of rape myths Sample

Feild (1978) Attitudes Toward Rape Scale

(1) Woman’s responsibility in rape prevention; (2) Sex as motivation for rape; (3) Severe punishment for rape(; 4) Victim precipitation of rape; (5) Normality of rapists; (6) Power as motivation for rape; (7) Favorable perception of a woman after rape; and (8) Resistance as woman’s role during rape.

Mixed: American respondents as well as those who perpetrate, police, and rape crisis counselors

Burt (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

N/A; discovered later by Briere, Malamuth, and Check (1985).

American respondents

Briere et al. (1985) Burt’s (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

(1) Disbelief of rape claims; (2) Victim responsible for rape; (3) Rape reports as manipulation; and (4) Rape only happens to certain kinds of women.

Male American university students

Payne et al. (1999) Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA)

(1) She asked for it; (2) It wasn’t really rape; (3) He didn’t mean to; (4) She wanted it; (5) She lied; (6) Rape is a trivial event; and (7) Rape is a deviant event.

American university students

Gerger, Kley, Bohner, and Siebler (2007)

Acceptance of Modern Myths About Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) scale

None; unidimensional. German university students; also validated among Spanish university students (Megias, Romero-Sanchez, Duran, Moya, & Bohner, 2011)

Chapleau, Oswald, and Russell (2008)

Johnson, Kuck, and Schander (1997) Male Rape Myth Scale

(1) Denial, (2) Blame, and (3) Trauma.

American university students

McMahon and Farmer (2011)

Subtle Rape Myths Scale (1) It wasn’t really rape; (2) He didn’t mean to; (3) He didn’t mean to due to intoxication; (4) She lied; and (5) She asked for it.

American university students

Xue et al. (2016) Payne et al.’s (1999) IRMA

(1) Rape victims want to be raped; (2) Rape allegations are often false; (3) Rape must involve violence; (4) Victims are responsible for being raped; and (5) The motivation to rape is understandable.

Chinese university students

Fakunmoju, Abrefa- Gyan, and Maphosa (2018)

McMahon & Farmer, 2011 subtle rape myths scale

(1) She asked for it; (2) He didn’t mean to; (3) It wasn’t really rape; and (4) She lied.

Nigerian respondents

102 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

sexual aggression perpetration, be diffused through differing mechanisms, and/or respond differently to prevention methods (Payne et al., 1999). Researchers who do examine subtypes of rape myth beliefs often follow the lead of Payne et al. (1999) and examine the construct as multidimensional with several subtypes of rape myth beliefs. While scholars differ on the exact number of differing individual rape myths to be used in research (see Table 1), there is general agreement on three main categories of rape myths: those that (1) blame the victim; (2) excuse the perpetrator; and (3) create doubt about the inci- dent or victim of rape. Sometimes researchers also include those rape myth beliefs that suggest only certain types of women can get raped (Grubb & Turner, 2012). While there is a consensus on the broad types of rape myth beliefs that exist, researchers have developed differing scales and continue to evolve the measurement of rape myths through various instruments.

Currently researchers often use the IRMA to measure rape myth beliefs; however, several schol- ars have worked to update and further refine the measurement of rape myth beliefs to ensure validity and reliability of measures of these beliefs. Gerger et al. (2007) developed the Acceptance of Modern Myths About Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) scale through brainstorming items similar to rape myths items used by previous researchers, but using more subtle language. Gerger et al., 2007 argued that the measurement of rape myth beliefs should be updated, as such myths have become more subtle and respondents have become increasingly aware of politically correct attitudes regarding rape; thus they might not identify with the more blatant rape myth beliefs articulated in older versions of rape myth belief scales. Additionally, these scholars argue that since rape myths change over time, our measures must also change with time. Through a series of four studies, Gerger et al. (2007) tested the reliability and validity of the AMMSA in both English and German. They found high reliability and validity through comparing the AMMSA to both the IRMA and Burt’s (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. Additionally, scores on the AMMSA predicted victim blaming and rape proclivity (German ver- sion only). Finally, using factor analysis, the study found evidence for rape myth beliefs as a single, unidimensional construct without subtypes of rape myths.

In contrast to Gerger et al. (2007), McMahon and Farmer (2011) did not create a new rape myth beliefs instrument, but, instead updated items from the victim-blaming scales of the IRMA. In their study, similar to Gerger et al. (2007), McMahon and Farmer (2011) concentrated on rape myth beliefs that have become more subtle over time. The authors conducted focus groups with college students to assess the language and views of students surrounding rape and associated myths, updated the IRMA based on the focus group results, and finally tested the resulting updated instrument with college stu- dents. While the IRMA previously included four types of rape myths, evidence for a type of rape myth belief surrounding accountability of the perpetrator due to intoxication was a new finding, suggesting that alcohol use by those who perpetrate is viewed as an excusing factor for perpetrating sexual ag- gression. This highlighted the role of alcohol with sexual violence and consent, especially for college students. Finally, in addition to studies conducted to refine rape myth belief measures, several scholars have worked to adapt existing measures for other cultures (see Table 1).

Correlates of rape myth beliefs Rape myth beliefs have been found to be held more widely by certain groups, especially by men and within all-male peer groups. Additionally, rape myth beliefs have been correlated with race/ethnicity and several other attitudes and beliefs such as traditional gender roles and religiosity. While other

103 Correlates of rape myth beliefs

correlates of rape myth beliefs exist, these factors are the most commonly studied and have particular relevance for prevention programming aimed at reducing rape myth beliefs in order to lower perpetra- tion of sexual aggression. Understanding these correlates is important because they can impact the effectiveness of prevention efforts based on these characteristics. Following are some of the most com- monly studied correlates.

Gender Research into rape myth beliefs consistently demonstrates gender as a salient factor in predicting rape myth beliefs, with men generally being more likely to endorse rape myths compared to women. In her first study developing the IRMA, Payne et al. (1999) found that women and men endorsed rape myths at different rates, with men having higher mean rape myth belief scores compared to women. Numerous other studies have replicated this finding (e.g., Carroll, Rosenstein, Foubert, Clark, & Korenman, 2016; McMahon, 2010; Stoll, Lilley, & Pinter, 2017). Furthermore, a metaanalysis of 37 separate studies found that in studies that included gender as a variable (n = 15), men were more likely to endorse rape myths than women (Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). In fact, of all the demographic factors examined by Suarez and Gadalla in their metaanalysis (including education, race/ethnicity, age, occupation, marital status, military status, and victimization history), gender had the strongest effect on rape myth beliefs. Although some studies failed to find an association between gender and rape myth beliefs (DeLisle, Walsh, Holtz, Callahan, & Neumann, 2019; Navarro & Tewksbury, 2017), the majority of the research on gender and rape myth beliefs indicates that gender is a strong predictor of rape myth beliefs.

All-male peer groups Along with gender as a correlate of rape myth beliefs, another frequently studied risk factor for increased rape myth belief endorsement is participation in all-male peer groups, namely frater- nities and all-male athletic teams. First, in terms of fraternity membership or intention to join a fraternity (often measured as men first enter college and have yet to join a fraternity), research indicates that these men have higher rates of rape myth endorsement or similar measures when compared to non-Greek men (Canan, Jozkowski, & Crawford, 2016; McMahon, 2010; Seabrook, McMahon, & O'Connor, 2018). Likewise, when comparing men who are members of an all-male athletic team to those who have not joined such teams, research demonstrates higher rape myth endorsement among athletes (McMahon, 2015b; Navarro & Tewksbury, 2017; Young, Desmarais, Baldwin, & Chandler, 2016).

Despite the large body of evidence pointing toward increased rape myth acceptance for both Greek and all-male athletic team members, some studies do not show this relationship. For example, Suarez and Gadalla (2010) in their metaanalysis of factors affecting rape myth beliefs found that of the stud- ies that examined fraternity status (n = 3), rape myth acceptance was not significantly predicted by fraternity status. They also noted that a single study found that elite athletic status was related to higher rape myth endorsement, whereas athletic membership overall was not. Despite the studies showing that all-male peer groups do not have increased rates of rape myth beliefs, a substantial number of other studies found that men who are members of all-male peer groups do have higher levels of rape myth acceptance.

104 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

Race The history of sexual violence in the United States is intertwined with race. Historically, black men were often accused of raping white women and frequently were lynched and killed as a result. The myth of black men as sexually aggressive and out of control as it evolved was used to further discrimi- nate again, falsely accuse, and penalize black men who were perceived as being threatening to white women (Patton & Snyder-Yuly, 2007). The converse of this myth, threatened white women in need of protection, helped to create an environment in which black men could be falsely accused of rape and still end up being imprisoned despite their innocence (Patton & Snyder-Yuly, 2007). While some rape myths themselves are rooted in racism, less is understood about how race affects rape myth endorse- ment. When examining the relevant research on rape myths and race, no clear picture emerges; indeed, race as a correlate of rape myth beliefs has been examined less than other correlates such as gender. From the existing research, some studies indicate that black or nonwhite participants have higher levels of rape myth beliefs (Canan, Jozkowski, & Crawford, 2016; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010), while other stud- ies indicate no difference between racial/ethnic groups on rape myth beliefs (Carmody & Washington, 2001; Hayes, Abbott, & Cook, 2016). Further work is needed, however, to look at race not only as a de- mographic item but to understand how exposure and experiences of racism and other forms of systemic inequity may intersect with beliefs such as rape myths. There appears to be an interaction between gen- der, age, location, and race/ethnicity such that traditional-aged, rural women of color have lower rape myth beliefs while, traditional-aged, white, urban men have higher rape myth beliefs (Diamond-Welch, Hetzel-Riggin, & Hemingway, 2016). These types of interactions have rarely been studied; further re- search could help identify specific demographic factors that increase endorsement of rape myth beliefs.

Attitudes and beliefs A host of attitudes and beliefs are linked with rape myth beliefs and are often found to be endorsed by individuals who also endorse rape myths. Research has demonstrated an association between gender role attitudes and rape myths beliefs (DeLisle et al., 2019; Hill & Marshall, 2018; Lutz-Zois, Moler, & Brown, 2015). Burt (1980) suggested that the act of rape can be viewed as an extension of traditional gender roles and stereotyping, wherein men are expected to be sexually aggressive and women are viewed as weak, resulting in a power imbalance. Rape myths further this dynamic by fostering er- roneous beliefs and cultural myths that discourage victims from reporting rape and create a hostile environment for those who report or disclose. Similarly, other research has demonstrated a relationship between sexist beliefs and rape myth endorsement (Chapleau, Oswald, & Russell, 2007; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Stoll, Lilley, & Block, 2018). Together these findings suggest that endorsing rape myths is associated with traditional views about women and the expectation that women should con- form to certain societal dictates surrounding sexual behavior.

In addition to sexism, other attitudes and beliefs, not about women or sex, are correlated with rape myths beliefs. In the metaanalysis of factors associated with rape myth beliefs, Suarez and Gadalla (2010) found that “isms” such as racism, classism, sexism, ageism, and religious intolerance were also associated with rape myth beliefs, suggesting that these beliefs may be tied into a system of negative and hostile beliefs and attitudes. While many of these “isms” have not been studied, outside of the single study included in the metaanalysis (Aosved & Long, 2006), related attitudes of homophobia and religiosity have been investigated. Homophobia has been linked with rape myth endorsement (Davies, Gilston, & Rogers, 2012) including male rape myth beliefs (Kassing, Beesley, & Frey, 2005). Finally,

105 Rape myth beliefs and perpetration of sexual aggression

in a few studies, religiosity has been found to be related to rape myth beliefs such that stronger religious beliefs increase rape myth endorsement (Barnett, Sligar, & Wang, 2016; Prina & Schatz-Stevens, 2019; Reling, Barton, Becker, & Valasik, 2017).

The correlates of rape myth beliefs reviewed here are important to consider when planning preven- tion efforts aimed at reducing perpetration of sexual aggression. Men who participate in all-male peer groups, and more religious individuals have generally higher levels of rape myths beliefs, and thus they may be at increased risk for perpetrating sexual violence. Prevention programs might specifically target rape myth beliefs among men and those who join all-male peer and/or religious groups in order to reduce rape myth endorsement and help lower risk of perpetration of sexual aggression driven by endorsing such beliefs. Indeed, Foubert’s Men’s Program has targeted fraternity men in particular who demonstrated decreased rape myth acceptance after participating in the program (Foubert & Newberry, 2006; Foubert, Newberry, & Tatum, 2007). Some scholars also suggest separating prevention program- ming groups by gender (Lonsway et al., 2009; Vladutiu, Martin, & Macy, 2011). This would allow a more intense focus on rape myths beliefs with men; likewise, holding additional or separate sessions for members of all-male peer and religious groups could help to target stronger rape myth beliefs among these groups with increased risk for perpetration of sexual aggression. An example of a program specifically targeted at men, with the goal of reducing rape myths as part of the stated pedagogy, is the “Mentors in Violence Prevention Model” which works to engage and educate male athletes on the issue of sexual aggression (Katz, 2018). Similarly, the “Coaching Boys into Men” prevention program with high school boys is effective at reducing dating violence perpetration although no differences in gender-equitable attitudes (a measure similar to rape myths) have been found in a 1-year follow-up (Miller et al., 2013). Finally, Orchowski, Barnett, et al. (2018) examined a prevention program targeted toward men with high risk of sexual aggression perpetration due to heavy drinking and found lowered rape myth endorsement, compared to baseline measurement, after 2 months. Also, of those men (n = 5) who did perpetrate sexual aggression over the study’s time period, all were found to have higher level of rape myth endorsement when compared to men who did not perpetrate sexual aggression.

Rape myth beliefs and perpetration of sexual aggression While rape myth beliefs are problematic because of their association with real-world outcomes includ- ing victim blaming (Grubb & Turner, 2012), jury trails (Dinos et al., 2015), and police officers’ views (Parratt & Pina, 2017), another important area of concern is rape myth endorsement’s association with perpetration of sexual aggression. Many studies have found a link between rape myth acceptance and perpetration of sexual aggression (Russell & King, 2016; Tharp et al., 2012; Yapp & Quayle, 2018). Similarly, rape myth beliefs are associated with beliefs and attitudes related to perpetration of sexual aggression and hostility toward women. The following sections review the evidence of rape myth be- liefs’ association with both attitudes and beliefs related to perpetration of sexual aggression as well as the actual behavior of perpetration.

Attitudes and beliefs related to sexual aggression perpetration Studies examining rape myth acceptance have found that these beliefs relate to a host of attitudes and beliefs related to the perpetration of sexual aggression. These include acceptance of violence toward

106 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

women (Payne et al., 1999), hostility toward women (Forbes, Adams-Curtis, & White, 2004; Russell & King, 2016), adversarial sexual beliefs (Forbes et al., 2004; Payne et al., 1999), negative attitudes to- ward women (DeLisle et al., 2019; Lutz-Zois et al., 2015), and multiple types of sexism (e.g., benevo- lent and hostile sexism) (Hill & Marshall, 2018; Stoll et al., 2018). More broadly, studies like these postulate that rape myth beliefs, along with associated attitudes and beliefs such as sexism and hostile or negative views of women, are part of a larger system of masculine beliefs or traditional masculin- ity (Lutz-Zois et al., 2015). Ultimately, masculine ideologies may lead toward acceptance of sexual violence (Seabrook, Ward, & Giaccardi, 2016) and even to perpetration of sexual aggression (Eaton & Matamala, 2014; Murnen et al., 2002).

Related to perpetration of sexual aggression is the likelihood of perpetration, also called rape pro- clivity. Studies that investigate this construct measure it with questions that ask men if they would commit sexual violence in the future under certain circumstances, usually that they would not be caught or punished (Bohner et al., 1998; Malamuth, 1981). Although rape proclivity is different and distinct from actual perpetration of sexual aggression, rape proclivity is correlated with sexual aggression per- petration behaviors (DeGue & DiLillo, 2004; Malamuth, 1981) and is even predictive of future sexual aggression perpetration (Gidycz, Warkentin, Orchowski, & Edwards, 2011). Likewise, research dem- onstrates a strong relationship between rape proclivity and rape myth acceptance (Alleyne, Gannon, Ó Ciardha, & Wood, 2014; O’Connor, 2020b; Süssenbach, Bohner, & Eyssel, 2013) leading some scholars to suggest that rape myths may be an antecedent belief to rape proclivity (Bohner et al., 1998; Bohner, Jarvis, Eyssel, & Siebler, 2005; Bohner, Siebler, & Schmelcher, 2006) signifying that endors- ing rape myths could be causally linked to rape proclivity.

Association with sexual aggression perpetration behavior While the association between rape myth beliefs and other attitudes and beliefs that promote or sup- port violence against women signifies the importance of rape myth beliefs for prevention efforts, even more telling is the link between sexual aggression perpetration and endorsement of rape myth beliefs. Scholars have demonstrated that rape myth beliefs are associated with both sexual aggression and coercive behaviors (Russell & King, 2016; Widman, Olson, & Bolen, 2013). Indeed, the relationship between endorsing rape myths and perpetrating sexual violence is so robust that some scholars have suggested that rape myth beliefs are a direct risk factor for sexual aggression perpetration (DeGue et al., 2014; Hust et al., 2016; Kingree & Thompson, 2015; Young et al., 2016). Additionally, at least three studies employing either metaanalyses or review methods indicated that across multiple studies there is a relationship between rape myth acceptance and perpetration of sexual aggression (Murnen et al., 2002; Tharp et al., 2012; Yapp & Quayle, 2018), although these results need to be interpreted with caution because of the varied ways in which studies measure key constructs. Finally, scholars have examined the predictive power of rape myth beliefs over time and found that endorsing rape myths can predict sexual aggression perpetration at future timepoints, indicating the risk that rape myth endorsement presents in terms of committing acts of sexual violence in the future (Davis, Danube, Stappenbeck, Norris, & George, 2015; Kingree & Thompson, 2015; Lanier, 2001).

Another aspect of sexual aggression perpetration is the perception men have of their peers’ attitudes and beliefs. Studies indicate that perception of peers’ rape myth beliefs can increase rape proclivity (Bohner et al., 2006; Bohner, Pina, Viki, & Siebler, 2010), actual sexual aggression perpetration (Loh, Gidycz, Lobo, & Luthra, 2005; Swartout, 2013), and that men who have committed sexual violence

107 Prevention programming and rape myths

perceive their peer group to have higher rape myth belief acceptance levels compared to men who have not committed a sexual offense (Dardis, Murphy, Bill, & Gidycz, 2016). Social norms theory is used to explain these findings, suggesting that individuals will modify their behavior to match that of their peers or what they perceive their peers’ behaviors to be (Berkowitz, 2005). Finally, research suggests that those who perpetrate acts of sexual violence perceive their peers to have higher rates of sexual aggression perpetration compared to men who do not perpetrate sexual violence (Dardis et al., 2016; Hackman, Witte, & Greenband, 2017). This body of research indicates the importance of not only individuals’ rape myth beliefs, but also the importance of perceived peers’ norms including rape myth beliefs and suggests a potential modifiable factor to be addressed through prevention programming.

Prevention programming and rape myths Evidence about the influence of rape myth beliefs lends compelling arguments as to why they should play a central role in sexual violence prevention efforts. First, rape myth beliefs are associated with perpetration of sexual aggression and have been shown to predict perpetration over time, which implies that by reducing rape myth beliefs, we can reduce rates of sexual aggression perpetration. Therefore some scholars recommend focusing on rape myths as a key element for college or university-based prevention efforts (Anderson & Whiston, 2005; Vladutiu et al., 2011). Second, the acceptance of rape myth beliefs makes individuals less empathic to survivors of sexual violence, thereby less likely to help and believe survivors. Finally, rape myths can be internalized by survivors of sexual violence and de- crease the likelihood that survivors will seek help, negatively affecting their recovery process. Thus, in order to help prevent sexual violence before it occurs, as well as to support survivors of sexual violence and help prevent revictimization, several sexual assault prevention approaches for boys and men have focused on addressing rape myth beliefs within the curriculum (Breitenbecher, 2000; Schewe, 2002).

Indeed, one of the earliest studies on the effectiveness of prevention efforts focused solely on rape myths beliefs (Flores & Hartlaub, 1998). Furthermore, Townsend and Campbell (2008) in a review of 10 community sexual violence programs in a single state found that rape myth beliefs were addressed by all of these programs. The following sections review the effectiveness of rape myth belief reduction programs, common types of programming that addresses rape myths, and questions concerning rape myths as an outcome within prevention programming.

Evidence of effectiveness in reducing rape myths within prevention programming In an early metaanalysis of 11 studies, Flores and Hartlaub (1998) found that rape myth reduction pro- gramming (including a course, workshop, video, or other type of intervention) with college students had a positive effect on reducing rape myth beliefs, indicating that these programs were effective at reducing rape myths for students when compared to those who did not attend such programming. Similar findings were obtained by Anderson and Whiston (2005) in their metaanalysis of more than 57 studies examining prevention efforts on rape myth belief endorsement, leading the authors of this study to suggest that preven- tion programming addressing rape myth beliefs works better than interventions that try to address certain other factors, such as empathy. Another metaanalysis, using a rigorous protocol to examine school-based prevention programs focused on dating or sexual violence, identified only four studies addressing rape myth beliefs for grades 4–12, but the authors found these programs had a significant effect on reducing rape

108 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

myths compared to control groups (De La Rue, Polanin, Espelage, & Pigott, 2014). Although metaanalyses are helpful in informing our understanding of the issue by aggregating findings across multiple studies, it is important to note that interpreting metaanalyses and other review studies’ findings is difficult due to the diverse types of measurement used throughout the included individual studies.

Besides review studies, many individual studies on prevention interventions demonstrate the ef- fectiveness of efforts at reducing rape myth acceptance (Gidycz et  al., 2001; Zinzow et  al., 2018). One such intervention, the “Men’s Program,” achieved reduced rape myth endorsement across sev- eral separate studies (Foubert & Newberry, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Foubert, Brasfield, Hill, & Shelley-Tremblay, 2011) with the reduction in rape myth endorsement remaining after 7 months for some groups of men (Foubert et al., 2007). Other interventions found effective at addressing rape myth acceptance rates include a web-based program, administered across 80 institutions, wherein 34% of the schools found reduced rape myth beliefs among participants (Zapp, Buelow, Soutiea, Berkowitz, & DeJong, 2018). Likewise, Salazar, Vivolo-Kantor, Hardin, and Berkowitz (2014) found evidence for the effectiveness of a web-based bystander prevention program at reducing rape myth beliefs even after 6 months. In the same way, there is evidence that video-based interventions are effective at lowering rape myth beliefs rates (O’Donohue, Yeater, & Fanetti, 2003) although not equally among all groups of men (specifically, those who had been sexually coercive in the past were not affected by the interven- tion) (Stephens & George, 2004). These studies demonstrate an overall trend of prevention interven- tions being effective in reducing rape myths beliefs.

Although the research linking perpetration of sexual aggression with rape myth endorsement within prevention programs is plentiful, research is lacking to demonstrate reduced rates of sexual aggression result via changes in rape myth endorsement following participation in a prevention program. For ex- ample, Gidycz, Orchowski, and Berkowitz (2011) evaluated “The Men’s Project” with 635 men over a 7-month period examining outcomes including rape myth endorsement and perpetration of sexual ag- gression. The results of this study indicate that men who participated in “The Men’s Project,” compared to a control group, did not have reduced rape myth endorsement rates but did demonstrate lower rates of sexual aggression perpetration. In the same way, Miller et al. (2013) examined 1512 male athletes participating in the “Coaching Boys into Men” program over 12 months on measures such as perpetra- tion of dating violence and gender-equitable attitudes, a measure similar to rape myth endorsement with questions such as “if a girl is raped it is often because she did not say no clearly enough” (p. 432) (Miller et al., 2012). While perpetration of dating violence was significantly reduced among those in the intervention group, there was not a significant difference in gender-equitable attitudes correspond- ing to the decline in perpetration. Finally, the “Green Dot” bystander intervention program does not specifically address rape myths (Coker et al., 2011) yet, the program has demonstrated effectiveness in both reducing rape myth endorsement (Coker et al., 2011) as well as declines in interpersonal violence perpetration rates (Coker et al., 2016).

These studies lead us to question the assumption that attitudes such as rape myths are a necessary antecedent to perpetration and indicate that under some circumstances reductions in perpetration can be achieved through prevention programming without equivalent declines in rape myth endorsement. Complicating this line of thinking, Bush et al. (2019) found that within the “Green Dot” program in high schools, decreases in interpersonal violence perpetration rates were accounted for by both by- stander actions and acceptance of violence, including rape myth acceptance. From these findings, it is not clear if reductions in rape myth endorsement are necessary to decrease sexual aggression perpetra- tion of if perpetration can be diminished without parallel declines in rape myth beliefs.

109 Rape myths as predictors of other prevention outcomes

Taken together, more research is needed to understand the mechanism of influence of rape myth endorsement in sexual aggression. It is important to better understand when rape myth endorsement precedes perpetration of sexual aggression and under what conditions prevention efforts might be suc- cessful in reducing perpetration without addressing or changing levels of rape myth endorsement. It may be the case that rape myths predispose some men for sexual aggression, and that such beliefs may be necessary but not sufficient facilitators of sexually aggressive behavior. The extent to which peer environment interacts with rape myth endorsement to serve as an inhibitor or releaser of sexually aggressive behavior also warrants further investigation. Thus although rape myths may seem to be a logical focus for sexual assault prevention efforts, the lack of research demonstrating that reductions in sexual aggression are produced as a result of challenging rape myths must lead program developers to think critically about how to address rape myths—as well as other risk and protective factors—in the context of prevention.

Rape myths as predictors of other prevention outcomes Whereas many prevention programs have focused on reducing rape myths, there is evidence that rape myths may also serve a role as a predictor of other important sexual violence prevention outcomes. For example, bystander intervention approaches have proliferated over recent years and are among the most effective sexual violence reduction programs (Jouriles, Krauss, Vu, Banyard, & McDonald, 2018; Katz & Moore, 2013). Research has demonstrated a moderate association between rape myth beliefs and by- stander intentions, with those more accepting of rape myths being less willing to intervene in a range of situations related to sexual violence on college campuses (McMahon, 2010). Before acting, bystanders must first be able to identify situations as intervention worthy and feel a sense of responsibility, which can be obscured by adhering to rape myths. For example, if individuals subscribe to victim-blaming scripts about rape, they may not believe it is their role to step in and assist because they believe the person put themselves in that situation. However, McMahon (2010) did note that certain types of rape myths are more heavily related to bystander intervention than others, such as the myth of “It wasn’t really rape.” This finding suggests that further work is needed to understand the nuances of the rape myth belief typology. Although it appears that bystander intervention programs may need to continue considering rape myth beliefs, rather than addressing the whole spectrum of rape myth beliefs, research may help to target more specific types of beliefs.

A number of bystander intervention programs have demonstrated evidence of increasing prosocial attitudes while also being effective at reducing rape myth endorsement (Hines & Reed, 2017; Inman, Chaudoir, Galvinhill, & Sheehy, 2018; McMahon, Postmus, Warrener, & Koenick, 2014; Powers & Leili, 2018). The findings of these individual studies have been further confirmed in a metaanalysis of 12 separate studies that found bystander programs had a significant effect in lowering rape myth beliefs among participants of these programs (Katz & Moore, 2013). In a more recent metaanalysis, also of 12 studies using bystander programming, Kettrey, Marx, and Tanner-Smith (2019) found the strongest effects on lowering rape myth beliefs of all outcomes measured and, generally, participants retained reduced rape myth beliefs at timepoints measured past the baseline. While the findings of these studies indicate that bystander interventions reduce rape myth beliefs, some studies do not find that by- stander programs have this impact (Gidycz, Orchowski, et al., 2011; Palm Reed, Hines, Armstrong, & Cameron, 2015).

110 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

Another promising approach is to use social norms theory as the theoretical groundwork for violence prevention efforts (Berkowitz, 2010). Social norms theories have been used in various prevention efforts and have been used specifically in prevention efforts directed at lowering rates of sexual violence and related outcomes including rape myth acceptance (Gidycz, Orchowski, et al., 2011; Mennicke, Kennedy, Gromer, & Klem-O’Connor, 2018). Research indicates that individuals perceive their peers to have similar rates of rate myth endorsement as themselves (Eyssel, Bohner, & Siebler, 2006), even when this contradicts their peers’ actual beliefs (Dardis et al., 2016). This finding, along with the finding that those who commit sexual offenses also think their peers are likely to commit similar acts (Dardis et al., 2016; Hackman et al., 2017), presents an important focal point for prevention intervention. To reduce rape myth beliefs among those individuals with high rape myth beliefs, prevention programming might attempt to educate individuals about the normative rape myths beliefs that are held by their peers, thus illustrating that high rape myth beliefs are not the norm. Indeed, Bohner et al. (2010) found that feedback on rape myth beliefs lowered both rape myth belief endorsement rates as well as rape proclivity. Similarly, those with higher levels of rape myth endorsement are more influenced by feedback about peers’ rape myth beliefs compared to those with lower levels of rape myths (Bohner et al., 2006). Therefore social norm- ing programming aimed at preventing sexual aggression perpetration might target those with higher rape myths beliefs with messages about peers’ lower rape myth beliefs in order to reduce rape myth endorse- ment, rape proclivity, and ultimately sexual aggression perpetration rates.

The research on peer norms and rape myth endorsement might help explain some studies that find prevention programs are successful in reducing perpetration of sexual or dating violence without re- ducing rape myth endorsement (e.g., Gidycz, Orchowski, and Berkowitz (2011); Miller et al., 2013). It is possible that while rape myth endorsement predisposes high-risk men for perpetration of sexual aggression, rape myth endorsement is necessary but not sufficient for men to perpetrate sexual aggres- sion. Instead, the perceived peer environment, including perceptions about peers’ rape myth beliefs and sexual aggression, might serve as an inhibiter or releaser that determines whether men will perpetrate sexual aggression. This idea helps explain and integrate social norms theories with rape myth research and suggests that peer perceptions may influence whether an individual with high rape myth endorse- ment goes on to perpetrate sexual aggression.

Further, recent research indicates a need for additional nuance in understanding the variability of individuals’ acceptance of rape myth beliefs and how that could impact the delivery of prevention ef- forts. For example, work on the stages of change demonstrates that students are at different levels of readiness to engage in sexual violence prevention (Banyard, Eckstein, & Moynihan, 2010). Indeed, Barnyard and colleagues (2010) found that those students who were at further stages of development had lower acceptance of rape myth beliefs. Similarly, O’Connor (2020a) found that there are different classes of rape myth acceptance for men, with some men indicating more widespread acceptance and others with lower levels of acceptance. Finally, some studies have found that among men considered high risk, based on self-reported past sexual coercion (compared to low-risk men with no history of sexual coercion), prevention programming was less effective at lowering rape myth beliefs (Elias- Lambert & Black, 2015; Stephens & George, 2004, 2009). Other research suggests that there is a positive inhibiting effect of peer male socialization with healthy male peers (Kaczkowski, Brennan, & Swartout, 2016; Swartout, 2013) which may buffer some high-risk men from the harmful effects of endorsing rape myths.

Based on these new contributions to research, an important step is to determine how to assess stu- dents’ acceptance of rape myth beliefs, risk level, and overall readiness to change in order to deliver

111 Rape myths as a part of comprehensive prevention

more tailored prevention efforts to address their needs. It may be for some individuals with high rape myth beliefs and/or low readiness to change that lowering rape myth beliefs would be a focus of pre- vention programs. For other individuals, rape myth beliefs may serve more as a baseline assessment and thus the goal of prevention efforts for those with low levels of acceptance might not be focused on rape myth beliefs, but rather on other outcomes such as bystander intentions, efficacy or behavior, or changing social norms. Finally, efforts are needed to understand if some high-risk individuals, based on past perpetration behaviors or endorsement of rape myths, may be have their risk reduced by protective factors, such as a healthy peer network.

Rape myths as a part of comprehensive prevention While many successful efforts to reduce sexual aggression perpetration involve addressing rape myth beliefs, prevention efforts ought to go beyond these beliefs in order to ensure prevention efforts are comprehensive and incorporate many types of prevention, focus on the effect of rape myth beliefs at both the individual and societal level, and focus on trajectories of rape myth beliefs. Orchowski, Edwards, et al. (2018) review the current best prevention strategies for sexual violence, including sex- ual assault risk reduction and resistance education, bystander training, and men’s social norms strate- gies. The authors stress the importance of rape myth belief reduction as an intermediate outcome along with decreased perpetration of sexual aggression as the long-term outcome. Similarly, other scholars have also suggested that multipronged or comprehensive violence prevention strategies might have synergistic effects in which the effectiveness of these combined efforts is greater than the simple sum of these efforts together (Banyard, 2014). Importantly, while self-defense programs appear to be effective at lowing rates of sexual violence (Senn et al., 2015), they do not directly address rape myth beliefs or perpetration of sexual aggression. In conjunction with bystander and social norms programming that do address rape myth beliefs, self-defense programs could address rape myth beliefs and the combined effects of these programs possibly would exceed the effects of each program alone while also address- ing rape culture, through rape myth beliefs.

The research reviewed in this chapter demonstrates an association between endorsing rape myth beliefs and perpetration of sexual aggression. However, the research is not always consistent, as some scholars have achieved reductions in perpetration of sexual violence without a corresponding reduc- tion in rape myth endorsement (e.g., Gidycz, Orchowski, et al., 2011). This body of the research sug- gests that prevention programs aimed at reducing perpetration of sexual aggression should target rape myth beliefs through comprehensive programming to reduce sexual violence rates, but more research is needed to understand when reducing rape myth endorsement is an essential antecedent to reducing perpetration and when reductions in perpetration might be achieved without equivalent declines in rape myth endorsement.

Just as researchers have called for comprehensive efforts to prevent sexual violence, the socio- ecological model has also been suggested as a framework for prevention efforts in order to examine violence prevention not only at the individual level but also at larger levels of society and community (Banyard, 2013; Basile, 2015). While these models of prevention recognize the importance of individu- als and their beliefs, including rape myth endorsement, such models also suggest that sexual violence is promoted at all levels of the socioecological sphere and thus, efforts to prevent sexual violence must span all levels including the individual and societal levels. Edwards et al. (2011) state that in order to

112 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

reduce rape myth beliefs, we must move beyond individual endorsement of these beliefs and address institutions that perpetuate and facilitate rape myth beliefs, such as the media and religious institutions. Likewise, Basile (2003) suggests that a public health approach to sexual violence prevention should address rape myth beliefs at the societal and community level in order to attend to the macrolevel that promotes violence against women. Finally, in addressing bystander interventions, McMahon (2015a) proposes that the institutional factors of policies and the physical environment are important for sexual violence prevention and creating norms that promote or hinder bystanders from intervening in incidents of sexual violence. This thinking can be applied to our understanding of rape myth beliefs and research is needed to understand the impact that policies and the physical environment might have on promoting or decreasing rape myth beliefs.

Finally, there is a need to better understand various trajectories that lead to sexual aggression and to develop more nuanced understandings of the various pathways to sexual aggression perpetra- tion related to rape myths. In a series of studies, Swartout, Thompson, and colleagues demonstrated that men who perpetrate sexual violence follow various trajectories throughout college, including trajectories of increasing sexual aggression perpetration, decreasing perpetration, consistently high perpetration, and consistently low perpetration (Swartout, Koss, et  al., 2015; Swartout, Swartout, Brennan, & White, 2015; Thompson, Kingree, Zinzow, & Swartout, 2015; Thompson, Swartout, & Koss, 2013). These trajectories are predicted by rape myth beliefs over time (Thompson et al., 2013); also related beliefs including hostile attitudes toward women and rape-supportive beliefs strengthen in the trajectory of increasing sexual aggression perpetration and decline among men who showed decreasing perpetration behavior (Thompson et al., 2015). These findings demonstrate the impor- tance of rape myth beliefs in relationship to perpetration of sexual aggression, but also indicate that such beliefs are not static over time and prevention efforts focused on rape myth beliefs might seek to move men who are in consistently high or increasing sexual aggression perpetration trajectories into decreasing trajectories in part by focusing on the relation of these trajectories over time to rape myth beliefs.

Critiques and limitations of rape myths Despite some evidence suggesting rape myth beliefs should be the focus of sexual violence prevention programs, the attention to rape myth beliefs is not without critique. First are critiques regarding the measurement of rape myth beliefs including the reality that scholars use differing measures for rape myth endorsement and effectiveness of prevention programming including sexual aggression perpetra- tion, creating concerns about how and when studies can be compared on these measures. Additionally, measure of rape myth endorsement may be overly broad by using average rape myth endorsement scores, and not subscales of the differing types of myths. Without differentiating between subscales of rape myth beliefs, we cannot distinguish between individuals who endorse differing types of rape myths and therefore need tailored interventions to address their specific rape myth beliefs. Some schol- ars have argued that rape myth measures are outdated, as there has been little examination of the psy- chometrics of rape myth scales since the research conducted on the IRMA by Payne et al. (1999). It is necessary to test for shifts in rape myth beliefs over time and investigate adjustments needed to scales that measure rape myth beliefs as they become more subtle and evolve with time (Gerger et al., 2007; McMahon & Farmer, 2011).

113 Critiques and limitations of rape myths

The inclusion of rape myth beliefs in prevention programming, either as an outcome or baseline assessment, needs further work to ensure that both conceptualization and measurement are reflective of a diverse range of experiences. Currently, most work on rape myth beliefs is heteronormative and focuses on women as victims and men as perpetrators. While sexual violence based on patriarchal be- liefs and gendered norms is still a critical issue, it is also not the only type of power-based script where sexual violence can occur. Harris and Linder (2017) have critiqued current sexual violence prevention efforts for focusing on the narrative that sexual violence is something perpetrated only by men against cis-hetero white women, and they argue that the field has failed to integrate the experiences of other individuals that have been traditionally marginalized, such as LGBTQ + communities, individuals from various racial and ethnic backgrounds, and disability statuses. They call for the use of more intersec- tional approaches to sexual violence prevention that are rooted in a social justice lens that recognize the overlap between sexual violence and other forms of oppression and harm such as racism and homopho- bia. Currently, the field lacks evaluation of this type of approach programmatically, as well as sound measurement tools. A more intersectional approach calls for a reconceptualization of rape myths both in terms of content and measurement.

The second set of criticisms regarding rape myth beliefs concern the association between rape myth beliefs and sexual aggression perpetration. While many studies confirm the correlation between endorsing rape myths and perpetrating sexual violence, fewer of these studies are longitudinal and able to demonstrate that rape myth beliefs predict perpetration of sexual aggression at a future timepoint (Yapp & Quayle, 2018). Also, at least one study failed to demonstrate that rape myth beliefs are related to sexual aggression perpetration over time, although the authors of this study still found that rape myths were important and suggested prevention programs should focus on such beliefs (Loh et al., 2005). Additionally, there are studies that find positive effects of prevention programming including reduced perpetration without equivalent declines in rape myth endorsement (e.g., Gidycz, Orchowski, et al., 2011). Without understanding the predictive relationship between rape myth beliefs and sexual aggression perpetration, we cannot know if rape myth beliefs are an antecedent to perpetration or conversely, as has been suggested by some scholars, if they are used as a postassault justification for actions (Maruna & Mann, 2006). Indeed, Wegner, Abbey, Pierce, Pegram, and Woerner (2015) found that men who committed sexual violence used rape myths as a justification for their actions and further, the use of such postassault justifications predicted sexual violence at a future timepoint. The findings of this study indicate that the relationship between rape myth beliefs and sexual aggression perpetra- tion may be more complex than a simple linear relationship in that men who perpetrate sexual violence used these rape beliefs to justify their behaviors and such justification increased the likelihood of future sexual violence.

Finally, there is some evidence that the effect of rape myth beliefs on sexual aggression perpetra- tion may be better accounted for by other variables. For, example Mouilso and Calhoun (2013) found that once psychopathology was added to their model, rape myth beliefs were no longer significantly related to sexual aggression perpetration. Similarly, Warren, Swan, and Allen (2015) found that the understanding of sexual consent fully mediated the relationship between rape myth acceptance and sexual aggression perpetration, suggesting again that the relationship between perpetration and rape myth beliefs is complex and additionally, that our understanding of this relationship needs to take other variables into account. Thus, when focusing on rape myth belief endorsement in relationship to perpe- tration of sexual aggression, we must understand that, while there is a great deal of evidence for this relationship, additional work is needed to understand how rape myth beliefs are related to perpetration,

114 The role of rape myths in contributing to sexual aggression

what other variables might affect this relationship, and how these other variables can influence the relationship between sexual aggression perpetration and rape myth acceptance.

Areas in need of further research As noted, there are several measurement issues related to rape myth beliefs needing further research. For example, rape myth measures need to be continuously updated to reflect current language and con- texts (Gerger et al., 2007; McMahon & Farmer, 2011). Relatedly, many studies have found low levels of rape myth beliefs among participants (Zapp et al., 2018), even while research indicates that rape myth beliefs are pervasive. Just as rape myths beliefs become subtler over time, people also become increasingly aware that endorsing such beliefs is not socially acceptable and so may misrepresent their beliefs to researchers. This type of measurement bias, social desirability bias, may explain in part why researchers often find low levels of rape myth endorsement. Researchers have yet to understand if par- ticipants truly have low levels of rape myth endorsement or if social desirability bias is affecting results because participants are misrepresenting their beliefs, thus skewing rates of rape myth endorsement downwards. Another possibility is the flooring effect, as scales might not accurately measure people’s true levels of rape myth beliefs due to some fault within the scale itself (e.g., scales do not ask about the types of rape myths people actually endorse). Research is needed to better understand if people have low levels of rape myth beliefs in reality, if these rates are low due to social desirability, or if poor measurement is not assessing people’s true beliefs.

Another area of needed research is an examination of the types of rape myth beliefs in relation to prevention programs. Questions future scholars might consider include: (1) Are some types of rape myth beliefs more mutable than others through prevention efforts? (2) Are some types of rape myths more stubborn and difficult to change through prevention programming? (3) Do some types of rape myth beliefs respond better to certain types of prevention programs compared to other types of pro- gramming? and (4) Are there existing rape myth beliefs that have not been identified by scholars that can be addressed through existing prevention efforts? As researchers work to address these new areas of research, we may see that more valid and reliable measures of rape myth beliefs can be used in efforts to prevent sexual violence through programing that addresses these beliefs.

In addition to types of rape myth beliefs, correlates of rape myth beliefs are an area in need of fur- ther investigation. Researchers might work to identify new correlates that place certain groups of indi- viduals at higher risk for perpetration of sexual aggression due to increased rape myth endorsement and focus on how such correlates might be useful for prevention efforts. For example, while race has been studied as a correlate of rape myth endorsement (e.g., Diamond-Welch et al., 2016; Hayes et al., 2016), it is not clear how prevention efforts might focus on racial groups during prevention efforts. Research might look to identify cultural practices linked with race/ethnicity and associated with rape myth be- liefs that could be the target of prevention efforts. Likewise, participation in the military as a risk factor for increased rape myths beliefs has been studied (Carroll et al., 2016). However, such research is lim- ited and much of it only focuses on men within the military, without comparing them to their civilian counterparts (e.g., (DeLisle et al., 2019; Foubert & Masin, 2012). Finally, research on protective factors and rape myth beliefs could be extended to areas such as participation in student organizations or other positive networks that might help reduce rape myth beliefs among certain subsets of students.

115 References

Our understanding of the mechanisms by which rape myth beliefs affect perpetration of sexual aggression, and even the directionality of this relationship, needs further clarification. While the link between acceptance of rape myths and perpetration of sexual aggression is largely established, there is still uncertainty about how this relationship works. There have been few studies teasing out the longitu- dinal effects of rape myth beliefs on perpetration of sexual aggression over time. As such, it is difficult to understand the directionality of the relationship between rape myth beliefs and perpetration of sexual aggression, although some studies have found evidence that higher rape myth beliefs predict future perpetration (Davis et  al., 2015; Kingree & Thompson, 2015; Lanier, 2001). Future efforts should include longitudinal studies examining the impact of rape myth beliefs on sexual aggression perpetra- tion over time, and include other factors such as rape proclivity, sexism, hostility toward women, etc. Likewise, studies that find positive changes as the result of prevention programs without impacting rape myth beliefs need to be replicated and scholars should investigate the conditions and mechanisms for reductions in perpetration that are not accompanied by reductions in rape myth endorsement among participants.

Although there is considerable evidence regarding the importance of rape myth endorsement, pre- vention programming, and perpetration of sexual aggression, much remains to be learned. As outlined in this section and this chapter overall, scholars have found evidence for rape myth endorsement and its role in perpetration of sexual aggression, but the evidence is mixed and there are gaps in our under- standing, especially regarding the mechanism under which rape myth beliefs affect perpetration and conditions under which rape myth endorsement is not a prerequisite for prevention programs to effec- tively reduce perpetration of sexual aggression. Additionally, it is difficult to synthesize and compare research on prevention programming and rape myth endorsement given the wide variety of measures that have been used in assessing outcomes including both rape myths and sexual aggression. Thus researchers interested in preventing sexual aggression perpetration should further investigate these rela- tionships in an effort to advance our understanding of the relationship between rape myth endorsement and perpetration of sexual aggression using consistent measures and outcomes.

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